This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at jhttp : //books . qooqle . com/
Bi S98&3CO
HARVARD COLLEGE
LIBRARY
FROM THE BEQUEST OF
JAMES WALKER
(dm of 1814)
President of Harvard College
• Pit fa uw Mag gina to works ia tto baaUactoal
udlfanlSdwi-
]
o
DICTIONARY OP THE BIBLE
COMPRISING ITS
ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY,
AND NATURAL HISTORY.
EDITED
By Sir WILLIAM SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D.
IN THREE VOLUMES.— Vol. III.
RED-SEA— ZUZIMS.
^LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1893.
The right of Translation i* reserved.
RRnorr
AUG 29 !K9J )
DIRECTIONS TO BINDEU.
, Plate I., Specimen of Uncial MSS. to be placed between pages 1710 and 1711.
Plato II., Specimens of British and Irish MSS., to be placed between pages
1712 and 1713.
set fj
t - -
v -.\
UWDOK .' rKWTEB IT WIUIAM CVOWWt AKD SOXH, LIMTHU, ITAKroKD STHKlii
axd cUAUiKo cioaa.
DICTIONARY
or
BIBLICAL ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, GEOGRAPHY,
AND NATURAL HISTORY.
BED SEA
RED SEA. The sea known to ns as the Red
Sea. ww by the Israelite! called " the sea" (D*H,
Ex. »it. 2, 9, 16, 21, 28; it. 1. 4, 8, 10, 19;
Josh. jzir. 6, 7 ; and many other passages) ; and
specially "the sea of soph" (t|WD», Ex. x. 19;
xifl. 18; it. 4, 22; xxlii. 31 ; Num. xir. 25; xri.
4; raii. 10, 11; Deut. i. 40; xi. 4; Josh. u. 10;
tr. 23; xxjt. 6; Jodg. xi. 16; 1 K. ix. 26; Neh.
ix. »; Ps. evi. 7, 9, 22; cxxxvi. 13, 15; Jer. xlix.
21). Itisal»perhapswrittennMD(Z<«f/3,LXX.)
"m Sam. xxi. 14, rendered " Red Sea" in A. 7.;
and in like manner, in Dent i. 1, EpD, without
O*. The LXX. always render it j) ipvOpb BdXacra-a
(except in Judg. xi. 16, where S)-1D, 3<a>, is pre-
ferred). SotooinN.T.(Actsvii. 36 ; Heb.xi.29);
and this name is found in 1 Mace ir. 9. By the
rkwainil geographers this appellation, like its Latin
equivalent Mare Bubrum or M. Erythraeum, was
extended to all the seas washing the shores of the
Arabian peninsula, and even the Indian Ocean : the
Red Sea itself, or Arabian Gulf, was i 'Apd$,os
e&urot, or 'Apafiucbs k., or Sinus Arabian, and
its eastern branch, or the Gulf of the 'Akabeh,
•uXanrfr-af, 'ZAsnuViif , 'EAomtmoj, k6Ktos, Sinus
Attirmtrt, or 5. AeUtniticui. The Gnlf of Suex
mm specially the Heroopolite Gulf, 'Hp*<rw»\ln)s
miXtm, Sana IlerotpoiiUs, or S. HemOpoltticus.
Among the peoples of the East, the Red Sea has for
many centuries lost its old names : it is now called
eraeTally by the Arabs, as it was in tbediaeval times,
BaAr Et-Kulzum, " the sea of El-Kulxum," after the
as Jt Ovinia, " the sea-beach,'' the site of which
ia near, or at, the modern Suez* In the Kur-an,
part of its old name is preserved, the rar» Arabic
word aeaam being used in the account of the passage
• Of, ss sssae Arab authors say, the sea is so named
ojosa the dfswning of Pharaoh's bast; Knlzmn being a
b-
•srtraUTB of . I5, with this signification: or, accord.
sag to otbars. from Its being hemmed In by mountains,
fnsa the same root (El-liakreeiee's Khitat, aaa. of the
fca of E-KulxumV
» Its pucml name la " the Sea of Et-Kulrum ;" but In
CCrraat parts It is also oiled after tm nearest coast, sa
- lis sea of the Htfas," ax. (Tftoot, m the Jroqfam).
• yawns alanines a bakr of which the bottom Is not
named, jtakraoplles tos'-sea" or » "great rl7tr."
TtU.HI,
BED SEA
of the Red Sea (see also foot note to p. 1012, fc/Vw,
and El-Beyddwee's Comment. on the Kvr-im, Til.
132, p. 341 ; and xx. 81, p. 602).*
t v
Of the names of this sea (1.) B» (Syr. LjO> and
• 9
JAjO>— the latter generally "a lake;* Hierog.
YUMA; Copt IOA*.; Arabic, ^j),« signifies
" the sea," or any sea. It is also applied to the
Nile (exactly as the Arabic bahr is so applied) in
Kah. iii. 8, " Art thon better than populous No,
that was situate among the rivers (j/eirbn), [that
had] the waters round about it, whose rampart
[was] the sea {yam), and her wall was from the
sea (yam) H
(2.) epD"D» ; in the Coptic version, rLlOJUL
ItCrjA.pi. The meaning of s6ph, and the reason
of its being applied to this sea, have given rise to
much learned controversy. Gesenius renders it rusA,
reeo*, sea-weed. It is mentioned in the O. T. almost
always in connexion with the sea of the Exodus.
It also occurs in the narrative of the exposure of
Hoses in the "lk», (yrfr) ; for be was laid in $4ph,
on the brink of the yeSr (Ex. ii. 3), where (in the
siph) he was found by Pharaoh's daughter (5) ; and
in the « burden of Egypt " (Is. xix.), with the dry-
ing up of the waters of Egypt: " And the waters
shall rail from the sea (yam), and the river (nihar)
shall be wasted and dried up. And they shall turn
the rivers (nihSr, constr. pi.) tar away ; [and] the
brooks (yedr) of defence (or of Egypt ?) shall bs
emptied and dried up : the reeds and flags (siph)
shall wither. The paper reeds • bv the brooks (yeSr),
by the mouth of the brooks (yeir), and everything
1 Oesenlns adds Is. xlx. 6, quoted below ; but It Is not
easy to tee why this should be the Nile (except from pre-
conceived not ions), Instead of the ancient extension of the
Bed Sea. Ho allows the " tongue of the Egyptian ses
(ydai)" in Is. xl. 15, where the river [Nile] Is ndadr.
• Heb. rrt"l{7, rendered by the LXX. ajr>, Sxn, the
Greek being derived from WX, an Egyptian word de-
noting " marsh-grass, reeds, bulrushes, and any verdure
growing In a marsh." Oesenlns renders iTTP, pL TftTf.
' a naked or bare place, <. 1. destitute of trees ; ban
used of the «Msy places on the banks of the Ntk): ba
U
1010
RED SEA
•own by the brooks (yeor) shall wither, be driven
away, and be no [more]. The Ashen also shall
mourn, and all they that cast angle into the brooks
.vesV) shall lament, and they that spread nets upon
the waters shall languish. Moreover they that work
in line flax, and they that weave net works (white
linen ?) shall be confounded. And they shall be
broken in the purposes thereof, all that make sluices
[and] ponds for 6*h ' (xix. 5-10). S&ph only occurs
in one place besides those ali°eady referred to : in
Ion. ii. 5 it is written, " The waters compassed me
•lout, [even] to the soul ; the depth closed me
round about, the weeds (s&ph) were wrapped about
my head." With this single exception, which shows
that this product was also found in tha Mediter-
ranean, stpA is Egyptian, either in the Red Sea, or
in the yeir, and this yedr in Ex. ii. was is the land
tit' Goshen. What yeSr signifies here, in Is. xix.,
and generally, we shall examine presently. But
first of siph.
The signification of «|1D, siph, must be gathered
fiom the foregoing passages. In Arabic, the word,
with this signification (which commonly is " wool "),
is found only in one passage in a raie lexicon (the
Mohkam MS.). The author says, " Soqf-el-bahr
(the wo/ of the sea) is like the wool of sheep.
And the Arabs have a proverb: ' 1 will come to thee
when the sea ceases to wet the soof," " i. e. never.
The t)1D of the 0', it seems quite certain, is a sea-
med resembling woof. Such sen-weed is thrown up
abundantly on the shores of the Ked Sea. r'iiist
•ays, s. v. ffiO, " Ab Aethiopibus herba qoaedam
tupho appellabatur, quae in profundo maris rubri
crescit, quae rubra est, rubrumque colorem continet,
pannis tingendis inrervientem, teste Hieronymo de
qualitate mans rubri " (p. 47, 4m.). Diodorua (iii.
c 19), Artemidonis (ap. Strabo, p. 770), and Aga-
tharchides (ed. Mailer, p. 136-7), speak of the weed
of the Arabian Gulf. Ehrenberg (in Winer) enu-
merates Fucus latifolius on the shores of this sea,
and at Suez Facta crispus, F. trinodis, F. turbinates,
F. papiUosus, F. diaphanns, Arc., and the specially
red weed Trkhodesmwm erythraeum. The Coptic
version renders siph by shari (see above), supposed
to be the hieroglyphic "SHER" (sen?). If this be
the same as the sari of Pliny (see next paragraph),
we must conclude that shari, like siph, was both
marine and fluvial. The passage in Jonah proves it
to be a marine product ; and that it was found in the
Ked Sea, the numerous passages in which that sea
is called the sea of siph leave no doubt.
But CpD may have been also applied to any «ub-
ttance resembling wool, produced by a fluvial real,
such a* the papyrus, and hence by a synecdoche to
8 «i-
inch rush itself. Golins says, s. t>. tfiw. on the
'So,
authority of Ibn-Maaroof (after explaining (Sijj
by " papyrus herba "), " Hiuc tf ijjJJ.JaS [the
cotton of the papyrus] gompium papyri, quod Itmae
f Imile ex thyrso coiligitur, et permiitum ealci efficit
tenadssimum casmenti genus." This is curious ;
and it may also be observed that the papyrus, which
included more than one kind of o/perus, grew in
he marshes, and in lands on which about two feet
thai Is unsatisfactory. Bootbiovd ssys, " Onr tramlatoi e,
after others, sapponed this word to signify the papyrus;
hut wttbcot any Jml aotbortur. Kimchi explains, ' Arotb
BED 8EA
in depth of the waters of the inundation mraiooi
(Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, iii. 61, 149, citing
Pliny, xiii. 11, Strab. xvii. 550); and that this is
agreeable to the position of the ancient head of the
golf, with its canals and channels for irrigation
(j/eMmi), connecting it with the Nile and with
Lake Mareotia ; and we may suppose that in tldi
and other similar districts, the papyrus was culti
vated in the yeirbn: the marshes of Egypt are
now in the north of the Delta and are salt lands. —
As a fluvial rush, siph would be found in marsh-
lands as well as streams, and in brackich water as
well as in sweet. It is worthy of note that a low
marshy piaco near the ancient head of the gulf is Ui
this day called Ghaueybet el-Boos, "the bed cl
reeds," and another place near Suez has the same
name ; trans perhaps of the great fields of reds
rushes, and papyrus, which flourished here of old.
See also Pi-HAHTBOTH, " the place when sedge
grows" (?). Fresnel (Dissertation sur le sc/iari
da E'gyptient et le sou/ des Hebreux, Journ.
Asiat. 4* eerie, xi. pp. 274, he.) enumerates some
of the reeds found in Egypt. There is no sound
reason for identifying any one of these with siph.
Fresnel, in this curious paper, endeavours to prove
that the Coptic " shari " (in the yam shari) was the
Arundu Aegyptiaea of Desfontaines (in modern
Arabic boos rdrisce, or Persian cane) : but there
appear to be no special grounds for selecting this
variety for identification with the fluvial shari ;
and we mast entirely dissent from his suggestion
that the shari of the Red Sea was the same, and
not sea-weed : apart from the evidence which con-
troverts his arguments, they are in themselves quite
inconclusive. Sir Gardner Wilkinson's catalogue ot
reeds, &c, is fuller than Fresnel's, and he suggests
the Cyperus Dives or fastigiatus (Arabic, Dees) to
be the sari of Pliny. The latter says, " Fructicosi
est genus sari, circa Nilum nascens, doorum fere
cubitomm altitudine, poUicari crassitudine, coma
papyri, simileque manditur modo" (JV. H. xiii. 23,
see also Theophr. iv. 9).
The occurrence of siph in the yeir (Ex. ii., la*.
xix.) in the land of Goshen (Ex. ii.), brings us to a
consideration of the meaning of the latter, which in
other respects is closely connected with the subject
of this article.
( 3 -) "*<? (Hierog. AT1JR, APR ; Copt. CICpO,
I£.pO> IA.p(JO» Memphilic dialect, IGpO,
Sahklic), signifies " a river." It seems to apply to
" a great river," or the like, and also to " an arm of
the sea;" and perhaps to "a sea" absolutely; like the
Arabic bahr. Ges. says it is almost exclusively used
of the Nile ; but the passages in which it occurs do
not necessarily bear out this conclusion. By far the
greater number refer to the sojourn in Egypt : these
are Gen. xli. 1, 2, 3, 17, 18, Pharaoh's dream ; Ex. i.
22, the exposure of the male children ; Ex. ii. 3, 5,
the exposure of Moms; Ex. vii. 15 scqq., and xvii.
5, Moses before Pharaoh and the plague of blood ;
and Ex. viii. 5, 7, the plague of frogs. The next
most important instance is the prophecy of Isaiah,
already quoted in full. Then, that of Amos (viii.
8, comp. ix. 5), where the land shall rise up wholly
as a flood (yedr) ; and shall be cast out and drowned
as [by] the flood (yeir) of Egypt. The great pro-
phecy of Ezekiel against Pharaoh and against all
e**t nomen appcluaivum olcrom et herbmram vtrentSum.'
Henn> we may render, ' TLe marchy [tic) m*oowi [sic] n
the mouth of toe river/ to.
BED SEA
Egypt, where Pharaoh ia " the great dragon that
Geta is the midst of his riven 0*"W> which hath
aid, My river PTtt>) ia mine own, and I hare made
pi] for myself" (xxix. 3), uses the pi. throughout,
with the above exception and verse 9, " because he
hath said. The river (TcV) [is] mine, and I have
made it ;" it cannot be supposed that Pharaoh would
hare said of the Nile that he had made it, and the
yip seoros to refer to a great canal. As Ezekiel
ess contemporary with Pharaoh Necho, may he
i»t here haTe referred to the re-excavation of the
ami of the Red Sea by that Pharaoh ? That canal
nay have at least received the name of the canal of
PWsoh, just as the same canal when re-excavated
it the last time was " the canal of the Prince
sf the Faithful," and continued to be so called. —
Tttr occurs elsewhere only in Jer. xlvi. 7, 8,
it the prophecy against Necho; in Isa. xxiii. 10,
saere its application is doubtful ; and in Dan. xii.
5, 6, where it is held to be the Euphrates, but may
be the great canal of Babylon. The pi. yedrim,
seems to be often used interchangeably with year
(as in Ex. xxix., and Kah. iii. 8) ; it is used for
* river*," or " channels of water ; ' and, while it ia
not restricted to Egypt, especially of those of the
.Vile.
from • comparison of all the passages in which
it occurs there appears to be no conclusive ren-
wa for supposing that yedr applies generally, if
«»er, to the Kile. In the passages relating to the
esrosure of Moses it appears to apply to the ancient
ettowon of the Red Sen towards Tanis (ZOAN,
Arm), or to the ancient canal (see below) through
vtaa the water of the Nile passed to the " tongue
ef the Egyptian sea." The water was potable (Ex.
rt. 18;, but so i« that of the Lake of the Feiyoom to
IB own (L-herrnen, though generally very brackish t
ini the canal must hare leceived water from the
Nile during every inundation, and then most
bare been sweet. Daring the height of the inun-
litioo, the sweet water would flow into the Ked
Sea. The passage of the canal was regulated by
si-rices, which excluded the waters of the Ked Sea
u»i sweetened by the water of the canal the salt
Uih. Strabo (jvii. 1, §25) aays that they were
this rendered sweet, and in his time contained good
tea and abounded with water fowl : the position of
fast lain* is more conveniently discussed in an-
other part of this aiticle, on the ancient geography
•*' the head of the gulf. It must not be forgotten
that the Pharaoh of Moses was of a dynasty residing
at Tims, and that the extension of the Red Sea,
"ti; tongue of the Egyptian Sea," stretched in
ssaml times into the borders of the land of Goshen,
>htai 5* miles north of its present head, and half-
wiy t7wards Tanis. There is abundant proof of
tie fanner cultivation of this country, which must
hire bam •fleeted by the canal from the Kile just
* The Mobanuxndan mount of the exposure of Hoses
** i*fc>os, Muses, we read, was laid In the vastm (which
» fipbsssd to be the Vile, though that river is not etoe-
**we so called), and the ark was carried by the current
sfcnxaonal or small river (nakr), to a lake, at the former
end << wlilch was Fnanuh's pavilion (Kl-Beydawee'r r "M-
*•**. a* t%> A'ur-cta, ax. 39. p. sw, and fcZamskhsbwe's
"■»».'. entiUed the sfeaaftd/). While we plane no
atendsace on Mohammsdmn relations of Biblical events,
tare* our/ be here a glimmer of troth.
> KVIaad (Mat. MitatL 1. *?. Ac) Is pleasantly severe
* tat stary of king Krvtbrat ; bat, with all his rare learn-
<ax.mwaalB>or«Dt of Arab Malory, »bicb iebereot <se
BED SEA
1011
mentioned, and by numerous canals sod channels'
for irrigation, the yet'im, so often mentioned with
the year. There appears to be no difficulty in
Isa. xix. 6 (comp. si. 15), for, if the Red Sea be-
came closed at Suez or thereabout, the »>ltw left
on the beaches of the year must have dried up and
rotted. The ancient beaches in the tract hers
spoken of, which demonstrate sneoeasive elevations,
are well known.!
(4.) 1) Ipvtpo. Biktunra. The origin of this ap-
pellation has been the soui'ce of more speculation
even than the obscure siph ; for it lies more within
the range of general scholarship. The theories ad-
vanced to account for it have been often puerile, and
generally unworthy of acceptance. Their authors
may be divided into two schools. The first have
ascribed it to some natural phenomenon; such aa
the singularly red appearance of the mountains of
the western coast, looking as if they were sprinkled
with Harannah or Brazil snuff, or brick-dust(Bruce),
or of which the redness was reflected in the waters
of the sea (Gosselin, ii. 78-84) ; the red colour of the
water sometimes caused by the presence of zoophytes
(Salt; Ehrenberg) ; the red coral of the sea ; the red
sea-weed ; and the red storks that have been seen
in great numbers, &c. Reland (I)e Mare Rubro,
Dies. Miscell. i. pp. 59-117)argues that the epithet
red was applied to this and the neighbouring seas on
account of their tropical heat ; as indeed was said
by Artemidorus (ap. Strabo, xvi. 4, 20), that the
sea was called red because of the reflexion of the sun.
The second hare endeavoured to find an etymological
derivation. Of these the earliest (European) writers
proposed a derivation from Edom, "red," by the
Greeks translated literally. Among them were N.
Fuller (Miscell. Soar. iv. c. 20) ; before him, Sca-
liger, in his notes to Festus ; voce Aegyptinot, ed,
1574 ; and still earlier Genebrsrd, Comment. adPt.
106 ; Uochart (Phaleg, iv. c. 34) adopted this theory
(see Reland, Diss. Mitcell. i. 85, ed. 1706). The
Greeks and Romans tell us that the sea received its
name from a great king, Krythras, who reigned iu
the adjacent country (Strab. xvi. p. 4, §20 ; Pliny,
N. H. vi. cap. 23, §28 ; Agathareh. i. §5; Philostr.
iii. 15, and others):* the stories that have come
down to us appear to be distortions of the tradition
that Himyer was the name of apparently the chief
family of Arabia Felix, the great South-Arabian
kingdom, whence the Himyerites, and Homeritae.
Himyer appears to be derived from the Arable
" ahmar," red (Himyer was so called because of the
red colour of his clothing, En-Ntmeyrte in Count*,
i. 54) : " aafar " also signifies " red," and ia the
root of the names of several places in the penin-
sula so called on account of their redness tsee
Mardsid, p. 263, &c.) ; this may point to Ophir :
dtofptl is red, and the Phoenicians came from the
Erythraean Sen (Herod, vii. 89). We can scarcely
doubt, on these etymological grounds, 1 the ecu-
utmost value, and of the various proofs of a connexion
between this Krytbrss and Himyer, and the Phoenicians
In laneuage, race, and religion. Besides. Reland had a
theory of his own to support.
i If we concede tbe derivation, It cannot be neld Ui»»
the Greeks mistranslated tne name of Himyer. (Sea
Keland, Ma. Miscdl. I. 101.) It Is worthy of mention
that the Arabs often call themselves " tbe red men." aa
distinguished from tbe black or negro, and the yellow or
IMranlan, races : though they call themselves " the black,"
as distinguished from the more northern races, wbum they
term "the red;" a* this epithet is used by them, wheal
thus applied, as neaning both " red " and " while."
3T2
1012
BED SEA
Oexion between the Phoenicians and the Himj-erites,
or that in this is the true origin of tne appellation
of the Red Sea. But when the ethnological side of
the question is considered, the evidence is much
strengthened. The South-Arabian kingdom was a
Joktanite (or Sbemite) nation mixed with a Cushite.
This admixture of races produced two results (as
in the somewhat similar cases of Egypt, Assyria,
Ik.) : a genius for massive architecture, and rare
seafaring ability. The Southern Arabians carried
on all the commerce of Egypt, Palestine, and Arabia,
with India, until shortly before our own era. It is
unnecessary to insist on this Phoenician oiiaracter-
istic, nor on that which made Solomon call for the
assistance of Hiram to build the Temple of Jeru-
salem. The Philistine, and early Cretan and Caiian,
colonists may have been connected with the South-
Arabian race. If the Assyrian school would trace
the Phoenicians to a Chaldaean or an Assyrian
origin, it might be replied that the Cushites, whence
came Nirarod, passed along the south coast of
Arabia, and that Berosus (in Cory, 2nd ed. p. 60)
tells of an early Arab domination of Chaldaea, before
the Assyrian dynasty, a story also preserved by the
Arabian historians (El-Mea'oodee, Golden Meadows,
MS.). — The Red Sea, therefore, was most probably
the Sea of the Red men. It adds a link to the
curious chain of emigration of the Phoenicians from
the Yemen to Syria, Tyre, and Sidon, the shores
and islands of the Mediterranean, especially the
African coasts of that ses, and to Spain and the
far-distant northerly ports of their commerce; as
distant, and across oceans as terrible, as those reached
by their Himyerite brethren in the Indian and
Chinese Seas.
Ancient Limit). — The most important change in
the Red Sea has been the drying up of its northern
extremity, " the tongue of the Egyptian Sea."
The land about the head of the gulf has risen, and
that near the Mediterranean become depressed.
The head of the gulf has consequently retired
gradually since the Christian era. Thus the pro-
phecy of Isaiah has been fulfilled : " And the
Lord shall utterly destroy the tongue of the
Egyptian sea" (id. 15); "the waters shall fail
from the sea" (xix. 5): the tongue of the Red
Sea has dried up for a distance of at least 50 miles
from its ancient head, and a cultivated and well-
peopled province has been changed into a desolate
wilderness. An ancient canal conveyed the waters
•f the Nile to the Red Sea flowing through the
WuYii-t-Tumeylat, and irrigating with its system of
water-channels a large extent of country ; it also
provided a means for conveying all the commerce
of the Red Sea, once so important, by water to the
Nile, avoiding the risks of the desert-journey, and
securing water-carriage from the Red Sea to the
Mediterranean. The drying up of the head of the
gulf appears to have been one of the chief causes of
the neglect and ruin of this canal.
The country, for the distance above indicated, Is
now a desert of gravelly sand, with wide patches
lbout the old sea-bottom, of rank marsh land, now
■died the " Bitter Lakes" (not those of Strabo).
At the northern extremity of this salt waste, is a
■nail lake sometimes called the lake of Heroopolis
I the city after which the gulf of Suez was called
the Herodpolite Gulf) : the lake is now Birket et-
BED SEA
Timsih, " the lake of the Crocodile," and is ap-
posed to mark the ancient head of the gulf. The
canal that connected this with the Nile was of
Pharaonic origin.* It was anciently known as tix
" Fossa Rrgum," and the '• <anal cf Hero." Pliny,
Diodorus, end Strabo, state that (up to their time)
it reached only to the bitter springs (which appear
to be not the present bitter lakes, but lakes west
of Heroopolis), the extension being abandoned on
account of the supposed greater height of the waters
of the Red Sea. According to Herod, (ii. cap. 158)
it left the Nile (the Tanitic branch, now the cans!
of El-Mo'izz) at Bubastis (Pi-beseth), and a canal
exists at this day in this neighbourhood, which
appeals to be the ancient channel. The canal was
four days' voyage in length, and sufficiently broad
for two triremes to row abreast (Herod, ii. 158 ;
or 100 cubits, Strab. xvii. 1, §26; and 100 feet,
Pliny, vi. cap. 29, §33). The time at which the
canal was extended, after the drying up of the
head of the gulf, to the present head is uncertain,
but it must have been late, and probably since the
Mohammadan conquest. Traces of the ancient
channel throughout its entire length to the vicinity
of Bubastis, exist at intervals in the present day
(Discr. de Ffijypte, E. M. xi. 37-381, and V. 135-
158, 8vo. ed.). — The Amnis Trajanxa (TpaXarbt
wot. pt. iv. 5, §54), now the canal of Cairo, was
probably of Pharaonic origin ; it was at any rate re-
paired by the emperor Adrian ; and it joined the
ancient canal of the Red Sea between Bubastis and
Heroopolis. At the Arab conquest of Egypt, this
was found to be closed, and was reopened by 'Amr
bv command of 'Omar, after whom it was called
the " canal of the Prince of the Faithful." Country-
boats sailed down it (and passed into the Red Sea to
Yembo'— see Shems-ed Deen in LVkt. d* V Egypt*,
8vo. ed., xi. 359), and the water of the Nile ran
into the sea at El-Kulzum ; but the former com-
merce of Egypt was not in any degree restored;
the canal was opened with the intention of securing
supplies of grain from Egypt in case of famine
in Arabia ; a feeble intercourse with the newly-
important holy cities of Arabia, to provide for the
wants of the pilgrims, was its principal use. In
a.h. 105, El-M&nsoor ordered it to be filled up (the
Khitat, Descr. of the Canals), in order to cut off
supplies to the Shiya'ee heretics in El-Medeeneh.
Now it does not flow many miles beyond Cairo,
but its channel is easily traceable.
The land north of the ancient head of the gulf ia
a plain of heavy sand, merging into marsh-land
near the Mediterranean coast, and extending to Pa-
lestine. We learn from El-Makreexee that a tradi-
tion existed of this plain having been formerly well
cultivated with saffron, safflower, and sugar-cane,
and peopled throughout, from the frontier-town of
El-'Areesh to O-'Abbnseh in Wadi-t-Tumeylat
(see Exodus, the, Map; The Khitat, s. v. Jifir;
comp. Marasid, ib.). Doubtless the drying up of
the gulf with its canal in the south, and the de-
pression of the land in the north, have converted
this once (if we may believe the tradition, though
we cannot extend this fertility as far as El-'Areesh^
notoriously-fertile tract into a proverbially sandy
and parched desert. This region, including Wadi-t-
Tumeyutt, was probably the frontier land occupied
in part by the Israelites, and open to the incursions
« Commenced by 8eso»tt1s(Arlstot Jftrtor. L 14; Strab. by Darius Mjxtasria, sad by PtoL FhUsdesffaQS. Sea
I and srlL: Flio. JKsJL Stat vL M; Herat IL US; Mod. < Butyl Brit, art 'SgrpC
I *aj » or Kocno Upmost probably ujetonner; continued I
BED SEA
of tie wild tribes of tne Arabian desert ; and the
yttr, as we hare given good reason for believing, in
this application, was apparently the ancient head of
the gulf or the canal of the Red Sea, with its yeCrim
or water-channels, on which Goshen and much of
the plain north of it depended for their fertility.
Physical Detection. — In extreme length, the
Red Sea stretches from the Straits of Bab el-
Mendeb (or rather Ras Bab el-Mendeb) in lat.
12° 40* N., to the modem head of the Gulf of
Sues, lat. 30' N. Its greatest width may be stated
roughly at about 200 geographical miles; this is
about lat. 16° 30', but the navigable channel is
nere really narrower than in some other portions,
groups of islands and rocks stretching out into the
sea, between 30 and 40 miles from the Arabian
coast, and 50 miles from the African coast. From
shore to shore, its narrowest part is at Ras Benas,
lat. 24°, on the African coast, to Ras Bereedee
opposite, a little north of Yembo", the port of El-
Medeeneh ; and thence northwards to Ras Mo-
hammad (i. «. exclusive of the Gulls of Suez and
the 'Akabeh), the sea maintains about the same
average width of 100 geographical miles. South-
wards from Ras Benas, it opens ont in a broad
reach ; contracts again to nearly the above narrow-
ness at Jsddsh (correctly Juddah), lat. 21° 30',
toe port of Mekkeh ; and opens to its extreme width
south of the last named port.
At Ras Mohammad, the Red Sea is split by the
granitic peninsula of Sinai into two gulfs: the
we s t ern most, or Gulf of Suez, is now about 130
geographical miles in length, with an average width
of about 18, though it contracts to less than 10
miles: the easternmost, or Gulf of El-'Akabeh, is
eohr about 90 miles long, from the Straits of
Titan, to the 'Akabeh [Elath], and of propor-
TJOttate narrowness. The navigation of the Red
Sea and Gulf of Suez, near the shores, is very
difficult from the abundance of shoals, coral-reefs,
rocks, and small islands, which render the channel
intricate, and cause strong currents often of un-
known force and direction ; but in raid-channel,
exclusive of the Gulf of Suez, there is generally a
width of 100 miles clear, except the Daedalus reef
(Wellcted, ii. 300).— The bottom in deep sound-
ings is in most places send and stones, from Suez as
tar as Juddah ; and thence to the straits it is com-
monly mud. The deepest sounding in the excellent
Admiralty chart is 1054 fathoms, in lat. 22° 30'.
Journeying southwards from Suez, on our left is
the peninsula of Sinai [Sinai] : on the right, is the
de s ert coast of Egypt, of limestone formation like
the greater part of the Nile valley in Egypt, the
eli St on the tea-margin stretching laodwaids in a
great rocky plateau, while more inland a chain of
volcanic mountains (beginning about lat. 28° 4'
and running south) rear their lofty peaks at in-
tervals above the limestone, generally about 15
miles distant. Of the most important is Gebel
Ghlrib, 6000 ft. high , and as the Straits of Jubal
are passed, the peaks of the primitive range attain a
height of about 4500 to 6900 ft., until the « Elba"
croup rises in a huge mass about lat. 22°. Further
mbad is the Gebel-ed-Dukhkhan, the "porphyry
SB-Hintain " of Ptolemy (iv. 5, §27 J M. Claudianus,
see Miler, Geogr. Mn. Atlas vii.), 6000 ft. high,
about 27 miles from the coast, where the porphyry
quarries formerly supplied Rome, and where are
acme remains of the time of Trajan (Wilkinson's
Afodrm Egypt and Thibet, ii. 383) ; and besides
tea*, along this iesert southwards are " q Jerries af
BED SKA
1013
various granites, terpentine*, Breccia Verde, slates,
and micaceous, talcose, and other schists " (id. 382).
Gebel-es-Zeyt, " the moun'ein of oil," close to the
sea, abounds in petroleum i id. 3t)5). This coast
is especially interesting in a Biblical pojit of view,
'bt here were some of the earliest monasteries of
the Eastern Church, and .n those secluded and
barren mountains lived very rarly Christian hermits.
The convent of St. Anthwiv (of the Thebsls),
" Deyr Mir Antooniyoos," and that of St. Paul,
" Deyr Mar Bolus," are of great renown, and were
once important. They are now, like ail Eastern
monasteries, decayed; but that of St. Anthony
gives, from its monks, the Patriarch of the Coptic
church, formerly chosen from the Nitrian monas-
teries {id. 381).— South of the "Elba" chain, the
country gradually sinks to a plain, until it rises to
the highland of Geedau, lat. 15°, and thence to
the straits extends a chain of low mountains. The
greater part of the African coast of the Red Sea is
sterile, sandy, and thinly peopled; first beyond
Suez by Bedawees chiefly of the Ma'azee tribe.
South of the Kuseyr road, are the 'Abab'deh ; and
beyond, the Bisharees, the southern branch of
which are called by Arab writers Beja, whose cus-
toms, language, and ethnology, demand a careful
investigation, which would undoubtedly be repaid
by curious results (see El-Makreezee's Khitat, Descr.
of the Beja, and Descr. of the Desert of Ei/dhab ;
Quatremere's Essays on these subjects, in his Mt-
moires Hist, et Geogr. sur TEgypte, ii. pp. 1 34, 162;
and The Genesis of the Earth and of Man, 2nd
ed. p. 109) ; and then, coast-tribes of Abyssinia.
The Gulf of El-'Akabeh («.«." of the Mountain-
road ") is the termination of the long Taller of the
Ghdr or 'Arabah that runs northwards to the Dead
Sea. It is itself a narrow valley ; the sides are lofty
and precipitous mountains, of entire barrenness ; the
bottom is a river-like sea, running nearly straight for
its whole length of about 90 miles. The northerly
winds rut: down this gorge with uncommon fury,
and render its navigation extremely perilous, causing
at the same time strong counter currents ; while
most of the few anchorages are open to the southerly
gales. It "has the appearance of a ccrrow deep
ravine, extending nearly a hundred miles in a straight
direction, and the circumjacent hills rise in some
places two thousand feet perpendicularly from the
shore" (W'.llsted, ii. 108). The western shore is
the peninsula of Sinai. The Arabian chain of
mountains, the continuation of the southern spurs
of the Lebanon, skirt the eastern coast, and rise to
about 3500 ft., while Gebel Teybet-'Alee near the
Straits is 6000 ft. There is no pasturage, and little
fertility, except near the 'Akabeh, where are date-
groves and other plantations, &c. In earlier days,
this last-named place was (it is said) famous for its
fertility. The Island of Graia, Jezeeret Fara'oon,
once fortified and held by the Crusaders, is near it»
northern extremity, on the Sinaitic side. The sea,
from its dangers, and sterile shores, is entirely des-
titute of boats.
The Arabian coast outside the Gulf of the 'Akabeh
is skirted by the range of Arabian mountains, which
in some few places approach the sea, but generally
leave a belt of coast country, called Tihdmeh, or
the Ghor, like the Sheelah of Palestine. This tract
is generally a sandy parched plain, thinly inhabited ;
these characteristics being especially strong in the
north. (Niebuhr, Deter. 305; Wellsted.) The
mountains of the Hejaz consist of ridges running pa-
rallel towards the interior, and increasing in height a>
1014
BED SKA
tbey recede rWellsted.ii. 242). Burckhardt remarks
tnal the descent on the eastern hide of these moan-
buns, like the Lebanon and the whole Syrian range
east of the Dead Sea , is much less than that on the
western ; and that the peaks seen from the east, or
land side, appear mere hills (Arabia, 321 teq.). In
clear weather they are visible at a distance of 40 to
70 milts ^Wellsted, ii. 242). The distant ranges
have a rugged pointed outline, and are granitic ; at
Wejh, with horizontal reins of quartz ; nearer the
sea many of the hills are fossiliferous limestone,
while the beach hills " consist of light-coloured
snndstone, fronted by and containing large quan-
tities of shells and masses of coral " (Wellsted, ii.
243). Coral also " enters largely into the compo-
sition of some of the most elevated hills." The
more remarkable mountains are Jebel 'Eyn-(Jnna (or
'Eynuwunno, Mardsid, a. v. 'Eyn, "Owji of Ptol.),
8090 ft. high near the Straits ; a little further south,
and close to Mo'eyleh, are mountains rising from
6:130 to 7700 ft., of which Wellsted says, "The
coast . . . is low, gradually ascending with a mode-
late elevation to the distance of six or seven miles,
when it rises abruptly to hills of great height, those
near Mowflahh terminating in sharp and singularly-
akiped peaks . . . Mr. Irwin [1777] ... has styled
them Bullock's Horns. To me the whole group
seemed to bf&r a great resemblance to representations
which I have seen of enormous icebergs" (ii. 176;
see also the Admiralty Chart, and Mailer's Groqr.
itin.). A little north of Yembo' is a remarkable
group, the pyramidal mountains of Agatharchides ;
and beyond, about 25 miles distant rises J. Radwa.
Further south, J. Subh is remarkable for its
magnitude and elevation, which is greater than
any other between Yembo' and Jiddah ; and still
further, but about 80 miles distant from the coast,
J. .His el-Kura rises behind the Holv city, Mekkeh.
It is of this mountain that Burckhardt writes so
enthusiastically — how rarely is he enthusiastic —
contrasting its verdure and cool breezes with the
sandy waste of Tihameh (Arabia, 65 seqq.). The
chain continues the whole length of the sea, termi-
nating in the highlands of the Yemen. The Arabian
mountains are generally fertile, agreeably different
trom the parched plains below, and their own bore
granite peaks above. The highlands and mountain
summits of the Yemen, " Arabia the Happy," the
Jebel as distinguished from the plain, are preci-
pitous, lofty, and fertile CNiebuhr, Diner. 161);
with many towns — J -'"lets is their valleys and
on their sides. — Ine ooawi-une itself, or Tihameh,
" north of Yembo', is of moderate elevation, varying
from 50 to 100 feet, with no beach. To the
southward [to JuddehJ it is more sandy and less
elevated: the inlets and harbours of the former
tract may be styled coves ; in the latter they are
lagoons " (Wellsted, ii. 244).— The coral of the Bed
Sea is remarkably abundant, and beautifully co-
loured and variegated. It is often red, but the more
common kind is white ; and of bewn blocks of this,
many of the Arabian towns are built.
The earliest navigation of the lied Sea (passing
by thj pre-historical Phoenicians) is mentioned by
Herodotus. " Sesostris (Kameses II.) was the first
who, passing the Arabian Gulf in a fleet of long
vessels, reduced under his authority the inhabitants
of the coast bordering the Erythraean Sea ; pro-
ceeding (till further, be came to a sea which,
trom the great number of its shoals, was not navi-
gab!;;" and after another war against Ethiopia he
set up a stela on the promontory of fara, near
BED SEA
I the straits of the Arabian Gulf. Three centurion
otter, Solomon's navy was built " in Eziongeber
which is beside Eloth, on the shore of the Red Sea
(Yam Sflph), in the land of Edom " (I K. U. 26>
In the description of the Gulf ci° tl-'Akubeh.
it will be seen that this narrow sea is almost
without any safe anchorage, excert at the island
of Graia near the 'Akabeb, and about 50 miles
southward, the harbour of Edh-Dhahab. It a
possible that the sea has retired here as at Suez,
and that Exiongeber is now dry land. [See Ezion-
geber; Elath.] Solomon's navy was evidently
constructed by Phoenician workmen of Hiram, for
he " sent in the navy his servants, shipmen that
had knowledge of the sea, with the servants of
Solomon." This was the navy that sailed to Ophir.
We may conclude that it was necessary to transport
wood as well as men to build and man these ships
on the shores of the Gulf of the 'Akabeh, which
from their natural formation cannot be supposed to
have much altered, and which were besides part of
the wilderness of the wandering ; and the Edomites
were pastoral Arabs, unlike the seafaring Himreritea.
Jehnshaphat also " made ships of Tharshish to go
to Ophir for gold : but they went not, for the ships
were broken at Eziongeber" (1 K. xxii. 48). Trio
scene of this wreck has been supposed to be Edh-
Dhahab, where is a reef of rocks like a " giant's
backbone" ( = Eziongeber) (Wellsted, ii. 153), and
this may strengthen an identification with that
place. These ships of Jeboshaphat were manned by
" his servants," who from their ignorance of the sea
may have caused the wreck. Pharaoh-Necho con-
structed a number of ships in the Arabian gulf,
and the remains of his works existed in the time of
Herodotus (ii. l. r >9), who also tells us that these
ships were manned by Phoenician sailors.
The fashion of the ancient ships of the Red Sea,
or of the Phoenician ships of Solomon, is unknown.
From Pliny we learn that the ships were o; papyrus
and like the boats of the Kile ; and this statement
was no doubt in some measure correct. But the
coasting craft must have been very different from
those employed in the Indian trade. More precise
and curious is El-Makreezee's description, written
in the first half of the 15th century, of the ships
that sailed from Eydhab on the Egyptian coast to
Juddah: '« Their «jelebehs' (P. Lobo. ap. Quatre-
mere, Memoires, ii. 164, calls them ' gelves '),
which carry the pilgrims on the coast, have not a
nail used in them, but their planks are sewed to-
gether with fibre, which is taken from the cocoa-
nut-tree, and they caulk them with the fibres of
the wood of the date palm ; then they ' pay ' them
with butter, or the oil of the palma Christi, or with
the fat of the kirsh (sqnalus carcharias; Korsk&l,
Deter. Animalinm, p. viii., No. 19). . . . The cails
of these jelebehs are of mats made of the dur_i-
palm " (the Khitat, " Desert of Eydhab "). One of
the sea-going ships of the Arabs is shown in the
view of El-Basrah, from a sketch by Colonel Chesne v,
(from Lane's ' 1001 Nights'), The crews of the
latter, when not exceptionally Phoenicians, as wen
Solomon's and Pharaoh Necho's, were withcut
doubt generally Arabians, rather than Egyptians
— those Himyerite Arabs whose ships carried all
the wealth of the East either to the Red Sea or
the Persian Gulf. The people of 'Oman, the
south-east province of Arabia, were among the fore-
most of these navigators (El-Mes'oodee's Golden
Meadows, MS., and The Accounts of 7\ro Moham-
medan 7W oel.Tj «f tin Ninth Century). It was
RED SEA
1016
B-Bunh. Frum • Drawing by CokMMl Chmotf.
nstonwy, to avoid probably the dangers and
Man of the narrow seas, for the ships engaged in
the Indian trade to trans-ship their cargoes at the
•traits of Bab el-Mendeb to Egyptian and other
tends of the Red Sea (Agath. §103, p. 190 ; anon.
Peript. §26, p. 277, ed. Mtiller). The fleets appear
to hare sailed about the autumnal equinox, and
Warned in December or the middle of January
(Itiny, X. H. vi. cap. rciii. §28; comp. Ptripl,
passim). St. Jerome says that the navigation was
ertreraely tedious. At the present day, the voyages
«re periodica], and guided by the seasons; but
the old skill of the seamen has nearly departed,
and they are extremely timid, and rarely venture
far from the coast.
The Red Sm, as it possessed for many centuries
the most important sea-trade of the East, contained
ports of celebrity. Of these, Elnth and Eziongeber
atone appear to be mentioned in the Bible. The
Heroopolite Gulf is of the chief interest: it was
near to Goshen ; it wns the scene of the passage of
the Red Sea ; and it was the " tongue of the Egyp-
tian Sea." It was aljo the seat of the Egyptian
trade in this sea and to the Indian Ocean. Heroopolis
'■ doubtless the same as Hero, and its site has been '
probably identified with the modern Aboo-Kesheyd,
at the head of the old gulf. By the consent of the
dasan, it stood on or near the head of the gulf,
and was 68 mile* (according to the Itinerary of
Antoninus) from Clysma, by the Arabs called El-
Kulxorn, near the modern Suez, which is close to
toe present head. Suez is a poor town, and has
•aly an unsafe anchorage, with very shoal watei.
On the shore of the Heroopolite gulf was also
AnrnoS, founded by Ptolemy Philadelphus : its site
has not been settled. Berenice, founded by the
sane, on the southern frontier of Egypt, rose to
importance under the Ptolemies and the Romans;
II b nmr of no note. On the western coast was
•an the anchorage of Myce Hormos, a little north
«f the modern town El-Kuseyr, which now forms
Ike point of communication with the old route to
Copies. On the Arabian coast the principal porta
<n MirVylen, Yembo' (the port of El-Medeeneh),
JwUah (the fort of Hekkeh), and Mulcha, by
us commonly written Mocha. The Red Sea it
most parts affords anchorage for country-vessels
well acquainted with its intricacies, and able to
creep along the coast among the reefs and islands
that girt the shore. Numerous creeks on the
Arabian shore (called " shuroom," sing. " sharro,")
indent the land. Of these the anchorage called Esh
Sharm, at the southern extremity of the peninsula
of Sinai, is much frequented.
The commerce of the Red Sea was, in verv
ancient timeo, unquestionably great. The earliest
records tell of th( ships of the Egyptians, the Phoe-
nicians, and the ArrHs. Although the ports of the
Persian gulf received a part of the Indian traffic
[Dedan], and the Himyerite maritime cities in the
south of Arabia supplied the kingdom of Sheiu,
the trade with Egypt was, we must believe, the
most important of the ancient world. That all
this traffic found its way to the head of the
HerNipolite gulf seems proved by the absence of
any important Pharaonic remains further south on
the Egyptian coast. But the shoaling of the head
of the gulf rendered the navigation, always dan-
gerous, more difficult; it destroyed the former
anchorages, and made it necessary to carry mer-
chandise across the desert to the Nile. This change
appears to hare been one of the main causes of tire
decay of the commerce of Egypt. We hare seen
that the long-voyaging ships shifted their cargoes
to Red Sea craft at the straits ; and Ptolemy Phila-
delphus, after founding Arsinoe and endeavouring
to re-open the old canal of the Red Sea, abandoned
the upper route and established the southern road
from his new city Berenice on the frontier of Egypt
and Nubia to Coptoa on the Nile. Strabo tells us
that this was done to avoid the dangers encountered
in navigating the sea (xvii. 1, §45). Though the
stream of commerce was diverted, sufficient seems
to have remained to keep in existence the former
ports, though they have long since utterly dis-
appeared. Under the Ptolemies and the Romans
the commerce of the Red Sea varied greatly, in-
fluenced by the decaying state of Egypt and the
route to Palmyra 'until the fall of the latter). But
even its best state at this time cannot hare been
1016 KED SEA, PASSAGE OF
such as to make us believe that the 120 ship*
■ailing from Myos Hormos, mentioned by Strabo
(ii. T. §12), waa other than an annual convoy.
The wan of Heraclius and Khosroes affected the
trade of Egypt aa they influenced that of the
Persian gulf. Egypt had fallen low at the time of
the Arab occupation, and yet it is curious to note
that Alexandria era then retained the shadow of its
former glory. Since the time of Mohammad the Red
Sea trade has been insignificant. [E. S. P.]
BED SEA, PASSAGE OF. The passage of
the Red Sea was the crisis of the Exodus. It was
the miracle by which the Israelites left Egypt and
were delivered from the oppressor. Probably on
this account St. Paul takes it as a type of Christian
baptism. All the particulars relating to this event,
and especially those which show its miraculous cha-
racter, require careful examination The points that
arise are the place of the pa wage, the narrative, and
the importance of the event in Biblical history.
1. It K usual to suppose that the most northern
place at which the Red Sea could have been crossed
is the present head of the Gulf of Sues. This sup-
position depends upon the erroneous idea that in
the time of Hoses the gulf did not extend further to
the northward than at present. An examination of
the country north of Suez has shown, however, that
the sea has receded many miles, and there can be
no doubt that this change has taken place within
the historical period, doubtless in fulfilment of the
prophecy of Isaiah (xi. 15, xix. 5; conip. Zech.
x. 11). The old bed is indicated by the BirkeUet-
TimsAh, or " Lake of the Crocodile," and the more
southern Bitter Lakes, the northernmost part of the
former probably corresponding to the head of the gulf
at the time of the Exodus. In previous centuries it
is probable, that the gulf did not extend further north,
but that it was deeper in its northernmost part.
It is necessary to endeavour to ascertain the
route of the Israelites before we can attempt to
discover where they crossed the sea. The point
from which they started was Kameses, a place cer-
tainly in the Land of Goshen, which we identify
with the Wadi-t-Tumeylat. [KamkskS; Ioshkn.]
After the mention that the people journeyed from
liameses to Succoth, and before that of their de-
partuie finm Succoth, a passage occurs which
appears to show the first direction of the journey,
and not a change in the route. This we may rea-
sonably infer from its teuour, and from its being
followed by the statement that Joseph's bones were
taken by Hoses with him, which must refer to the
commencement of tile journey. " And it came to
pass, when Pharnoh had let the people go, that God
'ed them not [by] the way of the land of the Phi-
listines, although that [was] near; for God said.
Lest peradventure the people repent when they see
war, and they return to Egypt: but God caused
the people to turn [byj the wav of the wilderness
of the Ked Sea" (Ex. xiii. 17, 18). It will be seen
by leference to the map already given [vol. i. p.
598] that, from the Wadi-t-Tumeylat, whether
from its eastern end or from any othil part, the
route to Palestine by way of Gaxa through the
Philistine territory is near at hand. In the Roman
time the route to Gaza from Memphis and Heliopolis
passed the western end of the Widi-t-TurneylAt, as
may be seen by the Itinerary of Antoninus (Par-
KED SEA, PASSAGE OF
they, Zar Erdhmde d. AH. Aegyptau, map T1.J,
and the chief modern route from Cairo to Syria
passes along the WeVti-t-TumeyUU and leads to
Gaxa (Wilkinson, Handbook, new ed. p. 209).
At the end of tfte second day's journey the
camping-place was at Etham " in the edge of the
wilderness" (Ex. xui. 20 ; Num. miii. 6). Here
the WAdi-t-Turoeyhtt was probably left, as it is
cultivable and terminates in the desert After leav-
ing this place the direction seems to have changed.
The first passage relating to the journey, after the
mention of the encamping at Etham, is this, stating
a command given to Moses : " Speak unto the
children of Israel, that they turn [or * return ']
and encamp [or ' that they encamp again,
Urn »eHj before Pi-hahiroth, between Migdol
and thesea,'oTeragainstBaaI-zrphon n (Ex.xiv.2).
This explanation is added : " And Pharaoh will say
of the children of Israel, They [are] entangled in
the land, the wilderness hath shut them in" (31.
The rendering of the A. V., " that tbey turn and
encamp," seems to us the most probable of those
we have given : " return " is the closer translation,
bat appears to be difficult to reconcile with the
narrative of the route ; for the more likely inference
is that the direction was changed, not that the
people returned : the third rendering does not ap-
pear probable, as it does not explain the entangle-
ment. The geography of the country does not
assist us in conjecturing the direction of the last
part of the journey. If we knew that the highest
part of the r;ulf at the time of the Exodus extended
to the west, it would be probable that, if the
Israelites turned, they took a northerly direction,
as then the sea would oppose an obstacle to their
further progress. If, however, they left the W4di-t-
Tumeylit at Etham " in the edge of the wilderness,"
they could not have turned far to the northward,
unless they had previously turned somewhat to the
south. It must be borne in mind that Pharaoh's
object was to cut off the retreat of the Israelites :
he therefore probably encamped between them and
the head of the sea.
At the end of the third day's march, for each
camping-place seems to mark the dose of & day's
journey, the Israelites encamped by the sea. The
place of this last encampment, and that of the
passage, on the supposition that our views as to the
most probable route are correct, would be not veiy
far from the Persepolitan monument. [See map,
vol. i. p. 598.] The monument is about thirty
miles to the north waid of the present head of the
Gulf of Suez, and not far south of the position
where we suppose the head of the gulf to have
been at the time of the Exodus. It is here neces-
sary to mention the arguments for and against the
. common opinion that the Israelites passed near the
present head of the gulf. Local tradition is in
its favour, but it must be remembered that local
tradition in Egypt and the neighbouring countries
judging from the evidence of history, is of very
little value. The Muslims suppose Memphis to
have been the city at which the Pharaoh of the
Exodus resided before that event occurred. From
opposite Memphis a broad valley leads to the Ked
Sea. It is in part called the' Wadi-t-Teeh, or
" Valley of the Wandering.'' From it the traveller
reaches the sea beneath the lofty Gebd-eUTokah,*
a In order to ravonr the opinion that the Uiselites took been changed to (iebel-'Ataksb. as If signif/ina " On
the mute by the Wadi-t-Tevb, this name. Oebel-et-Talub Mountain of Deliverance ;" though, to have this stgnl-
[le whtca It Is dlfflcult to assign a probable meaning), tiss nation, It should rather be Gebsl-el- Atakah, tha oifca
BED SEA, PASBAGR OF
fkijh rises on the north and shots offal] escape m
that direction, excepting by a narrow way along
the tea-shore, which Pharaoh might hare occupied.
The tea here i* broad and deep, aa the narrative
a generally held to imply. All the local features
nest suited for a great event ; but it may well
U used whether there is any reason to expect
that suitableness that human nature seeks fur and
nwlero imagination takes for granted, since it
would haTe been useless for the objects for which
Uic miracle appears to have been intended. The
rfcert-way from Memphis is equally poetical, but
hue is it possible to recognise in it a route which
stems to have had two days' journey of cultivation,
the wilderness being reached only at the end of the
samnd day's march ? The supposition that the Israel-
ites took an upper route, now that of the Hekkeh
caravan, along the desert to the north of the ele-
vated tract between Cairo and Sues, must be men-
tioned, although it is less probable than that just
notksd, sad oilers the same difficulties. It is, how-
ever, possible to suppose that the Israelites crossed
the sea near Suez without holding to the traditional
idea that they attained it by the Wadi-t-Teeh. If
they went through the Wadi-l-Tumeylat they might
have turned southward from its eastern end, and so
reached the neighbourhood of Suez ; but this would
make the third day's journey more than thirty miles
st the least, which, if we bear in mind the com-
position of the Israelite caravan, seems quite in-
credible. We therefore think that the only opinion
warranted by the narrative is that already stated,
which supposes the pasnage of the sea to have taken
pbee near the northernmost part of its ancient ex-
tension. The conjecture that the Israelites advanced
to the north, then crossed a shallow part of the Me-
Arterraaean, where Pharaoh and his army were lost
in the quicksands, and afterwards turned south-
wards toward* Sinai, is so repugnant to the Scripture
narrative as to amount to a denial of the occurrence
of the event, and indeed is scarcely worth men-
tioning.
The last camping-place was before Pi-hahiroth.
It appears that Migdol was behind Pi-hahiroth, and,
w the other hand, Baal-zephon and the sea. These
neighbouring places have not been identified, and
the name of Pi-hahiroth (if, as we believe, rightly
supposed to designate a reedy tract, and to be still
preserved in the Arabic name Ghuweybet el-boos,
" the bed of reeds "), is now found in the neighbour-
hood of the two supposed sites of the passage, and
therefore cannot be said to be identified, besides
that we most not expect a natural locality still to
letshi its name. It must be remembered that the
sane Pi-hahiroth, since it describes a natural
joaHty, probably does not indicate a town or other
inhabited place named after such a locality, and
this stems almost certain from the circumstance
that it is unlikely that there would have been more
than two inhabited places, even if they were only
farts, in this legion. The other names do not de-
scribe natural localities. The nearness of Pi-hahi-
nta to the sea is therefore the only sure indica-
nw of it* position, and, if we are right in our
supposition as to the place of the passage, our
sttertiinty as to the exact extent of the sea at
fan aWlsxnig toss pneral usage. Kt-Tisahand'AiaXah
a the awath of aa Arab are widely different.
» The LXX. has • smth.'' Instead of » east" The
Bta. DTP, lit. " In trout," may, however, Indicate the
stofetssatsse between the two extreme points of sourase.
BED SEA. PASSAGE OP 1011
the time is an additional difficulty. [Exodus, TRC
Pi-hahiroth.]
From Pi-hahiroth the Israelites crossed the sea.
The only points bearing on geography in the ac-
count of this event are that the sea was divided by
an east* wind, whence we may reasonably inter that
it was crossed from west to east, and that the wbola
Egyptian army perished, which shows that it must
have been some miles broad. Pharaoh took at least
six hundred chariots, which, three nbieast, would
have occupied about half a mile, and the rest of the
army cannot be supposed to have taken up less than
several times that space. Even if in a broad forma-
tion some miles would have been required.* It is
more difficult to calculate the space taken up by
the Israelite multitude, but probably it was even
greater. On the whole we may reasonably suppose
about twelve miles as the smallest breadth of the sea.
2. A careful examination of the narrative of the
passage of the Red Sea is necessary to a right under-
standing of the event. When the Israelites had
departed, Pharaoh repented that he had let them
go. It might be conjectured, from one part oi the
narrative (Ex. xiv. 1-4), that he determined to pur-
sue them when he knew that they had encam|ied
before Pi-hahiroth, did not what follows this imply
that he set out soon after they had gone, and also
indicate that the place in question refers to the
pursuit through the sea, not to that from the city
whence he started (5-10). This city was most
probably Zoan, and could scarcely have been much
nearer to Pi-hahiroth, and the distance is therefore
too great to have been twice traversed, first by
those who told Pharaoh, then by Pharaoh's army,
within a few hours. The strength of Pharaoh's
army is not further specified than by the statement
that " he took six hundred chosen chariots, and [or
' even '] all the chariots of Egypt, and captains
over every one of them" (7). The war-chariots
of the Egyptians held each but two men, an archer
and a charioteer. The former must be intended by
the word Ds/vE?, tendered in the A. V. " cap-
tains.*' Throughout the narrative the chariots and
horsemen of Pharaoh are mentioned, and " the horse
and his rider," xv. 21, are spoken of in Miriam's
song, but we can scarcely hence infer that there was
in Pharaoh's army a body of horsemen as well as of
men in chariots, as in ancient Egyptian the chariot-
force is always called HTAK or HETRA, " the
horse," and these expressions may therefore be
respectively pleonastic and poetical. There is no
evidence in the records of the ancient Egyptians
that they used cavalry, and, therefore, had the
Biblical narrative expressly mentioned a force ot
this kind, it might have been thought to support
the theory that the Pharaoh of the Exodus was a
Shepherd-king. With this army, which, even if n
small one, was mighty in comparison to the Israelite
multitude, encumbered with women, children, and
cattle, Pharaoh overtook the people " encamping by
the sea" (9). When the Israelites saw the oppressor's
army they were terrified and murmured against
Moses. " Because [there were] no graves in Egypt
hast thou taken us away to die in the wilderness I '
(11). Along the bare mountains that akiit the
those of the two solstices, and hence it Is not limited tc
absolute east, agreeably with tin use of the Arabs In every
case like the narrative under consideration.
• It baa been calculated, that If Napoleon I. bad a*
vanced by can road Into Belgium, In the Waterloo cam-
palan. bis column would have been sixty miles In lextgta.
1018 BED SEA. PASSAGE 0»
valley of Upper Egypt are abradant sepulchral
grottoes, of which the entrances are conspicuously
seen fiom the river and the fields it waters : in the
sandy slopes at the foot of the mountains are pits
without number and many built tombs, all of
ancient times. No doubt the plain of Lower Egypt,
to which Memphis, with part of its far-extending
necropolis, belonged politically though not geogra-
phically, was throughout as well provided with
places of sepulture. The Israelites recalled these
cities of the dead, and looked with Egyptian horror
at the prospect that their carcases should be left on
the face of the wilderness. Better, they said, to
have continued to serve the Egyptians than thus to
perish (12). Then Moses encouraged them, bidding
them see how God would save them, and telling
them that they should behold their enemies no
more. There are few cues in the Bible in which
those for whom a miracle is wrought are com-
manded merely to stand by and see it. Generally
the Divine support is promised to those who use
their utmost exertions. It seems from the narra-
tive that Moses did not know at this time bow the
people would be saved, and spoke only from a heait
full of faith, for we read, " And THE Lord said
unto Moses, Wherefore criest thou unto me ? speak
unto the children of Israel, that they go forward :
but lift thou up thy rod, and stretch out thine
hand over the sea, and divide it : and the children
of Israel shall go on dry [ground] through the
midst of the sea" (15, 16). That night the two
armies, the fugitives and the pursuers, were en-
camped near together. Between them was the
pillar of the cloud, darkness to the Egyptians and a
light to the Israelites. The monuments of Egypt
portray an encampment of an army of Ratneses 11.,
during a campaign in Syria ; it is well-planned and
carefully guarded : the rude modem Arab encamp-
ments bring before us that of Israel on this me-
morable night. Perhaps in the camp of Israel the
sounds of the hostile camp might be heard on the
one hand, and on the other, the roaring of the sea.
But the pillar was a barrier and a sign of deliver-
ance. The time was now come for the great deci-
sive miracle of the Exodus. "And Moses stretched
out his hand over the sea : and the Ix>RD caused
the sea to go [back] by a strong enst wind all that
night, and made the sea dry [land], and the waters
were divided. And the children of Israel went
through the midst of the sea upon the dry [ground] :
and the water* [were] a wall unto them on their
right hand, and on their left" (21, 22, oomp. 29).
The narrative distinctly states that a path was made
through the sea, and that the waters were a wall
on either hand. The term " wall " does not appear
to oblige us to suppose, as many have done, that
the sea stood up like a cliff on either side, but
should rather be considered to mean a barrier, as
the former idea implies a seemingly-needless addi-
tion to the miracle, while the latter seems to be not
discordant with the language of the narrative. It
was during the night that the Israelites crossed,
and the Egyptians followed. In the morning watch,
the last third or fourth of the night, or the period
before sunrise, Pharaoh's army was in full pursuit
in the divided sea, and was there miraculously
troubled, so that the Egyptians sought to flee
(23-25). Then was Moses commanded again to
stretch out his hand, and the sea returned to its
strength, and overwhelmed the Egyptians, of whom
not one remained alive (26-28). The statement
it so explicit that there could be no reasonable
BED SEA, PASSAGE OP
doubt that Pharaoh himself, the great offender,
was at last made an .mm pie, and perished with
his army, did it not teem to be distimtly i
in Psalm exxxvi. that ae was included in the t
destruction (15). The sea cast up the dead Egyp-
tians, whose bodies the Israelites saw upon th*>
shore.
In a later passage some particulars are mentioned
which are not distinctly stated in the narrative
in Exodus. The place is indeed a poetical one, but
its meaning is clear, and we learn from it that at
the time of the passage of the aea there was a storm
of rain with thunder and lightning, perhaps accom-
panied by an earthquake (Ps. lxxvii. 15-20). To
this St. Paul may allude where he says that the
fathers " were all baptized unto Moses in the cloud
and in the sea" (1 Cor. x. 2); for the idea of
baptism seems to involve either immersion or sprink-
ling, and the latter could have hero occurred : the
reference is evidently to the pillar of the cloud :
it would, however, be impious to attempt an expla-
nation of what is manifestly miraculous. These
additional particulars may illustrate the troubling
of the Egyptians, for their chariots may have been
thus overthrown.
Here, at the end of their long oppression, deli-
vered filially fmm the Egyptians, the Israelite*
glorified God. In what words they sang his praise
we know from the Song of Moses, which, in its
vigorous brevity, represents the events of that me-
morable night, scarcely of less moment than the
night of the Passover (Ex. xv. 1-18: ver. 19 i*
probably a kind of comment, not part of the song').
Moses seems to have sung this song with the men,
Miriam with the women also singing and dancing,
or perhaps there were two choruses (20, 21). Such
a picture does not recur in the history of the nation.
Neither the triumphal Song of Deborah, nor the
rejoicing when the Temple was recovered from the
Syrians, celebrated so great a deliverance, or was
joined in by the whole people. In leaving Goshen,
Israel became a nation ; after crossing the an, it
was free. There is evidently great significance, as
we have suggested, in St. Paul's use of this miracle
as a type of baptism ; for, to make the analogy com-
plete, it most have been the beginning of a new
period of the life of the Israelites.
3. The importance of this event in Biblical his-
tory is shown by the manner in which it is spoken
of in the books of the 0. T. written in later times.
In them it is the chief fact of Jewish history. Net
the call of Abraham, not the rule of Joseph, not the
first paasover, not the conquest of Canaan, are re-
ferred to in such a manner as this great deliverance.
In the Book of Job it ia mentioned with the acta of
creation (xxvi. 10-13). In the Psalms it is related
as foremost among the deeds that God had wrought
for his people. The prophet Isaiah recalls it as the
great manifestation of God's interference for Israel,
and an encouragement for the descendants of those
who witnessed that great sight. There are events
so striking that they are remembered in the life of
a nation, and that like great heights increasing dist-
ance only gives them more majesty. So no doubt
was this remembered long after those were dead
who saw the sea return to its strength and the
warriors of Pharaoh dead upon the shore.
It may be inquired how it is that then seems to
have been no record or tradition of this miracle
among the Egyptians. This question involves that
of the time in Egyptian history to which this event
should be assigned. The date of the Exodus a*>
EBED
awoinr to different chronologeis varies more then
thret annand yean ; the dates of the Egyptian
aynatiei ruling daring this period of three hundred
yeen vary full one hundred. The period to wfaidi
lee £xodus may be assigned therefore virtually cor-
K*pmd» Is four hundred yean of Egyptian history.
If the lowest date of the beginning of the xriiith
xynasty he taken and the highest date of the Exodus,
tots, which we consider the most probable of those
which hare bean conjectured in the two cases, the
Israelites must have left Egypt in a period of which
BMoameats or other records are almost wanting.
Jt the mirth and subsequent dynasties we hare as
ret no continuous history, and rarely records of
neots which occ ur re d in a succession of years.
w~t knew much of many reigns, and of some we
jm he almost sure that they could not correspond
to that of the Pharaoh of the Exodus. We can
is do case expect a distinct Egyptian monumental
record of so great a calamity, for the monuments
mir record success ; but it might be related in a
papyrus. There would doubtless have long re-
maiaed a popular tradition of the Exodus, but if
the king who perished was one of the Shepherd
•Jraojtri, this tradition would probably have been
local, and perhaps indistinct. 4
Kadeavours hare been made to explain away the
miraculous character of the passage of the Bed Sea.
It has been argued that Hoses might hare carried
uw Israelites over by a ford, and that an unusual
ndf might have overwhelmed the Egyptians. But
at real diminution of the wonder is thus effected.
How was it that the sea admitted the passing of the
Israelites, and drowned Pharaoh and his army ?
How waa it that it was shallow at the right time,
ud deep at the right time ? This attempted ex-
fiamuon would never have been put forward were
it sot that the tact of the passage is so well attested
<Aat it would be uncritical to doubt it were it
worded on mere human authority. Since the feet
■ aadeniable an attempt is made to explain it away.
Thus toe school that pretends to the sevei est criticism
» compelled to deviate from its usual course ; and
*ha we see that in this case it must do so, we may
*dl doubt its soundness in other cases, which, being
k«Mtly stated, are more easily attacked. [R. S. P.J
REED. Coder this name we propose noticing
tit fallowing Hebrew words: aymon, gdme, 'arotli,
•lttWa.
I. Agmin (jiD3K : cabrot, Mpal, tuMfit,
rssat: csncsawx, fervent, refremaUf occurs Job
li- « : A. V. xli. 2), " Canst thou put ogmon '
A. V. "hook") into the nose of the crocodile?
A:ut>, in xL 12 (A. T. xH. 20 j. "out of his
'"tnb forth smoke, sal out of a aeething-pot or
»J*ss* (A. V. "caliron"). In Is. ix. 14, it is
■id Msvah " will cot off from Israel bead and tail,
««oi sod agmi* " (A. V. " rush "> The opium.
• ■qcaoasd also as an Egyptian plant, is a sentence
■alar to the last, in U. six. IS ; while from lviii. 5
** l«ara that the agmon had a pendulous panicle.
*«! be no doubt that the agmim denotes some
•leant leej-bb plant, whether of the Sat. order
• Whtte una ankle » antag (brooch Ibe press, K.
Q *»« has pxtaasassl a carina passer, as wkseh he ooa-
fcrrjfs Ian cartatn iat sssrata e ^af a oy esl by ibe Planets
« 0* xhah ant xxtb Ir—rHs m tbe evanwa aasl
SEED 1019
Cyperaoeae or that of Oramineae. The terra la
allied closely to the Hearew Agtm (DJK), which.
sit
like the corresponding Arabic ajam (*»■), denote!
a marshy pool or reed-bed.* (See Jer. li. 82, for
this hitter signification.) There is some doubt as to
the specific identity of the aymin, some believing
that the word denotes " a rush " as well as a
" reed.". See KosramttUer (Bib. Dot. p. 18-1) and
Winer (Reatatrterb. ii. 484). Celsius has argued
in favour of the Arundo phragmitit (Hierob. i.
465) ; we are inclined to adopt his opinion. Thnt the
agmtn denotes some specific plant is probable both
from the passages where it occurs, as will as from
the fact that k&neh (i"l3p) is the generic term for
reeds in general. The Arundo phragmitit (now
the Phragmitit communis), if it does not occur in
Palestine and Egypt, is represented by a very closely
allied species, vix. tbe A. iaiaca of Delisie. Tbe
drooping panicle of this plant will answer well to
the " bowing down the head " of which Isaiah
speaks; but, as there arc other kinds of reed-like
plants to which this character also belongs, it is
impossible to do more than give a probable conjec-
ture. The expression " Canst thou put an agmon "
into the crocodile's nose? has been variously ex-
plained. The most probable interpretation is that
which supposes allusion is made to the mode ot
passing a reed or a rush through the gills of rish in
order to carry them home but see the Commen-
taries and Notes of Koeenmuller, Schulteiu, Lee,
Cary, Mason Good, &c The agmtn of Job xli. 20
seems to be derived from an Arabic root signifying to
" be burning : " hence the fervent of tbe Vulg. — Tbe
Phragmitit belongs to the Nat. order Qrammaceae.
2. Gome, rKOJ : ■mixtion, $l$Kum, {As*:
tcirpeut, tcirput, papyrut, juncvM), translated
"rush" and "bulrush" by the A.V., without
doubt denotes the celebrated paper-reed of the
ancients (Papyrut antiqiiurvm,, a plant of the
' Sedge family, Cyperaeeae, which formerly was
| common in some parts of Egypt. The Hebrew
word is found four times in the Bible. Mows was
'hid in a vessel made of the papyrus (Ex. ii. A).
I Transit boats were made out of the tame materal
' by the Ethiopians (Is. rviii. 2) ; the paper-reed is
1 mentioned together with Kaneh, the usual gent it
' term tor a " reed," in Is. xxxv. 7, and in leb viii.
1 1 1, where it is asked, " Can the papyrus punt grow
I without mire?" The modem Arabic name of this
plant is Berdi fjjpjjj). According to Brae*
| the modern Afcvv.ii.Uns nse boats made of the
papyrus reed; Ludolt If int. Aotttvip. i. H, speaks
' of the Txamic lake Urir.e nas u-»t»d " nmcjoxrlis
lintribus ex tyt.ha pra— .-rarea Cf«.f*Tt;s," a kir.d
of aai.ir.g, he says, wr. th i* a't»: 4ed with con-
, sideraUe danger to the Lar:^,t/..s. W;,»ir*vo
■ Ane.Aer.pt. ii. !'•>. ed. 1*."»4. says t:j»i the ivhi
of grow u^g and s*iiir z tr,e tnj.y.ui p^ti.t* }#s,i.^ni
to the government, w> ro*if a yxu-X i>y iU mono*
I
lV,sbMit tc :»». '*— jbnty i
date of tbe F.iM*aa, is a bis. 'Xf> uass to so i
snlb the laraeklea.
*-*
'Ueul bMxrt
7^3?, hat aa, nadsai
1020
BEED
poly, and thinks other species of the Cyperaoeat
mast be understood as affording all the various
articles, such as baskets, canoes, sails, sandals, &c,
which hare been said to hare been made from the
real papyrus. Considering that Egypt abounds in
Cyperaceae, many kinds of which might hare
•erred for forming canoes, &<•-, it is improbable
that the papyrus alone should have been used for
such a purpose ; but that the true papyrut was used
for boats there can be no doubt, if the testimony of
Theophrastus (Hat. PI. iv. 8, §4), Pliny (H. N.
xiii. II), Plutarch and other ancient writers, is to
be believed.
From the soft cellular portion of the stem the
ancient material called papyrus was made.
" Papyri," says Sir G. Wilkinson, " are of the
most remote Pharaonic periods. The mode of
making them was as follows: the interior of the
stalks of the plant, after the rind bad been removed,
was cut into thin slices in the direction of their
length, and these being laid on a flat board in
succession, similar slices were placed over them
at right angles, and their surfaces bring cemented
together by a sort ' of glue, and subjected to a
proper degree of pressure and well dried, the
papyrus was completed ; the length of the slices
depended of course on the breadth of the intended
sheet, as that of the sheet on the number of
slices placed in succession beside each other, so
that though the breadth was limited the papyrus
might be extended to an indefinite length."
[ Writmo.j The papyrus reed is not now found
;n Egypt ; it grows, however, in Syria. Dr. Hooker
•aw it on the banks of Lake Tiberias, a few miles
north of the town: it appears to hare existed
BKK1)
there since the fcys of Theophrastus and Pliny
who give a very accurate description of this in-
teresting plant. Theophrastus (Hat. Plant, if.
8, §4) says, "The papyrus grows also in Syria
around the lake in which the e sreet-scented reed is
f>und, from which Antigonus used to make cordage)
for his ships." (See also Pliny, N. H. xiii. 11. "j
This plant has been found also in a small stream
two miles N. of Jaffa. Dr. Hooker believes it is
common in some parts of Syria : it does not occur
anywhere else in Asia ; it was seen by Lady Oallcctt
on the banks of the Anapue, near Syracuse, and Sir
Joseph Banks possessed paper made of papyrus from
the Lake of Thrasymene (Script. Herb. p. 379).
The Hebrew name of this plant is derived fn m a
root which means "to absorb," compare Lucan
(Phan. iv. 136)> The lower part of the papyrus
reed was used as food by the ancient Egyptians ;
" those who wish to eat the byblus dressed in the
most delicate way, stew it in a not pan and then eat
It " (Herod, ii. 92; see also Theophr. Hat. Plant.
iv. 9). The statement of Theophrastus with regard
to the sweetness and flavour of the sap has been
confirmed by some writers; the Chevalier Land-
olina made papyrus from the pith of the plant,
which, says Heeren (Hator. Xa. Afric. Sat. ii.
350, note), " is rather clearer than the Egyptian ;"
but other writers say the stem is neither juicy nor
agreeable. The papyrus plant (Papyrus anti-
quorum) has an angular stem from 3 to 6 feet
high, though occasionally it grows to the height of
14 feet ; it has no leaves ; the flowers are in very
small spikelets, which grow on the thread-like
flowering branchlets which form a bushy crown to
each stem ; it is found in stagnant pools as well as
in running streams, in which latter case, according
to Bruce, one of its angles is always opposed to the
current of the stream.
3. 'Arith (flViy : to Sxi to x^P" **"') ■
translated " paper-reed " in Is. xix. 7, the ouly
passage where the pi. nonu occurs ; there is not the
slightest authority for this rendering of the A. V.»
nor is it at all probable, as Celsius (Hierob. ii. 230)
has remarked, that the prophet who speaks of the
paper-reed under the name gime in the preceding
chapter (iviii. 2), should in this one mention th*
same plant under a totally different name. "Arotk,"
says Kimchi, " is the name to designate pot-herbs
and green plants." The LXX. translate it by
" all the green herbage " (comp. Wt, Gen. xli. 2,
and see Klao). The word is derived from 'trih,
" to be bare," or "destitute of trees;" it probably
denotes the open grassy land on the banks of
the Nile ; and seems to be allied to the Arabic 'ara
a —
(*Ut), focus apertut, apations. Michaelis (Suppt.
No. 1973), Rosenmfiller (Schol. in Jes. xix. 7),
Gesenius (Thes. s. T.), Mnurer (Comment, s. v.),
and Simonis (Lex. Heb. s. v.), are all in favour ol
this or a similar explanation. Vitringa (Comment,
in Tsaiam) was of opiuion that the Hebrew term
denoted the papyrus, and he has been followed br
J. G. linger, who has published a dissertation on this
subject (De Tiny, hoc at de 1'apyro f rut ice, ton
der Papier-Staude ad Is. xix, 7 ; Lips. 1731, 4to.).
4. K&neh (H35 : miXafuu, «aAa/ifo-Kot, ksAsV
puns, rvx°*f ayxiv, (vyis, wvt>4r*- cvlmus,
* " Gonseritar bibuls Hemphltis rvnbs pspjro."
c ii u difficult to sse how tin Vusj. uorfcmxxl Its
HEED
MfaMB, arumio, fistula, statera), the gene™ nam*
of a nal of any kind ; it occurs in numerous pae-
•ages of th> 0. T„ and sometimes denotes the
"«Ulk" of wheat (Gen. xll. 5, 22), or the
" branches " of the candlestick (Ex. xxt. and
sxxrii.) ; in Job xxxi. 22, kdtuA denotes the bone
REED
1021
of the arm be t w e en the elbow and the shoulder
(o$ kwattri) ; it was also the name of a measure of
length equal to six cubits (Ex. xli. S, xl. 5). The
word is variously rendered in the A. V. by " stalk,"
"branch," "bone," "calamus," "reed." In the
K. T. a-dAopos may signify the " stalk " of plants
(Mark xt. 36 ; Matt, xxvii. 48, that of the hyssop,
but this is doubtful), or " a reed" (Matt. xi. 7,
rji. 20; Luke rii. 24; Mark xt. 19); or a
"measuring rod" (Rer. xi. 1, xii. 15, 16); or a
•pen "(3 John 13). Strand {Flor. Palaest. 28-30)
(rires the following names of the reed plants of
Palestine : — Saccharum officinale, Cyperus papyrus
[Papyrus antiqHonm), C. rotundus, and C. escu-
kntxs, and Armdo scriptoria ; but no doubt the
species are nuuerous. See Bove5 ( Voyage en
Palest., Anna!, del Scienc. Nat. 1834, p. 165)
" Dans les desert* qui environnent ces montagnes j'ai
trour«5 plusieura Saccharum, Milium arundinaceum
et plusieurs Cyperacj." The Arundo donax, the
A. Aegyptiaca (f) of Bore (Ibid. p. 72) is com-
mon on the banks of the Nile, and may perhaps be
" the staff of the bruised reed " to which Senna-
cherib compared the power of Egypt (2 K. xviii.
21 ; Ex. xxix. 6, 7). See also Is. ilii. 3. The thick
sum of this reed may hare been used as walking-
staTes by the ancient orientals ; perhaps the mea-
suring-reed was this plant ; at present the dry
culms of this huge grass are to much demand for
fidisg-rods, Ik.
Some kind of fragrant reed is denoted by the
aordisaaVt lis. xliii. 24; Ex. xxtu. 19; Out. iv
U), w more fully by Math. bSsem (rtb 7UJ.,
see Ex. xxx. 23, or by ktouih hatttb (3^11 njfJ),
Jer. Ti. 20 ; which the A. V. renders "sweet care,"
and " calamus." Whatever may be tlte »nMtanca
denoted, it is certain that it was one of foreign
importation, " from a far country " (Jer. Ti. 20).
Some writers (see Sprengel, Com. in Dioscor. i.
xrii.) hare sought to identify the kdneh bdsem with
the Accrue calamus, the " sweet sedge," to which
they refer the ictEXituoi iptsiumnis of Diosooridea
(i. 17), the niKcuios «6»8tjs of Theophrastua
(Hist. Plant, iv. 8 §4), which, according to this
last named writer and Pliny (N. H. xii. 22),
formerly grew about a lake " between Libanus and
another mountain of no note ;" Strabo identifies this
with the Lake of Gennesaret (Oeog. xri. c. 755,
ed. Kramer). Burckhardt was unable to discover
any sweet-scented reed or rush near the lake, though
he saw many tall reeds there. " High reeds grow
along the shore, but I found none of the aromatic
reeds and rushes mentioned by Strabo" (Syria, p.
319) ; but whatever may be the " fragrant reed '
intended, it is certain that it did not grow in Syria,
otherwise we cannot suppose it should be spoken of
as a valuable product from a far country. Dr. Koyle
refers the xiActuoj apa/ian/iot of Dioscorides to a
species of Andropogun, which he calls A. calamus
aromaticus, a plant of remarkable fragrance, and a
native of Central India, where it is used to mix with
ointments on account of the delicacy of its odour
(see Kitto's Cycl. Art. " Kaneh bosem ; " and a fig.
of this plant in Royle's Illustrations of Himalayan
Botany, p. 425, t. 97). It is possible this may be
the " reed of fragrance ;" but it is hardly likely
that Dioscorides, who, under the teim o-j^oivos
gives a description of the Andropoqon Schoentmthus,
should speak of a closely allied species under a
totally different name. Still there is no necessity
to refer the Kenih bdsem or hattSb to the kcCAoiios
iftfiarixS s of Dioscorides ; it may be represented by
Dr. Koyle's plant or by the A ndropogon Schoennnthus,
the lemon grass of India and Arabia. [W. K. j
S^F
1022 BEFXAIAH
BEBLArAHin'SjTl: "PwXfot: XahtUh,.
One of the children of the province who went up
with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 2). In Neh. vii. 7 he i>
called Raamiah, and in 1 Esd. v. 8 Reesaias.
EEE'LIUS (Tfexlai). Thii name occupies the
pace of BiaVAl in Ezr. ii. 2 (1 E«d. v. 8). The
list in the Vulgate is so corrupt that it is difficult
to trace either.
BEESAI'AS (TVolaj: EUmao). The same
is Reelaiah or Raamiah (1 Esd. v. 8).
REFINEB (SflV; *n*t?). The refiner's art
was essential to the working of the precious metals.
It consisted in the separation of the dross from the
pure ore, which was effected by reducing the metal
to a fluid state by the application of heat, and by
the aid of solvents, such as alkali • (Is. i. 25) or
lead (Jer. vi. 29), which, amalgamating with the
dross, permitted the extraction of the unadulterated
metal. The term • usually applied to refining had
reference to the process of melting: occasionally,
however, the effect of the process is described by a
term c borrowed from the filtering of wine. The
instruments required by the refiner were a crucible
or furnace,* and a bellows or blow-pipe* The
workman sat at his work (Msl. iii. 3, " He shall
sit as a refiner "), as represented in the cnt of an
Egyptian refiuer already given (see vol. i. 750) :
he was thus better enabled to watch the process,
and let the metal run off at the proper moment.
[Mines ; ii. 368 6.] The notices of refining are
chiefly of a figurative character, and describe moral
purification as the result of chastisement (Is. i. 25 ;
Zech. xiii. 9; Mai. iii. 2, 3). The failure of the means
to effect the result is graphically depicted in Jer.
vi. 29: "The bellows glow with the fire (become
quite hot from exposure to the heat): the lead
(used as a solvent'; is expended :' the refiner melfct
in vain, for the refuse will not be separated." The
refiner appears, from the pnssage whence this is
quoted, to have combined with his proper business
that of assaying metals: "I have set thee for an
assayer " t (lb. ver. 27). [W. L. B.]
BEFUGE, CITIES OF. [Cities of Re-
FL'OE.]
BEGEM (DJ"V. 'P<ry<M; Alex. *Prye>: Se-
gom). A son of Jahdai, whose name unaccountably
appears in a list of the descendants of Caleb by his
concubine Ephah ( I Chr. ii. 47). Rashi considers
Jahdai as the son of Ephah, but there appear no
grounds for this assumption.
BEGEM-MEL'ECH p^D D3T : 'Apfavtlp
i fkurikfit ; -Alex. 'Apj9fo-«r«p 6 $.: Sogommelech).
The names of Sherezer and Kegem-melech occur in
an obscure passage of Zechariah (vii. 2). They
were sent on behalf of some of the captivity to
make inquiries at the Temple concerning fasting.
In the A. V. the subject of the verse appeal's to be
the captive Jews in Babylon, and Bethel, or " the
bouse of God," is regarded as the accusative after
•133 A.V. "purely," but more properly "as wllJb
REHABIAH
the vwrb of motion. The LXX. take ' the king
as the nominative to the verb " sent " oonsiderin|
the last part of the name Regera-melech as an ap-
pellative and not as a proper name. Again, in the
Vulgate, Sherezer, Regem-melech, and their men,
are the persons wno sent to the house of God. The
Peshito-Syriac has a curious version of the passage :
" And he sent to Bethel, to Sharezer and Rabmag ;
and the king sent and his men to pray for him
before the Lord :" Sharezer and Kabmag being asso-
ciated in Jer. xxxix. 3, 13. On referring to Zech.
vii. 5, the expression " the people of the land "
seems to indicate that those who sent to the Temple
were not the captive Jews in Babylon, lot those
who had returned to their own country ; and this
being the case it is probable that in ver. 2 " Bethel "
is to be taken as the subject, " and Bethel, i. «. the
inhabitants of Bethel, sent."
The Hexaplar-Syriac, following the Peshito, baa
"Rabmag." What reading the LXX. had before
them it is difficult to conjecture. From its con-
nexion with Sherezer, the name Regem-melech (li».
" king's friend," comp. 1 Chr. xxvii. 33), was pro-
bably an Assyrian title of office. [W. A. W.]
BEGION-BOUND-ABOUT, THE (* we-
plxvpos). This term had perhaps originally a more
precise and independent meaning than it appears to
a reader of the Authorized Version to possess.
In the Old Test, it is used by the LXX. as the
equivalent of the singular Hebrew word hac-Ciccar
(T33n, literally "the round"), a word the topo-
graphical application of which is not clear, but
which seems in its earliest occurrences to denote
the circle or oasis of cultivation in which stood
Sodom and Gomorrah and the rest of the five " citiee
of the Ciecar" (Gen. xiii. 10, 11, 12, xix. 17, 25,
28, 29 ; Deut. xxxiv. 3). Elsewhere it has a widei
meaning, though still attached to the Jordan (2 Sam.
xviii. 23 ; 1 K. vii. 46 ; 2 Chr. iv. 17 ; Neh. iii. 22,
xii. 28). It is in this less restricted sense that
Tiptx«f>os occurs in the New Test. In Matt. iii. 5
and Luke iii. 3 it denotes the populous and flourish-
ing legion which contained the towns of Jericho and
its dependencies, in the Jordan valley, enclosed in the
amphitheatre of the hills of Quarantana (see Map,
vol. ii. p. 664), a densely populated region, and im-
portant enough to be reckoned as a distinct section
of Palestine — " Jerusalem, Judaea, and all the or.
nndisaemmt » of Jordan" (Matt. iii. 5, also Luke
vii. 17). It is also applied to the district of Gen-
nesaret, a region which presents certain similarities
to that of Jericho, beiug enclosed in the amphi-
theatre of the hills of Hattin and bounded in front
by the water of the lake, as the other was by the
Jordan, and also resembling it in being very thickly
populated (Matt. xiv. 35 ; Mark vi. 55 ; Luke vi.
37, vii. 17). L G ']
BEHABI*AH (ffllT) in 1 Chr. xxiii.; else-
where inurn-. Tafiii; Alex. taafitA in 1 Chr.
xxiii. ; 'pla$(at 1 Chr. xxiv., "Po/Jiai ; Alex. 'Poa-
/SIoi 1 Chr. xxvi. : JtoAoWa, Bahabia in 1 Chr.
• 13$ « m-
1 "W2. The term f(VtO axon twice only (Prov.
xvtt. 3, zzvll. 21 ; A. V. - nnhnj-pot"). The ezpnainn
bs hs. xii- s, rendered in the A. V. - furnace of earth," Is
■f dost tful stgntnosilun, hot certainly osnnot signily that.
The passage may be rendered, " as stiver, melted In a work-
shop, flnwlug down to the earth."
• nBO. ' Kerl. Dl? B'tjtD.
i {ins. The A V. adopts an Incorrect pnixtaatlon,
Jin3, and renders It "a tower."
h Thus Jerome—" rcglones In circuitv per anas I
Joruanos Hulk"
KEHOB
mi.). The only son of Eliexer, the son of Moms,
and the father of Iseh-ah, or Jeshaiat (1 Chr. xziii.
17, xxhr. 21, xxvi. 25). His descendants were
numerous.
RK-H0B(3^rri: "Pad* : Bohb). 1. The
father of Hadadezer king of Zobah, whom David
smote at the Euphrates (2 Sam. viii. 3, 12).
Jnaephos (Ant. rii. 5, §1) calls him Aoctos, and
the Old latin Version Arachus, and Blayney (on
Zeeh. is. 1) thinks this was his renl name, and that
he w.-b called Rehob, or " charioteer," from the num-
ber of chariots in his possession. The name appears
in he preulisrly Syrian, for we find a district of
Syria called Kehob, or Beth-Rehob (2 Sam. x. 6, 8).
2. ("P«4<J.) A Levite, or family of Invites, who
eeued the covenant with Jiehemiah (Neh. x. 11).
[W. A. W.]
REHOB (3PTI). The name of more than one
place in the extreme north of the Holy Land.
1. (*Po40 ; Alex. ?o»/S- Rokjb.y The northern
limit of the exploration of the spies (Num. xiii. 21).
It is specified as being " as men come unto Hamath,"
or, as the phrase is elsewhere rendered, " at the
entrance of Hamath,'* i. e. at the commencement of
the territory of that name, by which in the early
books of the Bible the great valley of Lebanon, the
Bika'ak of the Prophets, and the Bika'a of the
modern Arabs, ;eems to be roughly designated.
This, and the consideration of the improbability that
the spies went farther than the upper end of the
Jordan valley (Rob. B. £. iii. 371), seems to fix
the position of Kehob as sot far from TiU eUKady
sad Bcauat. Thai is confirmed by the statement
of Judg. xviii. 28, that Laish or Dan ( TeU ei-Kady)
was " in the valley that is by Beth-rehob." No
trace of the name of Rehob or Beth-rehob has yet
been met with in this direction. Dr. Robinson pro-
poses to identify it with Hinbx, an ancient fortress
in the mountain* N.W. of the plain of Hnleh, the
tipper district of the Jordan valley. But this,
though plausible, has no certain basis.
To those who are anxious to extend the boun-
daries of the Holy Land on the north and east it
nay be satisfactory to know that a place called
Buiailttk exists in the plain of Jerud, about 25 miles
N.E. of Damascus, and 12 N. of the northernmost
of the three lakes (see the Map* of Van de Velde and
Porter).
There is do reason to doubt that this Rehob or
Beth-rehob was identical with the place mentioned
under both names in 2 Sam. x. 6, 8, h in connexion
with Maaeih, which was also in the upper district
e(ib*RuUh.
Inssmncn , however, as Beth-rehob is distinctly
stated to have been " far from Zidon " (Judg. xviii.
2D), it most be a distinct place from
2. (TadjS: Alex. 'Poo.0: .fioAoo), one of the
towns allotted to Aaher (Josh. xix. 28), and which
from the list appears to have been in close proximity
to Zidon. It is named between Ebron, or Abdon,
sad Hammou. The towns of Asher Uy in a region
'Inch hat been but imperfectly examined, and no
•>» hss yet succeeded in discovering the position of
•theref these three.
3. (Pari; Alex. •Pa-fl: Boheb, Sochob.) Asher
entained another Rehob (Josh. xix. 30; ; tut the
atustion jf this, like the former, remains at present
BEHOBOAM
1029
unknown. One of the two, it is difficult to say
which, was allotted to the Gershouite Levites (Josh
xxi. 31 ; 1 Chr. vi. 75), and of one its Canaanite
inhabitants retained possession (Judg. i. 31). The
mention of Aphik in this latter passage may imply
that the Rehob referred to was that of Joeh. xix. 30
This, Eusebius and Jerome (Onomcutiam, " Roob")
confuse with the Rehob of the spies, and place fcur
Roman miles from Scythopolis. The place they
refer to still survives as Rehab, 3J miles S. of
Beisan, iut their identification of a town in that
position with one in the territory of Asher is obvi-
ously inaccurate. [G.]
BEHOBOAM (Djnrn, "enlarger of the
people " — see Ex. xxxiv. 24, and com pure the name
EipiiSnpof : 'Po/Sod/i : Boboam), son oi Solomon,
by the Ammonite princess Naamah (IK. xiv. 21,
31), and his successor (1 K. xi. 43). From the
earliest period of Jewish history we perceive symp-
toms that the confederation of the tribes was but
imperfectly cemented. The powerful Ephraim could
never brook a position of inferiority. Throughout
the Book of Judges (viii. 1, xii. 1) the Ephraimitet
show a spirit of resentful jealousy when any enter-
prise is undertaken without their concurrence and
active participation. From them had sprung
Joshua, and afterwards (by his place of birth)
Samuel might be considered theirs, and though the
tribe of Benjamin gave to Israel its first king, yet
it was allied by hereditary ties to the house of
Joseph, and by geographical position to the terri-
tory of Ephraim, so that up to David's accession
the leadership was practically in the bands of the
latter tribe. But Judah always threatened to be s
formidable rival. During the earlier history, partly
from the physical structure and situation of its
territory (Stanley, iS. i P. p. 162), which secluded
t from Palestine just as Palestine by its geogra-
phical character was secluded from the world, it had
stood very much aloof from the nation [Jddah],
and even after Saul's death, apparently without
waiting to consult their brethren, " the men of
Judah came and anointed David king over the house
of Judah " (2 Sam. ii. 4), while the other tribes
adhered to Saul's family, thereby anticipating the
final disruption which was afterwards to rend the
nation permanently into two kingdoms. But after
seven years of disaster a reconciliation was forced
upon the contending parties; David was acknow-
ledged as king of Israel, and soon after, by fixing
his court at Jerusalem and bringing the tabernacle
there, he transferred from Ephraim the greatness
which had attached to Shechem as the ancient
capital, and to Shiloh as the seat of the national
worship. In spite of this he seems to have enjoyed
great personal popularity among the Ephraimites,
and to have treated many of them with special
favour (1 Chr. xii. 30, xxvii. 10, 14), vet this
roused the jealousy of Judah, and probably led to
the revolt of Absalom. [Absalom.] Even after
that perilous crisis was past, the old rivalry broke
out afresh, and almost led to another insurrection
(2Sam.xx.l,&c.). Compare Ps. hxviii. B0, 67, be
in illustration of these remarks. Solomon's reign,
from its severe taxes and other oppressions, aggra-
vated the discontent, and latterly, from its irre-
ligious character, alienated the prophets and pro-
voked the displeasure of God. When Soior/iec's
• Tanjm* Pseadnjoa. n**D7B, Uritmsi, streets; b Herr the name is written in the filler form of
u 1 Samaritan Vera. »|cne-' ' I 2'HTV
1024
BEHOBOAM
strong hud was withdrawn the crisis ana. Reho-
wem selected Shechem is the place of hie coronation,
probably as an act of concession to the Ephramrites,
and perhaps in deference to the suggestions of those
old and wise counsellors of his lather, whose advice
he afterwards unhappily rejected. From the pre-
sent Hebrew text of 1 K. zii. the exact details of
the transactions at Shechem are involred in a little
uncertainty. The general tuts indeed are clew.
The people demanded a remission of the severe bur-
dens im put e d by Solomon, and Rehoboam promised
them an answer in three dan, daring which time
be consulted find his lather's counsellors, snd then
the young men " that were grown np with him,
and which stood before him," whose answer shows
how greatly during Solomon's later years the cha-
racter of the Jewish court had degenerated. Reject-
ing the advice of the elders to conciliate the people
at the beginning of his reign, and so make them
" his servants £r erer," he returned as his reply,
in the true spirit of an Eastern despot, the frantic i
bravado of his contemporaries: " My little ringer I
shall be thicker than my cither's loins. ... I will ]
add to your yoke; my father hath chastised you
with whips, but 1 will chastise you with scorpions"
(i. ». scourges furnished with sharp points • ). There-
upon arose the formidable song of insurrection, heard
•nee before when the tribes quarrelled after David's
return from the war with Absalom : —
What portion nave ice In David?
What Inheritance In Jesse's son I
To your tents, O Israel !
How see to thy awn bouse, David I
Rehoboam sent Adorsm or Adooiram, who had been
chief receiver of the tribute during the reigns of his
father and his grandfather (1 K. iv. 6; 2 Sam. xx.
24;, to reduce the rebels to reason, but be was
stoned to death by them ; whereupon the king and
his attendants fled in hot haste to Jerusalem. So
far all is plain, but there is a doubt as to the part
which Jeroboam took it these transactions. Ac-
cording to 1 K. xii. 3 « was summoned by the
Ephraimites from Egypt ito which country he had
fled from the anger of Solomon; to be their spokes-
man at Rehoboam's coronation, and actually made
the speech in which a remission of burdens was
requested. But, in apparent contradiction to this,
we read in ver. 20 of the same chapter that after
the success of the insurrection and Rehoboam 'a
flight, " when all Israel heard that Jerboam was
come again, they sent and called him unto the con-
negation and made him king." But there is rea-
son to think that ver. 3 has been interpolated. It
is not found in the LXX., which makes no mention
of Jeroboam in this chapter till ver. 20, substi-
tuting in ver. 3 far " Jeroboam and all the congre-
giiion of Israel came and spoke unto Rehoboam " the
words, col 4XAKn<m Aaot *po» Tor 0ao-iAra
To/SoaV- So too Jeroboam's name is omitted by
the LXX. in ver. 12. Moreover we find in the
LXX. a long supplement to this 12th chaptnr, evi-
dently ancient, and at least in parts authentic, con-
taining fuller details of Jeroboam's biography than
the Hebrew. [Jeroboam] in this we read that
after Solomon a death he returned to bis native
place, Sarin in Ephraim, which be fortified, and
Ured there quietly, watching the turn of events,
till the long-expected rebellion broke out, when tin
• So In Lsttln, Scorpio, socorduut to Isidore (Origg. v. 27),
It "vires nodosa et aculeate, quia arcoato vulnere in corpus
BDa4cnr" (SaosnuM, a, v.i.
BEHOBOAM
Lphraitnitra heard (doubtless through Ms asm
agency) that ne had returned, and invited farm to
Shechem to assume the crown. From the same
supplementary narrative of the LXX. it would
appear that more than a year must have dapsH
between Solomon's death and Rehoboam's visit to
Shechem, for, on receiving the news of the foitner
event, Jeroboam requested from the king of Egypt
leave to return to his native country. This too
king tried to prevent by giving 'jim his sister-in-law
in marriage : but on the birth of his child Abijah.
Jeroboam renewed his request, which was them
granted. It is probable that during this year the
discontent of the N. tribes was making itself more
and more manifest, and that this led to Rehoboam's
visit and intended inauguration.
On Rehoboam's return to Jerusalem be assembled
an army of 180,000 men from the two faithful
tribes of Judith and Benjamin (the latter transferred
from the side of Joseph to that of Jndah in con-
sequence of the position of David's capital within
its borders'), in the hope of reconquering Israel.
The expedition, however, was forbidden by the pro-
phet Shemaiab, who assured them that the separaf
tion of the kingdoms was in accordance with God's
will (1 K. xii. 24): still during Rehoboam's life-
time peaceful relations between Israel and Judah
were never restored (2 Chr. xri. 15; 1 K. xiv. 30).
Rehoboam now occupied himself in strengthening
the territories which remained to him, by building
a number of fortresses of which the names are
given in 2 Chr. xi. 6-10, forming a girdle of
" fenced cities " round Jerusalem. The pure wor-
ship of God was maintained in Judah, and the
Levites and many pious Israelites from the North,
vexed at the calf-idolatry introduced by Jeroboam
at Dan and Bethel, in imitation of the Egyptiar
worship of Mnevis, came and settled in the southern
kingdom and added to its power. But Rehobonns
did not check the introduction of heathen abomina-
tions into his capital: the lascivious worship of
Ashtoreth was allowed to exist by the side ot tin,
true religion (an inheritance of evil doubtless left
by Solomon), "images" (of Baal and his fellow
divinities; were set up, and the worst immoralities
were tolerated (1 K. xiv. 22-24). These evils were
punished and put down by the terrible calamity of
an Egyptian invasion. Shortly before this time a
change in the ruling house had occurred in Egypt.
The 21st dynasty, of Tanites, whose last king,
Pisham or Ptusennes, had been a close ally of Solo-
mon (1 K. iii. 1, vii. 8, ix. 16, x. 28, 29), was
succeeded by the 22nd, of Bubastites, whose first
sovereign, Shishak (Sheahonk, Sesonchis, Sowsurisi),
connected himself, as we have seen, with Jeroboam.
That he was incited by him to attack Judah is
very probable: at all events in the 5th year of
Rehoboam's reign the country was iuvaded by a
host of Egyptians and other African nations, num-
bering 1200 chariots, 60,000 cavalry, and a vast
miscellaneous multitude of infantry. The line of
fortresses which protected Jerusalem to the W. and
S. was forced, Jerusalem itself was taken, and
Rehoboam had to purchase an ignominious peace
by delivering up all the treasures with which Solo-
mon had adorned the temple ind palace, including
his golden shields, 200 of the larger, and 300 of the
smaller size (IK. I. 16, 17), which were carried
before him when he visited the temple in state.
We are told that after the Egyptians had retired,
his vain and foolish successor comforted himself bi
substituting shields of briar, which w»"e solttaaly
BEHOBOTH
some betrn him in procession bj the body-guard,
*> if nothing had been changed since his father'*
time (Ewald, Qetehkhte da V. I. iii. 348, 464).
Shuhal'n success is commemorated by sculptures
imrad by Champollion on the outside of the
great temple at Karnak, where among a long list
•fractured towns and provinces occurs the name
MdMJmlak (kingdom of Jndah). It it said that
the features of the captive* in these sculptures are
oaanstskesbly Jewish (Kawlinson, Herodotus, ii.
376, and Bampton Ledum, p. 126; Bunsen,
Efypt, in. 242). After this great humiliation the
ewril condition of Jndah seems to have improved
(J Car. xfl. 12), and the rest of Rehoboam's life to
am been unmarked by any erents of importance.
He died B.C. 958, after a reign of IT yean, having
traded the throne B.O. 975 at the age of 41
(1 K. xtv. 21 ; 2 Chr. xii. 18). In the addition to
Jbe LXX. already mentioned (inserted after 1 K.
xi. 24) we read that he was 16 years old at his
sceesskn, a misstatement probably founded on a
wrong interpretation of 2 Chr. xiii. 7, when he is
oiled "young" (i. e. new to hit tcark, okape-
rinctd) and "tender-hearted" (33^1, wanting
rs rtnhdion and ipirit). He had 18 wires, 60
anenbines, 28 sons, and 60 daughters. The wisest
tiling recorded of him in Scripture is that he
refused to waste away his sons' energies in the
wretched existence of an Eastern zenana, in which
»« may infer, from his helplessness at the sge of
41, that he had himself been educated, but dis-
poned them in command of the new fortresses
which he had built about the country. Of his
wires, Mahalath, Abihail, and Maachah were all
•f the royal bouse of Jesse: Maachah be loved best
«* all, and to her son Abijah he bequeathed his
kingdom. The text of the LXX. followed in this
article is Tischendorf s edition of the Vatican MS.,
Lapse, 1850. [0. K. L. C]
KK*HOBOTH (HtarTJ; Samar. mS'lT.:
rtswxxpla; Veneto-Gk. of nAarreuu: Latitudo).
Tie tirird of the series of wells dug by Isaac (Gen.
nvi. 22), He celebrates his triumph and bestows
Hi same on the well in a fragment of poetry of the
sane nature as those in which Jacobs wires gire
■sums to hi* successive children :— " He called the
«**ee of it Rehoboth (' room/) and said,
w Jehovah hsih-made-room for ss
Just we shall Increase in the Isnd.' "
Inoc bad left the valley of Gerar and its turbulent
■habitants before he dug the well which he thus
commemorated (ver. 22). From it he, in time,
"went up" to Beersheba (ver. 23), an expression
which is always used of motion towards the Land of
'mmise. The position of Gerar has not been defi-
wHely ascertained, but it seems to have lain a few
■iles to the S. of Gaxa and nearly due E. of Beer-
Hwb*. In this direction, therefore, if anvw here,
the wells Sitnah, Esek, and Rehoboth, should be
"arched for. A Wady Buhaibeh, containing the
"ass of a town of the same name, with a large
well,* is crowed by the road from Khan en-.Vu&M
u> Hebron, by wluch Palestine is euteied on the
ieslh. It lies about 20 milea S.W. of Bir es-Seba,
• Dr. Beisnaon oonM not nod the well. Dr. Stewart
weal H "leaaawtr built, IS ten to etrcamlerenoe." bat
'eaatsetety nued op." Mr. Rowlands describes It ss
' a aajsaat well of living and good water." Wbo shall
MassassausaawJ an iiiiliimlj conirsdtatory
•OLIO.
BEHOBOTH, THE 01TT 1026
and more than that distance S. of the mat probsbls
situation of Gerar. It therefore seems unsafe with*
out further proof to identify it with Rehoboth, as
Rowhs-fr (in Williams' Holy CUy, i. 465), Stewart
(Tent and Khan, 202), and Tan de Telde ' (Ml-
moir, 343) have done. At the same time, as is
admitted by Dr. Robinson, the existence of so large
a place here without any apparent mention is mys-
terious. All that can be said in favour of the
identity of Suhaibeh with Rehoboth is said by Dr.
Bonar (Desert of Sinai, 316), and not without con-
siderable force.
The ancient Jewish tradition confined the events
of this part of Isaac's life to a much narrower circle.
The wells of the patriarchs were shown near Aih-
kelon in the time of Origin, Antoninus Martyr,
and Eusebius (Reland, Pal. 589) ; the Samaritan
Version identifies Gerar with Ashkelon ; Joseph us
(Ant. i. 12, $1) call* it "Owrar of Palestine," i. t.
of Pkifotia. [GJ
RE'HOBOTH, THE OITT 0»Jf rtliTl, i. t.
Rechoboth 'Ir; Samar. ni3rTI; Sam. Vers.' pOD ■
"VoaBtt $ri\it ; Alex. 'Poet/tor : plateai cmtatis).
One of the four cities bnilt by Asshnr, or by
Nimrod in Asshur, according as this difficult pas-
sage is translated. The four were Nineveh ; Reho-
both-Ir ; Caleb. ; and Resen, between Nineveh and
Calah (Gen. x. 11). Nothing certain is known of
its position. The name of Bahabeh is still attached
to two places in the region of the ancient Meso-
potamia. They lie, the one on the western and the
other on the eastern bank of the Euphrates, a few
miles below the confluence of the Khabir. Both
are said to contain extensive ancient remains. That
on the eastern hank bears the affix of malik or
royal, and this Bunsen (Bibelvxrk) and Kalisch
(Genoa, 261) propose as the representative of
Rehoboth. Its distance from KalahShergkat and
Nimriul (nearly 200 miles) is perhaps an obstacle
to this identification. Sir H. RawUneon (Athen-
aeum, April 15, 1854) suggests Setemiyah in the
immediate neighbourhood of Kalah, " when there
are still extensive ruins of the Assyrian period,"
but no subsequent discoveries appear to have con-
firmed this suggestion. The Samaritan Version
(see above) reads Sutcan for Rehoboth ; and it is
remarkable that the name Sutcan should be found
in connexion with Calah in an inscription on the
breast of a statue of the god Nebo which Sir H.
Rawlinaon disinterred at Nimrtd (Athenaeum, as
above). The Sutcan of the Samaritan Version ia
commonly supposed to denote the Sittacene of the
Greek geographers (Winer, Btahcb. " Kechoboth
Ir "). But Sittacene was a district, aid not a city
ss Rehoboth-Ir necessarily was, and, further, being
in southern Assyria, would seem to be too distant
from the other cities of Nimrod.
St. Jerome, both in the Vulgate and in hjf
Quaettiones ad Qenesim (probably from Jewish
sources), considers Kehoboth-Ir as referring to
Nineveh, and as meaning the "streets of the city."
The reading of the Targuma of Jonathan, Jerusalem,
and Rabbi Joseph, on Gen. and 1 Chron, via,
Platiah, Platiitka, lire probably only transcrip-
tions of the Greek word wAartiru, which, as fnnnd
in the well known ancient city Plataea, ia the i net
• In bis Travels Vsn de Telde Inclines to place It, or as
any rate one of Isaac's wells, at Bir Ink, about six milea
&W. of BeU JQrin (Syr. and Pal. II. He).
» The Arable translation of this version (Knehnen'
adhsrM to lie Hebrew text, having, Kahabtk d ■MtdfntX
H
>J
1026 BEHOBOTH BT THE RIVES
equivalent of Rehoboth. Kaplan, the Jewish geo-
grapher (Erttt Kedumim), identifies Sahabeh-maHh
with Rehoboth-br-the-river, in which he is possib 1 .'
cerrect, bat considers it as distinct from Rehoboth-
Ir, which he believes to have disappeared. [G.]
BEHOBOTH BT THE BIVEB (JVnrTl
CTJS1: "VomfUA— in Chr. tmfitet— ft wopa to-
Tapir ; Alex. 'PewjBaS in each : deflmio So/toboth ;
BoAoboth quatjvxta amnem sita est). The city of a
certain Sanl or Shaul, one of the early kings of the
Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 37 ; 1 Chr. i. 48). The
affix, " the river," fixes the situation of Rehoboth
as on the Euphrates, emphatically "the river"
to the inhabitants of Western Asia. [Rivbr.]
The name still remains attached to two spots on
the Euphrates; the one, simply Sahibeh, on the
right bank, eight miles below the junction of the
Khabir, and about three miles west of the river
(Cheney, Evphr., i. 119, ii. 610, and map iv.),
the other bur or five miles farther down on the
left bank. The latter is said to be called Sahdbeh-
maKk, i. e. " royal " (Kalisch, Kaplan),* and is on
this ground identified by the Jewish commentators
with the city of Sanl ; but whether this is accurate,
and whether that city, or either of the two sites
just named, is also identical with Rehoboth-Ir, the
ejty of Nimrod, is not yet known.
There is no reason to suppose that the limits of
Edom ever extended to the Euphrates, and there-
fore the occurrence of the name in the lists of
kings of Edom, would seem to be a trace of an
Assyrian incursion of the same nature a* that of
Cbedorlaomer and AmrapheL [G.]
BE'HUM (DWTV. *Pm»>; Alex. 'Uputp:
Bthmn). 1. One of the " children of the province "
who went up from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ear.
ii. 2). In Neh. vii. 7 he is called Nkhcm, and in
1 Esd. v. 8 Ronras.
2. (R*vm.) « Rehum the chancellor," with
Shimtoai the scribe and others, wrote to Artaxerxes
to prevail upon htm to stop the rebuilding of the
walls and temple of Jerusalem (Ear. iv. 8, 9, 17,
23). He was perhaps a kind of lieutenant-governor
of the province under the king of Persia, holding
apparently the same office as Tatoai, who is de-
scribed in Ear. v. 6 as taking part in a similar
transaction, and is there called " the governor on
this side the river." The Chaldee title, DJJO"^JJ3,
bfU-Usm, lit. " lord of decree," is left untranslated
in the LXX. BeArd>, and the Vulgate BeeUeem;
and the rendering " chancellor " in the A. V. appears
to have been derived from Kimchi and others, who
explain it, in consequence of its connexion with
" scribe," by the Hebrew word which is usually
rendered " recorder." This appears to have been
the view taken by the author of 1 Esd. ii. 25, o
ypipur ra rpomiirrom, and by Joeephus (Ant.
xi. 2, §1 ), o a-drra t4 wparripitra ypi^mo. The
former of these seems to be s gloss, for the Chaldee
title is also represented by BeeArVe'/io*.
3. ("Pooi/i : Rehum.) A Levite of the family of
Bani, who assisted in rebuilding the walls of Jeru-
salem (Neh. iii. 17).
4. ^ftoifu) One of the chief of the people, who
signed the covenant with Neheraiah (Neh. x. 25).
* The existence of the second rests bet on slender
*— r**"*~ It Is shown In the map In Layart's Ifixtmk
ssvi Umlnjlm, ana ■ meauoned by lbs two Jewish
BEMAUAH
6. (Cm. in Tat. MS.: Shewn.) A priestly
family, or the head of a priestly house, who went
up with Zerubbabel (Neh. lit 3). [W. A. W.]
BEICJTJ: 'Pixret * Set). A person mentioned
(in 1 K. i. 6 only) as hat .ng, in company with
Zadok, Benaiah, Nathan, Shimei, and the men o>
David's guard, remained firm to David's cause when
Adonijah rebelled. He is not mentioned again, nor
do we obtain any clue to his identity. Various
conjectures bare been made. Jerome (Quaes*, ffebr.
ad Ice.) states that he is the same with " Hiram
the Zairite," i. e. Ira tie Jairite, a priest or prince
about the person of David. Ewald (Gesch. iii. 266
note), dwelling on the occurrence of Shimei in the
same list with Rei, suggests that the two arc
David's only surviving brothers, Rei being identical
with Raddai. This is ingenious, but there is
nothing to support it, while there is the great
objection to it that the names are in the original
extremely dissimilar, Rei containing the Am, a letter
which is rarely exchanged for any other, but appa-
rently never for Daieth (Gesen. Thes. 876, 7). [G.]
REINS, •'. I. kidneys, from the Latin rencs.
1. The word is used to translate the Hebrew ffilbs,
except in the Pentateuch and in Is. xxxiv. 6, where
" kidneys " is employed. In the ancient system
of physiology the kidneys were believed to be the
seat of desire and longing, which accounts for their
often being coupled with the heart (Pa. rii. 9,
xxvi. 2 ; Jer. xi. 20, xvtt. 10, 4c.).
2. It is once used (Is. xi. 5) as the equivalent of
kVJPn, elsewhere translated " loins." [G.]
BEKEM (U\T\ : TwroV, tofiU ; Alex. 'rW/t :
Secern). 1. One of the five kings or chieftains cat
Hidian slain by the Israelites (Num. xxxi. 8 ; Josh,
xiii. 21) at the time that Balaam fell.
2. ('P««co>; Alex. 'Poko>.) One of the four
sons of Hebron, and lather of Shammai (1 Chr. ii.
43, 44). In the last verse the LXX. have '« Jor-
koam " for " Kekem." In this genealogy it ia ex-
tremely difficult to separate the names of persons
from those of places — Ziph, Hareshah, Tappuah,
Hebron, are all names of places, as well as Maori
and Beth-xur. In Josh, xviii. 27 Rekem appears as
a town of Benjamin, and perhaps this genealogy
may be intended to indicate that it was founded by
a colony from Hebron.
BEK'EM (DjTl: perhaps Kwpar col Ncwe>;
Alex. "Pe imji : Secern). One of the towns of the
allotment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 27). It occurs
between Mozah (ham-Jfotsa) and Irpeel. No
one, not even Schwarx, has attempted to identify
it with any existing site. But may there not bV
a trace of the name in Ain Karim, the well-known
spring west of Jerusalem ? It is within a vei v
short distance of Motsah, provided Kntonkh U>
Motsah, as the writer has already suggested. [G.J
KEMALI'AHOn'^O-): VoptKlas in King*
and Isaiah, "PoptXla in Chr. : Roawlia). The father
of Pekah, captain of Pekahiah king of Israel, who
slew his master and usurped his throne (2 K. xv.
25-37, xvi. 1, 5 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 6 ; Is. vii. 1-9.
viii. 6).
authorities named above : but It does Dot appear In tat
work of Go*. Cbesney.
'feeding^ lor p.
KEMETH
BEM'ETH (riDT : 'P<f^uu; Alex. 'Pcutiunt:
tmttk). One of the towns of Issachar (Josh. xix.
51), occurring in the list next to En-gannim, the
nodem Jcnln. It is probably (though not cer-
tunly) s distinct place from the Ramoth of 1 Chr.
ri. 73. A place bearing the name of Bameh is
found on the west of the track from Samaria to
Job, about 6 miles N. of the former and 9 S.W.
tithe latter (Porter, ffandb. 348 a ; Van it Velde,
Hop). Its situation, on an isolated rocky teU in
the middle of a green plain buried in the hills, is
unite in accordance with its name, which is pro-
bably a mere variation of Ramah, " height." Bat
it appears to be too lar south to be within the terri-
tory of lisachar, which, as far as the scanty indica-
tions of the record can be made out, can hardly
aire extended below the southern border of the
phin of Esdnelon,
For Schwarx's conjecture that Rameh is Ra-
jMTHAm-zoPHiit, see that article (p. 999). [G.]
BEM'MON (|to"l, i. «. Rimmon: 'EetfiAiaV.*
ilex. 'PtfinttS : Remmon). A town in the allotment
of Simeon, one of a group of four (Josh. xix. 7).
It is the same place which is elsewhere accurately
JiTea in the A. V. as RlHMON ; the inaccuracy both
m this case and that of Remmon-methoar having
no doubt arisen from our translators inadvertently
lollowing the Vulgate, which again followed the
LXX. " * [G.]
KEMHON-METH'OAKCWhBn ften,i.t.
Kimmon ham-methfiar : 'Ptfi/usma Ma0cuMo£5 ;
Alex. 'Pf wwaut fiaBapi/j. : Remmon, Amthar). A
five which formed one of the landmarks of the
rutein boundary of the territory of Zebuluu (Josh.
ex. 13 only). It occurs between Etb-Katsin and
Keah. Methoar does not really form a part of the
same; but is the Pual of 1KFL to stietch, and
should be translated accordingly (as in the margin
of the A. V.)—" R. which reaches to Neah." This
s the judgment of Gesenius, Tha. 1292a, Rodigcr,
R. 1491a; Fttrst, Hcmdwb. it 512a, and Bunsen,
•* well as of the ancient Jewish commentator
Rsshi, who quotes as his authority the Targum
of Jonathan, the text of which has however been
subsequently altered, since in its present state it
•frees with the A. V. in not translating the word.
The latter coarse is taken by the LXX. and Vul-
ple as above, and by the Peahito, Junius and Tre-
ocllias, and Lather. The A. V. has here further
erroMoushr followed the Vulgate in giving the first
part of the name as Remmon instead of Rimmon.
This Rimmon does not appear to liave been known
to Ensebius and Jerome, but it is mentioned by the
srly traveller Parchi , who says that it is called Ruma-
Teh, and stand* an hour sooth of Sepphoris (Zunz's
ftmjamm, ii. 433). If for south we read north, this
Is.o clnbPagreemeotwith the statements of Dr. Robin-
WB.lt. iii. 110), and Mr. Van de Velde (Map ;
Memoir, 344), who place Rvmmineh on the S.
larder of the Plain of Buttauf, 3 miles N.N.E. of
ftgtrieh. It is difficult, however, to see how this
cm h.ive been on the eastern boundary of Zebulun.
Kimmon is not improbably identical with the
Lritical city, which in Josh. xxi. 35 appears in
the form of Dimnah, and again, in the parallel list*
sf Chronicles (1 Chr. vi. 77) as Rimmono (A. V.
fcaxos, p. 10436). [G.]
REMPHAN
1027
* Tie LXX. here combine the Ain and Rimmon of the
L V. Into oo« name; and make op the lour cities of this
nvap by PJaMfUnsj a 0«Ax*'. of wbieb tbere Is no unre in
HEM'PHAN CPsiKbov, 'Pencil : Hempham.
Acts vii. 43) : and CHIUN (]1'3 : *Pat<pe!r,
'Popa)a, Compl. Am. v. 26) have been supposed to
be names of an idol worshipped by the Israelites in
the wilderness, but seem to be the names of two
idols. The second occurs in Amos, in the Heb. ;
the first, in a quotation of that passage in St. Ste-
phen's address, in the Acts: the LXX. of Amos baa,
however, the same name as in the Acta, though not
written in exactly the same manner. Much diffi-
culty has been occasioned by this corresponding
occurrence of two names so wholly different fn
sound. The most reasonable opinion seemed to
be that Chiun was a Hebrew or Semitic name,
and Remphan an Egyptian equivalent substituted
by the LXX. The former, rendered Saturn in
the Syr., was compared with the Arab, and Pen.
• .IvjSs, " the planet Saturn," and, according to
Kircher, the latter was found in Coptic with the
same signification ; but perhaps he had no authority
for this excepting the supposed meaning of the
Hebrew Chiun. Egyptology has, however, shown
that this is not the true explanation. Among the
foreign divinities worshipped in Egypt, two, the
god RENPU, perhaps pronounced REMPU, and the
goddess KEN, occur together. Before endeavouring
to explain the passages in which Chiun and Rem-
phan are mentioned, it will be desirable to speak,
on the evidence of the monuments, of the foreign
gods worshipped in Egypt, particularly RENPU and
KEN, and of the idolatry of the Israelites while in
that country.
Besides those divinities represented on the monu-
ments of Egypt which have Egyptian forms or
names, or both, others have foreign forms or names,
or both. Of the latter, some appear to have been
introduced at a very remote age. This is certainly
the case with the principal divinity of Memphis,
Ptah, the Egyptian Hephaestus, the name Ptah
is from a Semitic root, for it signifies " open," and
in Heb. we find the root flTlB, and its cognates,
"he or it opened," whereas there is no word related
to it in Coptic. The figure of this divinity is that
of a deformed pigmy, or perhaps unborn child, and
is unlike the usual representations of divinities on
the monuments. In this case there can be no doubt
that the introduction took place at an extremely
early date, as the name of Ptah occurs in very old
tombs in the necropolis of Memphis, and is found
throughout the religious records. It is also to be
noticed that this name is not traceable in the
mythology of neighbouring nations, unless indeed
it corresponds to that of the TldraiKoi or ITareuKof,
whose images, according to Herodotus, were the
figure-heads of Phoenician ships (iii. 37). The
foreign divinities that seem to be of later introduction
are not found throughout the religious records, but
only in single tablets, or are otherwise very rarely
mentioned, and two out of their four names are
immediately recognized to be non-Egyptian. They
are RENPU, and the goddesses KEN, ANTA, and
ASTARTA. The first and second of these have
foreign forms ; the third and fourth have Egyptian
forms : there would therefore seem to be an especially
foreign character about the former two.
the Hebrew, but winch is jxmnlbly tin Toctaen of 1 Chi,
Iv. 38— in the LXX. of that passage, <
3 IT 2
1028
BKMVHAff
BKNPU, pronounced REMPU (?),«ia
as in Asiatic, with the fall baud and apparently
the general type of face given on the monument"
to moat nationi east of Egypt, and to the RPBTJ
ear Libyans. Thia type ia evidently that of the
Shemites. Hie hair is bound with a fillet, which la
ornamented in front with the head of an antelope.
KEN is represented perfectly naked, holding in both
hands com, and standing upon a lion. In the last
particular the figure of a goddess at Maltheiyyeh in
Assyria may be compared (Layard, Nineveh, ii . 21 2).
from this occurrence of a similar representation,
from her being naked and carrying com, and from
her being worshipped with KHEM, we may sup-
pose that KEN corresponded to the Syrian goddess,
at least when the latter had the character of Venus.
She is also called KETESH, which ia the name in
hieroglyphics of the great Hittite town on the
Orontes. This in the present case is probably a
title, HEnp : it can scarcely be the name of a town
where she ins worshipped, applied to her as per-
sonifying it.
AN ATA appears to be wnaitis, and bar foreign
character seems almost certain from her being
jointly worshipped with RENPU and KEN.
AST ART A is of course the Ashtoreth of Canaan.
On a tablet in the British Museum the principal
subject is a group representing KEN, baring KHEM
on one aide and RkNPU on the other: beneath is
an adoration of ANATA. On the half of another
tablet KEN and KHEM occur, and a dedication to
RENPU and KETESH.
We hare no clue to the exact time of the intro-
duction of these divinities into Egypt, nor, except
in one case, to any particular places of their wor-
ship. Their names oceur as early as the period of
the xriiith and xixth dynasties, and it is therefore
not improbable that they were introduced by the
Shepherds. ASTARTA is mentioned in a tablet
of Amenoph II, opposite Memphis, which leads to
the conjecture that she was the foreign Venus there
worshipped, in the quarter of the Phoenicians of
Tyre, according to Herodotus (ii. 112). It is ob-
serrable that the Shepherds worshipped SUTEKH,
corresponding to SETH, and also called BAR, that
is, Baal, and that, under king APEPEE, be was the
sole god of the foreigners. SUTEKH was probably
a foreign god, and was certainly identified with
Baal. The idea that the Shepherds introduced the
foreign gods ia therefore partly confirmed. Aa to
RENPU and KEN we can only oiler a conjecture.
They occur together, and KEN is a form of the
Syrian goddess, and also bears some relation to the
Egyptian god of productiveness, KHEM. Their
similaiity to Baal and Ashtoreth seems strong, and
perhaps it is not unreasonable to suppose that they
were the divinities of some tribe from the east,
not of Phoenicians or Canaanites, settled in Egypt
during the Shepherd-period. The naked goddess
KEN would suggest such worship ss that of the
Babylonian Mylitta, but the thoroughly Shemite
appearance of RENPU is rather in favour of an
• Is Illustration of this probable pronundsuon. we
assy ette the u a am eau In bieroftrpnlcs of RKNPA or
RAN P. " /oath. Toons, to renew f and. In Coptic, of
lbs supposed oogneta p«VJUUlI> pOAAIU, a
pAJLTie* -a years" •» MENNUFR, Memphis,
ax &tJL&e, AJLCAxqi, s*» AxenfLe,
jULGitqi, a AxeuLqe, AAftfte, **>
ft. and UK-KUtB, *<*•«.
BEMPHAX
Arab tonrea. Although we have not discovered a
Semite origin of either name, the absence of the
names in the mythologies of Canaan and the neigh-
bouring countries, as far ss they are known to us,
inclines us to look to Arabia, of which the early
mythology is extremely obscure.
The Israelites in Egypt, after Joseph's rule, ap-
pear to have fallen into a general, but doubtless not
universal, practice of idolatry. This is only twice
distinctly stated and once alluded to (Josh. xxir.
14 ; Exek. xx. 7, 8, xxiii. S), but the indications
are perfectly clear. The mention of CHIUN or
REMPHAN as worshipped in the desert shows that
this idolatry was, in part at least, that of foreigners,
and no doubt of those settled in Lower Egypt. The
golden calf, at first sight, would appear to be aa
image of Apis of Memphis, or Mnevis of HaUopoua,
or some other sacred bull of Egypt ; but it must be
remembered that we read in the Apocrypha of "the
heifer Baal" (Too. i. 5), so that it was possibly a
Phoenician or Canaanite idol. The best paiAllel to
this idolatry is that of the Phoenician colonies in
Europe, as seen in the idols discovered in tombs at
Camirus in Rhodes by M. Salxmann, and those (baud
in tombs in the island of Sardinia (of both of which
there are specimens in the British Museum), and
those represented on the coins of Mdita and taw
island of Ebusus.
We can now endeavour to explain the
in which Chiun and Remphan occur. The Ma
rebc text of Amos v. 26 reads thus : — •* But ya
bare the tent [or 'tabernacle'] of your king and
Chiun your images, the star of your gods [or
' your god *], which ye made for yourselves." In
the LXX. we find remarkable differences : it reaaa :
Kol lrtkd$rrt rhr ffKarfcy too MoAox, aol rk
(torpor too fee$ bpui* * P on>a>, rots voao i n
atVraV eftf tVotirSwre im/rols. The Vulg. agrees
with the Masoretic text in the order of the clauses,
though omitting Chiun or Remphan. " Et portastia
tabemaculum Moloch vestro, et imaginem idoloroxn
vestrorum, sidus dei vestri, quae fecistis vobis."
The passnge is cited in the Acta almost in the words
of the LXX. :— " Yea, ye took up the tabernacle
of Moloch, and the star of your god Remphan,
figui-ea which ye made to worship them" (Kol
lOtXifitrt rbr OTrnrfcr rov MoAox, eal to aoTpar
toS ttov ifiir 'PcM^av, voir TMreM oiV> fwen>-
ffore wponmnir otVroTf). A slight change in the
Hebrew would enable us to read Moloch (Malcam
or Mi loom) instead of " your king." Bevond this
it is extremely difficult to explain the differences.
The substitution of Remphan for Chiun cannot be
accounted for by verbal criticism. The Hebrew does
not seem as distinct in meaning as the LXX., and if
we may conjceturally emend it from the latter, the
last clause would be, " your images which ye made
for yourselves :" and if we further transpose Chiun
to the place of " your god Remphan," in the LXX,
Dsho nWO TIM would correspond to 33Q Hat
JV3 D3'i*6k , but how can we account for such a
transposition as would thus be supposed, which, be
it remembered, is leas likely in the Hebrew than in
a translation of a difficult passage f If we compare
the Masoretic text and the rapposed original, we
perceive that in the former 03137V P'3 corre-
sponds in potu*n to Wfl/K 3313, and it does
not seem an unwarrantable conjecture that p*3
having been by mistake written in the paws of
3313 ay some copyist, D3*09V *na also trams-
KEMTHAN
part. It appears to be m ire reasonable to read
* inn which ye made," than " gods which ye
Bade, at the farmer word o.-curs. Supposing theae
smenrlations to be probable, we may now examine
the meaoiug of the passage.
The tent or tabernacle of Moloch is supposed by
Gaeorea to hare been an actual tent, and he com-
pare* the cnrerfc itpd of the Carthaginians (Diod.
Sac xx. 65; Ltx. a. v. n>3D). Bit there is
seme difficulty in the idea that the Israelite! carried
about ao large an object for the purpose of idolatry,
•ad it seems more likely that it was a small model
of a larger tent or shrine. The reading Moloch
appears preferable to " your king ;" but the men-
tion of the idol of the Ammonites aa worshipped in
the desert stands quite alone. It is perhaps worthy
of note that there ia reason for supposing that
Msl ieh was a name of the planet Saturn, and that
this planet was evidently supposed by the ancient
translators to be intended by Chiun and Remphan.
The c orresp o n dence of Remphan or Raiphan to
Chiun is extremely remarkable, and can, we think,
only be accounted for by the supposition that the
l.sTX. translator or translators of the prophet had
Egyptian knowledge, and being thus acquainted with
the ancient joint worship of Ken and Renpu, sub-
stituted the latter for the former, aa they may hare
bean oawilhng to repeat the name of a foreign
Vena. The star of Remphan, if indeed the passage
is to be read so aa to connect these words, would
he eapeeklry appropriate if Remphan were a pla-
netary god ; but the evidence for this, especially aa
partly founded upon an Arab, or Pert, word like
Csriun, ia not rnfficiently strong to enable us to lay
any stress upon the agreement. In hieroglyphics
the sign tor a star is one of the two composing
(he word SEB, " to adore," and is undoubtedly
need in a symbolical as well aa a phonetic
, indicating that the ancient Egyptian religion
was partly desired from a system of star-worship ;
and there are represen t ati o n s on the monuments of
BtytkkaJ creatures or men adoring stars {Ancient
Eftf t i mt , pi. 30 A.). We hare, however, no
pa t ttrre indication of any figure of a star being used
aa an idolatrous object of worship. From the
aaaeassr ia vrbich it ia mentioned we may conjecture
that the star of Rrmphan was of the same character
as the tabernacle of Moloch, an object connected
with Use worship rather than an image of a false
god. According to the LXX. reading of the last
clause it might be thought that these objects were
actually images of Moloch and Remphan ; but it
mat be remembered that we cannot suppose an
states to have had the form of a tent, and that the
venaon at" the passage in the Acts, as well as the
saasoretk text, if in the latter case we may change
the order of the words, give a dear sense. As to
the meaning of the last clause, it need only be
leanarksd tut it does not oblige us to infer that
fts Israelites made the images of the false gods,
thaugfc they may have done so, at in the case of the
pridsai calf: it may mean no more than that they
adopted theae gads.
It ia to he observed that the whole passage does
■at iooVate that distinct Egyptian idolatry was
practised by the Israelites. It is very remarkable
that the only false gods mentioned as worshipped
Vy then m the desert should be probably Moloch,
and CSriun, and Remphan, of which the latter two
were sststgx divinities worshipped in Egypt. From
One* tsar neaniitnlj inter, that while the Israelites
KEPHAIM, THE VALLEY OF 102D
sojourned in Egypt there was also a great stranger-
population in the Lower Country, and therefore that
it is probable that then the Shepherds still occupied
the land. [B. S. P.]
BEPH AEL (^KD-i : 'Pa^A.: Rap/iaK). Son
of Shemaiah, the firstborn of Obsd-edom, and out
of the gate-keepers of the tabernacle, " able men for
strength for the service" (1 Chr. xxvL 7).
BETHAH(nBT: tatf: Kapha). A son o
Ephraim, and ancestor of Joshua the son of Nun
(1 Chr. vii. 25).
BEPHArAH(rVB"l: , P«pdA; Alex.-PoeWa:
RnphaXa). 1. The sons 'of Rephsiah appear among
the descendants of Zerubbabel in 1 Chr. iii. 21.
In the Peshito-Syriac he is made the son of Jesaiah.
2. (Ta^dta). One of the chieftains of the tribe
of Simeon in the reign of Hezekiah, who headed the
expedition of five hundred men against the Ami-
lekites of Mount Seir, and drove them out (I Chr.
iv. 42).
3. One of the eons of Tola, the son of Issachnr,
"heads of their father's house" (1 Chr. vii. 2).
4. Son of Bines, and descendant of Saul and Jo
nathan (1 Chr. ix. 43). In 1 Chr. viii. 37 he is
called Rapha.
5. The son of Hur, and ruler of a portion of Je-
rusalem (Neb. iii. 9). He assisted in rebuilding the
city wall under Nehemiah.
BEFH'AIM. [Giants, vol. i. 6876.]
BEPH'AIM, THE VALLEY OK (pDJ
D*KDT: t) KoAkt rip TrrdVov, and raV IV
ydVroH'; r. *Pa^ufu; in Isaiah $ipay( crtpti),
2 Sam. v. 18, 22, xxiii. 13; 1 Chr. xi. 15, xiv. 8;
It. xvii. 5. Also in Josh. xv. 8, and xriii. 16,
where it is translated in the A. V. "the valley of
the giants" (-fi 'PoeWr and 'EfitK 'PoeWr).
A spot which was the scene of some of David 'a
most remarkable adventures. He twice encoun-
tered the Philistines there, and inflicted a destruc-
tion on them and on their idols so signal that it
gave the place a new name, and impressed itself on
the popular mind of Israel with such distinctness
that the Prophet Isaiah could employ it, centuries
after, as a symbol of a tremendous impending judg-
ment of God — nothing less than the desolation and
destruction of the whole earth (Is. xxviii. 21, 22).
[Pebazim, moont.]
It was probably during the former of theae two
contests that the incident of the water of Beth-
lehem (2 Sam. xxiii. 13, 4c) occurred. The
" hold "■ (ver. 14) in which David bund himself,
seems (though it is not clear) to have been the
cave of AduUam, the scene of the commencement
of his freebooting life ; but, wherever situated, we
need not doubt that it was the same fastness as
that mentioned in 2 Sam. v. 17, since, in both
cases, the same word (miSTM!, with the def.
article), and that not a usual one, ia employed.
The story shows very clearly the predatory nature
of these incursions of the Philistines. It wss in
"harvest time" (ver. 13). They had come to
carry off the ripe crops, for which the valley was
proverbial (Ia. xvii. 5\ just as at Pas-dammim
(1 Chr. xi. 13) we find them in the parcel of
1 There Is no wsmmt for " dawn to tin hold" to A. V.
Had It been 7J "down" might have been sddad wttl
safety.
1030 REPBA1M, THE VALLEY OK
grams! full of barley, at Lehi in the field of Jcn-
tiles (2 Sam. xxiii. 11 ), or at Keilah in the thresh-
ing-floors (1 Sam. mii. 1). Their animals* were
wittered among the ripe corn receiving their load of
plunder. The " garrison," or the officer' in cnarge
of the expedition, was on the watch in the village of
Bethlehem.
This narrative seems to imply that the valley
of Rephaitn was near Bethlehem ; bat unfortu-
nately neither this nor the notice in Josh. xv. 8
and xviii. 16, in connexion with the boundary line
between Judah and Benjamin, gives any clue to
its situation, still less does its connexion with the
groves of mulberry trees or Baca (2 Sam. v. 23;,
itself unknown. Josephus {Ant. vii. 12, f4) men-
tions it as " the valley which extends (from Jeru-
salem) to the city of Bethlehem."
Since the latter part of the 16th cent.* the name
nas been attached to the upland plain which stretches
south of Jerusalem, and is crossed by the read to
Bethlehem — the el Bill' ah of the modern Arabs
(Tobler, Jerusalem, &c, ii. 401). But this,
though appropriate enough as regards its proximity
"a Bethlehem, does not answer at all to the meaning
:f the Hebrew word Emek, which appears always
x> designate an inclosed valley, never an open up-
and plain like that in question,* the level of which
.'s as high, or nearly as high, as that of Mount Zion
itself. [Valley.] Eusebius {Onomastiam, 'Pa-
*«e(r and "Efuupcupatlp) calls it the valley of the
Philistines (awAax aW(xpvXmr), and places it "on
the north of Jerusalem," in the tribe of Benjamin.
A position N. W. of the city is adopted by
Font {Handwb. ii. 3836), apparently on the
ground of the terms of Josh. xv. 8 and xviii. 16,
which certainly do leave it doubtful whether the
valley is on the north of the boundary or the
boundary on the north of the valley ; and Tobler,
in his last investigations (3tte Wanderung, 202),
conclusively adopts the Wady Dtr Jattn {W.
Makhrior, in Van de Velde's map), one of the side
valleys of the great Wady Beit Hanina, as the
valley of Rephaim. This position is open to the
obvious objection of too great distance from both
Bethlehem and the cave of Adullam (according to
any position assignable to the latter) to meet the
requirement! of 2 Sam. xxiii. 13.
The valley appears to derive its name from the
ancient nation of the Rephaim. It may be a trace
of an early settlement of theirs, possibly after they
were driven from their original seats east of the
Jordan by Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 5), and before
they again migrated northward to the more secure
wooded districts in which we find them at the date
of the partition of the country among the tribes
(Josh. xvii. 15; A. V. "giants"). In this case it
is a parallel to the "mount of the Amalekitas" in
the centre of Palestine, and to the towns bearing
the name of the Zetnaraim, the A vim, the Ophnites,
lux, which occur so frequently in Benjamin, [vol.
l. p. 188 note.] [G.]
BEPmvm
BEPH1DTM (Dnen: •PofiKr). Ex. x«ii. 1,
8,xix.2. The name means " rests " or " stays f
the place lies in the march of the Israelites from
Egypt to Sinai. The "wilderness of Sin" m
succeeded by Rephidim according to these passaget,
but in Num. xxxiii. 12, 13, Etophkah and Aliub
are mentioned as occurring between the people's
exit from that wilderness and their entry into
the latter locality. There is nothing known of
these two places which will enable us to fix the
site of Rephidim. [ALU8H ; Dopiikah.] Lepsius'
view is that Mount Serbil is the true Horeb, and
that Rephidim is Wady Feiran, the well known
valley, richer in water and vegetation than any
other in the peninsula (Lepsius* Tour from Thtbeg.
to Sinai, 1845, pp. 21, 37). This would account
for the expectation of finding water here, wtnen.
however, from some unexplained cause failed. In
Ex. xvii. 6, " the rock in Horeb" is named as the
source of the water miraculously supplied. On the
other hand, the language used Ex. xix. 1, 2, seenw
precise, as regards the point that the journey from
Rephidim to Sinai was a distinct stage. The time
from the wilderness of Sin, reached on the fifteenth
day of the second month of the Exodus (Ex. xvi. 1),
to the wilderness of Sinai, reached on the first day
of the thiid month (xix. 1 ), is from fourteen to sixteen
days. This, if we follow Num. xxxiii. 12-15, has
to be distributed between the four march-station*
Sin, Dophkah, Alush, and Rephidim, and their cor-
responding stages of journey, which would allow two
days' repose to every day's march, as there are four
marches, and 4x2+4= 12, leaving two days over
from the fourteen. The first grand object being
the arrival at Sinai, the intervening distance may
probably have been despatched with all possible
speed, considering the weakness of the host by reason
of women, tic The name Horeb is by Robinson
taken to mean an extended range or region, some
part of which was near to Rephidim, which he
places at Wady eth Sheikn,' running from N.E. to
S.W., on the W. aide of Oebei Fureia, opposite the
northern face of the modem Horeb. [Sinai.] It
joins the Wady Feiran. The exact spot of Robin-
son's Rephidim is a defile in the eth Sheikh visited
and described by Burckhardt {Syria, &c, 488) as
at about nve hours' distance from where it issues
£om the plaiu hr Rahek, narrowing between abrupt
cliffs of blackened granite to about 40 feet in width.
Here is also the traditional "Seat of Haass " (Robin-
son, i. 121). The opinion of Stanley {8. and P.
40-42), on the contrary, with Ritter (xiv. 740, 741),
places Rephidim in Wady Feiran, where the traces
of building and cultivation still attest tin import-
ance of this valley to all occupants of the desert. It
narrows in one spot to 100 yards, showing high
mountains and thick woods, with gardens and date-
groves. Here stood a Christian church, city and
episcopal residence, under the name of Paran, before
the foundation of the convent of Mount St. Ca-
therine by Justinian. It is the finest valley in the
• This i* the rendering In the andent and trestwortby
Svrtas version of the rare word DTI (1 Sam. asm.
13), rendered In our version " troop."
• tfttrtk. The meaning Is nneerutn (see vol. IL 3(3 note).
< According to Tobler (IbssaraaM*, fee, n. 40*), Own-
wrens Is tbe first who records this Identification,
• On the other hand it la somewhat suuralsf that the
■sedern nane for this upland plain, Mia'aA, should be
toe same with that of the great enclosed vall*v of Leue*
■uo, which differs from It s» widely as It car differ (rem
tbe signification of Xmtk. There Is no connexion be-
tween JWo* and Baca : they are essentially distinct.
* On this Lepsius remarks that Robinson would have
certainly recognised the true position of Rephidim (i. s.
at Hadji Feiran), had be not passed by Wad) Feiran
with Its brook, garden, and ruins — the most Interesting
spot In the peninsula— in order to see Sarbit A Cha&em
(ioid. p. 23). And Stanley sdrolts the objection of bringing
the Israelites through the most sb Iklog icenery In the de-
sert, that of iWran, without any event of Importance It
mark Ik
RESEN
*k Jt penimula (Burckhardt, Arab. 603, see also
(tobiosnn.i. 117, 1181 lb fertility and richness ac-
(mat, ii Stanley thinks, for the Amalekitea' struggle
to retain po«n« against these whom they Tiewed
ss intnurre aggresscrs. This view seema to meet
the Ingest amount of possible conditions for a site
ef Sum. Lepsius too (see above) dwells on the fact
that it was of no use for Moses to occupy any other
fart of tbe wilderness, if he could not deprive the
Anauekites of the only spot (Feiran) which was inha-
bited. Stanley (41) thinks the word describing the
ground, rendered the " hill " in Ex. xvii. 9, 10, and
•aid adequately to d scribe thai on which the church
of Paran stood, affords an argument in favour of the
Farm identity. [H. H.]
BEcVEN (fDn : Aae-sp, Aa»H\ : Ream) ia men-
tioned only in Gen. z. 12, where it is said to have
bees one of the cities built by Aashur, after he
went out of the land of Shinar, and to have lain
" Mima Nineveh and Calah." Many writers have
been inclined to identify it with the Rhesina or
Kheatma of the Bnantine authors (Amm. Marc.
joriii. 5; Procop. Bell. Pert. ii. 19; Steph. Byx.
H& met yiaira), and of Ptolemy (Qeograph. v.
18), which waai near the true source of the western
Khabour, and which ia most probably the modern
Ret e» ai m. (Sea Winer's SealtcOrterbuck, sub voce
*Hi»e».") There are no grounds, however, for
this identification, except the similarity of name
(which similarity is perhaps fallacious, since the
LXX. evidently read ]D*1 for JD1), while it ia a
fatal objection to the theory that Resaena or Resina
was not in Assyria at all, but in Western Mesopo-
tamia, 200 miles to the west of both the cities
Between which it ia said to have lain. A far more
probable conjecture was that of Bochart (Qeograph.
8acr. iv. 23), who found Resen in the Larissa of
Xcnophon (Aaab. iii. 4, §7), which is most cer-
tainly the modem Ximnid. Resen, or Dasen —
whichever may be the true form of the word — must
assuredly hare been in this neighbourhood. As,
however, the Nimnid ruins seem really to repre-
sent Calah, while those opposite Mosul are the
remains of Nineveh, we most look for Resen in the
tract lying between these two sites. Assyrian re-
mains of some considerable extent are found In this
situation, near the modern village of Selamiyeh,
and it is perhaps the most probable conjecture that
these represent the Resen of Genesis. No doubt
it may be said that a " great city," such aa Resen
is declared to have been (Gen. x. 12), could scarcely
have intervened between two other large cities
which are not twenty miles apart ; and the ruins at
Sdamiyeh, it must be admitted, are not wry ex-
tensive. But perhaps we ought to understand the
phrase "a great city" relatively— i. t. great, as
tjties went in early times, or great, considering its
proximity to two other larger towns.
If this explanation seem unsatisfactory, we mif
perhaps conjecture that originally Aashur (Kileh-
Sicrghat) was called Calah, and Mmrvd Resen ;
tot that, when the seat of empire was removed
aortawards from the former place to the latter, the
bum Calah was transferred to the new capital
BETJBEN
1031
• BMjJob (Ms JUttttamatO. lfamtn, 86) maintains
Hat Reubet Is the original form of the name, which was
amassed Sato Reuben, as Bethel Into Btitm, and Jesreel
lato Serbs. He treats It aa otgnifrtag the " Sock of Bel,"
s erirx whose worship greatly flourished tn the nelgh-
tanrtag ctnntry of afoab, and who under <he two* of
actuary la the very territory of
Instances of such transfers of name are not nafm-
quent.
The later Jews appear to have identified Resen
with the KOeh-Sherghai ruins. At least the Tan.
gums of Jonathan and of Jeruealeu explain Resen
by Tel-Assar (ID^Tl or TDJ&n), " the mound of
Asshur." [G. R.J
BESHEPH^Bh: 3«pd>; Alex. *PoWo>
Reteph). A son of Ephraim and brother of Rephah
(1 Chr. vii. 25).
BE'TJ ('JH: ToynS in Gen., 'PsrydV in Chr.:
Reu). Son of Peleg, in the line of Abraham's an-
cestors (Gen. xi. 18, 19, 20, 21 ; 1 Chr. i. 25). He
lived two hundred and thirty-nine years according
to tbe genealogy in Genesis. Bunsen (Bibeltcerk)
says Reu is Rona, the Arabic name for Edessa, an
assertion which, borrowed from Knobel, ia utterly
destitute of foundation, as will be seen at once on
comparing the Hebrew and Arabic words. A closer
resemblance might be found between Reu and Rha-
gae, a large town of Media, especially if the Greek
equivalents of the two names be taken.
REUBEN (JMtO: tavftr and 'Pot/fH^,
Joseph. 'Voi&riXot : Pesh. Syr. Ribtl, and so also
iu Arab. vera, of Joshua Ruben), Jacob's first-
bom child (Gen. xxix. 32), the son of Leah, appa-
rently not bom till an unusual interval had elapsed
after the marriage (31; Joseph. Ant. i. 19, §8).
This is perhaps denoted by the name itself, whether
we adopt the obvious signification of its present
form — reu ben, i. e. " behold ye, a son I" (Gesen.
Tne*. 12476)— -or (2) the explanation given in the
text, which seems to imply that tbe original form
was »9P2 'HO, r«u Monyf, " Jehovah hath wen
my affliction," or (3) that of Josephua, who uni-
formly presents it as Ronbel, and explains it
(Ant. i. 19, §8) as the " pity of God"— fAeor toS
eeov, as if from b»53 Wl (Fflrst, ffandwb. ii.
844a).* The notices of the patriarch Reuben in the
Book of Genesis and the early Jewish traditional
literature are unusually frequent, and on the whole
give a favourable view of his disposition. To him,
and him alone, the preservation of Joseph's life ap-
pears to have been due. His anguish at the disap-
pearance of his brother, and the frustration of his
kindly artifice for delivering him (Gen. xxxvii. 22),
his recollection of the minute details of tbe painful
scene many years afterwards (xlii. 22), his offer to
take the sole responsibility of the safety of the bro-
ther who had succeeded to Joseph's place in the
family (xliL 37), all testify to a warm and (for
those rough times) a kindly nature. Of the re-
pulsive crime which mars his history, and which
turned the blessing of his dying father into a curse
— his adulterous connexion with Bilhah — we know
from the Scriptures only the fact (Gen. xxxv. 22).
In the post-biblical traditions it is treated either as
not having actually occurred (aa in the Toryism
Ptevdojona&un), or else as the result of a sudden
temptation acting on a hot and vigorous nature (as
in the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchy— a
Reuben. In this esse It would be a parallel to the title
" people of Chemosh," which Is bestowed on Moab. The
alteration of the obnoxious syllable In Keubet would, oa
this theory, And a parallel in the MerlbboaJ and EsbtaoJ
of Saul's family, who became MephttraVcm sad Iat>
1032
KEITBBH
parallel, m mm of its rirenmstaiKiaa, to the intngus
of David with Bathsheba. Some wren temptation
there matt surely have been to Impel Raaben to
an net which, regarded in it* social rather than in
its moral aspect, would be peculiarly abhorrent to
a patriarchal society, and which it specially and
repeatedly reprobated iu the law of Hoses. The
Rabbinical version of the occurrence (as given in
Targ. Puudojon.) is very characteristic, and well
illustrates the difference between the spirit of early
and of late Jewish history. "Reuben went and
disordered the couch of Bilhah, his father's ooncu-
bioj, which was placed right opposite the couch of
Leah, end it was counted unto him as if he had
lain with her. And when Israel heard it it dis-
pleased him, and he said ' Lo! an unworthy per-
nio shall proceed from me, as Ishmad did from
Abraham and Esau from my father.' And the
Holy Spirit answered him and said ' All are
righteou*, and there is not one unworthy among
them.' " Reuben's anxiety to save Joseph is repre-
sented as arising from a desire to conciliate Jacob,
and his absence while Joseph was sold from his
sitting alone on the mountains in penitent fasting.
These traits, slight as they are, are those of an
ardent, impetuous, unbalanced, but not ungenerous
nature ; not crafty and cruel, as were Simeon and
Levi, but rather, to use the metaphor of the dying
patriarch, boiling* up like a vessel of water over the
mpid wood-fire of the nomad tent, and as quickly
subsiding into apathy when the fuel was with-
drawn.
At the time of the migration into Egypt*
Reuben's boos were four (Gen. xlvi. 9 ; 1 Chr. v. 3).
From them sprang the chief ftiwilif f the tribe
(Num. izvi. 5-1 1). One of these families— that of
Psllu — became notorious as producing Eliab, whose
sons or descendants, Dathan and Abiram, perished
with their kinsman On in the divine retribution for
their conspiracy against Moses (Num. ivi. 1, xxvi.
8-11). The census at Mount Sinai (Num. i. 80,
21, ii. 11) shows that at the Exodus the numbers
of the tribe were 46,500 men above twenty years
of age, and fit for active warlike service. In point
of numerical strength, Reuben was then sixth on
the list, Gad, with 45,650 men, being next below.
On the borders of Canaan, after the plague which
punished the idolatry of Baalpeor, the numbers
had fallen slightly, and were 43,730; Gad was
40,500 ; and the position of the two in the list is
lower than before, Ephraim and Simeon being the
only two smaller tribes (Num. xxvi. 7, &c).
During the journey through the wilderness the
position of Reuben was on the south side of the
Tabernacle. The "camp" Jrhich went under his
name was formed of his own tribe, that of Simeon*
(Leah's second son), and Gad (son of Zilpah, Leah's
slave). The standard of the camp was a deer*
with the inscription, "Hear, oh Israeli the Lord
thy God is one Lord 1" and its place in the
inarch was second (Thrown Ptnukjm. Num. ii
10-16).
The Reubenites, like their relatives and neigh-
bours on the journey, the Gadites, had maintained
* 8sjod appears to be a more accurate rendering of the
word which In the A. V. Is rendered " unstable " (Gesen.
Hut. 8am. p. 33).
c According to lbs ancient tradition preserved by De-
metrius (In Euseb. /Voep.A'e. Ix-'ilx Benbsa was it years
•Id at the time of the migration.
* Renbra and Simeon are named together Dy Jacob Is
3stlsJtHL>; sal there Is perhaps a trace of lbs soar
REDBBH
through the Birch to Canaan, the acetent calHag
of their forefather.. The patriarchs were *» feenssr
their flocks" at Shechem when Joseph wn> sold
into Egypt. It was as men whose "trade had
been about cattle from their youth" that they
were presented to Pharaoh (Gen. xhri, 32, 34), sad
in the land of Goshen they settled - with their
flocks and herds and all that they had " (xlvi. 32,
xlvii. 1). Their cattle accompanied them in their
flight from Egypt (Ex. xii. 38), not a hoof was
left behind; and there are frequent allusions to
them on the journey (Ex. xxxiv. 3 ; Num. xi. 22 ;
Deut. viiL 13, &&). But it would appear that
the tribes who were destined to settle in the con-
fined territory between the Mediterranean and the
Jordan had, during the journey through the wil-
derness, fortunately relinquished that taste for the
possession of cattle which they could not have
maintained after their settlement at a distance from
the wide pastures of the wilderness. Thus the cattle
had come into the hands of Reuben, Gad, and the
half of Manaaseh (Num. xxxii. 1), and it followed
naturally that when the nation arrived on the open
downs east of the Jordan, the three tribes just
named should prefer a request to their leader to be
allowed to remain in a place so perfectly suited to
their requirements. The part selected by Reuben
had at that date the special name of " the Mishor,"
with reference possibly to its evenness (Stanley,
S. # P. App. §6). Under its modem name of
the BeOui it is still esteemed beyond all others by
the Arab sheepmasters. It is well watered, covered
with smooth short turf, and losing itself gradually
in those illimitable wastes which have always been
and always will be the favourite resort of pastoral
nomad tribes. The country cast of Jordan doe* not
appear to have been included in the original land
promised to Abraham. That which the spies exa-
mined was com mi ss i , on the east and west, between
the " coast of Jordan" and "the sea." Botfbrtha
pusillanimity of the greater number of the tribes it
would have been entered from the south (Num.
xtti. 30), and in that case the east of Jordan might
never have been peopled by Israel at all.
Accordingly, when the Reubenites and their
fellows approach Moses with their request, his
main objection is that by what they propose they
will discourage the hearts of the children of Isreef
from going over Jordan into the land which
Jehovah had given them (Num. xxxii. 7). It is
only on their undertaking to fulfil their part in
the conquest of the western country, the land of
Canaan proper, and thus satisfying him that their
proposal was grounded in no selfish desire to escape
a full share of the- difficulties of the conquest, that
Moses will consent to their proposal.
The " blessing" of Reuben by the departing law-
giver is a passage which has severely exercised
translators and commentators. Strictly tra n sla ted .
as they stand in the received Hebrew text, tha
words are as follow: < —
* Let Reuben live and not die,
And let his men be a number" (1 a, IbirX
As to the first line there appears to be no doibt.
nexlon In tbe Interchange of the names la Jad. vm. 1
(Vnlg.) and lx, 1
• It Is said that this wsa originally an ox, bat changed
by Moses, lest It should recal tbe am of the golden calf.
< A few versions have bun bold enough to render lbs
Hebrew salt stands. Thus tbe Vulgate, IsnBer.UWetta
BKUBBM
lit the second line hu beta interpreted in two
snotty opposite ways. 1. By the LXX. • —
" And let bto men t be many in number."
The hu the disadvantage that "IBDD u never
fsnjmyed elsewhere for * large number, bat alwaja
tor a small one («.o. 1 Chr. xvi. 19 ; jobxri.22;
k t 19; Ex. xfl. 16).
4. That of oar own A nth. Version:—
*Am let not hit men be tew."
Hen the negative of the first line is presumed to
convey its force to the second, though not there
aprmed. This is countenanced by the ancient
Syrac Version (Peshito) and the translations of
Junius and Trexnellius, and Schott and Winter. It
tlae hat the important support of Gesenius {Tint.
968a, and Pemt. Bern. p. 44).
3. A third and Tery ingenious interpretation is
that adopted try the Veneto-Greek Version, and also
by Wobaeua (2K6W ftr OigeMaien, Text), which
asanas that the vowd-points of the word VnO,
" his men," are altered to VnO, " his dead "— '
• And let his deed be few"—
at if in allusion to same recent mortality In the
tribe, sneh as that in Simeon after the plague of
BaaUFesr.
These interpretations, unless the last should prove
to be the original leading, originate in the fact' that
the words in their naked sense convey a curse and
seta Mealing. Fortunately, though differing widely
in detail, they agree in general meaning.* The bene-
diction of the great leader goes out over the tribe
which was shout to separate itself from its brethren,
is a fervent aspiration for its welfare through all the
rfctt of that remote and trying situation.
Both in this and the earlier blessing of Jacob,
Bnben retains his place at the head of the family,
tad H must not be overlooked that the tribe, together
with the two who associated themselves with it,
JdnsHy received its inheritance before either Judah
or Kphrann, to whom the birthright which Reuben
bad forfeited waa transferred (1 Chr. v. 1).
From this time it seems as if a bar, not only the
material one of distance, and of the intervening
river and mountain-wall, but also of difference in
fading and habits, gradually grew up more snb-
sttntratly between the Eastern and Western tribes.
The first act of the former after the completion of
the noquest, and after they had taken part in the
solemn ceremonial in the Valley between Ebal and
Geriihn, shows how wide a gap already existed
between their ideas and those of the Western tribes.
The pile of stones which they erected on the
western bank of the Jordan to mark their boun-
dary— to testify to after ages that though separated
by the rushing river from their brethren and the
essntry hi which Jehovah had fixed the place
where Ha would be worshipped, they had still a
right to return to it for His worship — was erected
P.EUBEN
1038
in accordance with the unalterable habits of Bedouin
tribes both before and since. It was an act iden-
tical with that in which taban and Jacob engaged
at parting, with that which is constantly performed
by the Bedouins or" the present day. But by the
Israelites west of Jordan, who were fast relinquish-
ing their nomad habits and feelings for those of more
settled permanent lire, this act whs completely mis-
understood, and was construed into an attempt to
set up a rival altar to that of the Sacred Tent.
The incompatibility of the idea to the mind of the
Western Israelites, is shown by the fact, that not-
withstanding the disclaimer of the 1\ tribes, and
notwithstanding that disclaimer having proved sa-
tisfactory even to Phinehns, the author of Joshua
xxii. retains the name minbtach for the pile, a word
which involves the idea of sacrifice — i.e. o( daugh-
ter (see Gesenius, The*. 402) — instead of applying
to ft the term gal, as is done in the case (Gen.
xxxi. 46) of the precisely similar " heap of witness." ■
— Another Renbeuite erection, which for long kept
up the memory of the presence of the tribe on the
west of Jordan, was the stone of Bohan ben-Reuben
which formed a landmark on the boundary between
Judah and Benjamin. (Josh. xv. 6.) This was a
single stone (fiberi), not a pile, and it appears to
have stood somewhere on the road from Bethany
to Jericho, not far from the ruined khan so well
known to travellers.
No judge, no prophet, no hero of the tribe of Ren-
ben is handed down to us. In the dire extremity
of their brethren in the north under Deborah and
Barak, they contented themselves with debating the
news amongst the streams k of the Mishor; the distant
distress of his brethren could not move Reuben, he
lingered among his sheepfolds and preferred the
shepherd's pipe ' and the bleating of the Socks, to
the clamour of the trumpet and the turmoil of
battle. His individuality fades more rapidly than
Gad's. The eleven valiant Gadites who swam the
Jordan at its highest to join the son of Jesse in his
trouble (1 Chr. xii. 8-15), Barzillai, Elijah the Gi-
leadite, the siege of Ramoth-Gilead with its pic-
turesque incidents, all give a substantial reality to
the tribe and country of Gad. But no person, no
incident, is recorded, to place Reuben before us in
any distincter form than as a member of the com-
munity (if community it can be called) of " the
Reubenites, the Gadites, and the half-tribe of Ha-
nasseh" (1 Chr. xil. 37). The very towns of his
inheritance — Heehbon, Aroer, Kirjathaim, Dibon,
Baal-meon, Sibmah, Jazer, — are familiar to us as
Moabite, and not as Israelite towns. The city-life
so characteristic of Moabite civilisation had no hold
on the Reubenites. They are most in their element
when engaged in continual broils with the children
of the desert, the Bedouin tribes of Hagar, Jetur,
Nephiah, Nodal ; driving off their myriads of
cattle, asses, camels; dwelling m their tenia, as
if to the manner born (1 Chr. v. 10), gradually
spreading over the vast wilderness which extends
sTWAIrm.l.n anas the name of Simeon (* and let
(rfMon be assay to number"): but this, though approved
•ftr/atkstaella O the notes to the parage In bis «W
fir CnodeartanX on tbe gronnd that there fa no reason
tor omitting Simeon, is not supported by any Codex or
aty other Vended.
k iBOmKemiMdTrmulotimof ftsgoly Scrot um or
■» Bev. C. WeUbeloved sod others (London, issj) the
s Is rendered
» May Renhen live and not die,
Taoaea n't man be lew."
An excellent evasion of the difficulty, provided It be
admissible ss a translation.
> Tbe " altar "Uactnally called Ed, or "witness" (Josh,
xxll. 34) by the Bedouin Reubenites, Just ss the pile of
Jacob and Labaa waa called Qal-ed, the heap of witness.
> Tbe word used liere, pebg, teems to refer to artl&rla,
streams or ditches for Irrigation. [Rivm.]
> Tula Is Ewald's rendering (Dickttr da A. B. i. 130)
adopted by Bunaen, of tha passage rendered in tbe A. f
" bleating of tbe nocks."
1034 JKEVELATION OF ST. JOHN
from Jordan to the Euphrates (t. 9), and every
day receding furthe- and further from any com-
munity of feeling 01 of interest with the Western
tribes.
Thai remote from the central seat of the national
government and of the national religion, it is not
to be wondered at that Reuben relinquished the
faith of Jehovah. " They went a whoring after
the gods of the people of the land whom God de-
stroyed before them," and the last historical notice
which we possess of them, while it records this
fact, records also as its natural consequence that the
Beubenites and Gadites, and the half-tribe of Ma-
naaseh were carried off by Pul and Tiglath-Pileser,
and placed in the districts on and about the river
Khabir in the upper part of Mesopotamia — " in
Halah, and Habor, and Hara, and the river Gozan"
(1 Chr. t. 26). [G.]
BED'EL (taWV. "Paywfi*. : Rahul, Raguel).
The name of several persons mentioned in the Bible.
1. One of the sons of Esau, by his wife Bashe-
math sister of Ishmael. His sons were four —
Nahath, Zerah, Shammah, and Miuah, "dukes"
of Edom (.Gen. xxxvi. 4, 10, 13, 17 ; 1 Chr. L 35,
37).
2. One of the names of Moses' father-in-law
(Ex. ii. 18) ; the same which, through adherence
to the LXX. form, is given in another passage of
the A. V. Raouel. Moses' father-in-law was a
Midianite, but the Midianites are in > well-known
passage (Gen. xxxvii. 28) called also Ishmaelites,
and if this may be taken strictly, it is not impossible
that the name of Keuel may be a token of his con-
nexion with the Ishmaelite tribe of that name. There
is, however, nothing to confirm this suggestion.
3. Father of Klisaaph, the leader of the tribe of
Gad, at the time of the census at Sinai (Num. ii.
14). In the parallel passages the name is gives
Dec el, which is retained in this instance also by
the Vulgate (Duel).
4. A Benjamite whose name occurs in the gene-
alogy of a certain Elah, one of the chiefs of the
tribe at the date of the settlement of Jerusalem
(1 Chr. ix. 8). [G.]
BE1JMAH(nOWr!: "Vti/ia; Alex. "Pe^pa:
Soma). The concubine of Nahor, Abraham's brother
(Gen. xxii. 24).
REVELATION OF ST. JOHN QAwoxi-
AWru 'Ifirrov : Apooalypns Btatt Joanna Apo-
ttotf). The following subjects in connexion with
this book seem to have the chief claim for a place
in this article :—
A. Canonical Authorjtt and Authorship.
B. Tuts amd Place or Wrttino.
C. Language.
D. Contents and Structurc.
E. HISTORY OP INTERPRETATION.
A. Canonical Authority and Authorship.
—The question as to the canonical authority of the
Revelation resolves itself into a question of author-
ship. If it can be proved that a book, claiming so
distinctly as this does the authority of divine in-
spiration, was actually written by St. John, then
*o doubt will be entertained as to its title to a place
in the Canon of Scripture.
Was, then, St John the Apostle sad Evangelist
the writer of the Revelation ? This question was
first mooted by Ii'iioysiiis of Alexandria (Kusebius,
H. K. vii. 25). The doubt which he modestly
KEVELATION OP ST. JOHN
suggested has been confidently proclaimed in Ba>
dern times by I.uther ( Vorrtde aufdie Offtnbanmg,
1522 and 1534), and widely diffused through his
influence. Likke (Einleitung, 802), the most
learned and diligent of modem critics of the Reve-
lation, agrees with a majority of the eminent scho-
lars of Germany in denying that St, John was the
author.
But the general belief of the mass of Christian*
in all ages has been in favour of St. John's author-
ship. The evidence adduced in support of tliat
belief consists of (1) the assertions of the author,
and (2) historical tradition.
(1) The author's description of himself in the 1st
and 22nd chapters is certainly equivalent to an as-
sertion that he is the Apostle, (a) He names himself
simply John, without prefix or addition — a name
which at that period, and in Asia, must have been
taken by every Christian as the designation in the
first instance of the great Apostle who dwelt at
Ephesus. Doubtless there were other Johns among
the Christians at that time, but only arrogunce or no
intention to deceive could account for the assumption
of this simple style by any other writer. He is al*o
described as (6) a servant of Christ, (c) one who had
borne testimony as an eye-witness of the word of
God and of the testimony of Christ— terms which
were surely designed to identify him with the
writer of the verses John xix. 35, i. 14, and 1 John
i. 2. He is (d) in Patmos for the word of God
and the testimony of Jesus Christ: it may be easy
to suppose that other Christians of the same name
were banished thither, but the Apostle is the only
John who is distinctly named in early history as
an exile at Patmos. He is also (<) a fellow-sufferer
with those whom he addresses, and (/) the autho-
rised rh-jrel of the most direct and important
communication that was ever made to the seven
churches of Asia, of which churches John the
Apostle was at that time the spiritual governor
and teacher. Lastly (</) the writer was a fellow-
servant of angels and a brother of prophet*— titles
which are far more suitable to one of the chief
Apostles, and far more likely to have been assigned
to him than to any other man of less distinction.
All these marks are found united together in the
Apostle John, and in him alone of all historical
persons. We must go out of the region of fact into
the region of conjecture to find such another person.
A candid reader of the Revelation, if previously
acquainted with St. John's other writings ami life,
must inevitably conclude that the writer intended
to be identified with St. John. It is strange to see
so able a critic as Likke {Emteitung, 514) meeting
this conclusion with the conjecture that some Asiatic
disciple and namesake of the Apostle may have
written the book in the course of some missionary
labours or some time of sacred retirement in Pat-
mos. Equally unavailing against this conclusion is
the objection brought by Ewald, Credner, and others,
from the fact that a promise of the future blessed-
ness of the Apostles is implied in xviii. 20 and xzi.
14 ; as if it were inconsistent with the true modesty
and humility of an Apostle to record— as Daniel
of old did in much plainer terms (Dan. xtt. 13) —
a divine promise of salvation to himself personally.
Rather those passages may be taken as instances of
the writer quietly accepting as his just due such
honourable mention as belongs to all the Apostolic
company. Unless we are prepared to give up the
veracity and divine origin of the whole book, and
to treat tlie writer's account of himself ss a mere
KfiVEIATION OP ST. JOHN
tci'm of a poet trying to cover his own 11 agnifi-
csaot with an honoured name, we must accept that
Ascription as a plain statement of fact, equally
credible with the rest of the book, and in harmony
with the simple, honest, truthful character which
is stamped on the face of the whole narrative.
Besides this direct assertion of St. John's author-
ship, there is also an implication of it running
thraogh the book. Generally, the instinct of single-
minded, patient, faithful students has led them to
discern a connexion between the Revelation and
St. John, and to recognise not merely the same
Spirit as the source of this and other books of Holy
Scripture, but also the same peculiarly-formed
human instrument employed both in producing
this book and the fourth Gospel, and in speaking
the characteristic words and performing the cha-
racteristic actions recorded of St. John. This evi-
dence is set forth at great length, and with much
force and eloquence, by J. P. Lange, in his Essay
on the Connexion between the Individuality of the
Apostle John and that of the Apocalypse, 1838
( VermaeUe Schriftm, ii. 173-231). After inves-
tigating the peculiar features of the Apostle's cha-
racter and position, and (in reply to Lttcke) the
personal traits shown by the writer of the Revela-
tion, be concludes that the book is a mysterious
but genuine effusion of prophecy under the New
Testament, imbued with the spirit of the Gospel,
the product of a spiritual gift so peculiar, so great
and noble that it can be ascribed to the Apostle
John alone. The Revelation requires for its writer
Si. John, just as his peculiar genius requires for
its utterance a revelation.
(2) To come to the historical testimonies in
favour of St. John's authorship : — these are singu-
larly distinct and numerous, and there is very
little to weigh against them, (a) Justin Martyr,
arc 150 A.D., says : — " A man among us whose
name was John, one of the Apostles of Christ, in a
revelation which was made to him, prophesied that
the believers in our Christ shall live a thousand
Tears in Jerusalem" (Tryph. §81, p. 179, ed. Ben.),
to) The author of the Muratorian Fragment, circ.
170 «.»., speaks of St John a* the writer of the
Apocalypse, and describes him as a predecessor of
St Paul, i. t. as Credner and Lttcke candidly inter-
pret it, his predecessor in the office of Apostle,
(e) HeKto of Sardis, circ. 170 A.D., wrote a treatise
an the Revelation of John. Eosebius (B. E. iv.
26) raentiona tins among the books of Melito which
bad come to his knowledge; and, as he carefully
records objections against the Apostle's authorship,
it may be fairly presumed, notwithstanding the
doubts of rUenker and Lttcke (p. 514}, that Ease-
bias found no doubt as to St. John's authorship in
the book of this ancient Asiatic bishop, (ft) Theo-
philns, bishop of Antjoch, drc. 180, in a contro-
versy with Her mog e n ca, quotes passages out of the
Revelation of John (Euseb. U. E. iv. 24). («) In-
vars*, cue. 195, apparently never having heard a
suggestion of any other author than the Apostle,
sften quotes the Revelation as the work of John.
In iv. 20, §11, he describes John the writer of the
Revelation as thsi same who was leaning on Jesus'
bosom at supper, and asked Him who should betray
Him. The testimony of Irenaeoa as to the author-
ship of Revelation is perhaps more important than
that of any other writer : it mounts up into the
p a sB rom g generation, and is virtually that ol a con-
taaanrary of the Apostle. For in v. 30, §1, where
he viarUeatee the true reading (666) of the number
REVELATION OP ST. JOHN 1036
of tne Beast, he cites in support of it not only the
old correct copies of the book, but also the oral
testimony of the very persons who themselves had
■een St. John face to face. It is obvious that
Irenaeus' reference for information on such a point
to those contemporaries of St. John implies his
undoubting belief that they, in common with him-
self, viewed St. John as the writer of the book.
Lttcke (p. 574) suggests that this view was possibly
groundless because it was entertained before the
learned fathers of Alexandria had set the example
of historical criticism ; but his suggestion scarcely
weakens the force of the fact that such was the
belief of Asia, and it appears a strange suggestion
when we remember that the critical discernment
of the Alexandrians, to whom he refers, led them to
coincide with Irenaeus in his view. (/) Apollonius
(circ. 200) of Ephesus (?), in controversy with the
Montanists of Phrygia, quoted passages out of the
Revelation of John, and narrated a miracle wrought
by John at Ephesus (Euseb. H. E. v. 18). (g) Cle-
ment of Alexandria (drc. 200) quotes the book ss
the Revelation of John (Stromata, vi. 13, p. 667V
and as the work of an Apostle (Paed. ii. 12, p. 207).
(A) Tertullian (a.D. 207), in at least one place, quotes
by name " the Apostle John in the Apocalypse "
(Adv. Maroon, iii. 14). (i) Hippolytus (circ 230}
is said, in the inscription on his statue at Rome, to
hare composed an apology for the Apocalypse and
Gospel of St. John the Apostle. He quotes it as
the work of St. John (Di Antichristo, §36, p. 756,
ed. Migne). (j) Origen (circ. 233), in his Com-
mentary on St. John, quoted by Eusebios (H. E.
vi. 25), says of the Apostle, " he wrote also the
Revelation." The testimonies of later writers, in
the third and fourth centuries, in favour of St.
John's authorship of the Revelation, are equally
distinct and far more numerous. They may be
seen quoted at length in Lttcke, pp. 628-638, or in
Dean Alford's Prolegomena (if. 2'., vol. iv. pt ii.).
It may suffice here to say that they include the
names of Victorious, Methodius, Ephrem Syrus,
Epiphanius, Basil, Hilary, Athanasius, Gregory,
Didymua, Ambrose, Augustine, and Jerome.
All the foregoing writers, testifying that the
book came from an Apostle, believed that it was a
part of Holy Scripture. But many whose extant
works cannot be quoted for testimony to the au-
thorship of the book refer to it as possessing
canonical authority. Thus (a) Papias, who is de-
scribed by Irenaeus as a hearer of St. John and
friend of Pclycarp, is cited, together with other
writers, by Andreas of Cappadocia, in his Com-
mentary on the Revelation, as a guarantee to later
agea of the divine inspiration of the book (Routh,
Beliq. Soar. i. 15 ; Cramer's Catena, Oxford, 1840,
p. 176). The value of this testimony has not been
impaired by the controversy to which it has given
rise, in which Lttcke, Bleek, Hengstenberg, and
Rettig have taken different parts, (b) In the
Epistle from the Churches of Lyons and Vienne,
A.D. 177, inserted in Eusebios, H. E. v. 1-3, several
passages («. g. i. 5, xiv. 4, xxii. 11) are quoted or
referred to in the same way as passages of books
whose canonical authority is unquestioned, (c) Cy-
prian (Epp. 10, 12, 14, 19, ed. Fell) repeatedly
quotes it as a part of canonical Scripture. Chry-
sostom makes no distinct allusion to it in any
extant writing; but we are informed by Snida*
that he received it as canonical. Although omitted
(perhaps as not adapted for public reading in
church) from the list of canonical books in thi
1036 REVELATION OF ST. JOHN
CouncL if Laodicea, it ni admitted into the list
of the Tliird Council of Carthage, a.d. 397.
Such it the evidence in favour of St. John's author'
|hip and of the canonical authority ofthisbook. The
following facta mutt be weighed on the other aide.
Harcioo, who regarded all the Apostles einept
St. Paul at corrupteri of the truth, rejected the
Apocalypae and all other bookt of the N. T. which
were not written by St Paul. The Alogi, an
objeure Met, circa 180 A.D., in their aeal against
Houtanitm, denied the existence of spiritual gifts
in the Church, and rejected the Revelation, saying
it was the work, not of John, but of Cerinthus
(Epiphanius, Adv. Boar. H.). The Roman pres-
byter Caius (circa 196 a.d.), who also wrote
against Montanism, it quoted by Eusebins (B. E.
iii. 28) as ascribing certain Revelations to Cerin-
thus : but it is doubted (see Booth, Rei. Saer. ii.
138) whether the Revelation of St John it the
book to which Caius refers. But the testimony
which is considered the most important of all in
ancient timet against the Revelation is contained
in a fragment of Dionvsius of Alexandria, circa
240 A.D., the most influential and perhaps the
ablest bishop in that age. The passage taken from
a book On the Promita, written in reply to Nepos,
a learned Judaising Chiliast, is quoted by Eusebius
(AT. E. vii. 25). The principal points in it are
these : — Dionysius testifies that some writers before
him altogether repudiated the Revelation as a
forgery of Cerinthus; many brethren, how e ver,
prised it very highly, and Dionysius would not
venture to reject it, but received it in faith as
containing things too deep and too sublime for his
understanding. [In his Epistle to Hermammon
(Buteb. B. E. vii. 10) he quotes it as he would
quote Holy Scripture.] He accepts at true what
is stated in the book itself, that it was written by
John, bat he argues that the way in which that
name it mentioned, and the general character of
the language, an unlike what we should expect
from John the Evangelist and Apostle; that there
were many Johns in that age. He would not say
that John Mark was the writer, since it is not
known that be was in Asia. He supposes it must
be the work of some John who lived in Asia ; and
he observes there are said to be two tombs in
Kpbesus, each of which bears the name of John.
He then points oat at length the superiority of the
style of the Gospel and the First Epistle of John
to the style of the Apocalypse, and says, in conclu-
sion, that, whatever he may think of the language,
be doe* not deny that the writer of the Apocalypse
actually saw what he describes, and was endowed
with the divine gifts of knowledge and prophecy.
To this extent, and no farther, Diooysiu* is a wit-
ness against St John's authorship. It is obvious
that he felt keenly the difficulty arising from the
use made of the contents of this book by certain
unsound Christians under his jurisdiction ; that he
was acquainted with the doubt as to its canonical
authority which some of his predecessors enter-
tained as an inference from the nature of its eon-
tents; that he deliberately rejected their doubt and
accepted the contents of the book as given by the
inspiration of God ; that, although he did not
understand how St John could write in the style
in which the Revelation is written, he yet knew
•f no authority for attributing it, at he desired to
attribute it, to tome other of the numerous persons
who bore the name of John. A weightier difficulty
arises from the fact that the Revelation is one of
REVELATION OF ST. JOHN
tin hooks which are absent from the
Peshito version ; and the only trustworthy evidence
in favour of its reception by the ancient Syrian
Church is a single quotation whkh is adduce*)
from the Syriac works (ii. 332 c) of Ephrem
Syrus. Eusebius is remarkably sparing in his
quotations from the " Revelation of John,' and tha
uncertainty of his opinion about it it beat shown
by his statement in B. E. iii. 39, that " it is likely
that the Revelation was seen by tha second John
(the Ephesian presbyter), if anyone is unwilling to
believe that it was seen by the Apostle." Jerome
states {Ep. ad Dardamun, be.) that the Greek
Churches felt, with respect to the Revelation, a
similar doubt to that of the Latins respecting the
Epistle to the Hebrews. Neither he nor his equally
influential contemporary Augustine shared sock
doubts. Cyril of Jerusalem, Chrysostom, Theodore
of Mopsuestia, and Theodoret abstained from making
use of the book, sharing, it is possible, the doubts to
which Jerome refers. But they have not gone so
far as to express a distinct opinion against it Tha
silence of these writers it the latest evidence of any
importance that has bean adduced against the over-
whelming weight of the testimony in favour of tha
canonical authority and authorship of this book
B. Time and Place or Wbjtwo. — The data
of the Revelation is given by the great majority of
critics as a.d. 95-97. Tha weighty testimony of
Irenaeus is almost sufficient to prevent any other
conclusion. He says (Ado. Ban-, v. 30, §3):
44 It (i. «. the Revelation) waa seen no vary long
time ago, but almost in our own generation, at tha
close of Domitian's reign." Eusebius also records
as a tradition which he does not question, that in the
persecution under Domitian, John the Apostle and
Evangelist, being yet alive, was banished to tha
island Patmos for his testimony of the divine word.
Allusions in Clement of Alexandria and Origea
point in the same direction. There is no mentiea
in any writer of the first three centuries of say
other time or place. Kpiphanius (li. 19), obviously
by mistake, says that John prophesied in the ratga
of Claudius. Two or three obscure and later autho-
rities say that John was banished under Nero.
Unsupported by any historical evidence, acta*
commentator* have put forth the conjecture that
tha Revelation was written at early as the time of
Men. This is limply their inference from the style
and content* of the book. But it is difficult to as*
why St John's old age rendered it as they allege,
impossible for him to write his inspired metaag*
with force and vigour, or why his residence in
Ephesns must have removed the Hebraistic pecu-
liarities of hi* Greek. It is difficult to see in the
passages i. 7, ii. 9, iii. 9, vi. 12, 16, xi. 1, any-
thing which would lead necessarily to the conclu-
sion that Jerusalem was in a prosperous condition,
and that the predictions of its fall bad not bran
fulfilled when those verses were written. A mora
weighty argument in favour of an early date might
be urged from a modern interpretation of xvii. 10,
if that interpretation could be established. Galba
is alleged to be the sixth king, the one that - is."
In Nero these interpreters see the Beast that waa
wounded (xiii. 3), the Beast that was and is not,
the eighth king (xvii. 11). For some time after
Nero's death the Roman populace believed that ha
was not dead, but had fled into the East wheno*
he would return and regain his throne c and these
interpreters venture to suggest that tin writer el
the Revelation shared and meant to saunas tha
MVKLATION OF ST. JOHV
absurd popular delusion. Even the able and learned
Herat ( 1UoL ChrH. i. 443), by way of supporting
tlu interpretation, advances hie untenable olaim to
the firat diacovery of the name of Nero Caeaar in
the number of the beast, 666. The inconsistency
•S tUa interpretation with prophetic analogy, with
the context of Herniation, and with the fact tnat
the book ia of divine origin, ia pointed ont by
Hengstenbrrg at the end of his Commentary on
eh. xhi., and by Elliott, Horae Apoo. iv. 547.
It haa bom inferred from i. 2, 9, 10, that the
ifevetalion waa written in Ephesus, immediately
after the Apostle'* return from Patmos.' Bat the
text ia scarcely sufficient to support this conclusion.
The style in which the messages to the seven Churches
are delivered rather suggests the notion that the
beak was written in Patmos.
C. Lamcage. — The doubt first suggested by
H a ra u berg, whether the Revelation was written in
Aramaic, has met with little or no reception. The
snewee of all ancient writers as to any Aramaic
original is alone a sufficient answer to the sugges-
tion. LOcko (£mM(. 441) has also collected in-
ternal evidence to ahow that the original ia the
Greek of a Jewish Christian.
Locks haa also (pp. 446-464) examined in minute
detail, after the preceding labours of Donker-Cur-
tius. Vagal, Winer, Ewald, Kolthoff, and Hitzig,
the peculiarities of language which obviously dis-
tinguish the Revelation from every other book of
the New Testament. And in subsequent sections
iff. 680-747) ha urges with great force the dif-
ference b e twe e n the Revelation on one side and the
fourth Gospel and first Epistle on the other, in
napi is of their style and composition and the
mental character and attainments of the writer of
each. Bengatenberg, in a dissertation appended to
his Commentary, "■■"*»*"« that they are by one
writer. That the anomalies and peculiarities of
Ike Bawslattsn hare been greatly exaggerated by
ansae critics, ia sufficiently shown by Hitzig s
p'T*-"* 1 " and ingenious, though unsuccessful, at-
tempt to prove the identity of style and diction in
the Revelation and the GospeJ of St Mark. Itinay
be admitted that the Revelation has many sur-
prtsiog grammatical peculiarities. Bat much of
this ia accounted for by the fact that it waa pro-
bably written down, as it was seen," in tho Spirit,"
whilst the ideas, in all their novelty and fastness,
filled the Apostle's mind, and rendered him leas
capable of attending to forms of speech. His
Gospel and Epistles, on the other hand, were com-
posed equally under divine influence, but an in-
tnence of a gentler, more ordinary kind, with much
care, after long deliberation, after frequent recol-
lection and recital of the facta, and deep pondering
of the doctrinal truths which they involve.
D. C oalm e n . — The tint three verses contain
the title of the book, the description of the writer,
and the blessing pronounced on the readers, which
possibly, like the last two verses of the fourth
Gospel, may be an addition by the hand of inspired
survivors of the writer. John begins (i. 4) with a
aabtation of toe seven Churches of Asia, This,
eoanag before the announcement that he was in
the Spirit, looks like a dedication not merely of the
first vadon, but of all the book, to those Churches,
fa the next five verses (i. 5-9) he touches the key-
note of the whole following book, the great funda-
atektal iaVwe en which all our notions of the go-
verasnsatof the world and the Church are built;
the Hsrern «f Christ, the redemption wrought by
SKVKLATION OF ST. JOHN 1087
Him, His second coming to judge nunkicd, the
painful hopeful discipline of Christians in the midst
of this present world : thoughts which may well be
supposed to have been uppermost in the mind of
the persecuted and exiled Apostle even before the
Divine Inspiration came on him.
a. The first vision (i. 7-iil. 22) shows the Son
of Man with His injunction, or Epistles to the seven
Churches. While the Apostle is pondering those
great truths and the critical condition of his Church
which be had left, a Divine Person resembling
those seen by Exekriel and Daniel, and identified by
name and by description as Jesus, appears to John,
and with the discriminating authority of a Lord
and Judge reviews the state of those Churches,
pronounces his decision upon their several cha-
racters, and takes occasion from them to speak to
all Christians who may deserve similar encourage-
ment or similar condemnation. Each of these sen-
tences, sjoken by the- Son of Han, ia described as
said by the Spirit. Hitherto the Apostle has been
speaking primarily though not exclusively to some
of his own contemporaries concerning the present
events and circumstances. Henceforth he ceases to
address them particularly. His words are for the
ear of the universal Church in all ages, and ahow the
significance of things which are present in hope or
fear, in sorrow or in joy, to Christians everywhere.
b. (iv. 1-viii. 1.) In the nut vision, Patmos
and the Divine Person whom he saw are gooe.
Only the trumpet voice is heard again calling him
to a change of place. He is in the highest court of
heaven, and sees God sitting on His throne. The
•even-sealed book or roll is produced, and the slain
Lamb, the Redeemer, receives it amid the sound of
universal adoration. As the seals are opened in
order, the Apostle sees (1) a conqueror on a white
horse, (2) a red horse betokening war, (3) the
black horse of famine, (4) the pale horse of death,
S5) the eager souls of martyrs under the altar,
6) an earthquake with universal commotion and
terror. After this there is a pause, the course of
avenging angels Is checked while 144,000, the chil-
dren of Israel, servants of God, are sealed, and an
innumerable multitude of the redeemed of all nations
are seen worshipping God. Next (7) the seventh
seal is opened, and half an horn's silence in heaven
ensues.
e. Then (viii.2-xi. 19) seven angels appear with
trumpets, the prayers of saints are offered up, the
earth is struck with fire from the altar, and the
seven trumpets are sounded. (1) The earth, and
(2) the sea and (3) tne springs of water and (4)
the heavenly bodies i/e successively smitten, (5) a
plague of locusts afflicts the men who are not
sealed (the first woe), (6) the third part of men
are slain (the second woe), but the rest are im-
penitent. Then there is a pause : a mighty angel
with a book appears and cries out, seven thunders
sound, but their words are not recorded, the ap-
proaching completion of the mystery of God h
announced, the angel bids the Apostle eat the book,
and measure the temple with its worshipper* and
the outer court given up to the Gentiles ; the twe
witnesses of God, their martyrdom, resurrection, as-
cension, are foretold. The approach of the third woe
is announced and (7) the seventh trumpet is sounded,
the reign of Christ is proclaimed, God has takeu His
great power, the time ha* come for judgment and
for the destruction of the destroyers of the earth.
The three preceding visions are distinct from one
another Each of the last two, like toe longer
1038 BEVELATION OF ST. JOHN
one which follows, hu the appearance of a distinct
prophecy, reaching from the prophet's time to the
end of the world. The second half of the Revela-
tion (xii.-xxii.) comprises a aeries of vision* which
air connected by various links. It mar be de-
scribed generally as a prophecy of the assaults of
the devil and his agents ( = the dragon, the ten-
horned beast, the two-horned beast or false prophet,
and the harlot) upon the Church, and their final
destruction. It appears to begin with a reference
to events anterior, not only to those which are
predicted in the preceding chapter, but also to
the time in which it was written. It seems hard to
interpret the birth of the child as a prediction, and
not as a retrospective allusion.
d. A woman (xii.) clothed witn the sun is seen
In heaven, and a great red dragon with seven
crowned heads stands waiting to devour her off-
spring; her child is caught up unto God, and the
mother Bees into the wilderness for 1260 days.
The persecution of the woman and her seed on
earth by the dragon, is described ss the consequence
of a war in heaven in which the dragon was over-
come and cast out upon the earth.
St. John (xiii.) standing on the seashore sees a
beast with seven heads, one wounded, with ten
crowned horns, rising from the water, the represen-
tative of the dragon. All the world wouder at and
worship him, and he attacks the saints and prevails.
He is followed by another two-homed beast rising
out of the earth, who compels men to wear the
mark of the beast, whose number is 666.
St. John (xiv.) sees the Lamb with 144,000
standing on Mount Zion learning the song of praiae
of the heavenly host. Three angels fly forth call-
ing men to worship God, proclaiming the fall of
Babylon, denouncing the worshippers of the beast.
A biasing is pronounced on the faithful dead, and
the judgment of the world is described under the
image of a harvest reaped by angels.
St. John (xv., xvi.) sees in heaven the saints
who bad overcome the beast, singing the song of
Moses and the Lamb. Then seven angels come out
of the heavenly temple having seven vials of wrath
which they pour out upon the earth, sea, rivers,
son, the seat of the beast, Euphrates, and the air,
after which then is s great earthquake and a hail-
storm.
One (zvii., xviii.) of the last seven angels carries
St. John into the wilderness and shows him a har-
lot, Babylon, sitting on a scarlet beast with sev?u
heads and ten boms. She is explained to be tha*
great city, sitting upon seven mountains, reigning
over the kings of the earth. Afterwards St. John
sees a vision of the destruction of Babylon, portrayed
a» the burning of a great city amid the lamentations
of worldly men and the lejoidng of saints.
Afterwards (xix.) the worshippers in heaven are
beard celebrating Babylon's fall and the approaching
marriage-supper of the Lsmb. The Word of God is
seen going forth to war at the head of the heavenly
armies : the beast and his false prophet are taken
and cast into the burning lake, and their worship-
pars are slain.
An angel (xx.-xxii. 5) binds the dragon, •". «. the
devil, for 1000 years, whilst the martyred saints
who had not worshipped the beast reign with Christ.
Then the devil is unloosed, gathers a host against
the amp of the saints, but is overcome by fire
from heaven, and is cast into the burning lake with
Be beast and false prophet. St. John then witnesses
tae pi ocew of the final judgment, acd sees and de-
REVELATION OF ST. JOHN
scribes the new heaven and the new earth, and the
nm Jerusalem, with its people and their way of hie.
In ths last sixteen verses (xxii. 6-21) the angd
solemnly asseverates the truthfulness and import*
ance of the foregoing sayings, pronounces a blessing
on those who keep them exactly, fives warning
of His speedy coming to judgment, and of the
nearness of the time when these prophecies shall be
fulfilled.
E. Interpretation. — A short account of the
different directions in which attempts have been
made to interpret the Revelation, is all that can be
given in this place. The special blessing promised
to the reader of this book (i. 3), the assistance to
common Christian experience afforded by its pre-
cepts and by some of its visions, the striking imagery
of others, the tempting field which it supplies lor
intellectual exercise, will always attract students to
this book and secure for it the labours of many
commentators. Ebrard reckons that not less than
eighty systematic commentaries are worthy of note,
and states that the less valuable writings on thi*
inexhaustible subject are unnumbered, it not innu-
merable. Fanaticism, theological hatred, and vain
curiosity, may hare largely influenced their compo-
sition ; but any one who will compare the necessa-
rily inadequate, and sometimes erroneous, exposition
of early times with a good modern commentary
will see that the pious ingenuity of so many cen-
turies has not lieen exerted quite in vain.
The interval between the Apostolic age and that
of Constantine has been called the Chiliastic period
of Apocalyptic interpretation. The visions of St.
John were chiefly regarded as representations of
general Christian truths, scarcely yet embodied in
actual facts, for the most part to be exemplified or
fulfilled in the reign of Antichrist, the coming of
Christ, the millennium, and the dsy of judgment.
The fresh hopes of the early Christians, and thn
severe persecution they endured, taught them to
live in those future events with intense satisfaction
and comfort. They did not entertain the thought
of building up a definite consecutive chronological
scheme even of those symbols which some moderns
regard as then already fulfilled ; although from the
beginning a connexion between Rome and Antichrist
was universally allowed, and parts of the Revelation
wen; regarded as the filling-tip of the great outline
sketched by Daniel and St. Paul.
The only extant systematic interpretations in this
period, are the interpolated Commentary on the
Revelation by the martyr Victorious, circ 270 a.d
v Bibliothtca Patrum Maxima, iii. 41 4, and Migne's
Patrologia Latino, v. 318 ; the two editions should
be compared), and the disputed Treatise on Antichrist
by Hippolytus I Migne's Patrolojia Oraeca, x. 726).
But the prevalent views of that age are to be ga-
thered also from a passage in Justin Martyr ( 7b//</«>,
80,81), from the later books, especially the fifth, of
Irenaeus,and from various scattered passages in Ter-
tullian, Orijen, and Methodius. The geneial antici-
pation of the last days of the world in Lsctanti'ix,
vii. 14-25, has li ttlt direct reference to the Revelation
Immediately after the triumph of Constantine,
the Christians, emancipated from oppression and
persecution, and dominant and prosperous in their
turn, began to lose their vivid expectation of our
Lord's speedy Advent, and their spiritual conception
of His kingdom, and to look upon the temporal
supremacy of Christianity as a fulfilment of the
promised reign of Christ on earth. The Romas
[ emp re become Christian was regarded no longer as
BEVELATION OF BT. JOHN
the object of prophetic denunciation, but m the
seme of a millennial development. This view, how-
ever, ni soon met by the figurative interpretation
of the millsnnium as the reign of Christ in the hearts
•fall true believers. As the barbarous and here-
tical invaders of the falling empire appeared, they
vers regarded by the suffering Christians is fulfil-
ling the woes denounced in the Revelation. The be-
ginning of a regular chronological interpretation is
*<a in Berengaud (assigned by some critics to the
9th centuiy), who treated the Revelation as a his-
tory of the Church from the beginning of the world
to its end. And the original Commentary of the
Abbot Joachim is remarkable, not only for a farther
development of that method of interpretation, but
for the scarcely disguised identification of Babylon
with Papal Rome, and of the second Beast or Anti-
christ with some Universal Pontiff.
The chief commentaries belonging to this period
are that which is ascribed to Tichonius, circ. 390 a.d.,
printed in the works of St. Augustine ; Primasius,
of Adrumetum in Africa, a.d. 550, in Migne's Pa-
tntogia Latino, lxviii. p. 1406 ; Andreas of Crete,
ore. 650 a.d., Arethas of Cappadooht and Oecu-
menius of Tbessary in the 10th century, whose
commentaries were published together in Cramer's
Catena, Oxoo., 1840; the Explanatio Apoc. in
the works of Bede, A.D. 735 ; the Expotitio of
Berengaud, printed in the works of Ambrose ; the
Commentary of Haymo, A.D. 853, first published
st Cologne in 1531 ; a short Treatise on the Seals
by Antrim, bishop of Havilberg, A.D. 1 1 45, printed
in t/Achery's Spicilegiam, i. 161 ; the Expoeitio
of Abbot Joachim of Calabria, A.D. 1200, printed
at Venice in 1527.
In the dawn of the Reformation, the views to
which the reputation of Abbot Joachim gave cur-
rency, were taken up by the harbingers of the Im-
Jfflding change, as by Wicliffe and others ; and they
became the foundation of that great historical school
sf interpretation, which up to this time seems the
Dost popular of all. It is impossible to construct
an exact classification of modern interpreters of the
Kndatkn. They are generally placed in three
great divisions.
a. The Historical or Continuous expositors, in
whose opinion the Revelation is a progressive his-
tory of the fortune) of the Church from the first
centary to the end of time. The chief supporters
of' this most interesting interpretation are Made,
Sir 1. Newton, Vitringa, Beugel, Woodhouse, Faber,
E. B. Elliott, Wordsworth, Heugstenberg, Ebrard,
and others. The recent commentary of Dean Alford
belongs mainly to this school.
6. The Praeterist expositors, who are of opinion
that the Revelation has been almost, or altogether,
fulfilled in the time which has passed since it was
written; that it refers principally to the triumph
sf Christianity over Judaism and Paganism, sig-
ealwd in the downfall of Jerusalem and of Rome.
lbs most eminent expounders of this view are Al-
'■*«r, Gmtius, Hammond, Bossuet, Calmet, Wet-
*ui, Eichhorn, Hug, Herder, Ewald, Liicke, De
Wette, Dbterdieck, Stuart, Lee, and Maurice. This
*) the favourite interpretation with the critics of
Cmnany, one of whom goes so far as to state that
'he writer of the Revelation promised the fulfilment
■i his visions within the space of three years and a
Kin" from the time in which he wrote.
c. The Futurist expositors, whose views show a
rnnag reaction against s«me extravagancies of the
™» preceding schools. They believe that the whole
REZEPH
1030
book, excepting perhaps the first three chapters,
refers principally, if not exclusively, to events which
are yet to come. This view, which is asserted to
be merely a revival of the primitive interpretation,
has been advocated in recent times by Dr. J. H.
Todd, Dr. S. R. Maitland, B. Newton, C. Maittand,
I. Williams, De Burgh, slid others.
Each of these three schemes is open to objection.
Against the Futurist it is argued, that it is net
consistent with the repeated declarations of a speedy
fulfilment at the beginning and end of the book
itself (see ch. i. 3, xxii. 6, 7, 12, 20). Christians, to
whom it was originally addressed, would have derive/.
no special comfort from it, had its fulfilment been al -
together deferred for so many centuries. The rigidly
literal interpretation of Babylon, the Jewish tribes,
and other symbols which generally foims a part of
Futurist schemes, presents peculiar difficulties.
Against the Praeterist expositors it is urged, that
prophecies fulfilled ought to be rendered so perspi-
cuous to the general sense of the Church as to supply
an argument against infidelity ; that the destruction
of Jerusalem, having occurred twenty-five years pre-
viously, could not occupy a large space in a prophecy ;
that tiie supposed predictions of the downfalls of
Jerusalem and of Nero appear from the context to
refer to one event, but are by this scheme separated,
and, moreover, placed in a wrong order ; that the
measuring of the temple and the altar, and the
death of the two witnesses (ch. xi.), cannot be
explained consistently with the context.
Against the Historical scheme it is urged, that
its advocates differ very widely among themselves ;
that they assume without any authority that the
1260 days are so many years ; that several of its
applications — e. g. of the symbol of the ten-horned
beast to the Popes, and the sixth seal to the con-
version of Constantine— are inconsistent with the
context ; that attempts by some of this school to
predict future events by the help of Revelation have
ended in repeated failures.
In conclusion, it may be stated that two methods
have been proposed by which the student of the
Revelation may escape the incongruities and fallacies
of the different interpretations, whilst he may derive
edification from whatever truth they contain. It
has been suggested that the book may be regarded
as a prophetic poem, dealing in general and inexact
descriptions, much of which may be set down as
poetic imagery, mere embellishment. But such
a view would be difficult to reconcile with the
belief that the book is an inspired prophecy. A
better suggestion is made, or rather is revived, by
Dr. Arnold in his Sermons On the Interpretation of
Prophecy : that we should bear in mind that pre-
dictions have a lower historical sense, as well ns s,
higher spiritual sense ; that there may be one or
more than one typical, imperfect, historical fulfil-
ment of a prophecy, in each of which the higher
spiritual fulfilment is shadowed forth more or less
distinctly. Mr. Elliott, in his Horoe Apocolypticae,
iv. 622, argues against this principle; but perhaps
not successfully. The recognition of it would pave
the way for the acceptance in a modified stnse of
many of the interpretations of the Historical school,
and would not exclude the most valuable portions
o* the other schemes. [W. T. B.]
KEZ'KPH (t\r\: $ *Pa</*.». and TWfl-»
* The Alex. MS. exhibits the same forms of the nama
a» the Vat.; but by Accrlous coincidence mu.Tv.bjaifsi,
viz. 'P«<M m a Kings, 'I o^«« lu Isaiah.
1040 REZIA .
Bmepn). One of the phew which Scra>s cB « ri b man.
lions, in his taunting menage to Hexekiah, as having
been destroyed by his predecessor (2 K. xix. 12;
Is. zxzrii. 12). He couples it with Harsn and
other well-known Mesopotamia^ spots. The name
is still a common one, Yakut's Lexicon quoting
nine towns so celled. Interpreters, turners, are
at variance between the principal two of these.
The one is a day's march west of the Euphrates,
on the road from Sicca to ffimt (Genius, Keil,
Theoius, Michnelia, Suppl.); the other, again, is
east of the Euphrates, near Bagdad (Hitxig). The
former is mentioned by Ptolemy (v. 15) under the
name of "Pno-rffa, and appears, in the present im-
pel feet stale of our Mesopotamia knowledge, to be
the more feasible of the two. [G.]
REZIA (sTyi: "Vaaii: Etna). AnAsherite,
of the sons of Ulla (1 Chr. rii. 39;.
BEZTN (PV1= "Pao-fr, TasurmSr: Stain).
L A king of Damascus, contemporary with Pekah
in Israel, and with Jotham and Ahai in Judaea. The
policy of Bezin seems to have been to ally himself
do*iy with the kingdom of Israel, and, thus strength-
ened, to carry on constant war against the kings of
Judah. He attacked Jotham during the latter part
of his reign (2 K. rr. 37) ; but his chief war was
with Abas, whose territories he invaded, in com-
pany with Pekah, soon after Ahas had mounted
the throne (about B.C. 741). The combined army
laid siege to Jerusalem, where Ansa was, but
"could not prerail against it" (Is. rii. 1; 2 K
xvi. 5). Resin, however, " recovered Elath to
Syria " (2 K. xri. 6) ; that is, he conquered and
held possession of the celebrated town of that name
at the bead of the Gulf of Akabah, which com-
manded one of the most important lines of trade in
the East. Soon after this he was attacked by Tig-
lath-Pileser IL, king of Assyria, to whom Abas in
his distress had made application ; his armies were
defeated by the Assyrian hosts; his city besieged
and taken; bis people carried away captive into
Susiana(?Kw); and he himself slain (2 K. xri. 9;
compare Tiglath-Pilejer's own inscriptions, where
the defeat of Rezin and the destruction of Damascus
are distinctly mentioned). This treatment was pro-
bably owing to his being regarded as a rebel ; since
Damascus had been taken and laid under tribute by
the Assyrians some time previously (Rawlinson's
Herodotus, I 407). [G. R.]
3. One of the families of the Methinim (Ear. ii.
48 ; Neh. vii. 50). It furnishes another example
of the occur r ence of non-Israelite names amongst
them, which is already noticed under Mehgnim
[313 note; and see SisekaI In 1 Ead. the name
appears as Daiaan, in which the change from R to D
seems to imply that 1 Esdras at one time existed in
Syriac or some other Semitic language. [G.]
REZ'ON(jVri: 'Eo-pwa: Alex.'Pafwr: Baton).
The son of Eliadah, a Syrian, who when David de-
feated Hadadexer king of Zobah, put himself at the
head of a band of freebooters and set up a petty
kingdom at Damascus (1 K. xj. 23). Whether he
was an officer of Hadadexer, who, foreseeing the
destruction which David would inflict, prudently
■scaped with some followers : or whether he gathered
hit band of the remnant of those who survived the
slaughter, does not appear. The latter is more
rwobable. The settlement of Rexon at Damascus
osiild not bare been till some time after the db-
BHEGIU3I
eatrnns battle in which the power of HaJadsna
was broken, for we are told that David at the same
tamo deieatii the army of Damascene Syrians who
cam* to the relief of Hadadexer, and put garrison*
in Drrnascos. From his position at Damascus ht
haraMed the kingdom of Solomon during his whole
reigr. With regard to the statement of Nioolaus
in the 4th book of his History, quoted by Jowpbus
(Ant. vii. 5, §2), there is less difficulty, as there
seems to be no reason for attributing to it any
historical authority. He says that the name of
the king of Damascus, whom David defeated, was
Hadad, and that his descendants and successors took
the same name for ten generations. If this be true,
Rexon was a usurper, but the origin of the story
it probably the confused account of the LXX. In
the Vatican MS. of the LXX. the account of Rexon
is inserted in ver. 14 in close connexion with Hadad,
and on this Josephus appears to have founded his
story that Hadad, on leaving Egypt, endeavoured
without success to excite Idumea to revolt, and
then went to Syria, where he joined himself with
Rexon, called by Josephus Kaaxarua, who at the
head of a band of robbers was plundering the
country {Ant. viii. 7, §6). It was Hadad and not
Rexon, according to the account in Josephus, wha
established himself king of that part of Syria, and
made inroads upon the Israelites. In 1 K. xv. IS,
Benhadad, king of Damascus in the reign of Asa,
is described ss the grandson of Hezion, and from
the resemblance between the names Rexon and He-
zkv, when written in Hebrew characters, it hat
.jeen suggested that the latter is a corrupt reading
for the former. For this suggestion, however, then
does not appear to be sufficient ground, though it
was adopted both oy Sir John Marsham (Citron.
Can. p. 346) and Sir Isaac Newton (CkronoL p.
221). Barmen (B&eltcerk, i. p. cclxxi.) makes
Hezion contemporary with Reboboam, and probably
a grandson of Rexon. The name is Aramaic, and
Ewald compares it with Rezin. [W. A. W.]
BHE'GITJM ('P*>yi«»>: Bhegum). The men-
tion of this Italian town v which was situated on the
Bruttisn coast, just at the southern entrance of the
straits of Messina) occurs quite incidentally (Acts
xxviii. 13) in the account of St. Paul's voyage from
Syracuse to Puteoli, after the shipwreck at Malta.
But, for two reasons, it is worthy of careful atten-
tion. By a carious coincidence the figures on its
coins are the very "twin-brothers" which gave
the name to St Paul's ship. See (attached to the
article Castor aitd Pollux) the coin of Bruttii,
which doubtless represents the forms that were
painted or sculptured on the v es s e l. And, again,
the notice of the intermediate position of Rhegium,
the waiting there for a southerly wind to carry the
ship through the straits, the run to Puteoli with
such a wind within the twenty four hours, are all
points of geographical accuracy which help us to
realise the narrative. As to the history of the
place, it was originally a Greek colony: it was
miserably destroyed by Dionysiut of Syracuse:
from Augustus it received advantages which com-
bined with its geographical position in making it
important throughout the duration of the Roman
empire : it was prominently as s ocia t ed, in the middle
ages, with the varied fortunes of the Greek emperors,
the Saracens, and the Romans: and still the modern
Xeggio is a town of 10,000 inhabitants. Its distance
across the straits from Messina is only about six
miles, and it is well seen from the telegraph static*
above that Sicilian town. [J. S. H.]
BIBLAH
1041
BHBBA (>■»•<: Asm), son. of ZorobebeJ in
a/ Christ (Lake ui. 27). Lord A.
iss y n j ii u a l y conjectured that Rhasa i*
, hot manly ten title £•**, i. a. - Prince,"
asxgjaally a tt ap t it i to the name of Zerobbabel, and
gi ad sal l y tacroducad as an independent nama into
Ha thus removes aa important
too wranrirntian of the pedigree* in
4Lake(H*rr*f*aaualogiet,tui.,lU,
114, 346-60). [OBXKAUMr or Jestji Christ,
t>75«; ZraCKBABSX.] [G.]
EHfTDA ("Pawa; Ittcxk), lit. Am, the name
•fa bU who announced Pete's antral at the door
•f Mary's bowk after bis miraculous release from
•ran (Acta xii. IS).
RHODES fPAat; Bhodm). The history of
this aland is so illustrious, that it is interesting to
are it c o nn ecte d, even in a small degree, with the life
if St. Paul. He touched there on his return-voyage
ts Syria from the third missionary journey (Acts
nj. ly. It dees not appear that he landed from
the ship. The day before he had been at Cos, an
•Band to the N.W. ; and from Rhodes he proceeded
eastwards to Patau* in Lyaa. It seems, from all
the drcomstanres of the narrative, that the wind
was blowing from the N.W., as it very often does
■a that part of the Levant. Rhodes is immediately
apposite the high Carian and Lycian headlands at
the S.W. extremity of the peninsula of Asia Minor.
its pontkxt has had much to do with its history.
The outline of that history is as follows. Its real
eminence began (about 400 B.C.) with the founding
«f that city at the N.E. extremity of the island,
which still continues to be the capital. Though the
forian race was originally and firmly established
here, yet Rhodes was very frequently dependent on
ethers, between the Peloponnesian war and the time
of Alexander's campaign. After Alexander's death
kt entered on a glorious period, its material prosperity
Vang largely developed, and its institutions deserving
sad obtaining general esteem. As we approach the
tana of the consolidation of the Roman power in
the levant, we hare a notice of Jewish residents in
Sfcodes (1 Mace it. 23). The Romans, after the
irfeat of Anrjochua, assigned, during some time, to
Shades certain districts on the mainland [Caria,
Lvcta] ; and when these were withdrawn, upon
ewre mature provincial arrangements being made,
the island still enjoyed (from Augustus to Vespasian)
a oa a sater able amount of independence.* It is in
uoa interval that St. Paul was there. Its Byzantine
kuttry i> again eminent. Cider Constantine it was
the metropolis of the " Province of the Islands." It
was toe last place where the Christians of the East
Md oat against the advancing Saracens ; and lub-
•vroentlr it was once more famous as the home and
fcrtreas "of the Knights of St. John. The most
piauuBut re m a ins of the city and harbour are
■ bswibIs of »hose blights. The best account of
Bwdes win "jt {bund in Rosa, Beieen out den
Gritdk. Intel*, in. 70-113, and Seven nach Kos,
JbaUoneasaos, Bhodot, be, pp. 53-80. There is a
(Bad view, as well as an accurate delineation of the
cast, in the English Admiralty Chart No. 1639.
remaps the bast iiloatrmtioo we can adduce here is
* Two ss llasi la the mis of Htrod the Gnat coo-
asaat wtaV Bhsaea, are w«a worthy of mention here,
■ase newest to tialv.sfeoat the close of uWisst Repub-
asaa awwwpe. as found ibat the city had suffered much
own Oaseea, and (are liberal sams to restore It (Joseph.
•■* air. i«. A3) Here also slier toe battle of Aatsxo,
vol. at.
am of the early coins af Rhodes, with the conven-
tional rose-flower, which bore the name of the island
on one side, and the head of Apollo, radiated like
the sun, on the other It was a proverb that the
sun shone every day ii Rhodes. [J. & H.]
OSa or Basest
EHO'DOCUS ('Potent: Bhodocm). A Jew
who betrayed the plans of his countrymen ta
Antiochus Eupator. His treason was discovered,
and he was placed in confinement (2 Mace xiii.
21.) [B. F. W.]
RHODU8 ('Pate*: Bhodm), 1 Mace xv. 23.
[Rhode*.]
BIBA'I ('3n: "PtjSa in Sam., "Pe** - ; Alex.
*Pi)/3oi in Chr. : Bibal). The father of Ittai the
Benjamiteof Gibeah, who was one of David's mighty
men (2 Sam. xxiii. 29 ; 1 Chr. xi. 31).
HIB'LAH, 1. (r6a"in, with the definite article:
BnA.d> in both MSS.: Bebld). One of the landmarks
on the eastern boundary of the land of Israel, as
specified by Moses (Num. xxiiv. 11). Its position
is noted in this passage with much precision. It
was immediately between Shepham and the sea of
Cinnereth, and on the " east side of the spring."
Unfortunately Shepham has not yet been identified,
and which of the great fountains of northern
Palestine is intended by " the spring " is Oncer-
tain. It seems hardly possible, without entirely
disarranging the specification of the boundary, that
the Riblah in question can be the same with the
'• Riblah in the land of Hamath " which is men-
tioned at a much later period of the history.
For, according to this passage, a great distance
must necessarily hare intervened between Riblah and
Hamath. This will be evident from a mere enume-
ration of the landmarks.
1. The north boundary : The Mediterranean,
Mount Hor, the entrance of Hamath, Zedad, Zi-
phron, Hazar-enan.
2. The eastern boundary commenced from Hazar-
enan, turning south : Shepham, lUblah, passing
east of the spring, to east side of See of Galilee.
Now it seems impossible that Riblah can be in
the land of Hamath,* seeing that four landmarks
occur between them. Add to this its apparent
proximity to the Sea of Galilee.
The early Jewish interpreters have felt the fbra
of this. Confused as is the catalogue of the boun-
dary in the Targum Pseudojonatban of Num. xxxiv.,
it is plain that the author of that version considers
" the spring " as the spring of Jordan at Banias,
and Riblah, therefore, as a place near it. With
this agrees Parchi the Jewish traveller in the 13th
end 14th centuries, who expressly discriminates
be met Augustas ezd secured his favour («. xv. 6, je).
* Originally It appears to nave stood 'AWtyAa; but tbe
Ap has now attached Itself to the preceding asms—
Sntaiaa. Can this be toe Aaazu of 1 Msec U. a >
• If Mr. Porter's Identifications of ZsJad sad HenaS
ensr. are ataman lbs dlfflcultv is limeaswl tenfold.
3 X
1042
UDDLS
Between the wo (we the extracts in Zona's Bm-
jmmn, ii. 41k), and in our own day J. D. Michaelis
[Bihel fir Ungttekrtm ; Suppl. od Lexsica, No.
*313), and Bonfrerius, the learned editor of Euse-
Uiuf" Onomatticon.
Mo place bearing the name of Riblah haa been
yet discovered in the neighbourhood of Banias.
2. Riblah in the land of Hamath (ifan, once
fin^3"l, <■ e. Kblathah : • AeflXoSa in both MSS. :
Beblatha). A place on the great road between Pa-
lestine and Babylonia, at which the kings of Baby-
lonia were accustomed to remain while directing
the operations of their armies in Palestine and
Phoenicia. Here Nebuchadnezzar waited while the
sieges of Jerusalem and of Tyre were being con-
ducted by his lieutenants ; hither were brought to
him the wretched king of Judaea and his sons, and
tfter a time a selection from all ranks and condi-
tions of the conquered city, who were put to death,
doubtless by the horrible death of impaling, which
the Assyrians practised, and the long lines of the
rictims to which are still to be seen on their monu-
ments ( Jer. xxxix. 5, 6, lii. 9, 10, 26, 27 ; 2 K.
xxy. 6, 20, 21). In like manner Pharaoh-Necho,
after his successful victory over the Babylonians at
CarchemUh, returned to Riblah and summoned Je-
hoahax from Jerusalem before him (2 K. xxiii. 33).
This Riblah has no doubt been discovered, still
retaining its ancient name, on the right (east)
hank of the el Aty (Orontee), upon the great road
which connects Baalbek and Hums, abont 35
miles N.K. of the former and 20 miles S.W. of the
latter place. The advantages of its position for the
encampment of vast hosts, such as those of Egypt
and Babylon, are enumerated by Dr. Robinson, who
visited it in 1852 {Bib. Ret. iii. 545). He de-
scribes it as " lying on the banks of a mountain
stream in the midst of a vast and fertile plain
yielding the most abundant supplies of forage.
From this point the roads were open by Aleppo
and the Euphrates to Nineveh, or by Palmyra to
Babylon .... by the end of Lebanon and' the
vwaat to Palestine and Egypt, or through the Buk&a
and the Jordan valley to the centre of the Holy
Land." It appears to have been first alluded to by
Buckingham in 1816.
Kiblah is probably mentioned by Exekiel (vi. 14),
though in the present Hebrew text and A. V. it
appears as Diblah or DibUth. The change from R
to is in Hebrew a very easy one. Riblah suits
the sense of the passage very well, while on the
other hand Diblah is not known. [DlBLATH.] [G.]
KIDDLE (flTTl: abasia, wp60\riita: pro-
tenia, propotjio). The Hebrew word is derived
torn an Arabic root meaning " to bend off," " to
ovist," and is used for artifice (Dan. viii. 23), a
proverb (Prov. i. 6), a song (Ps. xlix. 4, Ixxriii. 2),
an oracle (Num. xdi. 8), a parable (Ex. xvii. 2), and
in general any wise or intricate sentence (Ps. xcjv.
4 ; Hab. ii. 6, &c), as well as a riddle in our sense
af the word (Judg. xir. 12-19). In these senses
we may compare the phrases srpoevfc tJryur,
rrpopal wapafiokir (YVisd. viii. 8 ; Ecclus. xxxix.
2), and a-cpraAoin) \6ytnr (Eur. Phot*. 497;
Qesen. «. v.), and the Latin seirpus, which appears
to have been similarly used (Aid. Gell. Aoet. Att.
• Tbe iwn peat MSS. of the I.XX.— Vatican (lUO and
4srt, present the name as follow.—
2K.xxUi.33, '40U>; At/Uaa.
sore. C 'lttttimtir; *«&»•#«.
KTDDX.K
rU. 6). Augustine defines an enigma to be xirj
"obscure aUegoria" (<fe Trin. xv. S), mid poicta
out, as an instance, the passage about the daughter
of the horse-leech in Prov. xxx. 15, which has
been elaborately explained by Rellermann in a mo-
nograph on the subject [Aenigmata ffebraica, Erf.
1798). Many pasasgas, although not definitely
propounded as riddles, may be regarded as such,
e. g. Prov. xxvi. 10, a verse in the rendering of
which every version diners from all others. Tat
riddles which the queen of Sheba came to ask of So-
lomon (1 K. x. 1, f\tt raoaVw ainhy in aivty-
ueurt ; 2 Chr. ix. 1) were rather " hard questions "
referring to profound enquiries. Solomon is said,
however, to have been very fond of the riddle
proper, for Josephus quotes two profane historians
(Menander of Ephesns, and Dius) to authenticate a
story that Solomon proposed numerous riddles tc
Hiram, for the non-solution of which Hiram was
obliged to pay a large fine, until he summoned to
his assistance a Tyrian named Abdemon, who not
only solved the riddles, but propounded others
which Solomon was himself unable to answer, and
consequently in his turn incurred the penalty. Tbe
word atrrytia occurs only once in the N. T. (1 Cor.
xiii. 12, " darkly," b alwlyium, comp. Num. xii.
8 ; Wetstein, N. T. ii. 158) ; but, in tin wider
meaning of the word, many instances of it occur in
our Lord's discourses. Thus Erasmus applies the
term to Matt. xii. 43-45. Tbe object of such im-
plicated meanings is obvious, and is well explained
by St. Augustine: "manifestos pascimur, ooecuru
exercemyr" (<fe Doct. Christ, ii. 6).
We know that all ancient nations, and especially
Orientals, hare been fond of riddles (Rosenmuller,
Morgenl. iii. 68). We find traces of the custom
among the Arabs (Koran, xxv. 35), and indeed
several Arabic books of riddles exist— as Ketab al
Algiz in 1469, and a book of riddles solved, called
Akd al themin. But these are rather emblems and
devices than what we call riddles, although they
are very ingenious. The Persians call them Algax
and Maamma (D'Herbelot, >. o. Algas). They
were also known to the Ancient Egyptians (Ja-
blonski, Pantheon Aegypt. 48). They were espe-
cially used in banquets both by Greeks and Romans
(Mflller, Dor. ii. 392; Athen. x. 457; Pollux, vi.
107; A. Gell. xviii. 2; Did. of Ant. p. 22), and
the kind of witticisms adopted may be seen in the
literary dinners described by Plato, Xenoplion,
Athen&eus, Plutarch, and Macrobius. Some hare
groundiessly supposed that the ui wei ba of Solo-
mon, Lemuel, and Agur, were propounded at feasts,
like the parables spoken by our Lord on similar
occasions (Luke xiv. 7, sVc).
Riddles were generally proposed in verse, like the
celebrated riddle of Soinson, which, however, was
properly (as Voss points out, Tnstt. Oratt. iv. 11)
no riddle at all, because the Philistines did not
possess the only clue on which the solution could
depend. For this reason Samson had carefully con-
cealed the feet even from his parents (Judg. xir. 14,
Ik.). Other ancient riddles inverse are tost of the
Sphinx, and that which is said to have caused the
death of Homer by his mortification at being unable
to solve it (Plutarch, Vit. Horn.).
Franc Junius distinguishes between the greater
enigma, where the allegory or obscure intimation
2 K. xxv. 20, a<0uK ;
. 21. *P</tta««; »
Jer. UL ». 10. 3*. XI, n«/M»*i, Is beta.
&LHH.E
k MHM throughout the passage (as in El
■vB. I, and in auch poems as the Syrinx attributed
n» Theocritus) ; and the letter enigma or oral rryua,
where the difficulty is concentrate) in the peculiar um
)f some one word. It may be raeful to refer to ou.
or two instancea of the latter, since they are very
frequently to be found in the Bible, and especially
» the Prophets. Such is the play on the word
Bar (-a portion," and "Shechem," the town of
Enhraim) in Geo. xlviti. 22 ; on "riXD {tndUir,
* a fortified city," and OnVD, tfizraim, Egypt)
in Via tH. 12 ; on IgP* (sh&ktd, " an almond-
leae"), and 1^0 {shikad, " to hasten "), in Jer. i.
11 ; on non (Dimah, meaning " Edom " and
"the and of death"), in Is. zzi. 11; on T\VV,'
Satsaoc* (meaning "Babylon," and perhaps " ar-
aaganc* "), in Jer. xxv. 26, li. 41.
It only remains to notice the single instance
al"a riddle occurring in the N. T., viz., the number
tf the heart. This belongs to a clan of riddles
very common among Egyptian mystics, the Gnostics,
some of the Fathers, and the Jewish Cabbalists. The
latter called it Oematria (i. e. yeauurpfa) of which
mataooes may be found in Carpzov {App. Grit. p.
542), Bdand {Ant. Hebr. i. 25), and some of the
eesmnentators on Rev. xiii. 16-18. Thus {WU
(iiioiaU*), " serpent," is made by the Jews one of
Ike names of the Messiah, because its numerical
value is equivalent to IVVO; and the names
Shushes and Esther are connected together because
the numerical value of the letters composing them
is 661. Thus the Msreonans regarded the number
24 as sacred from its being the sum of numerical
values in the names of two quaternions of their
Aeons, and the Gnostics used the name Abraxas
as an amulet, because its letters amount nume-
rically to 365. Such idle fancies are not unfre-
qnent in some of the Fathers. We hare already
sa m tkined (see Cross) the mystic explanation by
Clem. Alexandrians of the number 818 in Gen.
xrr. 14, and by TertuUian of the number 300 (re-
presented by the letter T or a cross) in Judg. vii.
6, and similar instances are supplied by the Testi-
saoaia of the Pseudo-Cyprian. The most exact
analogies, however, to the enigma on the name of
the beast, are to be found in the so-called Sibylline
"eree*. We quote one which is exactly similar to
it, the answer being found in the name Iqo-ovr
= 888, thus: I=10 + ij=8 + «- = 200 + o = 70
+ »= 400 + * = 200 =888. It is as' follows,
sad is extremely curious :
4fa —sus s) si i m eVirrou ssmmfftcroi b yj
ramp* +*ritm. «Vp«, T« 4" i+mra fcf ovry
U mm w irrr»rUmf (7), a<H*V£v 4* SAw tforo^w
an* yip poraiae, haaas fiuo&ac hi rovrotf,
VO* iMm-TarrUm* im anoTST*>o» irtpmMvi*
i ge as W* »»
With rrs mp l e s like this before us, it would be
abtnrd to doubt that St. John (not greatly removed
in tana fram the Christian forgers of the Sibylline
•arses) intended some name as an answer to the
maker 666. The true answer must be settled by
the Apocalyptic commentators. Most of the Fathers
* an sob passage !t is gneraUr thought that Shesbaeh
hi srj aar Babel, by Um principle of alphabetical Inversion
tana as the aaAeosa. It will be seen that the passages
skat are chiefly instances of partmmatia. On
SIMMON 1043
supposed, even a* tar back as Irenaeus, ih» name
Adrtirof to be indicated. A list of the other very
numerous solutions, proposed in different ages, may
j be found in Elliott's Horae Apocalypticae, from
which we have quoted several of these instances
{Bar. Apoc. Hi. 222-234). [F. W. F.]
BIM'MON^ST: «P WU S, : Iiemmon). Kim-
mon, a Benjamite of Betroth, was the rather of
Rechab and Baanah, the murderers of Ishbosheth
(2 Sam. iv. 2, 5, 8).
KIM-MON (ften : TswidV : Bemoan). A
deity, worshipped by the Syrians of Damascus,
where there was a temple or house of Rimmon
(2 K. v. 18). Traces of the name of this god
sppear also in the proper names Hadad-rimmon
and Tftbrimmon, but its signification is doubtful.
Serariua, quoted by Selden (De dtt Syrit, il. 10),
refers it to the Heb. rimmon, a pomegranate, a
fruit sacred to Venus, who is thus the deity wor-
shipped under this title (compare Pomona, from
pomum). Ursinus (Arboretum Bibl. cap. 82, 7)
explains Rimmon as the pomegranate, the emblem
of the fertilizing principle of nature, the personified
natura natwans, a symbol of frequent occurrence
in the old religions (Bihr, Symbolii, ii. 122). If
this be the true origin of the name, it presents us
with a relic of the ancient tree-worship of the East,
which we know to have prevailed in Palestine,
But Selden rejects this derivation, and proposes
instead that Rimmon is from the root Wl, rim,
" to be high," and signifies " most high f like
the Phoenician Eliam, and Heb. f\<ho. Hesy-
chius gives 'Pcutat, a mj/urros ttit. Clericus,
Vitringa, Rosenmiiller, and Geseniua were of the
same opinion.
Hovers (Phoen. i. 196, ok.) regards Rimmon at
the abbreviated form of Hadad-Kimmon (as Peor
for Baal-Peor), Hadad being the sun-god of the
Syrians. Combining this with the pomegranate,
which was his symbol, Hadad-Rimuion would then
be the sun-god of the late summer, who ripens the
pomegranate and other fruits, and, after infusing
into them his productive power, dies, end is mourned
with the " mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley
of Megiddon" (Zech. xii. 11).
Between these different opinions there is no pos-
sibility of deciding. The name occurs but once,
and there is no evidence on the point. But the
conjecture of Selden. which is approved by Gesenius,
has the greater show of probability. [W. A. W.]
BIM'MON (WET), i.e. Rhnmono: jj 'P«««*V:
Semmono). A city of Zebulun belonging to the
Herarite Lerites (1 Chr. vi. 77). There is great
discrepancy between the list in which it occurs and
the parallel catalogue of Josh. xxi. The former
contains two names in place of the four of the latter,
and neither of them the same. But it is not im-
possible that Dtxnar (Josh. xxi. 35) may have
been originally Rimmon, as the D and R in Hebrew
are notoriously easy to confound. At any rate there
is no reason for supposing that Rimmono is not
identical with Rimmon of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 13),
in the A. V. Remmoh-mjsthoar. The redundant
letter was probably transferred, in copying, from the
succeeding woid — at an early date, since aU the MSS.
the profound use of ihla figure by the prophets and oust
writers see Evald, Die JTepatte* d. AU. Bund. L t<|
Steuuhal, Crefr. a. Spvacl*. p. 18.
1X2
1044
KTJOfOV
xppear to exhibit It, as does also the Targnm of
Joseph. [O.]
BDf 'HON (fl&) : 'EswyisS* ; Ale tssuisn ;
'Psppav : Amen). A town in the southern por-
tion of Jadah (Josh, it. 32), allotted to Simeon
(Join. ziz. 7; 1 Chr. It. .12: in the former of
these two puiegW it ia inaccurately given in the
A. V. aa Rbmkon). In each of the above lists the
name succeeds that of AlN, also one of the cities of
Judah and Simeon. In the catalogue of the placet
reeccspied by the Jem after the return from
Babylon (Neh. xi. 29) the two are joined (|to"l PJJ :
LXX. omits: ft in Bemmon), and appear in the
A. V. as Eo-Rimmon. There is nothing to support
this single departure of the Hebrew text from its
practice in the other lists except the fact that the
Vatican LXX (if the edition of Mai may be trusted)
has joined the names in each of the lists of Joshua,
from which it may be inferred thai at the time of
the LXX. translation the Hebrew text there also
showed them joined. On the other hand there does
not appear to be any sun of such a thing in the
present Hebrew MSS.
No trace of Rimmon has been yet discovered in
the south of Palestine. True, it is mentioned in the
Onomatticon of Eusebius and Jerome; but they
locate it at 15 miles north of Jerusalem, obviously
confounding it with the Bock Rimmon. That it
was in the south would be plain, even though the
lists above cited were not extant, from Zech. xiv.
10, where it is stated to be " south of Jerusalem,"
and where it and Gebs (the northern frontier of
the southern kingdom) are named as the limits of
the change whka ia to take place in the aspect and
urination of the country. In this case Jerome, both
in the Vulgate and in his Commentary (in Zech.
rir. 9 seqq.), joins the two names, and understands
them to denote • hill north of Jerusalem, appa-
rently wall known (doubtless the ancient Gibeah),
marked by a pomegranate tree — " collis Rimmon
(hoc enim Gabaa sonat, ubi arbor malagranati est)
usque ad australem piagam Jerusalem." [G.]
BXH1ION PA'REZ (jns \\3f\ ■ Vf/ytsV *o-
pit). The name of a march-station in the wilder-
ness (Num. xxxiii. 19, 20). Rimmon is a common
name of locality. The latter word is the same as that
found in the plural form in Baal-Peraxim, "Baal
of the breaches." Pei haps some local configuration,
such as a " deft," might account for its being added.
It stands between Kithmsh and Libnah. No place
now known has been identified with it. [H. H.]
BBTMON, THE BOCK ({toffi* \ho :
w weVasi tov 'PspsiaV; Joseph, wtrpa 'Poo: petra
•a/us tsxxaWam «*t Simmon; petra Be imn on).
A oiieT (such seems rather the force of the Hebrew
ward tela) or inaooasrible natural outness, in which
the six hundred Benjamitas who escaped the slaugh-
ter of Gibeah took refuge, and maintained them-
selves for four months until released by the act of
the general body of the tribes (Judg. xx. 45, 47,
XXL 13).
It h described as in too " wilderness " (midbar),
•hat is, the wild uncultivated (though not unpro-
'tictive) country which lias on the east of the
.antral highlands of Benjamin, on which Gibeah was
Htuated — between them and the Jordan Vslley.
* In *w» oat of lis fear oecumen, Ihe article Is
eoiiaas talk '■ la* Hebrew and LXX.
BUTNAH
Hare the name is still found attach* >1 to a TtlUea
parched on the summit of a conical chalky nui,
visible in all directions, and commanding the whoia
country ( Rob. B. X. L 440).
The hill is steep snd naked, the white limestone
everywhere protruding, and the houses clinging to
its sides and forming as it were huge steps. On
the south side it rises to a height of several hundred
feet from the great ravine of the Wady Mutyih ;
while on the west side it is almost equally isolated
by a cross valley of great depth (Porter, Handbk.
217; Mr. Finn, in Van de Velde, Memoir, 845).
In position it is (as the crow flies) 3 miles east of
Bethel, and 7 N.E. of Gibeah (Tuleil elFul..
Thus in every particular of name, character, and
situation it agrees with the requirements of the Rock
Rimmon. It was known in the days of Eusebius
and Jerome, who mention it (Ononuuticon, " Rem
men") — though confounding it with Rimmon in
Simeon — as 15 Roman miles northwards from
Jerusalem. fG.J
RING (n£30: taieriXioti arumlut). The
ring was regarded as an indispensable article ef a
Hebrew's attire, inasmuch as it contained his signet,
and even owed its name to this drenmstancs, the
term tabbaath being derived from a root signifying
" to impress a seal." It was hence the symbol of
authority, and as such was presented by Pharaoh
to Joseph (Gen. xli. 42), by Ahasuerus to Hamaii
(Esth. iii. 10), by Anttochus to Philip (1 Mace. vi.
15), and by the father to the prodigal son in the
parable (Luke xv. 22). It was treasured accordingly,
and became a proverbial expression for a most valued
object ( Jer. xxii. 24 ; Hogg. ii. 23 ; Ecclus. xlix. 1 1).
Such rings were worn not only by men, but by
women (Is. iii. 21 ; Mishn. Saab. 6, §3), and ore
enumerated among the articles presented by men
and women for the service of the tabernacle (Ex.
xxxv. 22). The siguet-ring was worn on the right
hand (Jer. f. c). We may conclude, from Ex.
xxviii. 11, that the rings contained a stone engraven
with a device, or with the owner's name. Numerous
specimens of Egyptian rings have been discovered,
most of them made of gold, very massive, and con-
taining either a scarshneus or an engraved stone
(Wilkinson, ii. 337). The number of rings wciu
by the Egyptians was truly remarkable. The saxr
profusion was exhibited also by the Gretas and Ro
mans, particularly by men {Diet, of Ant. " Rings ")
It appears also to have prevailed among the Jews
nf th» Apostolic age ; for in Jam. ii. 2, a rich man
ia described as xpwobaKTikus, meaning not simply
" with a gold ring," as in the A. V., but " golden-
ringad " (Tike the xf^'X'V' " golden-bonded " of
Luoiao, Tfmon, 20), implying equally well the pre-
sence of several gold rings. For the term galil,
rendered "ring" in Cant. v. 14, see Orhsjiectb.
[W. L. B.]
RIN'NAH (.in: 'Ari; Alex. *Pa»nir .
llima\ One of the sons of Shimon In an obscure
and fragmentary genealogy of the descendants of
Judah v I Chr. ir. 20). In the LXX. and Vidgsu
MPHATH
t* iataade "the m or Hanan," Ben-hatuui bang
ffcu» trsnsfaUd.
BITHATH (ncr> : -p<^W; Alex. *Pif« in
Chr. : Ripiatk), the second aon of Gomer, ud the
brother of Athkenaz and Togaurmah (Gen. x. 3).
The Hebrew text in 1 Chr. i. 6 gives the form
Dipheth,* but this arises out of a clerical error
xjailar to that which gives the forms Rodanim and
Hadad for Uodanim and Hadar (1 Chr. i. 7, 50 ;
Gee. nrri. 89). The name Riphath occurs only
ks the genealogical table, and hence there is little
a> goJde ns to the locality which It indicate. The
same itself has been variously identified with that
•f the Khtpasan mountains (Knobel), the river
saebaa in Brthynia (Bochart), the Rhibii, a people
living eastward af the Caspian Sea (Schulthess),
aad the Riphesas, the sneient name of the Paphbv-
goniaaa (Joseph. Ant. i. 6, §1). This hut view
is certainly favoured by the contiguity of Ash-
heaas aad Togarmah. The weight of opinion Is,
however , in favour of the Rhipaean monntaina,
vhkh Knobel (FMbrt. p. 44) identifies etymo-
kgically aad geographically with the Carpathian
range m the N.E. of Dada. The attempt of that
writer to identify Riphath with the Celts or Gauls,
is evidently based uo the assumption that so im-
portant a race ought to be mentioned in the table,
and that there is no other name to apply to them ;
bnt we have no evidence that the Gauls were for
any lengthened period settled in the neighbourhood
of the Carpathian range. The Rhipaean mountains
waiawlvus existed mora in the imagination of the
Greeks than in reality, and if the received etyrao-
lagy of that name (from ^nrai, " blasts ") be correct,
the coincidence in sound with Riphath is merely
srridrntal. and no connexion can be held to exist
between the names. The later geographers, Pto-
lemy (in. 5, f 15, 19) and others, placed the Rhi-
paean range where no range really exists, via., about
the elevated ground that separate the basins of the
Eaxzne and Baltic seas. [W. L. B.]
B T S a SAH(ngi: 'Vtcoi: Sana). The name,
ideatiesl with the word which signifies " a worm,"
is that of a march-station in the wilderness (Num.
nxi. 21, 21). It lies, sa there given, between
Lihttah and Kehdathah, and has been considered
I Winer, I. s.) identical with Rasa in the Peuting.
ltmer-, 32 Roman miles from Allah (Elah), and
103 miles south of Jerusalem, distinct, however,
ma> the *ftj#«» of Jostpbus (Ant. or. 15, §2).
[H. H.j
BiVBB
104S
No site baa bean identified with Riasah.
BTTHTfAH (iTDm : •Potauo : RtOana). The
aaase of a march-station in the wilderness (Num.
radii- 18, 19). It stands there next to Haxeroth
TBAZEaoTH], and probably lay in a N.E. direction
from that spot, but no place now known has been
rlsntified with it. The name is probably connected
with QIf\ Arab, mJj, commonly rendered " juni-
psr," but more correctly "broom." It carries the
sowmatfre fl, eommon in names of locality, and
fauad arpadally among many in the catalogue of
Bob. xsxxfJ. [H. H.]
R1VKB. U the sense in which we employ the
E. lev sail ts
ssamT
Mum
Is preferred by Bocbart (Paella,
by htm wttt the assnes of the
wnonlsln Twnun to the V «• Asia
word, rii. for a perennial stream of considerable
sine, a river is a much rarer object in the East
than m the West. The majority of the Inhabitant*
of Palestine at the present day have probably never
seen one. With the exception of the Jordan and
the Litany, the streams of the Holy Land are eithei
entirely dried up in the summer months, ail con*
verted into hot lanes of glaring stones, or else re-
duced to very small streamlets deeply sunk in a
narrow bed, and concealed from v*)* by a dense
growth of shrubs.
The cause of this is twofold : on ine one hand
the hilly nature of the country — a central mast
of highland descending on each side to a low
level, and on the other the extreme heat of the
climate during the summer. There is little doubt
that in ancient times the country was more wooded
than it now Is, and that, in consequence, the evapo-
ration was less, and the streams more frequent : jet
this cannot have made any very material difference
in the permanence of the water in the thousands
of valleys which divide the hills of Palestine.
For the various aspects of the streams of the
country which such conditions inevitably produced,
the ancient Hebrews had very exact terms, which
they employed habitually with much precision.
1. For the perennial river, NAMr^n). Possibly
used of the Jordan in Ps. lxvi. 6, lxxiv. 15 ; of the
great Mesopouuman and Egyptian rivers generally
in Gen. ii. 10; Ex. vii. 19 ; 2 K. xvii. 6 ; Ex. iii. 15,
tie. But with the definite article, han-Nahar,
" the river," it signifies invariably the Euphrates
(Gen. xxxi. 21; Ex. xxiH. 31; Num. xxiv. 6;
2 Sam. x. 16, ejc. &c). With a few exceptions
(Josh. i. 4, xxiv. 2, 14, 15; Is. lix. 19 ; Ex. xxxi.
15), noUdr is uniformly rendered " river " in our
version, and accurately, since it is never applied ts
the fleeting fugitive torrents of Palestine.
2. The term for these is nachal (?rU), for which
our translators have used promiscuously, ana some-
times almost alternately, " valley," " brook," and
"river." Thus the "brook" and the " valley *
of Eshcol (Num. xdti. 23 and xxxii. 9) ; the " val-
ley," the " brook," and the " river " Zered (Num.
xxi. 12; Dent. ii. 18; Am. vi. 14); the "brook"
and the '« river " of Jabbok (Gen. xxxii. 23 ; Deut
ri. 37), of Anion (Num. xxi. 14 ; Deut. H. 24), of
Kishon (Jodg. iv. 7; 1 K. xviii. 40). Compart
also Dent. ni. 16, *c»
Neither of these words express e s the thing in-
tended; but the term "brook" is peculiarly un-
happy, sines the pastoral idea which H conveys it
quite at variance with the general character of
the wadys of Palestine. Many of these are deep
abrupt chasms or rents in the solid rock of the
hilla, and have a savage, gloomy aspect, far removed
from that of an English brook. For example, the
Anion forces Ha way through a ravine several hun-
dred feet deep and about two miles wide across the
top. The rVody Ztrha, probably the Jabbok, which
Jacob was so anxious to interpose between his family
and Esau, ia equally unlike the quiet " meadowy
brook" with which we are familiar. And those
which are not so abrupt and savage are in their width,
their irregularity, their forlorn arid look when the
torrent has subsided, utterly unlike " brooks." Un-
* Jerome, m bis QvaatUma in Otneiim, xxvt 19,
draws the following canons distinction betwees a valley
and a tsrrent : " St Me pro vaBt tsrrau tn-ipfu sit
■atkjuM* mist sa saBs tosasftar aataw oeuae stoat."
104A
BTVEB OF EGYPT
tortuUM&j ma language doe> not contain an? tingle
word which has both the meanings of the Hebrew
nachal and ita Arabic equivalent tcady, which can
he naed at once for a dry valley and for the stream
which occasionally flows through it. Ainsworth,
in his Annotations (on Num. ziii. 23), lays that
' ' bourne " has both meanings ; but " bourne" is now
obsolete in English, though still in use in Scotland,
where, owing to the mountainous nature of the
country, the " bums " partake of the nature of the
itadyt of Palestine in the irregularity of their flow.
Mr. Burton (Qecj. /own. xxiv. 209) adopts the
Italian fiumara. Others have proposed the Indian
term nullah The double application of the Hebrew
nachal is evident in 1 K. xvii. 3, where Elijah is
commanded to hide himself in (not by) the nachal
Cherith and to drink of the nachal.
3. Tetr ("rtrV), a word of Egyptian origin
(see Geaen. This. 558), applied to the Nile only,
and, in the plural, to the canals by which the Nile
water was distributed throughout Egypt, or to
streams having a connexion with that country. It
is the word employed for the Nile in Genesis and
Exodus, and is rendered by our translators " the
river," except in the following passages, Jer. xlvi.
7, 8 ; Am. viii. 8, ix. 5, where they substitute " a
flood" — much to the detriment of the prophet's
metaphor. [See Nile, voL ii. p. 539 6.]
4. Tibal (73V), from a root signifying tumult
or fulness, occurs only six times, in four of which
it is rendered *' river, viz. Jer. xvii. 8; Dan. viii.
2. 3, 6.
5. Pcltg (J?B), from an uncertain root, probably
tonaected with the idea of the division of the land
for irrigation, is translated "river" in Pa. i. 3,
Uv. 9 ; la. xxx. 25 ; Job xx. 17. Elsewhere it is
rendered " stream " (Ps. xlvi. 4), and in Judg. v.
15, 16, " divisions," where the allusion is probably
to the artificial streams with which the pastoral
and agricultural country of Reuben was irrigated
(Ewald, DichUr, i. 129; Gosen. Tha. 1103&).
6. Aphtk (p'DM). This appears to be used with-
out any clearly distinctive meaning. It is probably
from a root signifying strength or force, and may
signify any rush or body of water. It is translated
" river" in a few passages: — Cant v. 12; Ex. vi.
3, nri. 12, xxxii. 6, xxxiv. 13, xxxv. 8, xxxvi. 4,
6; Joel i. 20, iii. 18. In Ps. exxvi. 4 the allusion
is to temporary streams in the dry regions of the
"south." [G.]
BTVEB OF EGYPT. Two Hebrew terms
are thus rendered in the A. V.
1. DHVD "VXi : srOTopos Aiybrrmi : fluoiui
Aegypti (Gen. xv. 18), "the river of Egypt,'
that is, the Nile, and here— as the western border
of the Promised Land, of which the eastern border
was Euph r a t es th e Pehuuas or easternmost branch.
2. D^ISC bfO x'^Appms AryswTou, «Wpary{
Aryfr-rov, worouox Aiyiwrov, 'Pwonipovpa, pi. :
torrtnt Aegypti, riras Aegypti (Num. xxxiv. 5;
Josh. xv. 4, 47; IE. viii. 65; 2 K. xxiv. 7 ( Is. xxvii.
12, in the last passage translated " the stream of
Egypt"). It is the common opinion that this
second term designates a desert stream on the
border of Egypt, still occasionally flowing in the
valley called Widi-l-'Areeeh. The centre of the
valley is oc cup ie d by the bed of this torrent, which
«ol> flows after rains, as is usual in the desert valleys.
BtVKB OF FOYPT
The correctness oi uus opinion can only be ilrriilsd
by an examination of the passages hi wh:ch the
term occurs, for the ancient translations do not aid
us. When they were made there must bavs bees
great uncertainty on the subject. In the LXX.
the term is translated by two literal meanings, ot
perhaps three, but it is doubtful whether 7ID can
be rendered "river," and ia once represented by
Rhiiiocorura (or Rhinooolura), the name of a town
on the coast, near the Widi-l-'Areesh, to which the
modem El-'Areesh has succeeded.
This stream is first mentioned as the point where
the southern border of the Promised Land touched
the Mediterranean, which formed its western border
(Num. xxxiv. 3-6). Next it is spoken of as in the
same position with reference to the prescribed bor-
ders of the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 4), and as
beyond Gaza and its territory, the westernmost of the
Philistine cities (47). In the later history we find
Solomon's kingdom extending "from the entering
in of Hamath unto the river of Egypt "(IK. viii.
65), and Egypt limited in the same manner where
the loss of the eastern prov in ces is mentioned :
" And the king of Egypt came not again any more
out of his land : for the king of Babylon had taken
from the river of Egypt unto the river Euphrates
all that pertained to the king of Egypt" (2 K.
xxiv. 7). In Isaiah it seems to be spoken of aa
forming one boundary of the Israelite territory,
Euphrates being the other, " from the channel of
the river unto the stream of Egypt" (xxvii. 12),
appearing to correspond to the limits promised to
Abraham.
In certain parallel passages the Nile ia distinctly
rifled instead of " the Nachal of Egypt." In
promise to Abraham, the Nile, " the river ot
Egypt," is mentioned with Euphrates as bound-
ing the land in which he then was, and which was
promised to his posterity (Gen. xv. 18). Still more
unmiatakeably ia Shihor, which is always the Nile,
spoken of aa a border of the land, in Joshua's de-
scription of the territory yet to be conquered :
"This [is] the land that yet remaineth: all the
regions of the Philistines, and all Geshuri, from the
Sihor, which [is] before Egypt, even unto the bor-
ders of Ekron northward, [which] is counted to the
Canaanite" (Josh. xiii. 2, 3).
It must be observed that the distinctive charactei
of the name, " Nachal of" Egypt," as has been well
suggested to us, almost forbids our supposing an
insignificant stream to be intended ; although such
a stream might be of importance from position as
forming the boundary.
If we kfer that the Nachal of Egypt is the Nile,
we have to consider the geographical consequences,
and to compare the name with known names of the
Nile. Of the branches of the Nile, the easternmost
or Peluaiac, would necessarily be the one intended.
On looking at the map it seems incredible that the
Philistine territory should ever have extended so far;
the Wfdi-l-'Areesh is distant from Gaza, the most
western of the Philistine towns ; but Pelusium, at
the mouth and most eastern part of the Peluaiac
branch, is very remote. It must, however, be
remembered, that the tract from Gaza to Pelu-
sium is a desert that could never have been culti-
vated, or indeed inhabited by a settled population,
and was probably only held in the period to which
we refer by marauding Arab tribes, which may
well have bean tributary to the Philistines, for
the* must have bean tributary to them or to the
BIVKB Or EGYPT
afarinlieEB. on amount of their isolated position
■ad the sterility of tht country, though no doubt
winm'ning a. half-independence.* All doubt on
thin point Menu to be wt at rest by a passage, in a
trjerogiyphie inscription of Sethee I., head of the
xirth dynasty, B.C. cir. 1340, on the north wall
of the great temple of El-Kamak, which mentions
'the foreigners of the SHASU from the fort of
TAKU to the land of KANANA " (SHASU SUA'A
EM SHTEM EN TAKU EB PA-KAN'ANA,
Rrjgach, Qmjr. ItutAr. i. p. 261, No. 1265, pi.
xlvS.). The identification of " the fort of TAKU "
•nth any place mentioned by the Greek and Latin
geographers has not yet been satisfactorily accom-
plished. It appears, from the bas-relief, represent-
log the return of Sethee I. to Egypt from an eastern
expedition, near the inscription just mentioned,
to hare been between a Leontopolis and a branch of
the Nile, or perhaps canal, on the west side of
which it was situate, commanding a bridge (Ibid.
No. 1266, pL xlviii.). The Leontopolis is either
the capital of the Leontopolite Nome, or a town in
the Heiiopolite Nome mentioned by Josephus (Ant.
in. 3, §1). In the former case the stream would
probably be the Tanitic branch, or perhaps the Pe-
luaiac ; in the latter, perhaps the Canal of the Red
Sea. We prefer the first Leontopolis, but no iden-
tification is necessary to prove that the SHASU at
this time extended from Canaan to the east of the
Delta (see on the whole subject Oeogr. Inachr. i.
pp. 260-266, iii. pp. 20, 21).
Egypt, therefore, in its most flourishing period,
evidently extended no further than the east of the
Delta, its eastern boundary being probably the Pe-
inabc branch, the territory of the SHASU, an Arab
aatioo or tribe, lying between Egypt and Canaan. It
might be supposed that at this time the SHASU had
made an inroad into Egypt, but it most be remem-
bered that in the latter period of the kings of Jndab,
and daring the classical period, Pelusium was the
key of Egypt on this side. The Philistines, in the
time of their greatest power, which appears to hare
bean contemporary with the period of the Judges,
■say well be supposed to have reduced the Arabs of
this neutral territory to the condition of tributaries,
u doobt bus was also done by the Pharaohs.
It most be remembered that the specification of
« certain boundary does not necessarily prove that
the actual lands of a state extended so far; the
bxnit of its sway is sometimes rather to be under-
stood. Solomon ruled as tributaries all the king-
donas b e tween the Euphrates and the land of the
Philistines and the border of Egypt, when the Land
af Promise appears to bare been fully occupied
* H erodotu s, whose scoonnt h rather obscure, says that
ansa Phoenicia to the borders of the dry Csdytls (probably
Jasa) use coontry belonged to the Paisestlne Syrians;
•nsaCadytb to Jeuysos, to the Arabian king; then to the
Syrians again, as for as l^keBerbonis, near Mount Castas.
4t Lake Serbnets. Egypt began. Toe eastern extremity
ef Lake Serimas Is somewhat to the westward of Rblno-
•orara. and Meant Castas is more than halfway from the
tatter to Pelnstmn. As Herodotus afterwards states more
■teeter/ that from Jeoysos to " Lake Serbonla and Mount
' was three days' Journey through a desert without
; be evidently makes MountCaslas mark the western
' of the Syrians; for although the position of
J a uy s n i Is uncertain, the whole distance from Gasa (and
VCatytts he not Haas, we cannot extend the Arabian ter-
ritory farther east) does not greatly exceed three days'
s srni (M »■ See fowtinson's edit, H. 398-400). If we
Stay s Ca p t Sprstt's identifications of FUaslnm and Mount
mat place titan much nearer together, sad
RIVER OF EGYPT
1047
(I K. hr. 21, comp. 24). When, therefore, it «
specified that the Philistine territory as for as tlw
Nachal-Mizraim remained to be taken, it need scarcely
be inferred that the territory to be inhabited by the
Israelites was to extend so far, and this stream's
being an actual boundary of a tribe may be explained
on the same principle.
If, with the generality of critics, we think that
the Nachal-M .zraim is the Wadi-1-' Areesh, we must
conclude that the name Shiboi is also applied to the
latter, although elsewhere designating the Nile,* for
we have seen that Nachal-Mizraim and Shihor are
used interchangeably to designate a stream on the
border of the Promised Land. This difficulty seems to
overthrow the common opinion. It must, however,
be remembered that in Joshua xiii. 3, Shihor has the
article, as though actually or originally an appella-
tive, the former seeming to be the more obvious
inference from the context. [Shihor of Egypt ;
Sihor.]
The word Nachal may be cited on either side.
Certainly in Hebrew it is rather used for a torrent
or stream than for a river; but the name Nachal-
Mixraim may come from a lost dialect, and the
parallel Arabic word wadee, col«, though ordi-
narily need for valleys and their winter-torrents,
as in the case of the WSdi-l-'Areesh itself, has been
employed by the Arabs in Spain for true rivers, the
Guadalquivir, &c. It may, however, be suggested,
that in Nachal-Mizraim we have the ancient form
of the Neel-Misr of the Arabs, and that Nachal was
adopted from its similarity of sound to the oripnal
of NetXor. It may, indeed, be objected that NeiAoi
is held to be of Iranian origin. The answer to this
is, that we find Jaran, we will not say the Ionians,
called by the very name, HANEN, used in the
Rosetta Stone for " Greek " (SHAKE EN HANEN,
TOI3 TE EAAHNIKOU ITAMMAJHN), in tht.
lists of countries and nations, or tribes, conquered
by, or subject to, the Pharaohs, as early as the
reign of Amenoph III., B.C. cir. 1400.* An Iranian
and even a Greek connexion with Egypt as early as
the time of the Exodus, is therefore not to be
treated as an impossibility. It is, however, re-
markable, that the word NtiXor does not occur in
the Homeric poems, as though it were not of
Sanskrit origin, but derived from the Egyptians or
Phoenicians.
Brugsch compares the Egyptian MUAW EN
EEM " Water of Egypt," mentioned in the phrase
" From the water of Egypt as far as NEHEREEN
[Mesopotamia] inclusive," but there is no interna)
the latter far to tne west of the usual supposed place
(Snf, town). But In this case Henidotus would Intend
the western extremity of Lake Serbonls, which seems
unlikely.
* There Is a Shlhor-llbnath In the north of Palestine,
mentioned In Joshoa (xix. 26), and supposed to correspond
to the Betas, if Its name signify " the river of glass." But
we nave no ground for giving Shihor the signification
" river ;" and when the connexion of the Egyptians, and
doubtless of the Phoenician and other colonists of north-
eastern Kgypt, with the manufacture of glass Is remem-
bered. It seems more likely that Shibor-libuath was namea
from the Nile.
• We agree with Leperas In this Identification (Caber
der Kamen dor Imier amfdm Aeg. iMHkwtiUarn, Kbnlgl
Akod. Berlin). His views have, however, been com.
bated by Bunsen {Bfauft Plan, la, eat-eofl, Brngsch
(Gtogr. Auctr. li p. 19, pi xiU. no. S), ana fie Hoofi
(IMaw d'Mmm. p. «).
1048
mzuui
evidence b amor at his conjectural Identification
with the stream of Widi-l-'Areesh {Otog. ImcJtr.
\.tA, 65, pL Tii. no. 303). \R. S. P.]
BIZTAH C\ar\: THo-dS and "Vitrei Jo-
eph. tour— : Ikspha), ooneabina to king Saul,
and mother ot his two sons Armoni and Mephi-
sosheth. Like many others of the prominent female
characters of the Old Testament— Ruth, Rahab,
Jezebel, fcc. — Rizpsh would seem to hare been a
foreigner, a Hirite, descended from one of the
ancient worthies of that nation, Ajsh or Aiah,* son
of Zibeon, whose name and fame are preserved in
the Ishmaelite record of Gen. xxxri. If this be the
case, Saul was commencing a practice, which seems
with subsequent kings to hare grown almost into a
rule, of choosing non-Israelite women for their in-
ferior wives. David's intrigue with Bathsbeba, or
Bath-shun, the wife of a Hittite, and possibly
herself a Canaanitess,* is perhaps not a case in
point; but Solomon, Rehoboam, and their suc-
cessors, stem to have had their harems filled with
foreign women.
After the death of Saul and occupation of the
country west of the Jordan by the Philistines,
Rizpsh accompanied the other inmates of the royal
family to their new residence at Hahanaim ; and it
is here that her name is first introduced to us as
the subject of an accusation levelled at Abner by
lshboaheth (2 Sam. iii. 7), a piece of spite which
led first to Aimer's death through Joab's treachery,
aud ultimately to the murder oflshbosheth himself.
The accusation, whether true or false — and from
Aimer's vehement denial we should naturally con-
clude that it was false — involved more than meets
the ear of a modern and English reader. For amongst
the Israelites it was considered " as a step to the
throne to have connexion with the widow or the
mistress of the deceased king." (See Michaelis,
Lain of Mota, art. 54.) It therefore amounted
to an Insinuation that Abner was about to make an
attempt on the throne.
We hear nothing mora of Rizpsh till the tragic
story which has made her one of the most familiar
objects to young and old in the whole Bible (2 Sam.
xxi. 8-11). Every one can appreciate the love and
endurance with which the mother watched over the
bodies of her two sons and her five relatives, to save
them firam an indignity peculiarly painful to the
■ The SrrUc-Peshlto and Arabic Versions, In 1 Sam.
BL, read Ana fur Alan — the name of another ancient
Hlvita, the brother of AJsfe, and equally the son of ZOmob.
But it Is not nur to lay much stress on this, ss It may be
only the error— easily made— of a careless transcriber; or
of one ao famUisr with the ancient names as to have con-
banded one with the other.
» Oomp. Gen. xxxvttL. where the ■daughter of Shoe."
ike Csnsezdtess, should rsally he Batfeahua.
• Sanl was probably bom at Zelah, where iOsh's se-
pulchre, and therefore his home, wsa situated. [Zaujr.l
* Ttia, 1 8am. zzt C * P?*"! aos-Ssfc
« l. 7f| | asewff, apswffiare; r ap taas,
». piM. tram (TIB. -break;" abate; dtToewnMo.
*. «|W. from TIP, "waster oAiipst; rapmtm.
HOBBEBT
wool* of the ancient world (see ft. Ihjx. 2; Hm
II. u 4, 5, etc. esc.;. But it is questionable whri net
the ordinary conception of the scene is nccmaiA
The seven victims wore not, as the A.V. implkA
"hung;" they were crucified. The seven eraser*
were planted in the reck on the top of the aacr»i
hill of Gibeah ; the hill which, though not Snuji
native place,' was through his long le ai ds nra there
ao identified with him as to retain his name to the
latest ftiistence of the Jewish nation (1 Sam. li. 4
Ac, and see Joseph. B. J. v. 2, §1). The wbc*
or part of this hill seems at the time of this ocexu-
rence to have been in some special manner* dedicates)
to Jehovah, possibly the spot on which Ahiah the
priest had deposited the Ark when he took refuge in
Gibeah during the Philistine war ( 1 Sam. xiv. 18).
The victims were sacrificed at the beginning ot
barley-harvest — the sacred and festal time of the
Passover — and in the full blase of toe summer sun
they hung till the fall of the periodical rain ia>
October. During the whole of that time liixpah
remained at the foot of the cr o sse s on which the
bodies of her sons were exposed: the MaUr dokrtma,
if the expression may be allowed, of the ancient
dispensation. She had no tent to shelter her from
the aonrahing sun which beats on that open spot
all day, or from the drenching dews at night, but
she spread on the rocky floor the thick mourning
garment of black sackcloth • which as a widow she
wore, and crouching there she watched that neither
vulture nor jackal should molest the bodies. We
may surely be justified in applying to Rixpah the
words with which another act of womanly kiwi was
was commended, and may say, that " wheresoever the
Bible shall go, there shall also this, that thia woman
hath done, be told for a memorial of her." [G.J
BO AD. This word occurs but once in the
Authorised Version of the Bible, viz. in 1 Sam.
xzvii. 10, where it is used in the sense of " ndd"
or '• inroad," the Hebrew word (DCfe) being else-
where (*. g. var. 8, xziii. 27, xzx. 1, 14, Jk.) ran.
dered - invade" and " invasion."
A Road in the sense which we now attach to
the term is expressed in the A. V. by - way *' and
» path." [O.]
BOBBEBT.' Whether in the larger sense of
plunder, or the more limited sense of theft, sys-
"Pmj."
;2). Robbbtr:—
1. fha. part, from T?3,"re*i" aasesstteew; iiss ta iii.
1 ria psrt of flit ■breaks" A***; ••*•;
Ik, u. 13.*" breaker."
8. D > BY. Job xvllt » ; «n)So r ei ; stUs. Tarpon, with
A. V., has - robbers f but It Is most commonly rendered
ss LXX, Job v. s, titimXa.
4. Tp ; Agarfe; tarn: from TIE', - waste."
*. nC*7; fefadt; dtrifitm; A. V. -sptalcr."
a. 3JI ; >Mn H ;>; A. V. ■ thiol"
(3.) Bob:—
1. itS ; Itaptibn depcjwler.
X 7)j ; * 4«p«» ; teoi moj r camera.
5. fig, ' return," " repast f henos as PL surround
circumvent (Pa. exlx. (I); wtpt«*««ya> ; cV r rs aso j i l i n:»< ;
nsnslly affirm, reiterate asse r tions (Pes, p. eat).
4.f3^, -cover." -hldaj" «r<srtC»; ojlee (Geo
f. IWi (uawdja; diriptt.
4. DOC (same as last); i»»aiiil»; awwar
J. 2J1; aAeavwi/amr; A.V. "steal.-
BCBHBBV
taraatasBy organised, robbery has ever been ant at '
■to principal employments of the rutnad tribes of
the Em*. From the time of Isbmaei to the present
fcv, the Bedouin has been a " wild man." and <
robber by trade, and to carry ont his objects suo
jessfully, so flu- from being esteemed disgraceful, is
■garded as m the highest degree creditable (Gen.
rri. 12; BaTckhardt, Note* m Bed. i. 137, 157).
Aa '-**-■"— of an enterpriie of a truly Bedouin
ch ara c ter , but distinguished by the exceptional fea-
ture* belonging to its principal actor, is seen in the
aight-fbray of David (1 Sam. xxvi. 6-12), with
which also we may fairly compare Horn. //. K.
204, lac Predatory inroads on a large scale are
■am in the incursions of the Sabaeans and Chal-
i on the property of Job (Job i. 15, 17); the
coupled with plunder of Simeon and Leri
'Gen.xxxiv. 28, 29) ; the reprisals of the Hebrews
oaaat the Hidiaiiitea (Num. xxxi. 32-54), and the
frequent and often prolonged invasions of " spoilers "
opon the Israelites, together with their reprisals,
luring the period of the Judges and Kings ( Judg.
ii. 14, vi. 3, 4 ; 1 Sam. a., rv. ; 2 Sam. viii., z. ;
x K. v. 2; 1 Chr. v. 10, 18-22). Individual in-
, indicating an unsettled state of the country
the same period, are seen in the " liers-in-
ef the men of Shechem (Judg. ix. 25), and
the mountain retreats of David in the cave of Adul-
lam, the hill of Haohilah, and the wilderness of
a, and his abode in Ziklag, invaded and plun-
in like manner by the Amalekites (1 Sam.
na. 1,2, ixiii. 19-25, xxvi. 1, xxvii. 6-10, nz. 1).
Similar disorder in the country, complained of
man than once by the prophets (Ho*, iv. 2, vi.
t; Hie. ii. 8), continued more or leas through
ilsrialman down to Roman times, favoured by
the corrupt administration of some of the Roman
feveraora, in accepting money in redemption of
paajaeanent, produced those formidable bands of
robbers, so easily collected and with so much diffi-
culty subdued, who found shelter in the caves of
Palestine and Syria, and who infested the country
even in the time of oar Lord, almost to the very
gates as* Jerusalem (Luke x. 30; Acta v. 36, 37,
ui.38.) [Judas op Galilee ; Caves.] In the
later history also of the country the robbers, or
Mcarii, together with their leader, John of Giachala,
■laved a conspicuous part (Joseph. B. J. iv. 2, §1 ;
3,|4;7,|2).
The Mosaic law on the subject of theft is con-
in Ex. xxii., and consists of the following
BOOELDe
1043
1. Be who stole and killed an ox or a sheep, was
id restore five oxen far the ox, and four aheap for the
aaiep.
2. If the stolen animal was found alive the thief
was to raster* double.
3. If a man waa found stealing in a dwelling
boo** at night, and was killed in the act, the homi-
cide waa not held guilty of murder.
4. If the act waa committed during daylight, the
thief might not be killed, but was bound to make
fiiD iiatit ntion or be v>ld into slavery.
5. If money or goods deposited in a man's house
wen stoles therefrom, the thief, when detected, was
to aay doable: bat
6. If the thief could not be found, the master of
ike bone was to be examined before the judges.
7. If an mi 1 ? 1 *! given in charge to a man to
sam were stolen from him, i. i. through his nogli-
7***, be waa to make rwititutioo to the owner.
'■J*TW-1
There seems no reason to suppose that tha taw
underwent any alteration in Solomon's time, aa
Michaelis supposes ; the expression in Prov. vi. 30,
31 is, that a thief detected In stealing should restore
sevenfold, t. a to the full amount, and for this pur-
pose, even give all the substance of his house, and
thus in case of failure be liable to servitude (Mi-
chaelis, Law of Motet, §284). On the otner hand,
see Bartheau on Prov. vi. ; and Keil, Arch. Hebr.
§154. — Man-stealing was punishable with death
(Ex. xxi. 16; Deut. xxiv. 7). — Invasion of right in
land was strictly forbidden (Dent, xxvii. 17 ; Is. v.
8; Mien. 2).
The question of sacrilege does not properly coma
within the scope of the present article. [H. W. P.]
BOBOAM CPo/3oaV- Bdoam), Ecclus. xlvii.
23 ; Matt. 1. 7. [Reiioboam.J
BOB, BOEBUCK. ('3*. Ueot (m.) , JV?Y
tiHAijyah (f.): oopa-dx, ZipKtir, iopxiStor: caprea,
damuia). There seems to be little or no doubt
that the Heb. word, which occurs frequently in the
0. T., denotes some species of antelope, probably
the Qazella dorcat, a native of Egypt and North
Africa, or the 0. Arabica of Syria and Arabia,
which appears to be a variety only of the dorcat.
The gazelle was allowed as food (Deut. xii. 15.
22, £c.) ; it is mentioned as very fleet of foot
(2 Sam. ii. 18; 1 Chr. xii. 8); it was hunted (Is.
xiii. 14; Prov. vi. 5); it was celebrated for its
loveliness (Cant. ii. 9, 17, viii. 14). The gazelle
is found in Egypt, Barbery, and Syria. Stanley
(S. d- P. p. 207) says that the signification of the
word Ajalon, the valley " of stags," is still justified
by " the gazelles which the peasants hunt on its
mountain slopes." Thomson (The Land and the
Book, p. 172) says that the mountains of Naphtali
" abound in gazelles to this day."
The ariel gazelle (0. Arabica), which, if not a
different species, is at least a well marked variety
of the dorcat, is common in Syria, and ia hunted
by the Arabs with a falcon and a greyhound ; th«
repeated attacks of the bird upon the head of the
animal so bewilder it that it falls an easy prey to
the greyhound, which is trained to watch the flight
of the falcon. Many of these antelopes are also
taken in pitfala into which they are driven by the
shouts of the hunters. The large full soft eye ol
the gazelle baa long been the theme of Oriental
praises. [.W. H.J
BC9EL.IM (.rvrWl ; P«ry«AA«i».sod soAkx.
1050
BOHGAH
though once 'Pteytktifi : BogeSm). The; KiHiaa
at'Barxillai the Gilemlit* (2 Sam. rrii 27, zu. 31;
in the highlands east of the Jordan. It ib men-
tioned on this occasion only. Nothing is said to
guide us to its situation, and no name at all
resembling it appears to have been hitherto dis-
covered on the spot.
If interpreted as Hebrew the name is derivable
from regel, the foot, and signifies the " fullers " or
•' washers," who were in the habit (as they still
are in the East) of using their feet to tread the
cloth which they are cleansing. Bat this is ex-
tremely uncertain. The same word occurs in the
name Em-rogkl. [G.]
boh'gah (ninn, Cem, nam Km-.
tooyi ; Alex. Oipaoyd : fiaaga). An Aahente,
of the sons of Shamer (l Car. TJi. 34).
RO'IMTJS (*Potuoi). Rehum 1 (1 Esd. v. 8).
The name is not traceable in the Vulgate.
BOLL (rfalO ; KtfaX/t). A book in ancient
times consisted of a single long strip of paper or
parchment, which was usually kept rolled up on a
stick, and was unrolled when a person wished to
read it Hence arose the term megillah, from
gAIal,* " to roll," strictly answering to the Latin
volumen, whence comes our volume ; hence also the
expressions, " to spread " and " roll together," b in-
stead of " to open" and " to shut" a book. The
full expression for a book was " a roll of writing,"
or " a roll of a book " (Jer. xxxvi. 2 ; Pa. xl. 7 ;
Ex. ii. 9), bat occasionally " roll" stands by itself
(Zech. t. 1, 2 ; Eir. vi. 2). The KupaXls of the
LXX. originally referred to the ornamental knob
(the umbilicus of the Latins) at the top of the stick
<jr cylinder round which the roll was wound. The
use of the term megillah implies, of coarse, the ex-
istence of a soft and pliant material : what this ma-
terial was in the Old Testament period, we are not
informed ; but as a knife was required for its de-
struction (Jer. xxxvi. 23), we infer that it was
parchment. The roll was usually written on one
side only (Mishn. £rub. 10, §3), and hence the
particular notice of one that was " written within
and without" (Ex. it 10). The writing was ar-
ranged in columns, resembling a door in shape,
and hence deriving their Hebrew name,' just as
" column," from its resemblance to a cohtmna or
pillar. It has been asserted that the term megillah
does not occur before the 7th cent. B.C., being first
used by Jeremiah (Hitiig, in Jer. xxxvi. 2) ; and
the conclusion has been draws that the use of such
materials as parchment was not known until that
period (Ewald, Oeech. i. 71, note; Gesen. The*.
p. 289). This is to assume, perhaps too confi-
dently, a late date for the composition of Ps. xl.,
sad to ignore the collateral evidence arising ont of
the expression " roll together " used by Is. xrjriv.
4, and also ont of the probable reference to the
Pentateuch in Ps. xl. 7, " the roll of the book," a
copy of which was deposited by the side of the ark
(Deut. xxxi. 26). We may here add that the term
m Is. viii. 1, rendered in the A. V. " roll," more
correctly macs tablet. [W. L. B.]
ROMAN EMPIRE
BOMAMTI-EZ'EROW'npDh fmiur*.'
4(*p ; Alex. 1>a>/i<p6Wf<p in 1 Chr. xxt. 4, M
"Pt»Ht6-iu4(fp in 1 Chr. xxt. 31 : Romemthietrr}.
One of the fourteen sons of Heman, and ohief of ibt
24th division of the singers in the reign of L>» T >4
(1 Chr. xxv. 4, 31).
ROMAN EMPIRE The history of the
Roman Empire, properly so called, extendi over 1
period of rather more than five hundred yean, vi*.
from the battle of Actium, B.C. 31, when Augustus
became sole ruler of the Roman world, to the abdi-
cation of Augustulus, A.D. 476. The Empire, how-
ever, in the sense of the dominion of Rome over a
large number of conquered nations, was in full force
and had reached wide limits some time before the
monarchy of Augustus was established. The notice*
of Romau history which occur in the Bible are con-
fined to the last century and a half of the common-
wealth and the first century of the imperial
monarchy.
The first historic mention of Rome in the Bible
is in 1 Maoc i. 10. Though the date of the founda-
tion of Rome coincides nearly with the beginning
of the reign of Pekah in Israel, it was not till toe
beginning of the 2nd century B.C. that the Romans
had leisure to interfere in the afikirs of the East.
When, however, the power of Carthage had been
effectually broken at Zama, b.c. 202, Roman anna
and intrigues soon made themselves felt throughout
Macedonia, Greece, and Asia Minor. About the
year 161 B.C. Judas Maccabaeos heard of the Ro-
mans as the conquerors of Philip, Perseus, and
Antiochus (1 Mace. viii. 5, 6). " It was told him
also how they destroyed and brought under their
dominion all other kingdoms and isles that at any
time resisted them, but with their friends and such
as relied upon them they kept amity" (viii. 11, 12).
In order to strengthen himself against Demetrius
king of Syria he sent ambassadors to Rome (viii.
17), and concluded a defensive alliance with the
senate (viii. 22-32). This was renewed by Jona-
than (xii. 1) and by Simon (xv. 17 ; Joseph. Ant.
xii. 10, §6, xiii. 5, $8, 7, §3). Notices of the em-
bassy sent by Judas, of a tribute paid to Rome by
the Syrian king, and of further intercourse between
the Romans and the Jews, occur in 2 Mace iv. 1 1 ,
viii. 10, 36, xi. 34. In the course of the narrative
mention is made of the Roman senate (to jSovAcv-
r^piop, 1 Mace. xii. 3), of the consul Lucius
(o Brwrot, 1 Mace. xv. 15, 16), and the Roman con-
stitution is described in a somewhat distorted form
(1 Mace viii. 14-16).
The history of the Maccabaean and Idumaean
dynasties forms no part of oar present subject.
[Maccabees ; Herod.] Here a brief summary
of the progress of Roman dominion in Judaea will
suffice.
In the year 65 B.C., when Syria wet made a
Roman province by Pompey, the Jews were still
governed by one of the Asmonaean princes. Aristo-
bulus had lately driven his brother Hyrcanns from
the chief priesthood, and was now in his turn at-
tacked by Axetas, king of Arabia Petraea, the ally
of Hyrcanns. Poropey's lieutenant, M. Aemilius
Scaurus, interfered in the contest B.C. 64, and the
» In the Hebrew. feHI (a K. atx. 14} ana V>t (fa
rtlto ,
i (A. V. - leaves,-' Jer. xxxvi. S3). HJttig
maintains that the word means " leaves," and thai lb*
meoiUak In this cat* waa a book like our own, eosslMta|
txxlv. 4) : In the Greek, inxrvcvtw and mrvvamr • jf numerous pages
(Lake Iv. IT, K).
MOMAN EMPDiB
•art rv Pompey himself marched in army into
liukea and took Jerusalem .(Joseph. Ant. xiv. 2,
3, 4 i B. J. i. 6, 7). From this time the Jews
vere practically under the government of Home,
llyrauus retained the high-priesthood and a titular
•overeignty, subject to the watchful control of his
minister Antipater, an active partisan of the Roman
mterest*. Finally, Antipater's sod, Herod the Great,
was mad* king by Antony's interest, B.C. 40, and
confirmed in the kingdom by Augustas, B.C. 30
(Joseph. Ant xiv. 14, xr. 6). The Jews, however,
were all this time tributaries of Rome, and their
princes in reality were mere Roman procurators.
Julias Caesar is said to have exacted from them a
north part of their agricultural produce in addition
to the tithe paid to Hyrcanus {Ant. xiv. 10, §6).
Roman soldiers were quartered at Jerusalem in
Herod's time to support him in his authority {Ant
xv. 3, §7). Tribute was paid to Rome, and an oath
of allegiance to the emperor as well as to Herod
appears to have been taken by the people (Ant.
xvii. 2, §3). On the banishment of Archelaus,
aj>. 6, Judaea became a mere appendage of the
province of Syria, and was governed by a Roman
proc ur ator, who resided at Caeaarea. Galilee and
the adjoining districts were still left under the
government of Herod's sons and other petty princes,
whose dominions and titles were changed from time
to time by successive emperors: for details see
Hebod.
Such were the relations of the Jewish people to
the Roman government at the time when the N. T.
Battery begins. An ingenious illustration of this
state of things has been drawn from the condition
af British India. The Governor General at Calcutta,
the subordinate governors at Madras and Bombay,
and the native princes, whose dominions have been
at on* tone enlarged, at another incorporated with
the British presidencies, find their respective coun-
terparts in the governor of Syria at Antioch, the
procurators of Judaea at Caesarea, and the mem-
bers of Herod's family, whose dominions were alter-
nately enlarged and suppressed by the Roman em-
perors (Conybeare and Howson, Life of St. Paul,
'.. 27). These and other characteristics of Roman
rule come before us constantly in the N. T. Thus
we hear of Caesar the sole king (John xix. 1 5) —
of Cyrenius, "governor of Syria" (Luke ii. 2)— of
Pontine Pilate, Felis, and Festus, the " governors,"
i. «. procurators, of Judaea — of the "tetrarchs"
Hand, Philip, and Lrsanias (Luke iii. 1)— of " king
Agrippa** (Acts xxv. 13)— of Roman soldiers,
legions, centurions, publicans— of the tribute-money
(Matt. xrii. 19)— the taxing of " the whole world *
(Luke n. 1)— Italian nnd Augustan cohorts (Acts
x. l.ixvii. 1)— the appeal to Caesar (Acts xxv. 11).
Thro* of the Roman emperors are mentioned in the
S. T. — Augustus (Luke ii. 1), Tiberius (Lake iii.
I \, and Claudius (Acta xi. 28, xviii. 2). Nero is
atloded to voder various titles, as Augustus (3«-
•Wrei) tod Caesar (Acts xxv. 10, 11, 21, 25;
PhO. ir. 25), as i nips, " my lord " (Acts xxv.
36), and apparently in other passages (1 Pet. ii. 17 ;
son*, xBi. 1). Several notices of the provincial
administration of the Romans and the condition of
■rwvmcial cities occur in the narrative of St. Paul's
Barneys (Acts mi. 7, xviii. 12, xvi. 12, 35, 38,
MB. 39).
am Ulmtration of the sacred narrative it may be
•nil to give a general account, though necessarily
a short and imperfect one. of the position of the
emperor, the extent of the empire, and the ad-
EOMAN EMPIRE
1051
ministration of the provinces in the time ot oat
Lord and His Apostles. Fuller information will be
found under special articles.
I. When Augustus became sole ruler of the Ro>
man world he was in theory simply the first citisen
of the republic, entrusted with temporary powen
to settle the disorders of the state. Tacitus says
that he was neither king nor dictator, but " prinoe "
(Tac Ann. i. 9), a title implying no civil authority,
but simply the position of chief member of the
senate (princeps senatus). The old magistracies
were retained, but the various powers and preroga-
tives of each were conferred upon Augustus, so that
while others commonly bore the chief official titles,
Augustus had the supreme control of every depart-
ment of the state. Above all he was the Emperor
(Imperator). This word, used originally to designate
any one entrusted with the imperinm or full mili-
tary authority over a Roman army, acquired a new
significance when adopted as a permanent title by
Julius Caesar. By his use of it as a constant prefix
to his name in the city and in the camp he openly
asserted a paramount military authority over the
state. Augustus, by resuming it, plainly indicated,
in spite of much artful concealment, the real basis
on which his power rested, viz. the support of the
army (Merivale, Roman Empire, vol. iii.;. In the
N. T. the emperor is commonly designated by the
family name " Caesar," or the dignified and almost
sacred title " Augustus * (for its meaning, comp.
Ovid, Fasti, i. 609). Tiberius is called by impli-
cation iff e pair in Luke iii. 1, a title applied in the
N. T. to Cyrenius, Pilate, and others. Notwith-
standing the despotic character of the government,
the Romans seem to have shrunk from speaking of
their ruler under his military title (see Merivale,
Bom. Empin, iii. 452, and note) or any other
avowedly despotic appellation. The use of the word
i nipios, dommus, " my lord," in Acts xxv. 26,
marks the progress of Roman servility between
the time of Augustus and Nero. Augustus and
Tiberius refused this title. Caligula first bore it
(see Alford's note in I.e.; Ovid, Fast. ii. 142).
The term fituriXtit, " king," in John xix. 15, 1 Pet.
ii. 17, cannot be closely pressed.
The Empire was nominally elective (Tac. Ann. xiii.
4) ; but practically it passed by adoption (see Galba's
speech in Tac. Hat. i. 15), and till Nero's time
a sort of hereditary right seemed to be recognised.
The dangers inhereul in a military government were,
on the whole, successfully averted till the death
of Pertiuai, A.D. 193 (Gibbon, ch. iii. p. 80), but
outbreaks of military violence wee not wanting in
this earlier period (comp. Wenck's note on Gibbon,
I. c). The army was systematically bribed by do-
natives at the commencement of each reign, and the
mob of the capital continually fed and amused at the
expense of the provinces. We are reminded of the
insolence and avarice of the soldiers in Luke iii. 14.
The reigns of Caligula, Nero, and Domitian show
that an emperor might shed the noblest blood with
impunity, so long as he abstained from offending
the soldiery and the populace.
II. Extent of the Empire. — Cicero's description
of the Greek states and colonies as a " fringe on the
skirts of barbarism " (Cic. De Sep. ii. 4) has beet
well applied to the Roman dominions before th»
conquests of Pompey and Caesar (Merivale, Rom,
Empire, ir. 409). The Roman Empire was still
confined to a narrow strip encircling the Mediter-
ranean Sea. Pompey added Asia Minor and Syria.
Usesai added Gaul. The generals of Augustus over-
1052
SOMAN UMPIRE
tan the N.W. portion of Spain and tka cacrby
between the Alps and the Danube. The bonndariea
W the Empir» were now, the Atlantic on the W.,
the Euphrete* on the F.., the deserts of Afrtbx, the
cataracts ot the Nile, and the Arabian deserts on
the S., the British Channel, the Rhine, the Danube,
and the black Sea on the N. The only subsequent
conquests of importance were those of Britain bj
Claudius and of Dacia by Trajan. The only inde-
pendent powers of importance were the Parthiana
en the E. and the Germans on the N.
The population of the Empire in the time of
Augustus has been calculated at 84,000,000 (Meri-
vale, Bom. Empire, ir. 442-450). Gibbon, speak-
ing of the time of Claudius, puts the population at
120,000,000 {DeoKite and Pall, ch. u.). Count
Frans da Champagny adopts the same number for
the reign of Nero (let Clean, ii. 428). All these
estimates are confessedly somewhat uncertain and
conjectural.
This large population was controlled in the time
of Tiberius by an army of 25 legions, exclusive of
the praetorian guards and other cohorts in the
capital. The soldiers who c o mp o sed the legions may
be reckoned in round numbers at 170,000 men. If
we add to these an equal number of auxiliaries (Tac.
Ann. it. 5) we have a total force of 840,000 men.
The praetorian guards may be reckoned at 10,000
(Dion Case. lv. 24). The other cohorts would swell
the garrison at Rome to fifteen or sixteen thousand
men. For the number and stations of the legions
in the time of Tiberius, coup. Tac Ann. ir. 5.
The navy may hare contained about 21,000 men
' K La Cetart, ii. 429 ; eomp. Merirale, iii. 534). The
legion, as appears from what has been said, must
have been " more like a brigade than a regiment,"
consisting as it did of more than 6000 infantry
with cavalry attached (Conrbeare and Howson, ii.
285). For the "Italian and Augustan hands"
(Acts x. 1, xxvii. 1) see Asmr, vol. i. p. 114.
111. The Promncee. — The usual fate of a country
conquered by Home was to become a subject pro-
Tines, governed directly from Rome by officer* sent
•ut for that purpose. Sometimes, howerer, as we
have sera, petty sovereigns were left in possession
of a nominal independence on the borders, or within
the natural limits, of the province. Such a system
was useful for rewarding an ally, for employing a
busy ruler, for gradually accustoming a stubborn
people to the yoke of dependence. There wen
differences too in the political condition of cities
within the provinces. Some were free cities, i. #.
were governed by their own magistrates, and wen
exempted from occupation by a Roman garrison.
Such were Tarsus, Antioch in Syria, Athens, Ephe-
sus, Thessalonica. See the notices of the " Poli-
tarcha " and " Demos " at Thessalonica, Acts xrii.
5-8. The "town-clerk" and the assembly at
Spheres, Acts xu. 85, 89 (C. and H. Life cf St.
Paul, i. 357, ii. 79). Occasionally, but rarely, free
cities ware exempted from taxation. Other cities
wue " Colonies, i. «. communities of Roman citi-
«sm transplanted, like garrisons of the imperial
city, into « foreign land. Such was Philippi (Acta
xri. 12). Such too were Corinth, Truss, the nat-
ulan Antioch. The inhabitants were for the most
part Romans (Acta xri. 21), and their magistrate*
delighted in the Romu title of Praetor (rrsa-
rny*t), and in the attendance of lictors {jnfito*xo(),
Acts xri. 35. (C. and H. L 315.)
Augustus divided the provinces into two rises ns,
1.) Imperial, (*j.) Senatorial ; retaining in his own
SOMAN EMPTOR
hands, for obvious reasons, those pi pr in ces wrant
the presence of a large military force waa ncorv
aary, and committing the peaceful and unarmed
provinces to the Senate. The Imperial prorme ai
at first were Gaul, Lusrtania, Syria, Phoenicia,
Cilicia, Cyprus, and Aegypt. The Senatorial pro-
Tincee were Africa, Nunrjdia, Asia, Aebaea and
Eph-us, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicily, Crete and Cy-
rene, Bithynia and Pontua, Sardinia, Baetica (Dion
C. liii. 12" 1 . Cyprus and Gallia Narbonensis wen
subsequently giTen up by Augustus, who in turn
received Dalmatia from the Senate. Many other
changes were made afterwards. The N. T. writera
invariably designate the governors of Senatorial
province* by the correct title of totieVaret, pro*
consuls v Actsxlii.7, xrili. 12,xix.38). [CYPRUS.]
For the governor of an Imperial province, properly
styled " Ugaius Caesaris" {Hptv0twrtit\ the word
'Hytfidr (Governor) is used in the N. T.
The provinces were heavily taxed for the benefit
of Rome and her dtizens. " It waa as if England
wen to defray the expenses of her own administra-
tion by the proceeds of a tax levied en her Indian
empire " (Llddell, Hist, if Same, i. p. 448). In old
times the Roman revenues were raised mainly from
three sources: (1.) The domain lands; (2.) A direct
tax (tributnm) levied upon every cititen ; (8.) From
customs, tolls, harbour duties, Ac The agrarian
law of Julius Caesar la said to have extinguish*!
the first source of revenue (Cic ad Att. ii. xri. ;
Dureau de la Malle, ii. 430). Roman dtixens had
ceased to pay direct taxes since the conquest of
Macedonia, B.C. 167 (Oc dt Off. ii. 22; Pint.
Aemil. Paul. 88), except in extraordinary emer-
gencies. The main part of the Roman revenue wan
now drawn from the provinces by a direct tax
(vqnrot, fopn, Matt. xxii. 17, Luke xx. 22),
amounting probably to from 5 to 7 per cent, on
the estimated produce of the soil (Dureau de la Malle,
ii. p. 418). The indirect taxes too (Wxij, ueetf-
gaUa, Matt. xrii. 25 ; Dureau de la Malle, ii. 449)
appear to have been very henry (ibid. ii. 452,
448). Augustus on coming to the empire found
the regular sources of revenue impaired, while his
expenses must have been very great. To say no-
thing of the pay of the army, he it said to have
supported no leas than 200,000 citizens in idleness)
by the miserable system of public gratuities. Hence
the necessity of a careful valuation of the property
of the whole empire, which appears to have been
made more than once in his reign. [Census.] For
the historical difficulty about the taxing in Luke
ii. 1, see Ctbsnios. Augustus appears to hart
raised both the direct and indirect taxes (Dureau
de la Malle, ii. 433, 448).
The provinces are said to have been better go-
verned under the Empire than under the Oananon-
wealth, and those of the emperor better than those
of the Senate (Tac Ann. i. 76, ir. 6 ; Dion, liii.
14). Two important changes were introduced under
the Empire. The governors received a fixed pay,
and the term of their command was prolonged
(Jos. Ant. xviii. 6, §5). But the old mode of
levying the taxes seems to have been continued.
The companies who farmed the taxes, consisting
generally of knights, paid a certain sum into the
Roman treasury, and proceeded to wring what
they could from the provincials, often with the
connivance and support of the provincial governor.
The work waa done chiefly by underlings of the
lowest cUas (partitores). Those are the publicans
of the S. T.
SOMAN EMPIBE
On the whole it team doubtful whether the
(Troop of the provinces can Aave been materially
Jleruted under the Imperial government. It it not
ukcly that such mien at Caligula and Nero would
be vrupoloos about the means need for ^spleniahirg
hVsr treasury. The stories related (ran of the
reign of Augustas show how slight were the checks
en the tyranny of provincial governors. See the story
of Lkinus in Gaul (Diet, of Or. 4" Sam. Btog. sun
voce), and that of the Dalmatian chief ( Dion, It.).
The sufferings of St. Paul, protected as he m* to a
certain extent by hit Roman citizenship, show plainly
bow little a provincial had to hope from the justice
ef a Roman governor.
It is impossible here to discuss tie difficult ques-
tion relating to Roman provincial government raised
en John xvui. 31. It may be sufficient here to
state, that according to strict Roman law the Jews
wooU lose the power of life and death whan their
ceontry became a provinoe, and there seams no
saffieient reason to depart from the literal interpre-
tation of the verse jut* cited. Sea Alford, m I. e.
Ob the other side set Biaoae, On th* Act*, p. 113.
The coorlitirai of the Roman Empire at the time
when Christianity appeared has often been dwelt
, as affording obvious illustrations of St. Paul's
that the " fulness of time had some "
(Gal. iv. 4). The general peace within the limits
of the Empire, the formation of military roads, the
su| i pn a i i 'W of piracy, the march of the legions, the
voyages of the com fleets, the general increase of
traffic, the spread of the Latin language in the
West as Greek had already spread in the East, the
—*-—«' unity of the Empire, offered facilities hi-
therto unknown for the spread of a world-wide
religion. The tendency too of a despotism like that
of tho Roman Empire to reduce all its subjects to a
eead level, was a powerful instrument in breaking
down the pride of privileged races and- national
—~y*— and Suniharuang men with the truth that
* Gad hath made of one blood all nations on the
face of the earth'' (Acta xvfi. 24, 26). But still
Bart striking than this outward preparation for the
dsCasion of the Gospel was the appearance of a deep
seal wide-opread corruption which seemed to defy
any haasaa remedy, ft would be easy to accumu-
late proofs of the moral and political degradation of
r the Empire. It is needless to do
i allude to the corruption, the cruelty, the
■■iialitj the monstrous and unnatural wickedness
of the period as revealed in the heathen historians
— * aatjjriata " Viewed as a national or political bit-
tory,** nays the great historian of Rome, "the history
of the Raman Empire is sad and discouraging in the
leas degree. We an that things had come to a
inini at winch no earthly power could afford any
Up; ta» new hare the development of dead powers
i attend ef that of a vital energy " (Niebuhr, Led.
t. lfM). Notwithstanding the outward appearance
ef peace, unity, and reviving prosperity, the general
eaaiiition of the people must have been one of great
BBsssry. To any nothing of the fact that probably
rar half of the population consisted of slaves, the
great injqoality of wealth at a time when a whole
could be owned by six landowners, the
of any middle class, the utter want of any
I for alleviating di stre s s such as are found
countries, the inhuman tone of
: tad practice generally prevailing, forbid us
favourably of the happiness of the work)
a* tat) swnoue Augustan age. We moat remember
Ibex •'than were no public ho s pit a ls , no mttita-
BOMANS, EPISTLE TO THE 1053
tkaa for the relief of the infirm and poor, n J aodeliat
for the improvement of the condition of mimWi»il
from motives of charity. Nothing was lone ta
promote the instruction of the lower classes, co-
thing to mitigate the miseries of domestic slavery.
Charity and general philruthropr were so little,
regarded as duties, that it requires a very extensive
acquaintance with the literature of the tunes te
find any allusion to them " (Arnold's Later Soman
Commonwealth, ii. 898). If we add to this that
there was probably not a tingle religion, except the
Jewish, which was felt by the more enlightened
part of its professors to be real, we may form some
notion of the world which Christianity had to
reform and purify. We venture to quote an elo-
quent description of itt " slow, imperceptible, con-
tinuous aggression on the heathenism of the Roman
Empire."
" Christianity was gradually withdrawing soma
of all orders, even slaves, out of the vices, the igno-
rance, the misery of that corrupted social system.
It was ever instilling feelings of humanity, yet un-
known or coldly commended by an impotent philo-
sophy, among men and women whose infant ears
had been habituated to the shrieks of dying gla-
diators ; it was giving dignity to minds prostrated
by years, almost centuries, of degrading despotism ;
it was nurturing purity and modesty of manners in
an unspeakable state of depravation; it was en-
shrining the marriage-bed in a sanctity long almost
entirely lost, and rekindling to a steady warmtk
the domestic affections ; it was substituting a simple
calm, and rational faith for the worn-out supersti-
tions of heathenism ; gently establishing in the sou)
of man the sense of immortality, till it became t
natural and inextinguishable part of hit moral
being " (Milman's Latin Christianity, i. p. 24).
The chief prophetic notices of the Roman Empire
are found in the Book of Daniel, especially in ch.
xL 30-40, and in ii. 40, vii. 7, 17-19, according to
the common interpretation of the "fourth king-
dom ;" corap. 2 Esdr. xi. 1 , but see Daniel. Accord-
ing to tome interpreters the Romans are intended in
Deut. xxriii. 49-57. For the mystical notices of
Rome in the Revelation oomp. Rome. [J. J. H.]
ROMANS, THE EPISTLE TO THE.
1. The datt of this Epistle is fixed with more alv-
eolate certainty and within narrower limits, thai,
that of any other of St. Paul's Epistles. The fol-
lowing considerations determine the time of writing.
first. Certain names in the salutations point to
Corinth, as the place from which the letter was
sent. (1.) Phoebe, a deaconess of Cenchreae, on*
of the port towns of Corinth, is commended to the
Romans (xvi. 1, 2). (2.) Gains, in whose house
St. Paul was lodged at the time (xvi. 23), is pro-
bably the person mentioned as one of the chief mem-
bers of the Corinthian Church in 1 Cor. i. 14,
though the name was very common. (3 J Erastus,
here designated " the treasurer of the city " (oiire-
vifiot, xvi. 23, E. V. " chamberlain ") is elsewhere
mentioned in connexion with Corinth (2 Tim. It.
20 ; see also Acta xix. 22). Secondly. Having thus
determined the place of writing to be Corinth, we
have no hesitation in fixing upon the visit recorded
in Acts xx. 3, during the winter and spring following
the Apostle's long residence at Ephesus, as the occa-
sion on which the Epistle was written. For St. Paul,
when he wrote the letter, was on the point of carry-
ing the contributions of Macedonia and Achaia te
I Jerusalem (xv. 95-27\ and a totoparison with Acts
xx.22, iiiv. 1 7, ana also 1 Cor. xvi. 4; 2 Cor. vu.
1054 HOHAN8, EPISTLE TO THE
1, 2, Iz 1 ff., shows that he was so engaged at this
period of his life. (Sea Paley's Horae Paulina*, en.
li. §1.) Moreover, in this Epistle he declares his
Intention of visiting the Romans after he has been at
Jerusalem (it. 23-25), and that such was his de-
sign at this particular time appears from a casual
notice in Acts xix. 21.
The Kpistle then was written from Corinth daring
St Paul's third missionary journey, on the occasion
of the second of the two visits recorded in the Acts.
On this occasion he remained three months in
Greece (Acts xx. 3). When he left, the sea was
alrrady navigable, for he was on the point of sailing
for Jerusalem when he was obliged to change his
Elans. On the other hand, it cannot have been
ite in the spring, because after passing through
Macedonia and visiting several places on the coast
of Asia Minor, he still hoped to reach Jerusalem by
Pentecost (xx. 16V It was therefore in the winter
or early spring of the year that the Epistle to the
Romans was written. According to the most pro-
oable system of chronology, adopted by Anger and
Wieaeler, this would be the year A.D. 58.
2. The Epistle to the Romans is thus placed in
chronological connexion with the Epistles to the
Galaiiana and Corinthians, which appear to have
been written within the twelve months preceding.
The First Epistle to the Corinthians was written
before St. Paul left Ephesus, the Second from Mace-
donia when he was on his way to Corinth, and
the Epistle to the Galatians moat probably either
in Macedonia or after his arrival at Corinth, «'. «.
after the Epistles to the Corinthians, though the
date of the Galatian Epistle is not absolutely certain.
[Galatians, Epistle to the.] We shall have
to notice the relations existing between these contem-
poraneous Epktles hereafter. At present it will be
sufficient to say that they present a remarkable re-
semblance to each other in style and matter — a
much greater resemblance than can be traced to
any other of St. Paul's Epistles. They are at once
the most intense and most varied in feeling and ex-
pression — if we may so say, the most Pauline of all
St. Paul's Epistles. When Baur excepts these four
Epistles alone from his sweeping condemnation of
the genuineness of all the letters bearing St. Paul's
name [Pauhu, der Apottet) this is a mere caricature
of sober criticism ; but underlying this erroneous
exaggeration is the feet, that the Epistles of this
period— St. Paul's third missionary journey — have
a character and an intensity peculiarly their own,
corresponding to the circumstances of the Apostle's
outward and inward life at the time when they were
written. For the special characteristics of this
group of Epistles, see a paper on the Epistle to the
Galatians in the Journal of Clou, and Soar. Phil.,
lii. p. 289.
3. The occasion which prompted this Epistle,
and the aircumstanoti attending its writing, were
as follows. St. Paul had long purposed visiting
Rome, and still reta'ned this purpose, wishing also
to extend his journey to Spain (i. 9-13, xv. 22-29).
For the time however, he was prevented from car-
rying out his design, as he was bound for Jeru-
salem with the alms of the Gentile Christiana, and
meanwhile he addressed this letter to the Romans,
to supply the lack of his personal teaching. Phoebe,
adenconeas of the neighbouring Church of Cenchreou,
was on the point of starting for Rome (xvi. 1, 2),
and probably conveyed the letter. The body of the
Epistle was written at the Apostle's dictation by
Tartios (xvi. 22); but perhaps we may infer from
JtUMANS, EPISTLE TO THE
the abruptness of the final doxology, that it WW
added by the Apostle himself, more especially as are
gather from other Epistles that it was his practice
to conclude with a few striking words in his own
hand-writing, to vouch for the authorship of the
letter, and frequently also to impress some importatt
truth more strongly on his readers.
4. The Origin of the Soman Church is involved
in obscurity. If it had been founded by St. Peter,
according to a later tradition, the absence of any
allusion to him both in this Epistle and in the
letters written by St. Paul from Rome would admit
of no explanation. It is equally clear that no
other Apostle was the Founder. In this very
Epistle, and in close connexion with the mention
of his proposed visit to Rome, the Apostle declares
that it waa his rule not to build on another man's
foundation (xv. 20), and we cannot suppose that hs
violated it in this instance. Again, he speaks of
the Romans as especially falling to his share as tire
Apostle of the Gentiles (i. 13), with an evident re-
ference to the partition of the field of labour between
himself and St. Peter, mentioned in Gal. ii. 7-9.
Moreover, when he declares his wish to impart
some spiritual gift (xdptff/u) to them, " that they
might be established" (i. 11), this implies that
they had not yet been visited by an Apostle, and
that St. Paul contemplated supplying the defect,
as was done by St. Peter and St. John in the ana-
logous case of the Churches founded by Philip in
Samaria (Acts viii. 14-17).
The statement in the Clementines {lion. i. §6)
that the first tidings of the Gospel reached Rom*
during the lifetime of our Lord, is evidently a fiction
for the purposes of the romance. On the other
hand, it is clear that the foundation of this Church
dates very far back. St. Paul in this Epistle salutes
certain believers resident in Rome — Androuicus and
Junia (or Junianus ?) — adding that they were dis-
tinguished among the Apostles, and that they were
converted to Christ before himself (xvi. 7), for such
seems to be the meaning of the passage, rendered
somewhat ambiguous by the position of the relative
pronouns. It may be that some of those Romans,
" both Jews and proselytes," present on the day of
Pentecost (ol iwiinumirrts 'Vufuuoi, 'lovtmoi t»
irol WOOO-4AVTM, Acts ii. 10), carried back the
earliest tidings of the new doctrine, or the Gospel
may have first reached the imperial city through
those who were scattered abroad to escape the perse-
cution which followed on the death of Stephen (Acta
viii. 4, xi. 19). At all events, a close and constant
communication was kept up between the Jewish
residents in Rome and their fellow-countrymen in
Palestine by the exigencies of commerce, in which they
became more and more engrossed, as their national
hopes declined, and by the custom of repairing regu-
larly to their sacred festivals at Jerusalem. Again.
the imperial edicts alternately banishing and recall-
ing the Jews (compare e. g. in the case of Claudius,
Joseph. Ant. xix. 5, §3, with Suet. Claud. 25) must
have kept up a constant ebb and flow of migration
between Rome and the East, and the case of Aquila
and Priscilla (Acts xviii. 2 ; see Paley, Hor. Paul. c.
ii. §2), probably represent* a numerous class through
whose means the opinions and doctrines promulgated
in Palestine might reach the metropolis. At first
we may suppose that the Gospel was preached there
in a confused and imperfect form, scarcely more
than a phase of Judaism, as in the case of Apo'loa
at Corinth (Acta xviii. 25), or the disciples at
Ephesus (Act* xix. 1-3). As time advanced aasf
rtOMANS, EPISTLE TO THE
mtructed teachers arrived, the clouds would
padually clear away, till at length the presence of
the great Apostle himself at Rome, dispersed the
nists af Judaism which still hung about the Roman
Church. Long after Christianity had taken np a
position of direct antagonism to Judaism in Rome,
tieath«n statesmen and writers still persisted in con-
founding the one with the other. (See Merivale,
Mist, of Borne, vi. p. 278, &c.)
5. A question next arises as to the composition
»/ the Baaum Church, at the time when St. Paul
■note. Did the Apostle address a Jewish or a
Gentile community, or, if the two elements were
combined, was one or other predominant so as to
give a character to the whole Church? Either
extreme has been vigorously maintained, Baur for
instance asserting that St. Paul was writing to
Jewish Christians, OUhausen arguing that the Ro-
man Church consisted almost solely of Gentiles.
We are naturally led to seek the truth in some in-
termediate position. Jowett finds a solution of the
difficulty in the supposition that the members of
the Roman Church, though Gentiles, had passed
through a phase of Jewish proselytism. This will
explain some of the phenomena of the Epistle, but
not all. It is more probable that St. Paul addressed
a mixed Church of Jews and Gentiles, the latter
perhaps being the more numerous.
Then are certainly passages which imply the
presence of a large number of Jewish converts to
Christianity. The use of the second person in ad-
dressing the Jews (chaps, ii. and iii.) is clearly not
assumed merely for argumentative purposes, but
applies to a portion at least of those into whose
hands the letter would fall. The constant appeals
to the authority of " the law " may in many cases
be accounted for by the Jewish education of the
Gentile believers (so Jowett, vol. ii. p. 22), but
sometimes they seem too direct and positive to
admit of this explanation (iii. 19, vii. 1). In the
7th chapter St. Paul appears to be addressing Jews,
as those who like himself had once been under
the dominion of the law, but had been delivered
from it in Christ (see especially verses 4 and 6).
And when in ii. 13, he says " I am speaking to
yoa — the Gentiles," this very limiting expression
- the Gentiles," implies that the letter was addressed
Is not a few to whom the term would not apply.
Again, if we analyse the list of names in the
16th chapter, and assume that this list approximately
searesents the proportion of Jew and Gentile in the
Roman Church (an assumption at least not impro-
bable), we arrive at the same result. It is true
that itary, or rather Mariam (xvi. 6), is the only
strictly Jewish name. But this fact is not worth
the stress apparently laid on it by Mr. Jowett (ii.
p. 27). For Aquila and Priscilla (ver. 3) were
Jews (Acts xviii. 3, 26), and the Church which met
is their house was probably of the same nation.
Aodranscua and Junia (or Junias ? ver. 7) are called
St. Paul's kinsmen. The same term is applied to
HerodioB (ver. 11). These persons then must have
been Jews, whether "kinsmen" is taken in the
wider or the mure restricted sense. The name Apclles
(ver. 10% though a heathen name also, was most
esnunonly borne by Jews, as appears from Horace,
Set. Lr. 100. If the Aristobulus of ver. 10 was
saw at* the primes of the Herodian house, as seems
beanbla, we have also in " the household of Aristo-
tatat" several Jewish converts. Altogether it ap-
• that a very large fraction of the Christian be-
eationed in these salutations were Jews,
BOMAN8, EPISTLE TO THE 1058
even supposing that the others, bearing Greek anl
Latin names, of whom we know nothing, were
heathens.
Nor does the existence of a large Jewish element
in the Roman Church present any difficulty. The
captives carried to Rome by Pompeius formed the
nucleus of the Jewish population in the metropolis
[Romk]. Since that time they had largely in-
creased. During the reign of Augustus we hear of
above 8000 resident Jews attaching themselves to a
Jewish embassy which appealed to this emperor (Jo-
seph. Ant. xvii. 11, §1). The same emperor gave
them a quarter beyond the Tiber, and allowed tiem
the free exercise of their religion (Philo, Leg. ad
Caium, p. 568 M.). About the time when St.
Paul wrote, Seneca, speaking of the influence of Ju-
daism, echoes the famous expression of Horace (Ep.
ii. 1, 156) respecting the Greeks — " victi victoribus
leges dederunt " (Seneca, in Augustin. de Civ. Dei,
vi. 11). And the bitter satire of Juvenal and in-
dignant complaints of Tacitus of the spread of the
infection through Roman society, are well known.
On the other hand, situated in the metropolis of
the great empire of heathendom, the Roman Church
must necessarily have been in great measure a
Gentile Church ; and the language of the Epistle
bears out this supposition. It is professedly as the
Apostle of the Gentiles that St. Paul writes to the
Romans (i. 5). He hopes to have some fruit among
them, as he had among the other Gentiles (i. 13).
Later on in the Epistle he speaks of the Jews in the
third person, as if addressing Gentiles, " I could
wish that myself were accursed for my brethren,
my kinsmen after the flesh, who are Israelites, etc."
(ix. 3, 4). And again, " my heart's desire and prayer
to God for them is that they might be saved" (x. 1,
the right reading is inrip abrmf, not Inrtp rov *l<r-
paiih as in the Received Text). Compare also xi. 23,
25, and especially xi. 30, " For as ye in times past did
not believe God ... so did these also (i. e. the Jews)
now not believe," etc. In all these passages St.
Paul clearly addresses himself to Gentile readers.
These Gentile converta, however, were not for
the most part native Romans. Strange as the pa-
radox appears, nothing is more certain than that
the Church of Rome was at this time a Greek and
not a Latin Church. It is clearly established that
the early Latin versions of the New Testament were
made not for the use of Rome, but of the provinces,
especially Africa (Westcott, Canon, p. 269). All
the literature of the early Roman Church was
written in the Greek tongue. The names of the
bishops of Rome during the first two centuries are
with but few exceptions Greek. (See Milman, Latin
Christ, i. 27.) And in accordance with these facts
we find that a very large proportion of the names
in the salutations of this Epistle are Greek names ;
while of the exceptions, Priscilla, Aquila, and Junia
(or Junias), were certainly Jews ; and the same is
true of Eufos, if, as is not improbable, he is
the same mentioned Mark xv. 21. Julia was pro-
bably a dependent of the imperial household, and
derived her name accordingly. The only Roman
names remaining are Amplias (i. e. Ampliatus) and
Urbanus, of whom nothing is known, tut their
names are of late growth, and certainly do not point
to an old Roman stock. It was therefore from the
Greek papulation of Rome, pure or mixed, that the
Gentile portion of the Church was almost entirely
drawn. And this might be expected. The Greeks
formed a very considerable fraction of the whole
people of Rome. They wan the most buy awl
10M ROMANS. EPISTLE TO THE
adventurous, and also the most intelligent of the
middle and lower classes of society. The influence
which they were acquiring by their numbers and
versatility is a oonatant theme of reproach in the
Soman philosopher and satirist (Jut. iii. 60-80, vi.
84; Tac. de Orat. 29). They complain that the
nations! characer is undermined, that the whole
city has become Greek. Speaking the language
of international intercourse, and brought by their
restless habits into contact with foreign religions,
the Greeks had larger opportunities than others of
acquainting themseive with the truths of the Gospel:
while at thi same time holding more loosely to tra-
ditional beliefs, and with minds naturally more
enquiring, they would be more ready to welcome
these truths when they came in their way. At all
erenta, for whatever reason, the Gentile converts at
Rome were Greeks, not Romans : and it was an un-
fortunate conjecture on the part of the transcriber
of the Syriac Perhito, that this letter was written
"in the Latin tongue," (rVHDII). Every line in
the Epistle bespeaks an original.
When we enquire into the probable rank and
station of the Roman believers, an analysis of the
names in the list of salutations again gives an ap-
proximate answer. These names belong for the
mast part to the middle and lower grades of society.
Many of them are found in the columbaria of the
freedmen and slaves of the early Roman emperors.
(See Journal of Class, and Sacr. Phil. iv. p. 57.)
It would be too much to assume that they were
the ssme persons, but at all events the identity of
names points to the same social rank. Among the
less wealthy merchants and tradesmen, among the
petty officers of the army, among the slaves and
freedmen of the imperial palace — whether Jews or
Greeks — the Gospel would first find a firm footing.
To this but class allusion is made in Phil. hr. 22,
" they that are of Caesar's household." Prom these
it would gradually work upwards and downwards ;
bat we may be sura that in respect of rank the
Church of Rome was no exception to the general
rule, that " not many wise, not many mighty, not
many noble " were called (1 Cor. i. 28;.
It seems probable from what has been said above,
that the Roman Church at this time was comrosed
of Jews and Gentiles in nearly equal portions. This
fact finds expression in the account, whether true
or false, which represents St. Peter and St. Ps si as
presiding at the same time over the Church at
Rome 'Dionys. Cor. ap. Euseb. H. E. ii. 25 ; Iren.
iii. 3). Possibly also the discrepancies in the lists
of the early bishops of Rome may find a sol stion
(Pearson, iftior Theot. Works, ii. 449; Bunaen,
Hippolytus, i. p. 44), in the joint Episcopate of
Linus and Cletus, the one ruling over the Jewish, the
other over the Gentile congregation of the metropolis.
If this conjecture be accepted, it is an important testi-
mony to the view here maintained, though ws can-
not suppose that in St. Paul's time the two elements
of the Roman Church had distinct organizations.
0. The heterogeneous composition of this Church
sxphuns the general character of the Epistle to the
Romans. In an sssemblage so various, we should
expect to find not the exclusive predominance of a
single form of error, but toe coincidence of .Liferent
and opposing forms. The Gospel had here to contend
not specially with Judaism nor specially with heathen-
ism, but with both together. It was therefbie the bu-
siness of the Chrutisa Teacher to reconciletbe opposing
diiBctuVies and to bold out a mating point In tne
Gomel Thai is exactly what St, Paul dies in toe
BOMANB EPISTLE TO THE
Eptatk. to the Romans, and what from the eo
stances of the case he was well enabled to do. lit
was addramng a large and varied community w'nicaj
had not been founded by himself, and with which ha
had had no direct intercourse. Again, it does not
appear that the letter was specially written to an-
swer any doubts or settle any controversies then
rift in the Roman Church. There ware therefore
no disturbing influences, such as arias out of per-
sonal relations, or peculiar circumstances, to derange
a general and systematic exposition of the nature
and working of the Gospel. At the ssme time tht
vast importance of the metropolitan Church, which
could not have been overlooked even by an unin-
spired teacher, naturally pointed it out to to*
Apostle, ss the Attest body to whom to address
such an exposition. Thus the Epistle to the Ro-
mans is more of a treatise than of a letter. If we
remove the personal allusions in the opening verses,
and the salutations at the close, it seems not more
particularly addressed to the Church of Rome, than to
any other Church of Christendom. In this respect
it differs widely from the Epistles to the Corinthians
and Galatiaos, with which as bring written about
tne same time it may most fairly be compared,
and which are full of personal and direct allusions.
In one instance alone we seem to trace a special re-
ference to the Church of the metropolis. The in-
junction of obedience to temporal rulers (xiii. 1)
would most fitly be addressed to a congregation
brought face to face with the imperial government,
and the more so, as Rome had recently been the
scene of frequent disturbances on the part of either
Jews or Christians arising out of a feverish and
restless anticipation of Messiah's coming (Suet.
Claud. 25). Other apparent exceptions admit of a
different explanation.
7. This explanation is in fact to be sought in in
relation to the contemporaneous Epistles. Tht
letter to the Romans closes the group of Epistles
written during the second missionary journey. This
group contains besides, as already mentioned, the
letters to the Corinthians and Galatian*, written
probably within the few months preceding. At
Corinth, the capital of Achaia, and the stronghold of
heathendom, the Gospel would encounter its severest
struggle with Gentile vices and prejudices. In Ga-
latia, which either from natural sympathy or from
close contact seems to have been more exposed to
Jewish influence, than any other Church within St.
Paul's sphere of lalwur, it had a sharp contest with
Judaism. In the Epistles to these two Churches
we study the attitude of the Gospel towards the>
Gentile and Jewish world respectively. These
letters are direct and special. They are evoked by
present emergencies, are directed against actual evils,
are full of personal applications. The Epistle to
the Romans is the summary of what he had written
before, the result of his dealing with the two anta-
gonistic forms of error, the gathering together ot
the fragmentary teaching in the Corinthian and
Galatian letters. What is there immediate, irre-
gular, and of partial application, is here arranged
and completed, and thrown into a general form.
Thus on the one hand bis treatment of the Masai*
law points to the difficulties he encountered in
dealing with the Galatian Church, while on tht
other his cautions against antinomiao excesses (Rom.
vi. 15, &c.), and his precepts against giving offence
in the matter of mean and the observance of days
(Rom. xiv.), remind us of tht errors which ha had
to correct in his Corinthiar aonverts. lCom|*r
BOafANB. EPIBTLE TO THE
1 Car. vi. 12 ft, and 1 Cor. viii. 1 ff.) Those uv
bmrfions then which seem at first tight special,
tppuu- not to he directed against any actual known
failing! in the Roman Church, bnt to be suggested
by the possibility of those irregularities occurring in
Rome which he had already encountered elsewhere.
8. Viewing this Epistle then rather in the light
•f a treatise than of a letter, we are enabled to
explain certain phenomena in tie text. In the
received text a doxology stands at the close of the
Epistle (xvi. 25-27). The preponderance of evi-
dence is in favour of this position, but there is
respectable authority for placing it at the end of
eh. iir. In some texts again it is found in both
places, while others omit it entirely. How can we
account for this ? It has been thought by some to
discredit the genuineness of the doxology itself : but
there is no sufficient ground for this view. The
arguments against its genuineness on the ground
af style, advanced by Reirhe, are met and refuted
by Fritxsehe (Rom. vol. i. p. xxxv.). Baur goes
still farther, and rejects the two last chapters ; but
such an inference falls without the range of sober
critidam. The phenomena of the MSS. seem best
explained by supposing that the letter was circu-
lated at an early date (whether during the Apostle's
lifetime or not it is idle to inquire) in two forms,
both with and without the two last chapters. In
the shorter form it was divested as far as possible
af its epistolary character by abstracting the per-
sonal matter addressed especially to the Romans,
the doxology being retained at the close. A still
further attempt to strip this Epistle of any special
references is found in MS. G, which omits <V 'P&Vp
(i. 7), and toJj tr 'Vila) (i. 15), for it is to be
observed at the same time that this MS. omits the
doxology entirely, and leaves a space after ch. xiv.
This view is somewhat confirmed by the parallel case
of the opening of the Ephesian Epistle, in which
there is very high authority for omitting the words
b *sty*o~a>, and which bears strong marks of having
been intended for a circular letter.
9. In describing the purport of this Epistle we
may start from St. Paul s own words, which, stand-
ing at the beginning of the doctrinal portion, may
be taken a* giving a summary of the contents:
" The Gospel is the power of God onto salvation
to emy one that believeth, to the Jew first and
ins to the Greek : for therein is the righteousness
of God revealed from faith to faith" (1. 16, 17).
Accordingly the Epistle has been described as com-
prising " the religious philosophy of the world's
history." The world in its religious aspect is
divided into Jew and Gentile. The different posi-
tions of the two as regards their past and present
relation to God, and their future prospects, are ex-
ptaJBad. The atonement of Christ is the centre of
religious history. The doctrine of justification by
faith if the key which unlocks the hidden mysteries
of the divine dispensation.
The Epistle, from its general character, lends
mwif more readily to an analysis than is often the
ease with St. Paul's Epistles. The body of the
letter consists of four portions, of which the first
and but relate to personal matters, the second is
artraaseotatire and doctrinal, and the third prac-
tise! and hortatory. The following is a table of its
fWutatioo (i. 1-7). The Apostle at the outset
strikes the keynote of the Epistle in the expressions
»oe»W as an apostle," " oalled as saints.'' Divine
f-acr '■ everything, human merit nothing.
tw- in.
rJOnlANS, KPIBTLE TO THE 10CT
I. Personal explanations. Purposed visit to Hoik
(i. 8-15).
II. Doctrinal (i. 16-xi. 86).
The general prepotitim. The Gospel is 4m
salvation of Jew and Gentile alike, flus
salvation comes by faith (i. 16, 17).
The rest of this section is taken up in esta-
blishing this thesis, and drawing deductions
from it, or correcting misapprehensions,
(a) All alike were under condemnation before
the Gospel :
The heathen (i. 18-32).
The Jew (ii. 1-29).
Objections to this statement answered (in,
1-8).
And the position itself established from
Scripture (iii. 9-20). to
(6) A righteovtnets (justification) is revealed
under the Gospel, which being of faith, not
of law, is also universal (iii. 21-26).
And boasting is thereby excluded (iii. 27-31).
Of this justification by faith Abraham is an
example (iv. 1-25).
Thus then we are justified in Christ, in whom
alone we glory (v. 1-11).
And this acceptance in Christ is at uni-
versal as was the condemnation in Adam
(v. 12-19).
(e) The moral conieqaencea of our deliver-
ance.
The law was given to multiply tin (v. 20,
21). When we died to the law we died to
tin (ri. 1-14). The abolition of the law,
however, it not a signal for moral license
(vi. 15-23). On the contrary, at the law
has passed away, so mutt sin, for sin and
the law are correlative ; at the tame time
this is no disparagement of (he law, but
rather a proof of human weakness (vii.
1-25). So henceforth in Christ we are free
from sin, we have the Spirit, and look for-
ward in hope, triumphing over our present
afflictions (viii. 1-39).
((f) The rejection of the Jem it a matter of
deep sorrow (ix. 1-5).
Yet we mutt remember —
(i.) That the promise was not to the whole
people, but only to a select seed (ix. 6-1 3)
And the absolute purpose of God in to
ordaining is not to be canv as sed by man
(ix. 14-19).
(ii.) That the Jews did not seek justification
aright, and so missed it. This justifica-
tion wss promised by faith, and is offered
to all alike, the preaching to the Gentiles
being implied therein. The character and
results of the Gospel dispensation are fort-
shadowed in Scripture (it. 1-21).
(iii.) That the rejection .of the Jews is not
final. This rejection has been the mentis
of gathering in the Gentiles, and through
the Gentiles they themselves will ulti-
mately be brought to Christ (xi. 1-36).
III. Practical exhortations (xU. 1-xv. 13).
(a) To holiness of life and to charity in gene-
ral, the duty of obedience to rulers beir.^
inculcated by the way (xii. 1-xiu. 14}
(6) And more particularly against giving
offence to weaker brethren (xiv. 1-*/. 13%
S Y
1066 BOMAN8, EPISTLE TO THE
IV. Personal matters.
\fi) The Apostle's motire in writing the letter,
and hii intention of raiting the Romans
(xv. 14-33).
(&) Greetings (nri. 1-23).
The letter end* with ■ benediction and doxology
(xvi. 24-27).
While this Epistle contains the fullest and most
systematic exposition of the Apostle's teaching, it
is at the same time s rerj striking expression of his
character. Nowhere do his earnest and affectionate
nature, and his tact and delicacy in handling un-
welcome topics appear more strongly than when
he is dealing with the rejection of his fellow-eoun-
trytaen the Jews.
The reader may be referred especially to the
introductions of Olshausen, Tholuck, and Jowett,
Br suggestive remarks relating to the scope and
purport of the Epistle to the Romans.
10. Internal eridence is so strongly in favour of
the gemammca of the Epistle to the Romans that
it has never been seriously questioned. Evan the
sweeping criticism of Baur did not go beyond con-
demning the two last chapters as spurious. But
while the Epistle bears in itself the strongest
proofs of its Pauline authorship, the external testi-
mony in its fsTOur is not inconsiderable.
The reference to Rom. ii. 4 in 2 Pet. iii. 15 is
indeed more than doubtful. In the Epistle of
St. James again (ii. 14), there is an allusion to
nerrersions of St Paul's language and doctrine
which has several points of contact with the Epistle
to the Romans, but this may perhaps be explained
by the orsi rather than the written teaching of the
Apostle, as the dates seem to require. It is not
the practice of the Apostolic fathers to cite the
N. T. writers by name, but marked passages from
the Romans are found embedded in the Epistles of
Clement and Poiycarp (Rom. i. 29-32 in Clem.
Cor. e. xxxr., and Rom. xiT. 10, 12, in Polyc.
Phil. e. Ti.). It seems also to hare been directly
dted by the elder quoted in Irenaeus (W. 27, 2,
"Meo Paulum dixjsse;" cf. Rom. xi. 21, 17), and
is alluded to by the writer of the Epistle to Diogne-
tus (c ix., of. Rom. iii. 21 foil., t. 20), and by
Justin Martyr {Dial. c 23, cf. Rom. it. 10, 11,
and in other passages). The title of Melito's trea-
tise, On the Hearing of Faith, seems to be an allu-
sion to this Epistle (see however Gal. iii. 2, 3). It
has a place moreover in the Muratorian Canon and in
the Syriac and Old Latin Versions. Nor have we
the testimony of orthodox writers alone. The Epistle
was commonly quoted as sn authority by the heretics
of the subapostolic age, by the Ophites (Hippol.
adv. Haer. p. 99, cf. Rom. i. 20-26), by Basilidea
lib. p. 238, cf. Rom. riii. 19, 22, and v. 13, 14),
by Valentinus (to. p. 195, cf. Rom. riii. 11), by
the Valentinians Heracleon and Ptolemaeus (West-
cott, On the Canon, pp. 335, 340), and perhaps also
by Tatian (Oral, c iv., cf. Rom. i. 20), besides
being included m-Maraon's Canon. In the latter
part of the second century the evidence in its
favour is still fuller. It is obviously alluded to in
the letter of the churches of Vienne and Lyons
I linen. B. E. r. 1, cf. Rom. viii. 18), and by
Athensgoras (p. 13, cf. Rom. xii. 1 ; p. 37, cf. Rom.
i. 24) and Theopbilus of Antkjch {Ad Autol. p. 79,
cf Rom. ii. 6 foil. ; p. 126, cf. Rom. xiii. 7, 8) ; and
h quoted frequently and by name by Irenaeus, Ter-
liillian, and Cleaunt of Alexandria (ses Kirchhofer,
QxeUen, p. 193, ud esp. Westcott, On the Canon,
jeusimj.
ROME
1 1. The Ommentaria on this Epistle art rary
numerous, as might be expected from its imparl-
ance. Oi the many patristic expositions only a few
are now extant. The work of Origen is p tnnr ei
entire only in a loose Latin translation of Knfiaus
(Orig. ad. de la Rue, ir. 458), but some figments
of the original are found in the Philocalia, and more
in Cramer's Catena. The commentary on St. Paul's
Epistles printed among the works of St. Ambrose
(ed. Ben. ii. Appx. p. 21), and hence bearing the
name Ambraeiaster, b probably to be attributed to
Hilary the deacon. Besides these are the exposi-
tions of St, Paul's Epistles by Chrysostom (ed.
Montf. ix. p. 425, edited separately by Field), by
Pelagius (printed among Jerome's woiks, ed. Val-
larsi, xi. PL 3, p. 135), by Primasiu* i{Magn. BM.
Vet. Pair. Ti. Pt, 2, p. 30)y and by Theodoret (ed.
Schulse, iii. p. 1). Augustine commenced a work,
but broke off at i. 4 : it bears the name Inchoata
Expoeitio Epietolae ad Bom. (ed. Ben. iii. p. 925).
Later be wrote Expoeitio quarandam Propositimum
Epietolae ad Bom., also extant (ed. Ben. iii. p. 90S).
To these should be added the later Catena of Oecu-
menins (10th sent.) and the notes of TheophyUct
(1 lth cent.), the former containing valuable extracts
from Photius. Portions of a commentary of Cyril
of Alexandria were published by Mai {Nov. Pair.
BiN. iii. p. 1). The Catena edited by Cramer
(1844) comprises two collections of Variorum notes,
the one extending from i. 1 to ix. 1, the other from
vii. 7 to the end. Besides passages from extant
commentaries, they contain important extracts fi-esn
ApoUinarius, Theodoras of Moptuestis, Sererianua,
Gennadius, Photius, and others. There are also the
Greek Scholia, edited by Matthat, in his Urge Greek
Test (Riga, 1782), from Moscow MSS. Tho com-
mentary of Euthymius Zigabenus (Tholuck, £W.
§6) exists in MS., but has never been printed.
Of later commentaries we can only mention a
few of the most important. The dogmatic value
of this Epistle naturally attracted the early re-
formers. Melancthon wrote several expositions of it
(Walch, Bibl. Thaol. iv. 679). The Commentary
of Calvin on the Romans is considered the ablest
part of his able work. Among Roman Catholic
writers, the older works of Estius and Corn, a
Lapide deserve to be mentioned. Of foreign aono-
tators of a more recent date, besides the general
commentaries of Bengel, Olshausen, De Wette, and
Meyer (3rd ed. 1859), which are highly valuable
aids to the study of this Epistle, we may single out
the special works of Riickert (2nd ed. 1839),
Reiehe (1834), Kritxsche (1836-43), and Tholuck
(5th ed. 1856). An elaborate commentary has also
been published lately by Van Hengel. Among
English writers, besides the editions of the whole
of the New Testament by Alford (4th ed. 1861)
and Wordsworth (new ed. 1861), the most im-
portant annotations on the Epistle to the Romans
are those of Stuart (6th ed. 1857), Jowett (2nd
ed. 1859), and Vaughan (2nd ed. 1861). Furthei
information on the subject of the literature of the
Epistle to the Romans may be found in the intro-
ductions of Reiehe and Tholuck. [J. B. L..]
ROME (*P<*>), JEW*, and Adj. Vviimot, *P«s-
uautit in the phrase ypiuiuera 'tmpalti, Ltik*
xxiii. 38), the famous capital of the ancient world,
is situated on the Tiber at a distance of about ] 5
miles from its mouth. The " seven hills " ( Ker. xvii
9) which formed the nucleus of the ancient city
stand on the left bank. On the opposite side of tha
nvar rites the far higher ridge of the Jauiculum.
HOME
Bare Cress very early times was a fortius with «
uriwrb beneath it extending to the river. Modern
Home lies to the X. of the ancient city, covering
with Ha principal portion the plain to the N. of the
■:<ai hill*, once known as the Campus Martina,
aoil on the opposite bank extending over the low
ground hmeath the Vatican to the N. of the ancient
Janacuium. A full account of the history and
topography of the city in given elsewhere {Diet.
tf Or. and Horn. Oeogr. ii. 719). Here it will be
ctmsideed only in it* relation to Bible history.
Rome is not mentioned in the Bible except in the
books of Maccabees and in three books of the N. T.,
viz. the Acts, the Epistle to the Romans, and the
2nd Epistle to Timothy. For the notion of Rome
in the booji of Maccabees see Roman Empire.
The conquests of Pompey seem to have given rise
to the first settlement of Jews at Rome. The
Jewish king Aristobulus and his son formed part
of Pompey 's triumph, and many Jewish captives
and emigrants were brought to Rome at that time.
A .•pedal district was assigned to them, not on the
site of the modern '• Ghetto," between the Capitol
and the island of the Tiber, but across the Tiber
(Philo, Leg. ad Caium, p. 568, ed. Mangey).
Many of these Jews were made freedmen (Philo,
L c). Julias Csesnr showed them some kindness
(Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, §8; Suet. Caesar, 84).
They were favoured also by Augustus, and by
Tiberius during the latter part of his reign (Philo,
/. «.). At an earlier period apparently he banished
a great number of them to Sardinia (Joseph. Ant.
i»in. 3, §5; Suet TS>. 36). Claudius "com-
manded all Jews to depart from Rome" (Acts
xriii. 2), on account of tumults connected, possibly,
with the preaching of Christianity at Rome (Suet.
Claud. 25, " Judaeos impulsore Chresto assidue
tamaltuantea RomA expulit"). This banishment
curat have been of long duration, for we find
Jew* residing at Rome apparently in considerable
aansbera at the time of St. Paul's visit (Acts xxviii.
17). It is chiefly in connexion with St. Paul's
tutor; that Rome comes before us in the Bible.
In illustration of that history it may be useful to
pre souse account of Rome in the time of Nero, the
'■ Caesar " to whom St. Paul appealed, and in whose
reign he sjfcred martyrdom (Eos. H. E. ii. 25).
1. The city at that time must be imagined as a
Urge and irregular mass of buildings unprotected
by an outer wall. It bad long outgrcim the old
Servian wall (Dionys. Hal. An*. Rom. iv. 13 ; ap.
MTirale, Rom. Hist. iv. 497) ; but the limits of
the suburbs cannot be exactly defined. Neither the
suture of the buildings nor the configuration of the
pound were such as to give a striking appearance
to the city viewed from without. " Ancient Rome
karl neither cupola nor campanile " (Conybeare and
Ebnrsoo, Life of St. Paul, : \. 371 ; Merivale, Rom.
f.mp. ir. 512), and the hills, never lofty or im-
powng, would present, when covered with the
U. tidings and streets of a huge city, a confused
amssvanc* like the hills of modern London, to
which they have sometimes been compared. The
•Wt of St. Paul lies between two famous epochs
m the history of the city. vis. its restoration by
Atagoatna and its restoration hv Nero (C. and H.
i. 13). The boast of Augustus is well known,
• that he had (band the city of brick and left it of
■sarnie" (Suet. Atto. 28). For the improvements
enacted by aim, see Diet, of Or. and Rom. Oeogr.
si 740, sad Niebohr's Leetura on Rom. Hint
a. 177 Some puts of the city, especially toe
HOME
1059
Forum and Campos Martins, must now have pre-
sented a magnificait appearance, bnt mimy of tlae
principal buildings which attract the attention ot
modern travellers in ancient Rome were not yet
built. The streets were generally narrow and
winding, flanked by densely crowded lodging-houses
(insulae) of enormous height. Augustus found it
necessary to limit their height to 70 feet (Strab.
v. 235). St. Paul's first visit to Rome took place
before the Neronian conflagration, but even after
the restoration of the city, which followed upon
that event, many of the old evils continued (Tac.
Hut. iii. 71 ; Juv. Sat. iii. 193, 269). The popula-
tion of the city has been variously estimated : at half
a million (by Durean de la Malle, i. 403 and Men-
vale, Rom. Empire, iv. 525), at two millions and
upwards (Hoeck, RBmache OeschiekU, I. ii. 131 ;
C. and H. Life of St. Paul, ii. 376 ; Diet, of Oeogr.
ii. 746), even at eight millions (Lipsius, De Mag-
nitudine Rom., quoted in Diet, of Oeogr.), Pro-
bably Gibbon's estimate of one million two hundred
thousand is nearest to the truth (Milman's note on
Gibbon, ch. xxxi. vol. iii. p. 120). One half of the
population consisted, in all probability, of slaves.
The larger part of the remainder consisted of pauper
citizens supported in idleness by the miserable sys-
tem of public gratuities. There appears to have
been no middle class and no free industrial popu-
lation. Side by side with the wretched classes just
mentioned was the comparatively small body of the
wealthy nobility, of whose luxury and profligacy
we hear so much in the heathen writers of the time.
(See for calculations and proofs the works cited.)
Such was the population which St. Paul would
find at Rome at the time of his visit. We learn
from the Acts of the Apostles that he was detained
at Rome for " two whole years," " dwelling in his
own hired house with a soldier that kept him"
(Acts xxviii. 16, 30), to whom apparently, accord-
ing to Roman custom (Senec. Ep. v. ; Acts xii. 6,
quoted by Brotier, ad Tac. Ann. iii. 22), he was
bound with a chain (Acts xxviii. 20 ; Eph. vi. 20 ;
Phil. i. 13). Here he preached to all that came to
him, no man forbidding him (Acts xxviii. 30, 31).
It is generally believed that on his " appeal to
Caesar" he was acquitted, and, after some time
spent in freedom, was a second time imprisoned at
Rome (for proofs, see C. and H. Life of St. Paul,
ch. xxvii., and Alford, Or. Test. iii. ch. 7). Five
of his Epistles, viz. those to the Colossians, Ephe-
sians, Philippians, that to Philemon, and the 2nd
Epistle to Timothy, were, in all probability, written
from Rome, the latter shortly before his death
(2 Tim. iv. 6), the others during his first impri-
sonment. It is universally believed that he suffered
martyrdom at Rome.
2. The localities in and about Rome especially
connected with the life of .St. Paul, are— (1.) The
Appian way, by which be approached Rome (Acts
xxviii. 15). (See April Fordm, and Diet, of
Oeogr. "Via Appia") (2.) "The palace," or
"Caesar's oourt" (to toavrifunr, Phil. i. 13).
This may mean either the great camp of the Prae-
torian guards which Tiberius established outside
the walls on the N.E. of the city (Tac. Ann. iv. 2
Suet. Tib. 37), or, as seems more probable, a bar-
rack attached to the Imperial residence on the Pa-
latine (Wieseler, as quoted by C. and H., Lifeoi
St. Paul, ii. 423). There is no sufficient proof
that the word - jt-raeiorium " was ever tj*d to
designate the emnnror's palace, though it is used
tor the otneial residence of a Roman governor (Jchs
3 T %
iovo
HOME
will. 28 ; Acta xziii. 35). The mention of « Ow-
wra household" (Phil. iv. 22), coofirmi uie notion
Lhat St Paul's residence was in the immediate
Oeighbcurbood of the emperor's boose on the Pa-
Ulii.«.
3. The connexion of other localities at Rome with
St. Paul's name rests only on traditions of more or
mm probability. We may mention especially —
(1 .) The Mamertine prison or Tullianum, built by
Aaeus Martins near the forum (Liv. 1. 33), de-
scribed by Sallust (Cat. 55). It still exists beneath
the church of 8. Oiueeppe dei Fakgnami. Here
it is said that St. Peter and St. Paul were fellow-
Srisoners for nine months. This is not the place
> discuss the question whether St. Peter was ever
at Home. It may be sufficient to state, that though
there is no evidence of such a visit in the N. T.,
unless Babylon in 1 Pet. v. 1 3 is a mystical name
fiir Rome, yet early testimony (Dionysius, ap. Euseb.
ii. 25), and the universal belief of the early Church
seem sufficient to establish the fact of his having
suffered martyrdom there. [Peteb; vol. ii. 805. j
The story, however, of the imprisonment in the Ma-
mertine prison seems inconsistent with 2 Tim., esp.
iv. 11. (2.) The chapel on the Ostian road which
marks the spot where the two Apostles are said to
have separated on their way to martyrdom. (3.) The
supposed scene of St. Paul's martyrdom, via. the
church of St. Paolo alle tre fontane on the Ostian
road. (See the notice of the Ostian road in Cains, ap.
Eus. H. E.ii.25.) To these may be added (4.) The
supposed scene of St. Peter's martyrdom, viz., the
church of St. Pietro in Montorio, on the Janioulum.
(5.) The chapel " Domine quo Vadia," on the Appian
road, the scene of the beautiful legend of our Lord's
appearance to St. Peter as he was escaping from
martyrdom (Ambrose, Ep. 33). (6.) The places
where the bodies of the two Apostles, after having
been deposited first in the catacombs (icoipirr^pui)
(Eus. a. E. ii. 25), are supposed to have been
finally buried — that of Si. Paul by the Ostian
road — that of St Peter beneath the dome of the
famous Basilica which bears his name (see Caius,
ap. Eus. B. E. ii. 25). All these and many other
traditions will be found in the Annals of Bsronius,
under the last year of Nero. " Valueless a* may
be the historical testimony of each of these tradi-
tions singly, yet collectively they are of some
importance as expressing the consciousness of the
third and fourth centuries, that there had been an
early contest, or at least contrast, between the two
Apostles, which in the end was completely recon-
ciled; and it is this feeling which gives a real
interest to the outward forms in which it is brought
before us, more or leas indeed in all the south of
Europe, but especially in Rome itself" (Stanley's
Sermons and EsMayt, p. 101).
4. We must add, as sites unquestionably connected
with the Roman Christians of the Apostolic age —
M.) The gardens of Nero in the Vatican, not far
from the spot where St Peter's now stands. Here
nrristians wrapped in the skins of beasts were torn
to pieces by dogs, or, clothed in inflammable robes,
w«e burnt to serve as torches during the midnight
runes- Others were crudHed (Tac Ann, xv. 44).
(2.) The Catacombs. These subterranean galleries,
• t *rrl CaUtt u. »).
z. xx»» (Mark U. 1).
3 rant (take 8. 7, xiv. zs; 1 Car. xtv. ML
4. wti (take xli. IT. where the word rassi ahuabl be
printed in Italics).
& tMoxi (•.«.» toccewor. Acts xxw. at).
ROOM
commonly from 8 to 10 net in htight, sad from 4
to 6 in width, and extending for miles, etpeciallf
in the neighbourhood of the old Appsxt and No-
mentan ways, were unquestionably used as placet
of refuge, of worship, and of burial by the early
Christiana. It is impossible here to enter upon
the difficult question of their origin, and their pos-
sible connexion with the deep sand-pits and subter-
ranean works at Rome mentioned by classical writers.
See the story of the murder of Asinius (Cic. pro
Clumt. 13), and the account of the ooncealir.-Jit
offered to Nero before his death (Suet. Nero, 48).
A more complete account of the Catacombs than
any yet given, may be expected in the forthcoming
work of the Cavaliere G. B. de Rossi. Some very
interesting notices of this work, and descriptions of
the Roman catacombs are given in Burgon's Letter*
from Rome, p. 1 20-258. " De Rossi finds his earliest
dated inscription a.d. 71. From that date to a.d.
300 there are not known to exist so many as thirty
Christian inscriptions bearing dates. Or undated
inscriptions, however, about 4000 are referable to
the period antecedent to the emperor Constantine "
(Burgon, p. 148).
Nothing is known of the first founder of the
Christian Church at Rome. Christianity may, per-
haps, have been introduced into the city not long
after the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on the
day of Pentecost by the " strangers of Rome,''
who were then at Jerusalem (Acts ii. 10). It is
clear that there were many Christians at Borne
before St Paul visited the city (Rom. i. 8, 13, 15,
xv. 20). The names of twenty-four Christians at
Rome are given in the salutations at the end of the
Epistle to the Romans. For the difficult question
whether the Roman Church consisted mainly of
Jews or Gentiles, see C. and H., Life of St. Paul,
ii. 157; Alford's Profcy.; and especially Prof.
Jowett's Episttet of St. Paul to the Roman*, Go-
htiana, and Thaankmiaiu, ii. 7-26. The view
there adopted that they were a Gentile church
but Jewish converts, seems most in harmony with
such passages as ch. i. 5, 13, a. 13, and with the
general tone of the Epistle.
Linus (who is mentioned, 9 Tim. iv. 21), tad
Clement (Phil. iv. 3) are supposed to have suc-
ceeded St Peter as bishops of Home.
Rome seems to be described under the name of
Babylon in Rev. xiv. 8, xvi. 19, xvii. 5, xviii. 2,
21 ; and again, as the dty of the seven hills (Rev.
xvii. 9, cf. xii. 3, xiii. 1). See too, for the interpre-
tation of the mystical number 686 in Rev. xiii. 18,
Alford's note, J. e.
For a good account of Rome at the time of St
Paul's visit see Conybeare and Howard's Lift of St,
Paul, ch. xxiv., of which free use has been made for
the sketch of the city given in this article. [J. J. H.]
EOOF. [House.]
BOOM. This word is employed in the A. V.
of the New Testament as the equivalent of no leas
than eight distinct Greeks terms. The only one
of these, however, which need be noticed here is
wperroKKurla (Matt xxiii. 6 ; Mark xii. 39 ; Luke
xiv. 7, 8, xx. 46), which signifies, not a " room "
in the sense we commonly attach to it of x chamber,
«. sp»r«auri. (chief, hi»hesl,npp«riaost room, see
above.)
T. Mysus* (an upper room, Mark xtv. IS, Lrfoj
utt.a).
a n ticcpyw (the appar rats*. Acts LIS).
BOSK
but the highest place on the highest coach round
the dinner or rapper-table— the " uppermost neat,"
u it k more accurately rendered in Lake n. 43.
[liuu.] The word " teat" is, however, generally
appropriated by oar translator! to mBitpa, which
seas to mean some kind of official chair. In Lake
«>. 9, 10, they have rendered totoi by both
"place "and "room."
The Cppek Boom of the Last Sapper ia noticed
muler its own head. [See House, Vol. I. p.
*»•] , [G.f
BOSE (n?«n, cMatstmka-. <r»i»or,a>«oi;
Aq. xdXwf : fiat, Ulium) occars twice only, vis.
in Cant. ii. 1, " 1 am the Rose of Sharon ," an* in
b. zxzt. 1, " the desert shall rejoice and blossom
as the Boat' There is much difference of opinion
as to what particular flower ia here denoted. Tre-
BMtlios and Diodati, with some of the Rabbins,
believe the rose is intended, bat there seems to be
no fo un da ti on for such a translation. Celsius
(Hierob. 1. +88) has argued in favour of the Nar-
daaua (Polyanthus narcissus). This rendering is
supported by the Targum on Cant. ii. 1, where
doMttmkih is explained by naraot , (P1pT3). This
word, say* Royle (Kitto's Cyc. art. "Chabazxe-
Isth"), is " the same as the Persian nargus, the
Arabic ija».yj, which throughout the East indi-
cates Km cassia Tazeita, or the polyanthus nar-
dmm."' Gesenius (Thes. a. v.) has no doubt that
the plant denoted is the " autumn crocus " (Col-
chiemm antvmnaU). It is well worthy of remark
that the Syriac translator of Is. xxxv. 1 explains
eh ntntti t tU ih by chamtsalgotho,' which is evidently
the tame word, m and b being interchanged. This
Syriac word, according to Michaelis (Suppl. p. 659),
Gestures, and Rosenm&ller (Bib. Bot. p. 142), de-
notes the Ootchiam autumnal*. The Hebrew word
points etymologically to some bulbous plant; it
appars to us more probable that the narcissus is in-
tm-led than the crocus, the former plant being long
crlrbratcd for its fragrance, while the other has no
odorous qualities to recommend it Again, as the
chabataiaelelh is associated with the lily in Cant. I. c,
it hum probable that Solomon is speaking of two
plants which blossomed about the same time. The
nardiaus and the lily (Lilium camUdum) would be
is bl o s som together m the early spring, while the
Cotchiaan is an autumn plant. Thomson (The
Lmd-md the Book, pp. 112, 51S) suggests the pos-
sibility of the Hebrew name being Identical with the
Aratsc Khttbaisy (fi\tfii or }UaL), « the
mallow," which plant he saw growing abun-
dantly so Sharon; bot this view can hardly be
snautsiscd : the Hebrew term is probably a quadri-
taerel noun, with the harsh aspirate prefixed, and
lb* prominent notion mplied in it is betsel, "«i
bulb," nod has therefore no connexion with the
store-oamed Arabic word. Chateaubriand (7W-
aeVowe, ii. p. 130) mentions the narcissus as grow-
ing in the plain of Sharon ; and Strand (Ftor.
P ilia*. No. 177) names it as a plant of Palestine,
en the authority of Kaowolf and Hasselqaist ; see
sh» Kitto's Phgs. Hut. of Point, p. 216. Hiller
[Hierophgt. ii. 30) thinks the chabatstseleth denotes
easts spades of asphodel (Asphodehis) ; but the
B08H
10S1
* jK »\,^fl«
hngerlike roots of this genus of plants do not weil
accord with the " bulb " root implied in the original
word.
Though the Rose is apparently not mentioned in
the Hebrew Bible, it is referred to in Ecclus. xxtv.
14, where it is said of Wisdom that she is exalted
"as a rose-plant (At ipvra t6Sov) in Jericho"
(comp. also ch. 1. 8 j xixix. 13 ; Wild, ii. 8).
Roses are greatly prised in the East, more espe-
cially for the sake of the rose-water, which is in
much request (see Hasselquist, Trail, p. 248). Dr.
Hooker observed the following wild roses i i Syria: —
Rosa eglanteria (L.), S. sempervirent (L.), R.
Htnktliana, R. Phoenicia (Boiss.), R. teriacea,
R. angvrtifoba, and R. Libanotica. Some of these
are doubtful species. R. oentifolia and damascena
are cultivated everywhere. The so-called " Rue
of Jericho" is no rose at all, but the Atuutatica
Hieroctnmtina, a cruciferous plant, not uncommon
on sandy soil in Palestine and Egypt. [W. H.]
BOSH (IW<1: 'Vis: Roe). In the genealogy
of Gen. xlvi. 21, Rosh is reckoned among the sons
of Benjamin, but the name does not occur else-
where, and it is extremely probable that " EM
and Kosh" is a corruption of " Ahiram" (cunp.
Num. xxvi. 38). See Burrington's Genealogies,
i. 281.
BOSH (Vth : 'Vis, Ex. xxxviii. 2, 3, xxxix. 1 :
translated by the Vulg. capita, and by the A. V.
" chief," as if WC\ " head"). The whole sentence
thus rendered by the A. V. " Magog the chief prince
of Meshech and Tubal," ought to run " Magog the
prince of Rosh, Mesech, and Tubal ;" the word
translated " prince " being IWl, the term usually
employed for the head of a nomad tribe, as of
Abraham, ia Gen. xxiii. 6, of the Arabians, Gen.
xvii. 20, and of the chiefs of the several Israelite
tribes, Num. rii. 11, xzxiv. 18, or in a general
sense, 1 K. xi. 34, Ex. xji. 10, xlv. 7, xlvi. 2.
The meaning is that Magog is the head of the three
great Scythian tribes, of which " Rosh " is thus the
first. Gesenius considers it beyond doubt that by
Roth, or 'Peii, is intended the tribe on the north of
the Taurus, so called from their neighbourhood to
the Rha, or Volga, and that in this name and tribe
we have the first trace of the Russ or Russian
nation. Von Hammer identities this name with
Ross in the Koran (xxv. 40 ; 1. 12), " the peoples
Aad, Thamud, and the Asshabir (or inhabitants) of
Raas or Ross." He considers that Mohammed had
actually the passage of Ezekiel in view, and tint
"Asshabir" corresponds to Kid, the "prince"
of the A. V., and tpxorra of the LXX. (Sur let
Origines Russet, Petersburg, 1 825, p. 24-29). The
first certain mention of the Russians under this
name is in a Latin Chronicle under the year A.r>
839, quoted by Bayer (Origmes Russicae, Com-
ment. Acad. Petropol. 1726, p. 409). From the
junction of 7Sros with Meshech and Tubal in Gen.
x. 2, Von Hammer conjectures the identity of Tirol
and Roth (p. 26).
The name probably occurs again under the
altered form of Rasses, in Judith ii. 23 — this time
in the ancient Latin, and possibly also in the
Syriac versions, in connexion with Thiras or Than.
But the passage is too corrupt to sdmit of any
certain deduction from it. [Rasses.]
This early Biblical notice of so great an empire
is doubly interesting from its being a solitary
instnace. No other name of any modern natka
I0A2
ROSIN
■aeon in the Scriptures, tad the telftarrtieo of It
fry the A. V. U one of toe many reannrable vena-
tions of oar Terakn from the meaning of the sacred
tot of the Old Testament. For all farther in-
formation see the above-quoted treatises of Von
Hammer and Bayer. [A. P. S.]
BOBtN. Properly " naphtha," as it is both in
the LXX. and Vulg. (rdip8a, naphtha), as well as
the Peshito-Syriac. In the Song of the Three
Children (23), the servants of the king of Babylon
are said to have " ceased not to make the oven hot
with rosin, pitch, tow, and small wood." Pliny
(ii. 101) mentions naphtha as a product of Baby-
lonia, similar in appearance to liquid bitumen, and
having a remarkable affinity to fire. To this
natural product (known also as Persian naphtha,
petroleum, rock oil, Rangoon tar, Burmese naphtha,
sic.) reference is made in the passage in question.
Sir R. K. Porter thus describes the naphtha springs
at Kirkook in Lower Courdistan, mentioned by
Strain (xvii. p. 738) : — " They are ten in number.
For a considerable distance from them we felt the
air sulphurous; but in drawing near it became
worse, and we were all instantly struck with ex-
cruciating headaches. The springs consist of several
pits or wells, seven or eight feet in diameter, and
ten or twelve deep. The whole number are within
the compass of five hundred yards. A flight of
steps has been cut into each pit for the purpose of
approaching the fluid, which rises and falls according
to the dryness or moisture of the weather. The
natives lave it out with ladles into bags made of
skins, which are carried on the backs of asses to
Kirkook, or to any other mart for its sale. ....
The Kirkook naphtha is principally consumed by
the markets in the south-west of Courdistan, while
the pits not far from Kufri supply Bagdad and its
environs. The Bagdad naphtha is black" (Drav.
ii. 440). It is described by Dioscorides (i. 101) as
the dregs of the Babylonian asphalt, and white in
colour. According to Plutarch (Alex. 35) Alex-
ander first saw it in the city of Ecbatana, where
the inhabitant* exhibited its marvellous effects by
strewing it along the street which led to his head-
Quarters and setting it on fire. He then tried an
experiment on a page who attended him, putting
him into a bath of naphtha and setting light to it
(Strabo, xvii. p. 743), which nearly resulted in the
boy's death. Plutarch suggests that it was naphtha
in which Medea steeped the crown and robe which
she gave to the daughter of Creon ; and Suidas says
that the Greeks called it *• Medea's oil," but the
Medea « naphtha." The Persian name is txij
toft). Posidoniat (in Strabo) relates that in Baby-
lonia there were springs of black and white naphtha.
The former, says Strabo (xvii. p. 743), were of
liquid bitumen, which they burnt in lamps instead of
oil. The latter were of liquid sulphur, [ff. A. W.]
RUBLES (D?3B, pMyyim ; lVJ'JB, pinbOm .
Xi0ot, A. vaXsreAeit : amctae opet, cuncta pre-
Haauma, gemmae, it ultima finibta, ebor anti-
quum), the invariable rendering of the above-named
Hebrew words, concerning the meaning of which there
Is much difference of opinion and great uncertainty.
BUFUS
"The price of wisdom is above penmim" (JsS
xxviii. 19 ; see also Prov. Hi. 15, viii. 11, mi. 10>
In Lam. iv. 7 it is said, " the Namrrtes were porta
than snow, they were whiter than milk, they wen
more ruddy in body than penmim.'* A. Boole ( Jus*.
mad. Sac. iv. 3), on account of the ruddiness tt-s-
tioned in the last passage, supposed " coral " to be
intended, for which, however, there appears to to
another Hebrew word. [Coral.] J. D. Michael s
(Suppl. p. 2023) is of the same opinion, and oom-
pares the Hebrew flMB with the Arab. ^S, "e
branch." Gesenius ( TVs. a. v.) defends this argu-
ment. Bochart (ffierox. iii. 601) contends that
the Hebrew term denotes pearls, and explains the
"ruddiness" alluded to above, by supposing that
the original word (*D"1K) signifies merely " bright
in colour," or *' colour of a reddish tinge." This
opinion is supported by Rosenmfiller (Schal. m
Thren.), and others, but opposed by Maurer (Com-
ment.) and Gesenius. Certainly it would be no
complimeut to the great people of the land to say
that their bodies were as red as coral or rubies,
unless we adopt Maurer's explanation, who refers
the " ruddiness " to the blood which flowed in their
reins. On the whole, considering that the Hebrew
word is always used in the plural, we are inclined
to adopt Bochert's explanation, and understand
pearls to be intended.* [Pearls.] [W. H.]
RUE (rfry aw w : ruta) occurs only in Luke ii.
42 : " Woe unto you, Pharisees I for ye tithe mint
and rue and all manner of herbs." The rue here
spoken of is doubtless the common Ruta grateolent,
a shrubby plant about 2 feet high, of strong me-
dicinal virtues. It is a native of the Mediterranean
coasts, and has bean found by Hasselquist on Mount
Tabor. Dioscorides (iii. 45] describes two kinds
of a-^jrywor, via. ». oofiroV and w. aiprsvrcV,
which denote the Rata montana and R. grareotemt
respectively. Rue was in great repute amongst the
ancients, both as a condiment and as a medicine
(Pliny, N. H. xix. 8 ; Columell. R. Rta. m. 7,
§5 ; Dioscorides, I. c). The Talmud enumerates
rue amongst kitchen-herbs (Shebuth, ch. ix. §1).
and regards it as free of tithe, as being a plant not
cultivated in gardens. In our Lord's time, how-
ever, rue wss doubtless a garden-plant, and there-
fore titheable, as is evident from our Lord's words.
" these things ought ye to have done." The me is
too well known to need description. [W. H.j
BUTT'S ('PowaVw : Rufus) is mentioned m
Mark xv. 21, along with Alexander, as a son ot
Simon the Cyrenean, whom the Jews compelled to
bear the cross of Jesus on the way to Golgotha
(Luke xxiii. 26). As the Evangelist informs his
readers who Simon was by naming the sons, it is
evident that the latter were better known than the
rather in the circle of Christians when Mark lived.
Again, in Rom. xvi. 13, the Apostle Paul salute* a
Rufus whum he designates as " elect in the I-ord '*
(eVAem-or sV Kvpf*>), snd whose mother he grace-
fully recognises as having earned a mother's claim
upon himself by acta of kindness shown to him. It
is generally supposed that this Rufus was identical
• TTssCnald. *fl (Bsth. L •), which tbeA-T raoders
wUss," snd which seems to be Msntteel wttb the Arab.
^, itVnr. " pearls;" £j$. durrek. "a peart." «s bf
some imdeistssd to ineaa'' mother of pearl,'' or tasaloC
of alabaster called In German PcrlatmuUmtem. The
LXX. has r.'mm kitof. See Gearaiur, sod Wnw ( BiU
IT1>
FHTHAMAH
wJttt Ik* one to whom Mark refers; and In that
caw. a* Mark wrote his gospel in all probability
•1 Kjavt, it waa nataral that he should dcacriba
to au randan tha father (who, alnos the mother
«w at Bonn while he apparently waa not there,
amy hare died, or hare come later to that city)
(rasa hi* relationship to two well-known mem-
hen of the same oommonity. It is some proof
at least of the early existence of this view that, in
the Adit AMbrai at Pttri, both Rofos and Alex-
ander appear as companions of Peter in Borne.
AaNmung, then, that the same person is meant in
the two passages, we bare before as sn interesting
graap of believers — a father (for we can hardly
daobt that Simon became a Christian, if he was not
already such, at the time of the crucifixion), a
mother, and two brothers, all in the same family.
Tet we are to bear in mind that Rnfua wss not sn
aaeommon name (Wetstein, Nov. Tat., vol. i. p.
834) ; and possibly, therefore, Mark and Paul may
bare had in riew different individuals. [U. B. H.J
BUHA.TJAH(nom: 4*enuen,: missrieor-
sSan amtteuta). The margin of our version renders
it "having obtained mercy" (Has. ii. 1). The
name, if name it be, is like Lc-ruhsmah, sym-
bolical, and aa that was given to the daughter of
the prophet Hoses, to denote that God's mercy was
tuned away from Israel, so the name Ruhamah is
aMreasad to the daughters of the people to denote
mat they were still the objects of His love and tender
RUTH
1063
SUYAHCnDri: TeiTid ! Alex. *P./u« j Joseph.
'Affesjia : Buma). Mentioned, once only (2 K. xxiii.
36), aa the native place of a certain Pedaiah, the
father of Zebudah, a member of the harem of king
Josiah, and "^frer of r^W^'T" or Jehoiakim king of
Jam*.
It has been c onj ec tur e d to be the same place as
Araxoah (Judg. ix. 41), which was apparently near
She chmv , It is more probable that it is identical
with Dumah, one of the towns in the mountains
ef Judah, near Hebron (Josh. xv. 52), not far
distant from Liboah, the native town of another
of Jonah's wives. The Hebrew D and R are so
naxQar as often to be confounded together, and
Danish mast have, at any rate, been written Rumah
is the Hebrew text from which the LXX. trans-
lated, since they give it as Remna and Rouma.
Joarphus mentions a Rumah in Galilee (B. J.
B. 7. $31). [G.]
BUSH. [Rxxd.]
BOOT (pVaeVu, Mr: arugo) occurs aa the
Imnlslam of two different Greek words in Matt,
vi. 19, 20, and in Jam. v. 3. In the former pas-
sage the won) /Jswe-ti, which is joined with o-fji,
"raoth." has by some been understood to denote
the hurra of some moth injurious to corn, as the
fines yi'iuwflj (see Stsinton, Inmcta Briton, iii.
30). The Hebrew VJ) (Is. L 9) is rendered
<V«stt by Aquila ; camp, also Epist. Jertm. v. 12,
aW* US aal Ppm*4mnr, " from rust and moths "
, A. V. Bar. vi. 12). Scultetus (.Euro. Etumg. ii.
35, Crit. See. vi.) believes that the words o"k»
sal fjfiitru are an bendiadys for oH)r Bfxiamccy.
.The word can scarcely be taken to signify " rust,"
far which there is another term, Us, which is used
ay it. James to express rather the " tarnish" which
i silver than " rust," by which name we
' " 'oxide of iron. BoaVit u no
doubt intended to hare reference in a general anna
to any corrupting and destroying substance that
may attack treasures of any kind which have long
been suflered to remain undisturbed. The allusion
of St. James is to the corroding nature of lit on
metals. Scultetus correctly observes, "aerugine
deformanttir quidem, sed non corrumpuntur num-
mi ;" but though this is strictly speaking true, the
ancients, just as ourselves in common parlance,
spoke of the corroding nature of "rust (eomp,
Hammond, Annotat. in Matt vi. 19). [W. H.J
BTJTH (nW. •PoAl: probably for rMJTy "a
friend," the feminine of Reu). A Moabitish woman,
the wife, first, of Mahlon, secondly of Boss, and by
him mother of Obed, the ancestress of David and of
Christ, and one of the four women (Thamar, Ranab,
and Uriah's wife being the other three) who are
named by St. Matthew in the genealogy of Christ.
[Rahab.J The incidents in Ruth's life, as detailed
in the beautiful book that bears her name, may be
epitomised as follows. A severe famine in the land
of Judah, caused perhaps by the occupation of the
land by the Moabites under Eglon (as Ussher thinks
possible), 1 induced Elimelech, a native of Bethlehem
Ephratah, to emigrate into the land of Moab, with
his wife Naomi, and his two sons, Mahlon and
Chilian. At the end of ten years Naomi, now left
a widow and childless, having heard that there was
plenty again in Judah, resolved to return to Beth-
lehem, and her daughter-in-law, Ruth, returned
with her. " Whither thou gocat, I will go, and
where thou lodgest, I will lodge ; thy people shall
be my people, and thy God my God : where tbou
diest I will die, and there will I be buried: the
Lord do so to me, and more also, if aught but death
part thee and me ;" waa the expression of the unal-
terable attachment of the young Moabitish widow
to the mother, to the land, and to the religion of her
lost husband. They arrived at Bethlehem just at
the beginning of bailey harvest, and Ruth, going
out to glean for the support of her mother-in-law
and herself, chanced to go into the field of Boax, a
wealthy man, the near kinsman of her father-in-law
Elimelech. The story of her virtues and her kind-
ness and fidelity to her mother-in-law, and her pre-
ference for the land of her husband's birth, hsd gone
before her ; and immediately upon learning who the
strange young woman was, Boas treated her with
the utmost kindness and respect, and sent her home
laden with corn which she had gleaned. Encouraged
by this incident, Naomi instructed Ruth to claim
at the hand of Boss that he should perform the part
of her husband's near kinsman, by purchasing the
inheritance of Elimelech, and taking her to be his
wife. But there was a nearer kinsman than Boax,
and it was necessary that he should have the option
of redeeming the inheritance for himself. He, how-
ever, declined, fearing to mar his own inheritance.
Upon which, with all due solemnity, Boax took
Ruth to be bis wife, amidst the blessings and con-
gratulations of their neighbours. As a singular
example of virtue and piety in a rude age and
among an idolatrous people ; ss one of the first-fruits
of the Gentile harvest gathered into the Church ;
aa the heroine of a story of exquisite beauty and
simplicity; as illustrating in her history the work-
ings of Divine Providence, and the troth of tha
• Boms think it Is for fWlfl. - besot?."
» Patrick (usxjssts the (antic In u* days of QUwq
(Jnsf.vi.s.ej.
100*
BYB
awing tint " the eyes of the Lord en ever On
righteous;" and for the many intonating reveJa
kons of ancient domeatic and social customs which
re associated with her story, Ruth has always
leld a foremost place among the Scripture cha-
metere. St Augustine has a curious speculation
on the relative blessedness of Ruth, twice married,
and by her second marriage becoming the ancestress
of Christ, and Anna remaining constant in her
widowhood (fit bono Viduit.). Jerome obserres
that we can measure the greatness of Ruth's virtue
by the greatness of her reward — " Ex ejus aemine
Christus oritur" (Epitt. xxii. adPaulam). As the
great-grandmother of King David, Ruth must have
nourished in the latter part of Eli's judgeship, or
the beginning of that of Samuel. But there seem
to be no particular notes of time in the book, by
whioh her age can be more exactly denned. The
story was put into its present shape, avowedly, long
after her lifetime: see Ruth i. 1, iv. 7, 17. (Ber-
theau on Ruth, in the Exeg. ffcmdb. ; Roaenmflll.
Proem, m Lib. OUh; Parker's De Wette; Ewald,
Oetek. i. 205, iii. 760 sqq.) [A. C. H.]
BYE (nODS, amemeth: fed, tkvpa: far,
Bins) occurs in Ex. ix. 32 ; Is. xxviii. 25: in the
latter the margin reads * spelt." In Ex. iv. 9 the
text has " fitches " and the margin " rie." There
are many opinions as to the signification of Cut-
temeth; some authorities m«infaiiining that fitches
are denoted, others oats, and others rye. Celsius
has shown that in all probability "spelt" is
intended (Hierob. ii. 98), and this opinion is
supported by the LXX. and the Vulg. in Ex. ix.
32, and by the Syrisc versions. Rye is for the
most part a northern plant, and was probably
not cultivated in Egypt or Palestine in early
times, whereas spelt has been long cultivated in
the East, where it is held in high estimation. He-
rodotus (ii. 36) says the Egyptians "make bread
from spelt (4to 6Xvp4ar), which some call xea," See
also Pliny (JIT. B. xviii. 8) and Diotcorides (ii. Ill),
who speaks of two kinds. The Ciatemeth waa cul-
tivated in 'Egypt; it was not injured by the hail-
storm of the seventh plague (Ex. I. c), a* it waa
not grown up. This cereal was also sown in Pales-
tine (Is. /. c), on the margins or "headlands" of
the fields (inV^J) ; it was used for mixing with
wheat, barley, be, for making bread (Ex. I. c).
The Arabic, Chinanat, " spelt, is regarded by Ge-
senius as identical with the Hebrew word, as and n
being interchanged and r inserted. " Spelt" (7W-
(ieion spefta) is grown in some parts of the aonth
of Germany ; it differs but slightly from our com-
mon wheat ( T. tmlgare). There are three kinds of
spelt, vis. X. iptlta, T. diooccvm (Rice wheat), and
T. iKxoaxxum. [W. H.]
s
SAB'AOTH, THE LORD OF {Kiotot <ra-
fiamt : Dooumu Sabaoth). The name is found in
the English Bible only twice (Rom. ix. 29 ; James
r. 4). It is probably more familiar through its
occurrence in the Sanctus of the Te Deum*— "Holy,
Holy, Holy, Lord God of Sabaoth." It is too often
SABBATH
considered to be a synonym of, or to have some con-
nexion with Sabbath, and to express the idea of rest
And this not only popularly, but in some of on
most classical writers.* Thus Spenser, Aery Queen.
canto viii. 2: —
• But thenceforth all shell rest eternally
Wllh Hun that Is the Ocd of Sabaoth bight :
O thstgreat Sabaoth Oca, pant me mat gasasftw
And Bacon, Anhaneement of Learning, ii. 24:— •
" . . . sacred and inspired Divinity, the Sabaoth and
port of all men's labours and peregrinaUona." And
Johnson, in the 1st edition of whose Dictionary
(1755) Sabaoth and Sabbath are treated m the
same word. And Walter Scott, Ivanhoe, i. eh. 11
(1st ed.) : — " a week, aye the space between two
Sabaoths." Bat this connexion is quite fictitious.
The two words are not only entirely different, but
have nothing in common.
Sabaoth is the Greek form of the Hebrew word
teebStth, "armies," and occurs in the oft-repeated
formala which is translated in the Authorised Ver-
sion of the Old Test, by " Lord of hosts," " Lord
God of Aorfs." We are apt to take "Aostf" (pro-
bably in connexion with the modern expression the
" heavenly host ") as implying the angels — but
this is surely inaccurate. Tsebd&tk is in constant
use in the 0. T. for the national army or force of
fighting-men,* and there can be no doubt that in
the mouth and the mind of an ancient Hebrew, Je-
nooah-ttebddth was the leaner and commander of
the armies of the nation, who " went forth with
them" (Ps. xliv. 9), and led them to certain vic-
tory over the worshippers of Baal, Chemosh, Mo-
lech, Ashtaroth, and other false gods. In later
times it lost this peculiar significance, and became
little if anything more than an alternative title for
God. The name is not found in the Pentateuch,
or the Books of Joshua, Judges, or Ruth. It is
frequent in the Books of Samuel, rarer in Kings,
is found twice only in the Chronicles, and not at
all in Exekiel ; but in the Psalms, in Isaiah, Jere-
miah, and the minor Prophets it is of constant
occurrence, and in fact is used almost to the
exclusion of every other title. [G.J
BA'BAT (Sodxty; Alex. SaoXrr: Phaafhat).
1. The sons of Sabat are enumerated among the
sons of Solomon's servants who returned with Zoro-
bshel (1 Esd. v. 34). There is no corresponding
name in the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah.
2. (SauSwr: Sabath.) The month Sebat (1
Maoc xvi. 14).
BABATE'AS (Xs0av<Mt ; Alex. Jafl&mwu :
8abbat/ieue). Shahbetuai ( 1 Esd. ix. 48 ; com*.
Neh. viii. 7).
SABATU8 (ZAPaBo, : Zabaa). Zabas (1
Esd. ix. 28 ; comp. Exr. x. 27).
SAB'BAN {la&irvot: Banm). Brand 1
(1 Esd. viii. 63 ; comp. Exr. viii. 33).
SABBATH (nae>, "» day of rest," from
n3B>, "to cease to do," "to rest"). This is the
obvious and undoubted etymology. The resem-
blance of the word to JQC, " seven," misled Lao-
tantius (/net. iii. 14) and others; but it does not
seem more than accidental. Bsihr (SymboUk, ii.
533-4) does not reject the derivation from T\3Xf.
• Can It be this phrase which determined the Use of the
. e r»mn as a thanksgiving for victories?
' Fur the piaufes widen Mow, the writer Is Indebted
to the kindness of a friend,
' rfoOY. 8eeiasm.xlL9.1K.LU.andr<nw>ibi
Bosh's (Jmeenkmce. p. Mat.
SABBATH
east traces that to 3VS?, somewhat needlessly and
mncifulry, u it appears to ua. Plutarch's asooda-
tioo of the word with the Bacchanalian cry vafMt
may °f course be diamused at once. We hare also
(Ex. xvi. 23, and Ler. xxiii. 24) prOB', of more
intense signification than flSt? ; alao |113tP 1*13(7,
■ a Sabbath of Sabbaths" (E». xxxi. 15, and else-
where). The name Sabbath is thus applied to divers
(rest festivals, but principally and usually to the
seventh day of the week, the strict observance of
which ia enforced not merely in the general Mosaic
axle, bat in the Decalogue itself.
The first Scriptural notice of the weekly Sabbath,
though it is not mentioned by name, is to be found in
Geo. ii. 3, at the close of the record of the six days'
creation. And hence it is frequently argued that the
■titiitioci ia as old as mankind, and ia consequently
of universal concern and obligation. We cannot,
however, approach this question till we hare ex-
amined the account of its enforcement upon the
laraalrtes. It ia in Ex. xvi. 23-29 that we find the
■rat incontrovertible institution of the day, as one
given to, and to be kept by, the children of Israel.
Shortly afterwards it was re-enacted in the Fourth
Commandment, which gave it a rank above that of
an ordinary law, making it one of the signs of the
Covenant. As such it remained together with the
Passover, the two forming the most solemn and
oiatmctiTe features of Hebrew religious life. Its
■Bglect or profanation ranked foremost among na-
tional sins; the renewed obserrance of it was sure
to accompany national reformation.
Before, then, dealing with the question whether
Its original institution comprised mankind at large, or
merely stamped on Israel a very marked badge of
nationality, it will be well to trace somewhat of its
position and history among the chosen people.
Harry of the Rabbis date its first institution from
the incident* recorded in Ex. xv. 25 ; and believe
that the " statute and ordinance " there mentioned
as being given by God to the children of Israel was
that of the Sabbath, together with the command-
ment to honour father and mother, their previous
taw having consisted only of what are called the
** seven precepts of Noah. This, however, seems to
want foundation of any sort, and the statute and
an iiuau ua in question are, we think, aufficientiy ex-
plained by the words of ver. 28, " If thou wilt
diligently hearken," foe. We are not on sure ground
nil we come to the unmistakeable institution in
chap. »vi. in connexion with the gathering of manna.
The words in this latter are not in themselves
enough to indicate whether such institution was
altogether a novelty, or whether it referred to a
day the sanctity of which was already known to
those to whom it was given. There is plausibility
certainly in the opinion of Grotius, that the day
was already known, and in some measure observed
ar holy, bat that the rule of abstinence from work
was tmt given then, and shortly afterwards more
exaJibtly imp osed in the Fourth Commandment.
There it is distinctly set forth, and extended to the
whnl* of an Israelite's household, hie son and his
aaogbter, his slaves, male and female, his ox and
ha aw, and the stranger within his gates. It would
areas that by this last wan understood the stranger
who while, still uncircumciud yet worshipped the
trea "'God; for the men heathen stranger was
SABBATH
1066
♦ Tsae Fstrlex to foe, and Mam, as Jars flat el Peat
It
• ftm troum to foe whs, resets to Abso-esra.
net omstrkrad to be under the law of the Sabbath
In the Found Commandment, too, the institution
is grounded on the revealed truth of the six days
creation mi the Divine rest on the seventh; but
in the version of it which we find in Denteroncmj
a further reason is added — "and remember that
tbou wast a stranger in the land of Egypt, and
that the Lord thy God brought thee forth with a
mighty hand and by a stretcbed-out arm ; therefore
the Lord thy God earn man lied thee to keep the
Sabbath day'' (Deut. v. 15).
Penalties and provisions in other parts of the
Law construed the abstinence from labour prescribed
in the commandment. It was forbidden to light a
fire, a man was stoned for gathering sticks, on the
Sabbath. At a later period we find the Prophet
Isaiah uttering solemn warnings against profaning,
and promising large blessings on the due obserr-
ance of the day (Is. Iviii. 13, 14). In Jeremiah's
time there seems to have been an habitual viola-
tion of it, amounting to transacting on 'X such an
extent of business as involved the carrying bur-
dens about (Jer. xvii. 21-27). His denunciations
of this seem to have led the Pharisees in their
bondage to the letter to condemn the impotent man
for carrying his bed on the Sabbath in obedience to
Christ who had healed him (John v. 10). We
must not suppose that our Lord prescribed a real
violation of the Law ; and it requires little thought
to distinguish between such a natural and almost
necessary act aa that which He commanded, and
the carrying of burdens in connexion with business
which is denounced by Jeremiah. By Ezekiel
(xx. 12-24), a passage to which we must shortly
return, the profanation of the Sabbath ia made fore-
most among the national sins of the Jews. From
Nehemiah x. 31, we learn that the people entered
into a covenant to renew the observance of the Law,
in which they pledged themselves neither to buy
nor sell victuals on the Sabbath. The practice was
then not infrequent, and Nehemiah tells us (xiii.
15-22) of the successful steps which he took for its
stoppage.
Henceforward there is no evidence of the Sabbath
being neglected by the Jews, except such as (1 Mace,
i. 11-15, 39-45) went into open apostasy. The
faithful remnant were so scrupulous concerning it,
as to forbear fighting in self-defence on that day
(1 Mace ii. 36), and it was only the terrible conse-
quences that ensued which led Mattathias and his
friends to decree the lawfulness of self-defence on
the Sabbath (1 Mace ii. 41).
When we come to the N. T. we find the moat
marked stress laid on the Sabbath. In whatever
ways the Jew might err respecting it, he hod
altogether ceased to neglect it. On the contrary,
wherever he went its observance became the most
visible badge of his nationality. The passages of
Latin literature, such as Ovid, Art. Amat. i. 415;
Juvenal, Sat. xiv. 96-106, which indicate this, are
too well known to require citation. Our Lord's
mode of observing the Sabbath was one of the main
features of His life, which His Pharisaic adver-
saries most eagerly watched and criticised. They
bad by that time invented many of those fantastic
prohibitions whereby the letter of the command-
ment seemed to be honoured at the expense of its
whole spirit, dignity, and value; and o-ir Lord,
coming to vindicate and fulfil the Law in its rod
scope and intention, must needs come into ~'"*j-n
wi»^ thwe.
LUnnc iiroueeding to any of '.he more curie**
1084 SABBATH HABBATH
inference trom it Still mora fantastic profaftitkam
were toned. It wis unlawful to catch a mo ca
the Sabbath, except the inject were actually hni»
ing hit asssilaat, or to mount into a tree, tot a
branch or twig should be broken in the p r o t on.
The Samarium were especially rigid in matter*
like these; and Doeithens, who founded a sect
amongst them, went so far as to maintain the obli-
gation of a man's remaining throughout the Sabbath
in the posture wherein he chanced to be at its com-
mencement — a rule which most people would find
quite destructive of its character aa a day of rest.
Whan minds were occupied with such microiogy, aa
this has been well called, there was obviously no limit
to the number of prohibitions which they might
devise, confusing, as they obviously did, abstinence
from action of every sort with rest fawn business
and labour.
That this perversion of the Sabbath had become
very general in our Saviour's time is apparent both
from the recorded objections to sets of His on that
day, and from His marked conduct on occasions to
which those objections were sure to be urged. There
is no reason, however, for thinking that the Pha-
risees had arrived at a sentence against pleasure of
every sort on the sacred day. The duty of hospi-
tality was remembered. It waa usual for the rich
to give a feast on that day ; and our Lord's attend-
ance at such a mast, and making it the occasion oi
putting forth His rules for the demeanour of guests,
and for the right exercise of hospitality, show that
the gathering of friends and social enjoyment were
not deemed inconsistent with the true scope and
spirit of the Sabbath. It was thought right that
the meats, though cold, should he of the best and
choicest, nor might the Sabbath be chosen fin- a
fast.
Such are the inferences to which we are brought
by our Lord's words concerning, and works on, tba
sacred day. We have already protested against
the notion which has been entertained that they
were breaches of the Sabbath intended as harbinger*
of its abolition. Granting for argument's sake that
such abolition was in prospect, still onr Lord,
" made under the Law, would have violated no
part of it so long sa it waa Law. Nor can anything
be inferred on the other side from the Evangelist's
language (John v. 18). The phrase "He had
broken the Sabbath,'' obviously denotes not the
character of our Saviour's act, but the Jewish esti-
mate of it. He had broken the Pharisaic rules re»
spotting the Sabbath. Similarly His own phrase,
" the priests profane the Sabbath and are blame-
less," can only be understood to assert the lawfulness
of certain acts done for certain reasons on that day,
which, taken in themselves and without those rea-
sons, would be profanations of it. There remains
only His appeal to the eating of the shewbread by
David and his companions, which waa no doubt in
its matter a breach of the Law. It does not follow,
however, that the act in justification of which it ia
appealed to was such a breach. It ia rather, we
think, an argument a fortiori, to the effect, that if
even a positive law might give place on occasion,
much more might an arbitrary rule like that of the
Rabins in the case in question.
Finally, the declaration that "the Son of Man
I ia Lord also of the Sabbath," must not be viewed
• It Is obrkras from the whole scope of the chapter JodaUKnU hi ease of MS** or violation of the to, the
bat the words, "Ye shall keep mv sabbaths." In Lev. Sabbatical rear would seem tu be mainly referred to
list t, related It all these. In the . nsulna threat of (ver. 1, S4. 31).
questions connected with the Sabbath, such as that
it its alleged prat-Mosaic origin and observance, ft
trill he well to consider and determine what were
its true idea and purpose in that Law of which
beyond doubt it formed a leading feature, and
among that people for whom, if for none else, we
know that it waa designed. And we shall do this
with most advantage, sa it seems to us, by pur-
suing the inquiry in the following order : —
L By considering, with a view to their elimina-
tion, the Pharisaic and Rabbinical prohibitions.
These we have the highest authority for rejecting,
as inconsistent with the true scope of the Law.
0. By taking a survey of the general Sabbatical
periods of Hebrew time. The weekly Sabbath stood
in the relation of keynote to a scale of Sabbatical
observance, mounting to the Sabbatical year and
the year of Jubilee.' It la but reasonable to sus-
pect that these can in some degree interpret each
other.
III. By examining the actual enactments of
Scripture respecting the seventh day, and the mode
ia which such observance waa maintained by the
beat Israelites.
1. Nearly every one is aware that the Pharisaic
and Rabbinical schools invented many prohibitions
respecting the Sabbath of which we find nothing in
the original institution. Of these some may have
been legitimate enforcements in detail of that insti-
tution, such ss the Scribes and Pharisees " sitting
in Moses' seat" (Matt. xxni. 2, 3) had a right to
impose. How a general law ia to be carried out in
particular cases, must often be determined for
others by such as have authority to do so. To this
class may belong the limitation of a Sabbath-day's
journey, a limitation not absolutely at variance with
the fundamental canon that the S'Mfit 1 ' waa
made for man, not man for the Sabbath, although it
may have proceeded from mistaking a temporary
enactment for a permanent one. Many, however,
of these prohibitions were fantastic and arbitrary,
in the number of those " heavy burdens and griev-
ous to be borne'* which the later expounders of the
Law "laid on men's shoulders." We have seen
that the impotent man's carrying his bed waa con-
sidered a violation of the Sabbath — a notion pro-
bably derived from Jeremiah's warnings against
the commercial traffic carried on at the gates of
Jerusalem in his day. The harmless act of the
disciples in the corn-Geld, and the beneficent healing
of the man in the synagogue with the withered
hand (Matt xii. 1-13), were alike regarded as
bleaches of the Law. Our Lord's reply in the
former case will come before ua under our third
head ; in the latter He appeals to the practice of the
objectors, who would any one of them raise his own
sheep out of the pit into which the animal had
fallen on the Sabbath-day. From this appeal, we
are forced to infer that such practice would have
been held lawful at the time and place in which He
spoke. It is remarkable, however, that we find it
prohibited in other traditions, the law laid down
tiemg, that in this case a man might throw some need-
ful nourishment to the animal, but must not pull
him out till the next day. (See Heylin, Hilt, of
Sabbath, i. 8, quoting Buxtorf.) This role possibly
came into existence in consequence of our Lord s
appeal, and with a view to warding off the necessary
BABBATH
tkoogn ear Lard held Himself free from the |
•sw ikswi Hug it. It is to be taken in connexion
krith the preceding words, "the Sabbath was made
for nan, Jr., from which it is an inference, as is
thown by the adverb Merc/ore; and the Son of
Man is plainly speaking of Himself as the Man, the
AVpresentatire and Exemplar of all mankind, and
teaching as that the human race is lord of the
Sabbath, the day being made for man, not man for
the day.
If, then, oar Lord, coming to fulfil and rightly
interpret the Law, did thru protest against the Phari-
saical and Rabbinical roles respecting the Sabbath,
we are supplied by this protest with a large negative
new of that ordinance. The sets condemned by
the Pharisees leer* not violations of it. Mere action,
as such, was not a violation of it, and far lea was a
work of healing and beneficence. To this we shall
hare occasion by and bye to return. Meanwhile
we must try to gain a positive view of the insti-
tution, and proceed in furtherance of this to our
SABBATH
1067
II. The Sabbath, as we have said, was the key-
ante to a scale of Sabbatical observance — consisting
ef itself, the seventh month, the seventh year, and
the year of Jubilee. As each seventh day was
sacred, so was each seventh month, and each seventh
year. Of the observances of the seventh month,
tittle needs be said. That month opened with the
Feast of Trumpets, and contained the Day of Atone-
ment and Feast of Tabernacles— the last named
being the most joyful of Hebrew festivals. It is
not apparent, nor likely, that the whole of the
■sooth was to be characterised by cessation from
labour; but it certainly has a place in the Sab-
batical scale. Its great centre was the Feast of
Tabernacles or Ingathering, the year and the year's
labour having then done their work and yielded
their issues. In this last respect its analogy to the
weakly Sabbath is obvious. Only at this part of
the Sabbatical cycle do we find any notice of humi-
Uetian. On the Day of Atonement the people were
to afflict their souls (Lev. xxiii. 27-29).
The rules for the Sabbatical year are very precise.
As labour was prohibited on the seventh day, so
(he land was to rest every seventh year. And as
each forty-ninth year wound up seven of such weeks
ef rears, so it either was itself, or it ushered in,
what was called « the year of Jubilee."
In Exodus xxiii. 10, 11, we find the Sabbatical
year placed in close connexion with the Sabbath
day, and the words in which the former is pre-
scribed are analogous to those of the Fourth Com-
-—-'""— * : " Six years thou shalt sow thy land
and Bather in the fruits thereof: but the seventh
year thou shalt let it rest and lie still ; that the
poor of thy people may eat ; and what they leave
the beasts of the field shall eat," This is imme-
diately followed by a renewed proclamation of the
ktw of the Sabbath, " Six days thou shalt do thy
work, and on the seventh day thou shalt rest : that
thine ox and thine ass may rest, and the son of thy
Lsadmaid, and the stranger may be refreshed." It
is im possible to avoid perceiving that in these pas-
ages the two institutions are put on the same
[round, and are represented as quite homogeneous.
Their aim, as here exhibited, is eminently a benefi-
arewone To give rights to classes that would other-
wka have hem without such, to the bondman
u4 baodmaid, nay, to the beast of the field, is
visaed Iter* as their main end. " The stranger,'
lay is ua i M Mc b e u Jad in the benefit. Many, we
suspect, wh3e reading the Fourth Commandment,
rserely regard him as subjected, together with his
host and family, to a prohibition. But if we con-
wler bow continually the ttranger is referred to in
the enactments of the Law, and that with a view
to his protection, the instances being one-and-twenty
in number, we shall be led to regard his inclusion
in the Fourth Commandment rather as a benefit
conferred than a prohibition imposed on him.
The same beneficent aim is still more apparent
in the fuller legislation respecting the Sebbatiau
year which we find in Lev. xxv. 2-7, "When
ye come into the land which I give you, then
shall the land keep a sabbath unto the Lord.
Six years thou shalt sow thy field, and six years
thou shalt prune thy vineyard, and gather in the
fruit thereof; but in the seventh year shall be a
abbath of rest unto the land, a sabbath nnto the
Lord ; thou shalt neither sow thy field nor prune
thy vineyard. That which groweth of its own
accord of thy harvest thou shalt not reap, neither
gather the grapes of thy vine undressed : for it is
a year of rest unto the land. And the abbath
of the land shall be meat for you ; for thee, and
for thy slave, and for thy maid, and for thy
hired arrant, and for thy stranger that sojourneth
with thee, and for thy cattle, and for the bents
that are in thy land, shall ail the increase thereof
be meat." One great aim of both institutions,
the Sabbath-day and the Sabbatical year, clearly
was to debar the Hebrew from the thought of ab-
solute ownership of anything. His time was not
his own, as was shown him by each seventh day
being the Sabbath of the Lord his God ; his land
was not his own but God's (Lev. xxr. 23), as was
shown by the Sabbath of each seventh year, during
which it was to have rest, and nil individual right
over it was to be suspended. It was also to be the
year of release from debt (Deut. xv.). We do not
read much of the way in which, or the extent
to which, the Hebrews observed the Sabbatical
year. The reference to it (2 Chr. xxxvi. 21)
lends us to conclude that it had been much
neglected previous to the Captivity, but it was
certainly not lost sight of afterwards, since Alex-
ander the Great absolved the Jews from paying
tribute on it, their religion debarring them from
acquiring the means of doing so. [Sabbatical
Year.]
The year of Jubilee must be regarded as com-
pleting this Sabbatical Scale, whether we consider
it as really the forty-ninth year, the seventh of a
week of Sabbatical years or the fiftieth, a question
on which opinions are divided. [Jubilee, Year
or.] The difficulty in the way of deciding for
the latter, that the land could hardly beer enough
spontaneously to suffice for two years, seems
disposed of by reference to Isaiah xxxrii. 30, Adopt-
ing, therefore, that opinion as the most probable,
we must consider each week of Sabbatical years to
hare ended in a double Sabbatical period, to which,
moreover, increased emphasis was given by the pe-
culiar enactments respecting the second half of such
period, the year of Jubilee.
Those enactments hare been already considered
in the article just referred to, and throw further
light on the beneficent character of the Sabbatical
Law.
HI. We must consider the actual enactments nt
Scriutnra respecting the seventh day. Howenj
numogeneous the different Sabbatical periods uaj
be, lite weekly Sabbath is, a wo hare said, tat
1068
SABBATH
tonic or keynote. It alone is prescribed in the
Decalogue, and it alone haa in any shape surrired
the earthly commonwealth of Israel. We most
still postpone the question of its observance by
the patriarchs, and commence our inquiry with
the institution of it in the wilderness, in con-
nexion with the gathering of manna (Ex. xvi.
S3). The prohibition to gather the manna on the
Sabbath is accompanied by one to bake or to seethe
on that day. The Fourth Commandment gives us
but the generality, "all manner of work," and,
seeing that action of one kind or another is a neces-
sary accompaniment of waking life, and cannot
therefore in itself be intended, as the later Jews
imagined, by the prohibition, we are left to seek
elsewhere for the particular application of the
general principle. That general principle in itself,
however, obviously embraces an abstinence from
worldly labour or occupation, and from the en-
forcing such on servants or dependents, or on the
stranger. By him, as we have said, is most pro-
bably meant the partial proselyte, who would not
have received much consideration from the Hebrews
had they been left to themselves, as we must infer
from the numerous laws enacted for his protection.
Had man been then regarded by him as made for
the Sabbath, not the Sabbath for man, that is, had
the prohibitions of the commandment been viewed
as the putting on of a yoke, not the conferring of a
privilege, one of the dominant race would probably
have felt no reluctance to placing such a stranger
under that yoke. The naming him therefore in the
commandment helps to interpret its whole principle,
and testifies to its having been a beneficent privilege
for all who came within it. It gave rights to the
slave, to the despised stranger, even to the ox and
the ass.
This beneficent character of the Fourth Com-
mandment is very apparent in the version of it
which we find in Deuteronomy: "Keep the Sab-
bath-day to sanctify it, as the Lord thy God hath
commanded thee. Six days thou shalt labour and
do all thy work , but the seventh day is the Sab-
bath of the Lord thy God: in it thou shalt not do
any work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter,
■or thy bondman, nor thy bondwoman, nor thine
ox, nor thine ass, nor thy stranger that is within
thy gates : that thy bondman and thy bond-
woman may rest as well as thou. And remember
that thou wast a slave in the land of Egypt, and
that the Lord thy God brought thee out thence
through a mighty hand and by a stretched-out
arm : therefore the Lord thy God commanded
thee to keep the Sabbath-day" (Dent v. 12-15).
But although this be so, and though it be plain
that to come within the scope of the command-
ment was to possess a franchise, to share in a privi-
lege, yet does the original proclamation of it in
Exodus place it on a ground which, closely con-
nected no doubt with these others, is yet higher and
more comprehensive. The Divine method of work-
ing and rest is there proposed to man as the model
after which he is to work and to rest. Time then
pre s en ts a perfect whole, is then well rounded and
entire, when it is shaped into a week, modelled on
the six days of creation and their following Sabbath.
Six days' work and the seventh daVs rest conform
th* life of man to the method of his Creator. In
distributing his life thus, man may look up to God
«s his Archetype. We need not suppose that the
Hebrew, even in that early stage of spiritual educa-
tion, was limited by so gross a conception as that
8ABBATH
of God working and then resting, as if needing net
The idea awakened by the record of creation and
by the Fourth Commandment is tlat of work that
has a consummation, perfect in itself and coming tc
a perfect end ; and man's work is to be like this,
not aimless, indefinite, and incessant, but having as
issue on which he can repose, and see and rejoice in
its fruits. God's rest consists in His seeing that
all which He has made is very good ; and man's
works are in their measure and degree very uDod
when a six days' faithful labour has its issue m a
seventh of rest after God's pattern. It ia most
important to remember that the Fourth Command-
ment is not limited to a mere enactment respecting
one day, but prescribes the due distribution of a
week, and enforces the six days' work as much ss
the seventh day's rest.
This higher ground of observance was felt to
invest the Sabbath with a theological character, and
rendered it the great witness for faith in a personal
and creating God. Hence its supremacy over all
the Law, being sometimes taken as the representa-
tive of it all (Neh. ix. 14). The Talmud says that
" the Sabbath is in importance equal to the whole
Law ;" that " he who desecrates the Sabbath openly
is like him who transgresses the whole Law;
while Maimonides winds, up his discussion of the
subject thus : " He who breaks the Sabbath openly
is like the worshipper of the stars, and both are
like heathens in every respect."
In all this, however, we have but an assertion
of the general principle of resting on the Sabbath,
and must seek elsewhere for information as to the
details wherewith that principle was to be brought
out. We have already seen that the work forbidden
is not to be confounded with action of every sort.
To make this confusion wss the error of the later
Jews, and their prohibitions would go far to render
the Sabbath incompatible with waking life. The
terms in the commandment show plainly enough
the sort of work which is contemplated. They an
*139n and HSM^O, the former denoting terviU
work, and the latter business (see Gesenius tub. roc. ;
Mirhaelis, Lam of Mom; ir. 195). The Penta-
teuch presents us with but three applications of the
general principle. The lighting a fire in any house
on the Sabbath was strictly forbidden (Ex. xxxv. 3)
and a man was stoned for gathering sticks on that
day (Num. xv. 32-36). The former prohibition if
thought by the Jews to be of perpetual force ; but
some at least of the Rabbis hare held that it applies
only to lighting a fire for culinary purposes, not to
doing so in cold weather for the sake of warmth
The latter case, that of the man gathering sticks,
was perhaps one of more labour and ouiihess than
we are apt to imagine. The third application of
the general principle which we find in the Penta-
teuch was the prohibition to go out of the camp,
the command to every one to abide in his place
(Lx. xvi. 29) on the Sabbath-day. This is so ob-
viously connected with the gathering the manna,
that it seems most natural to regard it as a men
temporary enactment for the circumstances of tha
people in the wilderness. It was, however, after*
wai Is considered by the Hebrews a peiTnaomt law,
and applied, in the absence of the camp, to the dty
in which a man might reside. To this was ap-
pended the dictum that a space of two thousand el.*
on every side of a city belonged to it, and to go
that distance beyond the walls was permitted as
" a Sabbath-day's journey."
The reference of lsahh to the Sabbath given ns
SABBATH
W oetattc Those in Jeremiah and Nehemiah xum
•nt carrying goods far sale, and baying such, were
>qaa% profanations of the day.
There is no ground for supposing that to engage
the enemy on the Sabbath was considered unlawful
Before the Captirity. On the contrary, there is
■id> force in the argument of Michaelia {Laws
a/ Mot*, iv. 196) to show that it was not. His
reasons are as follows: —
t. The prohibited p3P, tervice, does not even
suggest the thought of war.
2. The enemies of the chosen people would have
oontiaomilr selerted the Sabbath as a day of attack, had
the latter been forbidden to defend themselves then.
3. We read of long-protracted sieges, that of
liabbah (2 Sam. xi., xii.), and that of Jerusalem in
the reign of Zedekiah, which latter lasted a year
sod a half, daring which the enemy would cer-
tainly hare taken advantage of any such abstinence
(ram warfare on the part of the chosen people.
At a subsequent period we know (1 Mace. ii.
34-38) that the scruple existed and wss acted on
with moat calamitous effects. Those effects led
(I Mace ii. 41) to determining that action <n self-
uVesnee was lawful on the Sabbath, initiatory attack
not. The reservation was, it must be thought,
uua.li aa great a misconception of the institution
as the overruled scruple. Certainly warfare has
nothing to do with the servile labour or the worldly
buoneas contemplated in the Fourth Commandment,
and is, as regards religious observance, a law to
itself. Yet the scruple, like many other scruples,
proved a convenience, and under the Roman Empire
the Jewa procured exemption from military service
by mesas of it. It was not, however, without its
evils. la the siege of Jerusalem by Pompey (Joseph.
Ami. xir. 4), as well as in the final one by Titus,
the Romans took advantage of it, and, abstaining
from attack, prosecuted on the Sabbath, without
ntniestatioo from the enemy, such works as enabled
them to renew the assault with increased resources.
So far therefore as we have yet gone, so far as
the negative side of Ssbbatical observance is con-
cerned, it would seem that servile labour, whether
that of slaves or of hired servants, and all worldly
bounces on the part of masters, was suspended on
the Sabbath, and the day was a common right to
rest sod be refreshed, possessed by all classes in
the Hebrew community. It was thus, as we
have urged, a beneficent institution.* Aa a sign
between , God and His chosen people, it was also
a monitor of faith, keeping up a constant wit-
ness, oa the ground taken in Gen. ii. 3, and in
the Fourth Commandment, for the one living and
primal God whom they worshipped, and for the
truth, in opposition to all the cosmogonies of the
heathen, that everything was created by Him.
We must now quit the negative for the positive
■ale of the institution.
In the first place, we learn from the Pentateuch
Beat toe morning and evenisg sacrifice were both
ambled an the Sabbath-day, and that the fresh
atcw-bread was then baked, and substituted on the
(sole for that of the previous week. And this
A once leads to the observation that the negative
ran, proscribing work, lighting of fires, aw., did
lot apply to the rites of religion. It became a
alie&aes that Hurt est no Sabbath m holy thmg$.
To thai our Saviour appeals when He says that the
SABBATH
1069
• la last debt lbs Sabbath has fuuod a champion in
as ofc> weald not. wj aasnost. base paid it much respect
priests in the Temple profane the Sabbath an 1 are
blameless.
Next, it is clear that individual offerings wen
not breaches of the Sabbath ; and from this doubt-
less came the feasts of the rich on that day, which
were sanctioned, as we have seen, by our Saviour's
attendance on one such. It was, we may be pretty
sure, a feast on a sacrifice, and therefore a religious
act. All around the giver, the poor as well aa
others, were admitted to it. Yet further, " in esses
of illness, and in any, even the remotest, danger,"
the prohibitions of work were not held to apply.
The general principle was that " the Sabbath Is deli-
vered into your hand, not you into the hand of the
Sabbath" (comp. Mark ii. 27, 28).
We hare no ground for supposing that anything
like the didactic institutions of the synagogue formed
part of the original observance of the Sabbath. Such
institutions do not come into being while the matter
to which they relate is itself only in process of
formation. Expounding the Law presumes the
completed existence of the Law, and the removal
of the living lawgiver. The assertion of the Tal-
mud that " Moses ordained to the Israelites that
they should read the Law on the Sabbath-days, the
feasts, and the new moons," in itself improbable, is
utterly unsupported by the Pentateuch. The rise
of such custom in after times is explicable enough.
[Stkagooob.] But from an early period, if not,
as is most probable, from the veiy institution,
occupation with holy themes was regarded as an
essential part of the observance of the Sabbath. It
would seem to have been an habitual practice to
repair to a prophet on that cUy, in order, it must
be presumed, to listen to his teaching (2 K. iv. 23).
Certain Psalms too, e. g. the 92nd, were composed
for the Sabbath, and probably used in private at
well as in the Tabernacle. At a later period we
come upon precepts that on the Sabbath the mind
should be uplifted to high and holy themes — tc
God, His character, His revelations of Himsrlf, His
mighty works. Still the thoughts with which the
day wss invested were ever thoughts, not of re-
striction, but of freedom and of joy. Such indeed
would seem, from Neh. viil. 9-12, to have been
essential to the notion of a holy day. Wo have
more than once pointed out that pleasure, as such,
was never considered by the Jews a breach of the
Sabbath ; and their practice in this respect is often
animadverted on by the early Christian Fathers,
who taunt them with abstaining on that day only
from what is good and useful, but indulging in
dancing and luxury. Some of the heathen, indeed,
such as Tacitus, imagined that the Sabbath was
kept by them aa a fast, a mistake which might
have arisen from their abstinence from cookery on
that day, and perhaps, as Heylin conjectures, from
their postponement of their meals till the more
solemn services of religion had been performed.
But there can be no doubt that it was kept as a
feast, and the phrase hunu Sabbatarva, which we
find in Sidonius Apollinaris (i. 2), and which has
been thought a proverbial one, illustrates the mode
in which they celebrated it in the early centuries
of our era. The following is Augustine's descrip
tion of their practice : — " Ecce bodiemus dies Sab
baa' eat: hunc in praesenti tempore otio quodt^i
corporaliter languido et fluxo et luxurioso celihrant
Judaei. Vacant enim ad nugas, et cum Deus prae-
tn its theological character; we mean no lass s person t
M. Preadhoo (Ar 1m CWbnsum da 2/imoncas).
1070
tsAHUATH
xperit SabLatum, illi in hi* quae Deue prohibit
sxercent Sabbatum. Vacatio nostra a malia operi-
bus, vacatio illorum a bonis operibus est. Helios
est enim arare quam saltan. Illi ab opera bono
vacant, ab opera nugatorio non vacant " (Aug.
£narr. m Feaimot. Ps. xoi. : see too Ang. De
decern Chorda, Hi. 3; Chrysost. Homil. I., De
Lazaro; and other i n f er en ce s given by Bingham,
Ecd. Ant. lib. xx. cap. ii.). And if we take what
alone if in the Law, we shall Snd nothing to be
counted absolutely obligatory but rest, cessation
from labour. Mow, at we hare mora than once
had occasion to observe, rest, cessation from labour,
cannot in the waking momenta mean avoidance of
all action. This, therefore, would be the question
respecting the scope and purpose of the Sabbath
which would always demand to be devoutly con-
sidered and intelligently answered — what is truly
rest, what is that cessation from labour which is
really Sabbatical ? And it is plain that, in appli-
cation and in detail, the answer to this must almost
indefinitely Tary with men's varying circumstances,
habits, education, and familiar associations.
We hare seen, then, that, for whomsoever else the
provision was intended, the chosen race were in
possession of an ordinance, whereby neither a man's
time nor his property could be considered absolutely
hi* own, the seventh of each week being holy to
God, and dedicated to rest after the pattern of God's
rest, and giving equal rights to all. We have also
seen that this provision was the tonic to a chord of
Sabbatical observance, through which the same great
principles of God's claim and society's, on every
man's time and every man's property, were extended
and developed. Of the Sabbatical year, indeed, and
of the year of Jubilee, it may be questioned whether
they were ever persistently observed, the only indi-
cations that we possess of Hebrew practice respecting
them being the exemption from tribute during the
former accorded to the Jews by Alexander, to which
we have already referred, and one or two others,
all, however, after the Captivity. [Sabbatical
Yeab ; Year or Jobilek.]
But no doubt exists that the weekly Sabbath was
always partially, and in the Pharisaic and subsequent
times very strictly, however mistakenly, observed.
We have hitherto viewed the Sabbath merely as a
Mosaic ordinance. It remains to ask whether, first,
there be indications of its having ben previously
known and observed ; and, secondly, whether it have
an universal scope and authority over all men.
The former of these questions is usually ap-
proached with a feeling of its being connected with
the latter, and perhaps therefore with a bias in
favour of the view which the questioner thinks will
support his opinion on the latter. It seems, how-
ever, to us, that we may dismiss say anxiety as to the
results we may arrive at concerning it. No doubt,
if we see strong reason for thinking that the Sabbath
had a prae-Mosaic existence, we see something in it
that has more than a Mosaic character and scope.
Bit it might have had such without having an uni-
versal authority, unless we are prepared to ascribe
that to the prohibition of eating blood or things
strangled. And again, it might have originated in
Jm Law of Moses, and yet pos s ess an universally
auman scope, and an authority over alt men and
rhrough all time. Whichever way, therefore, the
Mooud of our questions is to be determined, we may
easily approach the first without anxiety.
Toe first and chief argument of those who
maintain that the Sabbath was known before Most*,
SABBATH
is the re ferenc e to it in Gen. ii. 2, 3. Thia fa cox*
sidered to r e pr es en t it a* co-aeval with man, being
instituted at the Creation, or at least, as Ligbtrbot
views the matter, immediately upon the Fall. Tbii
latter opinion is so entirely without rational ground
of any kind that we may dismiss it at once. But
the whole argument is very precarious. We have
no materials for ascertaining, or even conjecturing,
which was put forth first, the record of the Creation,
or the Fourth Commandment. If the latter, then
the reference to the Sabbath in the former is abund-
antly natural. Had, indeed, the Hebrew tongue the
variety of preterite tenses of the Greek, the words
in Genesis might require careful consideration in
that regard ; but as the case is, no light can be had
from grammar ; and on the supposition of these being
written after the Fourth Commandment, their ab-
sence, or that of any equivalent to them, would be
really marvellous.
The next indication of a prae-Mosaic Sabbath has
been found in Gen. iv. 3, where we read that " in
process of time it came to pass that Cain brought
of the fruit of the ground an offering unto the Lord.'*
The words rendered inprocas of time mean literally
" at the end of days," and it is contended that they
designate a fixed period of days, probably the end
of a week, the seventh or Sabbath-day. Again,
the division of time into weeks seems recognised
in Jacob's courtship of Rachel (Gen. xxix. 27, 28).
Indeed the large recognition of that division from
the earliest time is considered a proof that it must
have bad an origin above and independent of local
and accidental circumstances, and been imposed on
man at the beginning from above. Its arbitrary
and factitious character is appealed to in further
confirmation of this. The saci edneas of the seventh
day among the Egyptians, as recorded by Herodotus,
and the well-known words of Hesiod respecting it,
have long been cited among those who adopt thia
view, though neither of than in reality gives it the
slightest support. Lastly, the opening of the Fourth
Commandment, the injunction to remember the
Sabbath-day, is appealed to as proof that that day
waa already known.
It is easy to see that all this is but a precarious
foundation oo which to build. It is not clear that
the words in Gen. iv. 3 denote a fixed division ot
time of any sort. Those in Gen. xxix. obviously do,
but carry ua no farther than proving that the weak
wax known and recognized by Jacob and Laban ;
though it must be admitted that, in the case of time
so divided, sacred rites would probably be celebrated
on a fixed and statedly recurring day. The argu-
ment from the prevalence of the weekly division ot}
time would require a greater approach to univer-
sality in inch practice than the facta exhibit, to make
it a cogent one. That division was unknown to the
ancient Greeks and Romans, being adopted by the
latter people from the Egyptians, as must be inferred
from the well-known passage of Dion Cassius (ixxvii.
18, 19), at a period in his own time comparatively
recent ; while of the Egyptians themselves it ia
thought improbable that they were acquainted with
such division in early times. The sacradness of the
seventh day mentioned by Hesiod, is obviously that
of the seventh day, not of the week, but of the
month. And even after the weekly division waa
established, no trace can be found of anything re-
sembling the Hebrew Sabbath.
While the injunction in the Fourth Commandment
to remember the Sabbath-day may refer only to It*
previous institution in connexion with 'be garnering
sabbath
e» Ma— I, or may be bat the natural precept to
ii :f c* mind torn rale about to be delivered—* phrase
cabml, and continually recurring in the interooune
el Efe, as, far example, between parent and ohild —
an the other hand, the perplexity of the Israelites
re s pecting the double supply of manna on the sixth
day (Ex. xvi. 22) kadi us to infer that the Sabbath
for which such extra supply was designed was not
then known to them. Moreover the language of
Eaekiel (xx.) aeons to designate it as an ordinance
distinctively Hebrew and Mosaic
We cannot then, from the uncertain notion which
we possess, infer more than that the weekly division
of tone was known to the Israelites and others before
the Law of Moses. [Week.] There is proba-
bility, though not more, in the opinion of Grotius,
(art the seventh day was deemed sacred to reli-
caras observance ; but that the Sabbatical observance
•fit, the cessation from labour, was superinduced
an it m the wilderness.
Bat to come to our second question, it by no
ssesos follows, that even if the Sabbath were no
older than Moses, its scope and obligation are limited
to Israel, and that itself belongs only to the obsolete
estactnsents of the Levities! Law. That law con-
tains two elements, the code of a particular nation,
and commandments of human and universal cha-
rarter. For it most not be forgotten that the
Hebrew was called out from the world, not to live
on a narrower but a far wider footing than the
duMren of earth ; that he was called out to be the
tree man, bearing witness for the destiny, exhibiting
the si pet, and realizing the blessedness, of true
manhood. Hence, we can always see, if we have a
mind, the difference between such features of his
Law aa are but local and temporary, and such a>
are human and universal. To which class belongs
the Sahhsth, viewed simply in itself, is a question
which will soon come before us, and one which
sacs not appear hard to settle. Meanwhile, we must
aaqoire into the case as exhibited by Scripture.
And here we are at once confronted with the
fart that the command to keep the Sabbath forms
rart of the Decalogue. And that the Decalogue
had a rank and authority above the other enact-
taenss of the Law, is plain to the most cursory
readers of the OM Testament, and is indicated by
its being written on the two Tables of the Cove-
taws. And though even the Decalogue is affected
by the New Testament, it is not so in the way
of repeal or obliteration. It is raised, trans-
figured, glorified there, but itself remains in its
authority and supremacy. Not to refer just now
t* ma Saviour's teaching (Matt. xix. 17-19), of
which it m'cht be alleged that it was delivered
when, and to the persons over whom, the Old Law
was in force— such passages as Rom. xiii. 8, 9, and
Eph. vi. 2, 3, arem decisive of this. In some way,
therefore, the Fourth Commandment has an au-
thority orer, and is to be obeyed by, Christians,
thanes, whether in the letter, or in some large
spiritual sense and scops, is a question which still
fascial
The phenomena respecting the Sabbath presented
ay the New Testament are, 1st, the frequent re-
trace to it in the four Gccpfb ; and 2ndlr, the
likam of the Epistles, with the exception of one
place (Col. ii. 16, 17;, where its repeal would seem
t* be averted, and perhaps one other (Heb. iv. 9).
1st. The r e fer e nce s to it in the four Gospels are,
it Beads not be said, numerous enough. We hare
•kawry sen the high position which it took in the
SABBATH
1071
minds of the Rabbis, and the strange code of pro-
hibitions which they put forth in connexion with
it. The consequence of this was, that no part oi
our Saviour's teaching and practice would seem to
have been so eagerly and narrowly watched as that
which related to the Sabbath. He seems even to
have directed attention to this, thereby intimat-
ing surely that on the one hand the misapprehen-
sion, and on the other the true fulfilment of the
Sabbath were matters of deepest concern. We have
already seen the kind of prohibitions against which
both His teaching and practice were directed ; and
His two pregnant declarations, " The Sabbath was
made for man, not man for the Sabbath," and
" My Father worketh hitherto, and I work," surely
exhibit to us the Law of the Sabbath as human and
universal The former sets it forth as a privilege
and a blessing, and were we therefore to suppose it
absent from the provisions of the covenant of grace,
we must suppose that covenant to have stinted man
of something that was made for him, something
that conduces to his well-being. The latter won-
derfully exalts the Sabbath by referring it, even as
do the record of Creation and the Fourth Command-
ment, to Qod as its archetype ; and in showing us
that the repose of God does not exclude work — inas-
much as God opens His hand daily and filleth all
things living with plenteonsness— -show, us that
the rest of the Sabbath does not exclude action,
which would be but a death, but only that week-
day action which requires to be wound up in a rest
that shall be after the pattern of His, who though
He has rested from all the work that He hath
made, yet " worketh hitherto."
2ndly. The Epistles, it must be admitted, with
the exception of one place, and perhaps another to
which we have already referred, are silent on the
subject of the Sabbath. No rules for its observ-
ance are ever given by the Apostles — its violation
is never denounced by them, Sabbath-breakers are
never included in any list of offenders. Col. ii. 16,
17, seems a far stronger argument for the abolition
of the Sabbath in the Christian dispensation than
is furnished by Heb. iv. 9 for its continuance ; and
while the first day of the week is more than once
referred to as one of religious observance, it is never
identified with the Sabbath, nor are any prohi-
bitions issued in connexion with the former, while
the omission of the Sabbath from the list of
" necessary things " to be observed by the Gentiles
(Acts xv. 29), shows that they were regarded by
the Apostles as free from obligation in this matter.
When we turn to the monuments which we
possess of the early Church, we find ourselves on
the whole carried in the same direction. The seventh
day of the week continued, indeed, to be observed,
being kept aa a feast by the greater part of the
Church, and as a fast from an early period by that
of Rome, and one or two other Churches of the
West ; but not as obligatory on Christians in the
same way as on Jews. The Council of Laodicoa
prohibited all scruple about working on it; and
there was a very general admission among the
early Fathers that Christians did not Sahbatize in
the letter.
Again, the observance of the Lord's Day aa a
Sabbuth would have been well nigh impossible to
the majority of Christians in the first ages. The
slave of the heathen master, and the child of the
heathen father, could neither of them have the
oontrol of his own conduct in such a matter ; whils
the Christian in general would have bean at one*.
I0f2
SABBATH
betrayed iukI dragged into notice if he was foond
abstaining from labour of every kind, not on the
seventh bnt the first day of the week. And yet
it k clear that many were enabled without blame
to keep their Christianity long a secret ; nor dees
there seem to have been any obligation to divulge
it, until heathen interrogation or the order to
sacrifice dragged it into daylight.
When the early Fathers speak of the Lord's Day,
they sometimes,, perhaps, by comparing, connect
it with the Sabbath ; but we have never found a
passage, previous to the conversion of Constantine,
prohibitory of any work or occupation on the
former, and any such, did it exist, would have
been in a great measure nugatory, for the reasons
just alleged. [Lord's Day.] After Constantine
things become different at once. His celebrated
edict prohibitory of judicial proceedings on the
Lord's Day was probably dictated by a wish to
give the great Christian festival as much honour
as was enjoyed by those of the heathen, rather
than by any reference to the Sabbath or the Fourth
Commandment; but it wns followed by several
which extended the prohibition to many other occu-
pations, and to many forms of pleasure held inno-
cent on ordinary days. When this became the case,
the Christian Church, which ever believed the
Decalogue, in some sense, to be of universal obliga-
tion, could not but feel that she was enabled to
keep the Fourth Commandment in its letter as well
as its spirit ; that the had not lost the type even
in possessing the antitype ; that the great law of
week-day work and seventh-day rest, a law so
generous and so ennobling to humanity at large,
was still in operation. True, the name Sabbath
ess always used to denote the seventh, ai that
of the Lord's Day to denote the first, day of the
week, which latter is nowheie habitually called
the Sabbath, so far as we are aware, except in
Scotland and by the English Puritans. But it
was surely impossible to observe both the Lord's
Day, as was done by Christians after Constantine,
and io read the Fourth Commandment, without
connecting the two ; and, seeing that such was to be
the practice of the developed Church, we can under-
stand how the silence of the N. T. Epistles, and
even the strong words of St. Paul (Col. ii. 16,
1 7), do not impair the human and universal scope
of the Fourth Commandment, exhibited so strongly
in the very nature of the Law, and in the teaching
respecting it of Him who came not to destroy the
Law, but to fulfil.
In the East, indeed, where the seventh day of
the week was long kept as a festival, that would,
present itself to men's minds as the Sabbath, and
the first day of the week would appear rather in
its distinctively Christian character, and as of
Apostolical and ecclesiastical origin, than in con-
nexion with the Old Law. But in the West the
seventh day was kept for the most part as a fast,
and that for a reason merely Christian, viz. in
commemoration of our Lord's lying in the sepulchre
throughout that day. Its observance therefore
would not obscure the aspect of the Lord's Day as
that of hebdomadal rest and refreshment, and as
consequently the prolongation of the Sabbath in the
esset>iial character of that benignant ordinance;
and, with some variation, therefore, of verbal state-
ment, a connexion between ue Fourth Commaid-
DMnt and the first day of the week (together, u
should be remembered, with the other festivals of
list Church), came to be perceivid sod urccuumeo.
SABBATH
Attention has recently been called, in eeuueme
with our subject, to a circumstance which is Im-
portant, the adoption by the Roman world of
the Egyptian week almost contemporaneously
with the founding of the Christian Church. Dior
Csastus speaks of that adoption as recent, an*
we are therefore warranted in conjecturing the
time of Hadrian as about that wherein it must have
established itself. Here, then, would seem • signal
Providential preparation for providing the people
of God with a literal Sabbatismus ; for prolonging
in the Christian kingdom that great institution
which, whether or not historically older than the
Mosaic Law, is yet in its essential character adapted
to all mankind, a witness for a personal Creator
and Sustainer of the universe, and for His call to
men to model their work, their time, and their
lives, on His pattern.
Were we prepared to embrace an exposition:
which has been given of a remarkable pssngo
already referred to (Heb. iv. 8-10), we should
find it singularly illustrative of the view just
suggested. The argument of the passage is to
this effect, that the rest on which Joshua entered,
and into which he made Israel to enter, cannot be
the true and final rest, inasmuch as the Psalmist
long afterwards speaks of the entering into that
rest ss still future and contingent. In ver. 9 we
have the words " there remainetb, therefore, a rest
for the people of God." Now it is important that
throughout the passage the word for rest is csrrst-
Tove'if, and that in the words just quoted it is
changed into caPPamvpis, which certainly means
the keeping of rest, the act of sabbatizing rather
than the objective rest itself. It has accordingly
been suggested that those words are not the author a
conclusion — which is to be found in the form of
thesis in the declaration " we which have believed
do enter into rest " — but a parenthesis to the effect
that "to the people of God," the Christian com-
munity, there remainetb, there it Uft, a Satbat-
izmg, the great change that has passed upon them
and the mighty elevation to which they have been
brought as on other matters, so as regards the
Rest of God revealed to them, still leaving scope
for and justifying the practice.* This exposition is
in keeping with the general scope of the Ep. to
the Hebrews ; and the passage thus viewed will
teem to some minds analogous to xiii. 10. It is
given by Owen, and is elaborated with great in-
genuity by Dr. Wardlaw in his Ducottrtm on tne
Sabbath. It will not be felt fatal to it that more
than 300 years should have pissed before the
Church at large was in a situation to discover the
heritage that had been preserved to her, or to
enter on its enjoyment, when we consider how
development, in all matters of ritual and ordinance,
must needs be the law of any living body, and
much more of one which had to struggle from
its birth with the impeding forces of a heathen
empire, frequent persecution, sod an unreclaimed
society. In such esse was the early Church, and
therefore she might well have to wait for a Con-
j stantine before she could fully open her eyes to
the fact that sabbatizing was still left to her ,
and her members might well be permitted not to
we the truth in any steady or consistent nay
even then.
The objections, however, to tnis exposition «*
• According to this exposition ise words of ver. It)
" for be that hath entered, ac" are rehired to Can*.
SABBATH
away aad pal, one being, that it has occurred
10 so few unung the great commentators who hare
laboured on the Ep. to the Hebrews. Chrysostom
(m Inc.) denies that there is any reference to
a*bdon»Ul sabbntixing. Nor have we found any
cuamentators, besides the two just named, who
admit that there is such, with the single exception
of Bbrard. Dean A 1 ford notices the interpretation
only to condemn it, while Dr. Hessey gives an-
other, and that the usual explanation of the verse,
suggesting a sufficient reason lor the change of word
from awroVovo'V to ffafifiarieiUi. It would not
hare been right, however, to have passed it over
ia this article without notice, as it relates to a
passage of Scripture in which Sabbath and Sabba-
tical idea* are markedly brought forward.
It would be going beyond the scope of this
article to trace the history of opinion on the Sab-
bath in the Christian Church. Dr. Hessey, in his
Bavtpto* Lectures, has sketched and distinguished
•very variety of doctrine which has beeu or still is
oeaintained on the subject.
The sentiments and practice of the Jews sub-
sequent to our Saviours time have been already
reserved to. A curious account — taken from Bux-
torf, Dt Synag. — of their superstitions, scruples,
and prohibitions, will be found at the close of the
first part of Berlin's Hist, of the Sabbath. Cal-
nset, (art. "Sabbath "), gives an interesting sketch
•f their family practices at the beginning and end
of tfat day. And the estimate of the Sabbath,
its awa, and its blessings, which is formed by the
nam spiritually minded Jews of the present day
saay be inferred from some striking remarks of
Dr. Kaliseh (Comm. on Exodus), p. 273, who
winds np with quoting a beautiful passage from
the late lira. Horatio Montenore's work, A Few
Worst to tie Jem.
Finally, M. Proudhon's striking pamphlet, De
la Cileoration da Dimanche comdiree sous let
rapport* de V Hygiene publique, de la Morale, dee
relation* de Paaulle et de CiU, Paris, 1850, may
be «*""*"»< with great advantage. Hia remarks
'p. 67) on the advantages of the precise propor-
ua established, six days of work to one of rest,
aad the inconvenience of any other that could be
arranged, are well worth attention.
The ward Sabbat* seems sometimes to denote a
meek in the N. T. Hence, by the Hebrew usage of
; time by cardinal numbers, ir-rf uif Taw
neans on the first day of the week.
The Rabbis have the same phraseology, keeping,
however, the word Sabbath in the singular.
On the phrase of St, Luke, vi. 1, It ry oaB$aT*>
isrrcoowaaVet, see Sabbatical Yeab.
Thai article should be read in connexion with that
•a the Lord's Dat.
Literature : — Critic* Sacri, on Exod. ; Heylin's
Wet . of the Sabbath ; Selden, De Jure Natur.
et Gent. ; Buxtorf, De Synag. ; Barrow, Expos.
</ tie Decalogue; Paley, Moral and Political
rsslatophy, v. 7 ; James, On the Sacraments and
Satouis; Whatoly's Thoughts on the Sabbath;
Wariiaw, On the Sabbath ; Maurice, On the Sab-
bath ; Mkhaelis, Lam of Motes, arts, cxciv^vi.,
ehtvra. ; Oehler, in Herxog's ReaUEncycl. " Sab-
hath,-" Winer, Beahetrterbuch, "Sabbath;" BShr,
eV>>M» des Mob. Cult. vol. ii. ok. iv. oh. 11, §2 ;
Kahsch, Historical and Critical Commentary on
0. T. as Zxod. XX. ; Proudhon, De la Celebration
mm Dtmtmeke; and especially Dr. Heucy's Sunday ;
Mf Bentfton Lecture for I80O. f F. G.]
•TO- III.
SABBATH-DA f8 JOUHNBT 1073
HABBATH-DAT8 JOUBtfEY ( JoJWaVe*
btis, Acts i. 12). On occasion of a violation 01
the commandment by certain of the people who
went to look for manna on the seventh day,
Moses enjoined every man to " abide in his
place," and forbade any man to " go out of his
place" on that day (Ex. xvi. 29). It seems
natural to look on this as a mere enactment
pro re natd, and having no besting on any state
of affairs subsequent to the journey through the
wilderness and the daily gathering of manna.
Whether the earlier Hebrews did or did not regard
it thus, it is not easy to say. Nevertheless, the
natural inference from 2 K. iv. 33 is against this
supposition of such a prohibition being known to
the spokesman, Elisha almost certainty living — as
may be seen from the whole narrative— much
more than a Sabbath Day's Journey from Shunem.
Heylin infers from the incidents of David's flight
from Saul, and Elijah's from Jezebel, that neither
felt bound by such a limitation. Their situation,
however, being one of extremity, cannot be safely
argued from. In after times the precept in Ex.
xvi. was undoubtedly viewed as a permanent law.
But as some departure from a man's own place
was unavoidable, it was thought necessary to de-
termine the allowable amount, which was fixed at
2000 paces, or about six furlongs, from the wall of
the city.
Though such an enactment may have proceeded
from an erroneous view of Ex. xvi. 29, it is by
no means so superstitious and unworthy on the
face of it as are most of the Rabbinical rules and
prohibitions respecting the Sabbath Day. In the
case of a general law, like that of the Sabbath,
some authority must settle the application in
details, and such an authority "the Scribes and
Pharisees sitting in Moses* seat" ware entitled to
exercise. It is plain that the limit* of the Sab-
bath Day's Journey must have been a great check
on the profanation of the day in a country where
business was entirely agricultural or pastoral, and
must have secured to " the ox and the ass " the
rest to which by the Law they were entitled.
Our Saviour seems to refer to this law in
warning the disciples to pray that their flight from
Jerusalem in the time of its judgment should no",
be "on the Sabbath Day" (Matt. xxiv. 20). The
Christians of Jerusalem would not, as in the cam
of Gentiles, feel free from the restrictions on jour-
neying on that day ; nor would their situation en-
able them to comply with the forms whereby such
journeying when necessary was sanctified ; nor would
assistance from those around be procurable.
The permitted distance seems to have been
grounded on the space to be kept between the
Ark and the people (Josh. iii. 4) in the wilderness,
which tradition said was that between the Ark and
the tents. To repair to the Ark being, of course,
a duty on the Sabbath, the walking to it was no
violation of the day ; and it thus was taken as the
measure of a lawful Sabbath Day's Journey. We
6nd the some distance given as the circumference
outside the walls of the Levitical cities to be
counted as their suburbs (Num. xxxv. 5). The
terminus a quo was thus not a man's own house,
but the wall of the city where he dwelt, and thus
the amount of .'awful Sabbath Day's journeying
must tnercfore hare varied greatly ■ the movemcutt
of a Jew in one of the small cities of his own land
being restricted indeed when compared with than
of a Jew in Alexandria, Antioch or Rome.
S Z
1074
PABBATHKUS
When a man was obliged to go farthei man a
fiahbath Day's Journey, on some good and allow-
able ground, it wn» incumbent on him on the
evening before to furnish hinwelf with food enough
Ibr two meals. lie was to sit down and eat at the
appointed distance, to bury what he had left, and
utter a thanksgiving to God for the appointed
boundary. Nest morning he was at liberty to
make this point his terminal a quo.
The Jewish scruple to go more than 2000 paces
from his city on the Sabbath is referred to by
Origeo, a-epl bpx"'> "• 2 ; by Jerome, ad Alga-
siam, qunest. 10 ; and by Oecumenius — with some
apparent difference between them as to the measure-
ment. Jerome gives Akiba, Simeon, and Hillel, as
the authorities for the lawful distance. [F. G. ]
8ABBATHEtTB(SajSJSaTOMf: Sabbathaetu).
Shabbethai the Levite (1 Esd. ix. 14 ; comp. Ezr.
x.15).
SABBATICAL YEAR. As each seventh day
and each seventh month were holy, so was each
seventh year, by the Mosaic code. We first en-
counter this law in Ex. xxiii. 10, 11, given in
words corresponding to those of the Fourth Com-
mandment, and followed (rer. 12) by the re-en-
forcement of that commandment. It is impossible to
read the passage and not feel that the Sabbath Day
and the Sabbatical year are parts of one general law.
The commandment is, to sow and reap for six
rears, and to let the land rest on the seventh,
" that the poor of thy people may eat ; and what
they leave the beasts of the field shall eat." It is
added, " In like manner thou shalt deal with thy
vineyard and thy oliveyard."
Wc next meet with the enactment in lev. xxv.
2-7, and finally in Deut. xv., in which last place
the new feature presents itself of the seventh year
being one of release to debtors.
When we combine these several notices, we find
that every seventh year the land was to have
rest to enjoy her Sabbath*. Neither tillage nor
cultivation of any sort was to be practised. The
spontaneous growth of the soil wss not to be reaped
by the owner, Those rights of property were in
abeyance. All wen to have their share in the glean-
ings: the poor, the stranger, and even the cattle.
This singular institution has the aspect, at first
sight, of total impracticability. This, however,
wears off when we consider that in no year was
the owner allowed to reap the whole harvest (Lev.
xix. 9, xxiii. 22). Unless, therefore, the remainder
was gleaned very carefully, there may easily have
been enough left to ensure such spontaneous deposit
of seed as in the fertile soil of Syria would produce
some amount of crop in the succeeding year, while
the vine* and olives would of course yield their
fruit of themselves. Moreover, it is clear that the
owners of land were to layby com in previous years
for their own and their families' wanta. This is
the unavoidable inference from Lev. xxr. 20-22.
And though the right of property was in abeyance
during the Sabbatical year, it has been suggested
that this only applied to the fields, and not to the
gardens attached to houses.
The claiming of debts was unlawful during this
year, as we learn from Deut. xv. The exceptions
laid down are in the case of a foreigner, and that of
there being no poor in the land. This latter, how-
ever, it is straightway said, is what will never
happen. Bat though debts might not be churned,
t is not said that they might Dot be voluntarily
SABBATICAL. KEAB
paid ; and it has been questioned whether tec i*
lease of the seventh year was final or meieiy lasted
through the year. This law was virtually abro-
gated in Uler times by the well-known proeboi* of
the great Hillel, a permiuion to the judges to
allow a creditor to enforce his claim whenever be
required to do so. The formula is given in the
Miahna (ShevUth, 10, 4).
The release of debtors during the Sabbatical ymr
must not be confounded with the release of slaves
on the seventh year of their service. The two are
obviously distinct— the one occurring at one fixed
time for all, while the other must hare varied with
various families, and with various slaves.
The spirit of this law is the same as that of the
weekly Sabbath. Both have a beneficent ten-
dency, limiting the rights and checking the sense rf
property ; the one pots in God's claims on time, the
other on the land. The land shall "keep a Sabbath
unto the Lord." " The land is mine."
There may also have been, as Kallsch conjectures,
an eye to the benefit which would accrue to the
land from lying fallow every seventh year, in a
time when the rotation of crops was unknown.
The Sabbatical year opened in the Sabbatical
month, and the whole Law was to be read every
such year, during the Feast of Tabernacles, to tlie
assembled people. It was thus, like the weekly
Sabbath, no mere negative rest, but was to be
marked by high and holy occupation, and connected
with sacred reflection and sentiment.
At the completion of a week of Sabbatical yrars,
the Sabbatical scale received its completion in tne
year of Jubilee. For the question whethei tiia:
was identical with the seventh Sabbatical yrar, or
was that which succeeded it, •'. «. whether th» yau
of Jubilee fell every forty-ninth or every nrtie*h
year, see Jubilee, Tear OF.
The next question that presents itself regarding
the Sabbatical year relates to the time when tU
observance became obligatory. It has been Inferred
from Leviticus xxv. 2, " When ye come into ti«
land which I give you, then shall the land keep a
Sabbath unto the Lord," that it was to be held by
the people on the first year of their occupation of
Canaan ; but this mere literalism gives a result in
contradiction to the words which immediately fol-
low: "Six years thou shalt sow thy field, and six
years thou shalt prune thy vineyard, and gather in
the fruit thereof; but in the seventh year shall be
a Sabbath of rest unto the land." It is more rea-
sonable to suppose, with the best Jewish authori-
ties, that the law became obligatory fourteen years
after the first entrance into the Promised Land, the
I conquest of which took seven years and the distribu-
tion seven more.
A further question arises. At whatever period
the obedience to this law ought to have commenced,
wss it in point of act obeyed? This is an inquiry
which reaches to more of the Mosaic statutes than
the one now before us. It is, we apprehend, rare
to see the whole of a code iu full operation ; and
the phenomena of Jewish history previous to the
Captivity present us with no such spectacle. In the
threatening! contained in Lev. xxvi„ judgments on
the violation of the Sabbatical year are particu-
larly contemplated (vers. 33, 34) ; and that it waa
greatly if not quite neglected appears from 2 Chron.
• yia0nD-=l«»bsbly opo*"*, of ansa w s *< . Fat
this and other cartons •pecalsUuns on the etyxssfcsrj •' «•«
ward see Kuxturf. /«. IWarad. 1101
BABBEG8
Mirs. SO, 31 : " Them tint neaped from the sword
atrial he away to Babylon; where they were
tenant* to him and his ions until the reign of the
kropfaen of Persia: to fulfil the word of the Lord
by the mouth of Jeremiah, until the land had en-
joyed her Sabbaths ; tor as long as she lay desolate
she kept Sabbath, to fulfil threescore and ten years."
San of the Jewish commentators have inferred
lian this that their forefathers had neglected exactly
•Treaty Sabhatioal year*. If such neglect was con-
asnaaa, the law most hare been disobeyed througn-
ent a period of 490 years, i. ». through nearly the
whole duration of the monarchy ; and as there is
nothing in the previous history leading to the in-
ference that the people were more scrupulous then,
we mast look to the return from captivity for indi-
oitMB* of the Sabbatical year beuig actually ob-
srrraa. Then we know the former neglect was re-
placed by a punctilious attention to the Law ; and as
** leading feature, the Sabbath, began to be scrupu-
leaaty l e s s aa s xa d, so we now find traces of a like
abterraoorof the Sabbatical year. We read (1 Mace,
vi. 49) that " they came out of the city, because
they bad no victuals there to endure the siege, it
boot; a year of rest to the land." Alexander the
(■rest is said to have exempted the Jews from tri-
bute daring it, since it was unlawful for them to
sow ssad or reap hsrreet then ; so, too, did Julius
Caratr (Joseph. Ant. xiv. 10, §6). Tacitus (Bat.
lib. t. i, §4), having mentioned the obserranoa of
the Sabbath by the .'■Mrs, adds: — " Debt blan-
diasti inertia septii. im quoque annum ignariae
datum." And St. Paul, in reproaching the Ga-
basas with their Jewish tendencies, taxes them
with ob s min g years ss well ss days and months
and times (GaL iv. 10), from which we must infer
ta>t the teachers who communicated to them those
tendencies did more or less the like themselves.
Aaotber allusion in the N. T. to the Sabbatical year
k perhaps to be found in the phrase, «V aafifiirrif
awvs f w ep d rui (Lake vL 1). Various explanations
bare been given of the term, but one of the most
probable is that it denotes the first Sabbath of
Ike aaaond year in the cycle (Wieteler, quoted by
Alford, voL L). [P. G.]
SABBETJ8 (lafifrdta ; Alex. 2o00au>i: So-
•>*•), 1 Ksdr. ix. 32. [Shekaiah, 14.]
SABK , AN& [Sheba.]
SA'BI (Solely; Aiu.%afi4: SabatAtn). "The
children of Poebereth of Zebsim" appear in 1 Esd.
v. 34 ss "the son* of Phacareth, the sonsofSabi."
JMBTAH (WOD, in 21 MSS. Kmi?, Gen.
t- 7 ; tOT3D, 1 Chr.'i. 9, A. V. Sabta : 3afiarBi :
&Aatka). The third in order of the sons of Cash.
la sassfdaaaa with the identifications of the settle-
axt ats sf the Custntes in the article Arabia and
■ isawhere , Sabtah should be looked for along the
—alhm coast of Arabia. The writer has found no
toots fax Arab writers ; but the statements of Pliny
ri. 32, f 155, xii. 32), Ptolemy (vi. 7, p. 411), and
Ansa. Peripl. (27), mpecting Sabbatha, Sabots, or
SobotsJe, metropolis of the Atrsmitae (probably the
Cnslrsmoritar), seem to point to a trace of the
trie* which descended from Sabtah, always sup-
pssiag that this city Sabbatha was not a corrup-
t«as or dialectic variation of Saba, Seba, or Sheba.
This point will be discussed under Sheba. It is
-ssjv aarsssarv to remark here that the indications
aSsrJed bjr the Greet, and Roman writers of Arabisn
tiif-i|«ir require very cautious handling, pre-
SACAB
1076
sensing, as they do, a mass of contradiction* and
transparent travellers' tales respecting the unknown
regions of Arabia the Happy, Arabia Thurifera, &c.
Ptolemy places Sabbatha in 77° long. 16° 30 lat.
It was an important city, containing no leas than
sixty temples (Pliny, N. B. vi. c. xxiii. §32) ; it was
also situate in the territory of king Eliaarus, or
Eleaxus (comp. Anon. Paipl. ap. Mailer, Qeog.
Mat. 278-9), supposed by Fresnel to be identical
with " Ascharides, or " Alascharissoun," in Arabic
(Journ. Ariat. Nouv. Serie, x. 191). Winer thinks
the identification of Sabtah with Sabbatha, tic, to
be probable ; and it is accepted by Bunsen (Bibel-
tcerA, Gen. x. and Atiat). It certainly occupies a
position in which we should expect to find traces of
Sabtah, where are traces of Cnshite tribes in very
early times, on their way, as we hold, from their
earlier colonies in Ethiopia to the Euphrates.
Gesenius, who sees in Cush only Ethiopia, " hat
no doubt that Sabtah should be compared with
Hafidr, SojSd, JojSoT (see Strab. xvi. p. 770,
Casaub. ; Ptol. iv. 10), on the shore of the Arabian
Gulf, situated just where Arkiko is now, in the neigh-
bourhood of which the Ptolemies hunted elephants.
Amongst the ancient translators, PseudojoDathau
saw the true meaning, rendering it 'MHOO, for
which read 'KTDD, •'. «. the Sembritae, whom
Strabo (foe. cit. p. 786) places in the same region.
Josephua (Ant. i. 6, §1) understands it to be the
inhabitants of Astabor* " (Gesenius, ed. Tregelles,
I. ».). Here the etymology of Sabtah is compared
plausibly with So/Mr; but when probability is
against his being found in Ethiopia, etymology
is of small value, especially when it is remem-
bered that Sabat and its variations (Sabax, Sabai)
may be related to 5e6a, which certainly •*■*• in
Ethiopia. On the Babbinical authorities wntrh
he quotes we place no value. It only lemains
to add that Michaelis (JSuppt. p. 1712) removes
Sabtah to Cents opposite Gibraltar, called in Arabic
Sebtah, Xxami (comp. Haidsid, a. ».); and that
Bochart (Phahg, i. 114, 115, 252, teqq.), while
he mentions Sabbatha, prefers to place Sabtah near
the western shore of the Persian Gulf, with the
Saphtha of Ptolemy, the name also of an island in
that golf. [E. S.P.]
8ABTECHA, and SABTECHAH (K3FOD >
iafSaBwci, 2</S«6ax<i : Sabatacha, Sabatkacha,
Gen. x. 7, 1 Chr. i. 9). The fifth in order of the
sons of Cosh, whose settlements would probably be
near the Persian Gulf, where are those of Raamah,
the next befoie him in the order of the Cushites.
[Raamah, Dedak, Sheba.] He has not been iden-
tified with any Arabic place or district, nor satis-
factorily with any name given by classical writers.
Bochart (who is followed by Bunsen, Bibelw., Gen.
x. and Atlas) argues that he should be placed in Car
mania, on the Persian shore of the gulf, comparing
Sabtechah with the city of Samydace of Steph. Byx,
(2afuSAicn or XanvniSri of Ptol.vi. 8, 7). This ety-
mology appears to be very far-fetched. Gesenius
merely says that Sabtechah is the proper name of a
district of Ethiopia, and adds the reading of the Targ.
Pseudojonathan ('NMt, Sngitani). [2. a P.*
SA'CAB ("Db: 'Ax«> i Alex. Sa X *>: Ba*ar%
1. A Hararite, father of Ahiam, one of David's
mighty men (1 Chr. xi. 35V In 2 Sam. xxiii. 33
he is called Sharab, but Kennicott regards Staj
as the correct reading.
8 Z2
1076 HACKBUT
2. (SaxV) The fourth son of Obtd-edom (1
Chr. xxvi. 4).
8ACKBUT (K33D, Du. ui. 5 ; tOTBt?, Dan.
Hi. 7, 10, 15: <rap3virn: tambucd). The rendering
in the A. V. of the Chaldec tabbtcA. If this mu-
sical instrument be the same is the Greek a-tut/Dtfxi)
and Latin tambuca,* the English translation is en-
tirely wrong. The afckbot was a wind-instrument;
the aamkaca was played with strings. Mr. Chappell
says (Ap. Jfm. i. 35), " The sackbut was a bass
trumpet with a slide, like the modem trombone."
It had a deep note according to Drayton (Polyottnon,
ir. 865)!
» The bobov, aafout day. reorder, and On flute."
The mmbiica was a triangular instrument with
fear or more strings played with the lingers. Ac-
cording to Athenaeus (xiv. 633), Mssurius described
H as haying a shrill tone ; and Euphorion, in his
book on the Isthmian Games, said that it was rued
by the Parthians and Troglodytes, and had four
string*. Its invention is attributed to one Snmbyx,
and to Sibylla its first use (Athen. xiv. 637). Juba,
in the 4th book of his Theatrical BMory, says it
was discovered in Syria, but Neantbes of Cyxicura,
in the first book of the Hours, assigns it to the poet
Ibrois of Rhegium (Athen. ir. 77). This last tra-
dition is followed by Suidas, who describe* the tarn-
buoa as a kind of triangular harp. That it was a
foreign instrument is clear from the statement of
SUabo (x. 471), who says its name is barbarous.
Isidore of Seville (Orij. iii. 20) appeals to regard
It as a wind instrument, for he connects it with the
iambuctu, or elder, a kind of light wood of which
pipes were made.
The tambuea was early known at Home, for
Plautus (SJicA. ii. 2, 57) mentions the women who
plared it (tambvau, or tambucistriu, as they are
ailed in Livy, xxxix. 6). It was a favourite among
the Greeks (Polyb. r. 37), and the Rhodian women
appear to have been celebrated for their skill on
thii instrument (Athen. iv. 129).
There was an engine called tambuea used in
siege operations, which derived its name from the
musical instrument, because, according to Athenaeus
(xiv. 634), when raised it had the form of a ship
and a ladder combined in one. [W. A. W.]
SACKCLOTH (j*»: <rd«»»»: »**■»). A
curse texture, of a dark colour, made of pots'
hnir (Is. 1. 3; Kev. vi. 12), and resembling the
cilieam of the Komans. It was used (1.1 for
making sacks, the same word describing bout the
material and the article (Gen. xlii. 25; Lev. xi.
82; Josh. ix. 4); and (2.) for making the rough
garments used by mourners, which were in extreme
eases worn next the akin (1 K. xxi. 27; 2 K. vi.
80; Job xvi. 15; Is. xxxia. 11), and this even by
females (Joel i. 8; 2 Mace. iii. 19), but at other
times were worn over the coat or aeOxmtth (Jon.
Hi. 6) in lieu of the outer garment. The robe pro-
bably resembled a sack in shape, and fitted dose to
the person, as we may infer from the application of
thi term chAgar* to the process of putting it on
(2 Sam. iii. 31 ; Ex. vii. 18, 4c.). It was eon-
fined by a girdle of similar material (Is. iii. 24).
Sometimes it was worn throughout the night (1 K.
txi. 27). [W. L. B.]
• Compare anoutatVi. from Syr. K313K. aeMM, a
■of. wVn toe si occupies the place of tue dagesh.
SACRIFICE
SACRIFICE. The peculiar features el each
kind of sacrifice are referred to under tl«er re-
spective haads ; the object of this article will be :—
I. To examine the meaning and denvatJoo oi
the various words used to denote sacrifice in Scrip
tore.
II. To examine the historical devdopment a
sacrifice in the OM Testament.
III. To sketch briefly the theory of sacrifice, as
it is set forth both in the Old and New Testaments,
with especial reference to the Atonement of Christ.
I. Of all the words used in reference to snort-
fice, the most general appear to be —
(a.) nrUO, mmcAaA, from the obsolete not
rUO, "to'give;" need in Gen. xxxU. 13, 20, 21, at
a gift from Jacob to Eaaa (LXX. tSpor); m •
Sam. viii. 2, 6 ({(Via), in 1 K. iv. 21 (tap*.),
in 2 K. xvii. 4 {jiimi), of a tribute from a vassal
king; in Gen. iv. 3, 5, of a sacrifice generally
(Sum and fvo-fa, indifferently) ; and fc Lev. J.
1, Xs, 6, joined with the word torfcat, of an
nnbloody sacriKce. or "meatoffering" (generally
oeuor tWo). Its derivation and usage point to
that idea of sacrifice, which represent* it as an Eu-
chanstic gift to God our King.
'*•) 1?"!?> * or6<m > oerived from the root Y#
«to approach," or (in Hiphil) to "make to ap-
proach •, need with mtncAoA in Lev. ii. 1, 4, 5, 6,
(LXX. SApor Owrfo), generally rendered Mper
(see Mark vii. 11. my/Mr, 8 «Vvi Imfop) or wpstf-
4>ipa. The idea of a gift hardly seems inherent in
the root; which rather points to sacrifice, as a
symbol of communion or covenant between God
and man.
(«.) rat, setae*, derived from the root rat, to
"slaughter animals," especially to "slay in sacri-
fice," refers emphatically to a bloody sacrifice, on*
in which the shedding of blood is the essential
idea. Thus it is opposed to mmchah, in Pa. xL 6
(•tobr koI xpoe-^opdV), and to eta* (the whole
burntroffering) in Ex. x. 25. xriil. 12, ic. With it
the expiatory idea of sacritice is naturally connected.
Distinct from thew general terms, snd often
appended to them, are the words denoting special
kinds of sacrifice: —
(d.) ffftS, »ta* (g«n«»Nr «*o«a»Vs*i«), *•*
- whole burnt-offering."
(«.) D^, thttem (tWla (rmrnpiov), used fre-
qaentiy with raj, end sometimes called JTg, the
" peace-" or « thank-offei-ing."
(J.) nitfin,cfto«diA(genei^yx*sla T Mf«««\
the " sin-offering."
(o.) Ont. oxAdm (generally wAmsneAela) the
" trespass-oCeiing."
For the examination of the derivation and mann-
ing of these, see each under its own head.
II. (A.) Objois of Sacrifice.
In tracing the hiatory of sacrifice, from its first
beginning to its perfect development in the Mosaic
ritual, we are at once met by the long-disputed
question, as to the origin of tacrfce ; whether it
arose from a natural instinct of man, sanctisued:
and guided by God, or whether it was the aubj**
of some distinct primeval revilatiou.
It is a question, the importaere of which has
probably been exaggerated. There ean be no do.iU,
SACRIFICE
fhu ncrince m sanctioned ay God's Law, with a
special iypieel reference to tlie Atonement of Chriit ;
its nmvensl prevalence, independent of, and often
erinaan 1 *•• man's natnral reasonings on hie relation
V> God, shows it to hare been primeval, and deeply
noted in the instincts of humanity. Whether it was
first enjoined by an external command, or whether
it wis based on that sense of sin and lost communion
with God, which is stamped by His hand on the
heart of man — is a historical question, perhaps inso-
luble, probably one which cannot be treated at all,
except in connexion with some general theory of the
method of primers! revelation, but certainly one,
which does not affect the authority and the meaning
of the rite itself.
The great difficulty in the theory, which refers
it to a distinct command of God, is the total silence
of Haly Scripture — a silence the more remarkable,
when contrasted with the distinct reference made in
Oat. H. to the origin of the Sabbath. Sacrifice when
first mentioned, in the case of Cain and Abel, is re-
ferred to as a thing of course ; it is said to have
been brought by men ; there is no hint of any com-
mand given by God. This consideration, the strength
•f which no ingenuity* has been able to impair,
slthongh it does not actually disprove the formal
reventtaon of sacrifice, yet at least forbids the asser-
tion of it, as of a positive and important doctrine.
S«r hi the fact of the mysterious and super-
natural character of the doctrine of Atonement, with
which the sacrifices of the 0. T. are expressly con-
nected, any conclusive argument on this aide of the
ain st i ui i. All allow that the encharistic and depre-
catory ideas of sacrifice are perfectly natnral to
men. The higher view of Ha expiatory character,
dependent, as it is, entirely on its typical nature,
appears but gradually in Scripture. It is veiled under
ether ideas in the case of the patriarchal sacrifices.
It n first distinctly mentioned in the Law (Lev.
irii. II, 4c); but even then the theory of the sin-
cifermg, and of the classes of sins to which it
referred, is allowed to be obscure and difficult ; it
t» only in the N. T. (especially in the Epistle to the
Hebrews) that its nature is clearly unfolded. It is
as likely that it pleased God gradually to superadd
the higher idea to an institution, derived by man
from the lower ideas (which must eventually find
their justification in the higher), as that He ori-
jcimUy commanded the institution when the time
for the revelation of its full meaning was not yet
come. The rainbow was just ss truly the symbol
of God's new promise in Gen. ix. 13-17, whether it
had or had not existed, as a natural phenomenon
before the Flood. What God sets His seal to, He
makes a fart of His reve'ation, whatever its origin
nay be. It h> to be noticed (see Warburton's Dm.
Ltg.ii.c2) that, except in Gen. xv. 9, the method
sf patriarchal sacrifice is left free, without any
direction on the part of God, while in all the
Mosaic ritual the limitation and regulatim of sacri-
fice, as to time, place, and material, is a most pro-
tainest feature, on which much of its distinction
fnsn heathen sacrifice depended. The inference is
SACBIFICK
1077
(as to Faker's Origin tf aacrifla).
i the translation of nKtvTI
ts U-a Iv. T. Even supposing the version, a " sin-
•>Aag emebetn at toe door" to bs cornet, on the
F*»*lrf general aaaf* of the word, of the carious version
as* the LXX. and of the remarkable grammatical cco-
icrBrrlea of the masculine participle, with the feminine
•*■> fas nuVii t ug to the tact that the sin-offering was '
at least probable, that when God sanctioned formally
a natural rite, then, and not till then, did He define
its method.
The question, therefore, of the origin of sacrifke
is best left in the silence, with which Scripture sur-
rounds it.
(B.) Ante-Mosaic History of Sacrifice.
In examining the various sacrifices, recorded in
Scripture before the establishment of the I .aw, we
find that the words specially denoting expiatory
sacrifice (JlKtSn and DCK) are not applied to
them. This tact does not at all show, that they
were not actually expiatory, nor even that the
offerers had not that idea of expiation, which must
hare been vaguely felt in all sacrifices ; but it jus-
tifies the inference, that this idea was not then the
prominent one in the doctrine of sacrifice.
The sacrifice of Cain and Abel is railed mmchah,
although in the case of the latter it wss a bloody
sacrifice. (So in Heh. xi. 4 the word tuala is
explained by the toii tdipoit below.) In the case
of both it would appear to hare been eucharistic,
and the distinction between the offerers to have
lain in their " faith " (Heb. xi. 4). Whether that
faith of Abel referred to the promise of the Redeemer,
and was connected with any idea of the typical
meaning of sacrifice, or whether it was a simple
and humble fiutl in the unseen God, as the giver
and promiser of all good, we are not authorised by
Scripture to decide.
The sacrifice of Noah after the Flood (Gen. viii.
20) is called burnt-offering (6lah\ This sacrifice
is expressly connected with the institution of the
Covenant which follows in ix. 8-17. The seine
ratification of a covenant is seen in the defined
offering of Abraham, especially enjoined and burnfc-
by God in Gen. xv. 9 ; and is probably to be traced
in the " building of altars " by Abraham on entering
Canaan at llethel (Gen. xii. 7, 8) and Mamre (xiii.
18), by Isaac at Beersheba (xxri. 25), and by Jacob
at Shechem (xxxiii. 20;, end in Jacob's setting up
and anointing of the pillar at Bethel (xxviii. 18,
xxxv. 14). The sacrifice (tebach) of Jacob at Mixpoh
also marks a covenant with Laban, to which God
is called to be a witness and a party. In all these,
therefore, the prominent idea seems to have been
what is called the federative, the recognition of a
bond between the sacrificer and God, and the dedi-
cation of himself, as represented by the victim, to
the service of the Lord.
The sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 1-13) stands by
itself, as the sole instance in which the idea of human
sacrifice was even for a moment, and as a trial,
cotjitcnanced by God. Yet in its principle it ap-
pears to have been of the same nature as before :
the voluntary surrender of an only son on Abraham's
part, and the willing dedication of himself on Isaac's,
an in the foreground ; the expiatory idea, if recog-
nised at all, holds certainly a secondary position.
In the burnt-offerings of Job for his children
(Job i. 5) and for his three friends (xlii. 8), we,
for the first time, find the expression of the desire
actually a male), still It doss not settle the matter. The
Lord even then speaks of sscrlflce as exntlDK, and ai
known to exist: He does not Institute it The sap-
position that the "skins of beasts" In Gen. ill. SI were
sklDs of animals sacrificed bj God's command la a pure
assumption. The srgument on Heb. xi. 4, that faith can
rest only on a distinct Divine command sa Is the special
occasion of Its exercise, la contradicted l>y the mueral
definition of it alveu in v. 1.
1078 SACRIFICE
of expiation for an, accompanied by repentance and
prayer, and brought prominently forward. The
■m ta the caw in the words of Mom to Pharaoh,
as to the necessity of sacrifice in the wilderness
(Ex. x. 25), where sacrifice (xebaok) u distinguished
from burnt-offering. Hera the main idea is at least
deprecatory ; the object is to appaaae the wrath, and
avert the vengeance of God.
(C.) The Sacrifices of the Mosaic Period.
These an inaugurated by the offering of the
Passover and the sacrifice of Ex. xzir. The
Passover indeed is unique in its character, and
seems to embrace the peculiarities of all the various
divisions of sacrifice soon to be established. Its
ceremonial, however, most nearly resembles that of
the sin-offering in the emphatic use of the blood,
which (after the first celebration) was poured at the
bottom of the altar (an Lev. iv. 7), and in the care
taken that none of the flesh should remain till the
morning (see Ex. xii. 10, xxxiv. 25). It was unlike
it in that the flesh was to be eaten by all (not burnt,
or eaten by the priests alone), in token of their
entering into covenant with God, and eating " at
His table," aa in the case of a peace-offering. Its
peculiar position at a historical memorial, and its
special reference to the future, naturally mark it
out aa incapable of being refer re d to any formal class
of sacrifice ; but it is dear that the idea of sal-
vation from death by means of sacrifice is brought
out in it with a distinctness before unknown.
The sacrifice of Ex. xxiv., offered as a solemn in-
auguration of the Covenant of Sinai, hat a similarly
comprehensive character. It is called a "burnt-
ouering" and "pence-offering" in r. 6; but the
solemn use of the Mood (comp. Heb. ix. 18-22)
distinctly marks the idea that expiatory sacrifice
was needed for entering into covenant with God,
the idea of which the sin- and trespass-offerings
were afterwards the symbols.
The Law of Leviticus now unfolds distinctly the
various forms of sacrifices— -
fa.) The bwnt-offtring. Self-dedicatory.
To these may be added, —
(d.) Tit wwrasf offered after sacrifice in the
<foly Place, and (on the Day of Atonement) in the
Holy of Holies, the symbol of the intercession of the
priest- (as a type of the Great High Priest), accom-
panying and making efficacious the prayer of the
"ft.
In the consecration of Aaron and his sons (Lev.
riii.) we find these offered, in what became ever
afterwards the appointed order: first came the
sin-offering, to prepare access to God ; next the
burnt-offering, to mark their dedication to His
service; and thirdly the meat-offering of thanks-
giving. The same sacrifices, in the same order,
with the addition of a peace-offering (eaten no
doubt by all the people), were offered a week after
for all the congregation, and accepted visibly by
the descent of fire upon the burnt-offering. Hence-
forth the sacrificial system was fixed in all its parts,
until He should oome whom it typified.
It is to be noticed that the Law of Leviticus
SACRIFICE
taxes the rite of sacrifice for granted (are lev. 1. 1,
ii. 1, &c, " If a man bring an offering, ye shall,"
Ik.), and is directed -hiefly to guide and Bmh lU
exercise. In every cue but that of the pe a ce-
offering, the nature of the victim was carefully
prescribed, so as to preserve the ideas symbolised,
but so as to avoid the notion (so inherent ic
heathen systems, and finding its logical result in
human sacrifice) that the more costly the offering;
the more surely must it meet with acceptance.
At the same time, probably in order to impira.
this truth on their minds, and also to guard against
corruption by heathenish ceremonial, and against
the notion that sacrifice in itself, without obedi-
ence, could avail (see 1 Sam. xv. 22, 23), the place
of offering was expre s s ly limited, first to the Taber-
nacle,* afterwards to the Temple. This ordinance
also necessitated their periodical gathering as one
nation before God, and so kept clearly before their
minds their relation to Him as their national King.
Both limitations brought out the great truth, that
God Himself provided the way by which man
should approach Him, and that the method of
reconciliation was initiated by Him, and not by
them.
In consequence of the peculiarity of the Law, it
has been argued (as by Outran), Warbnrton, Ac)
that the whole system of sacrifice was only a con-
descension to the weakness of the people, borrowed,
more or lees, from the heathen nations, especially
from Egypt, in order to guard against worse super-
stition and positive idolatry. The argument is
mainly based (see Warb. Div. log. iv., sect. vj. 2)
on Ex. xx. 25, and similar references in the O. and
N . T. to the nullity of all mere ceremonial. Taken
as an explanation of the theory of sacrifice, it la weak
and superficial; it labours under two fatal diffi-
culties, the historical fact of the primeval existence of
sacrifice, and its typical reference to the one Atone-
ment of Christ, which was foreordained from the
very beginning, and had been already typified, as,
for example, in the sacrifice of Isaac. But as giving
a reason for the minuteness and elaboration of the
Mosaic ceremonial, so remarkably contrasted with
the freedom of patriarchal sacrifice, and as furnish-
ing an explanation of certain special rites, it may
probably have some value. It certainly contains this
truth, that the craving for visible tokens of God's
presence, and visible rites of worship, from which
idolatry proceeds, was provided for and turned into a
safe channel, by the whole ritual and typical system,
of which sacrifice was the centre. The contact with
the gigantic system of idolatry, which prevailed in
Egypt, and which had so deeply tainted the spirit
of the Israelites, would doubtless render such pro-
vision then especially necessary. It was one part
of the prophetic office to guard against its degrada-
tion into formalism, and to bring out its spiritual
meaning with an ever-increasing clearness.
(D.) Post-Mosaic Sacrifices.
It will not be necauary to pursue, in detail, tha
history of Post-Mossic Sacrifice, for its main prin-
ciples were now fixed for ever. The most remark-
able instances of sacrifice on a large scale ore by
Solomon at the consecration of the Temple (1 K.
viii. 63), by Jeboiada after the death of AthaUnH
(2 Chr. xjjii. 18), and by Heaekiah at his great
Passover and restoration of the Temple-worthy
» For tmWaces of auMngament of this rale uncewqrrd,
pee Jade. U- ». vl. W. xilL 1>; 1 Sam.xi. IS, xvL t; i Jam.
n. U; 1 K. UL a. 3, Most of these esses are special.
some antborlKMl by special
htbly Old not attain to Ms full
AftheTcmnto.
; bat the Low pry-
UUInel
SACRIFICE
8 Or. m. 21-241 In each case, the lavish ess
if victims was chiefly in the pence-oflmngs, which
were • sacred nation! feast to the people at the
Table of their Great King.
The regular sacrifices in the Temple service
wens
(«.) BoBsrr-OrKBWoa.
1 . Thr daily barnt-offering* (Ex. xxU. 38-42).
2. The double burnt-offerings on the Sabbath
(Num. zXTfn. 9, 10).
3. The burnt-offerings at the great festivals
VHacn. xxviii. U-xxix. 89).
(k.) Mjeat-Offeriitos.
1. The daily meat-offerings accompanying the
daily burnt-offerings (Sour, oil, and wine) (Ex.
xxu. 40, 41).
2. The sbew-bread (twelre loaves with frankin-
vum), renewed every Sabbath (Lev. xxiv. 5-9).
3. The special meat-offerings at the Sabbath and
Jw great festivals (Mum. xiviii., xxix.).
4. The first-fruits, at the Passover (Lev. xxiii.
10-14), at Pentecost (xxiii. 17-20), both " wave-
aderings ;" the fint-fi-uits of the dough and tbrosh-
iug-door at the harvest-time (Num. xv. 20, 21 ;
IVat. xxvi. 1-11), oiled " heave-oBerings."
tft) Sut-OFFEIUMOS.
1. Sin-orfcring (a kid) each new moon (Num.
xrvin. 15).
5. cas-oSermg* at the Passover, Pentecost, Feast
af Tmssrpcta, and Tabernacle* (Num. xxviii. 22, 30,
axis. *, 16, 19, 22, 25, 28, 31, 34, 38).
d. The offering of the two goats (the goat
— l iny I , and the scape-goat) for the people, and
af the bollock for the priest himself, on the Gnat
Da; af Atonement (Lev. xri.).
(4) Ixckhse.
1. The morning and evening incense (Ex. xxx.
7-8).
2. The incense on the Great Day of Atonement
(Lev. xri. 12).
Braiilie these public sacrifices, there were offer-
inipi of the people for themselves individually ; at
the purification of women (Lev. xii.), the presenta-
tion of the first-born, and circumcision of all male
children, the cleansing of the leprosy (Lev. xiv.) or
tay ancteannesa (Lev. xv.), at the fulfilment of
Sazaritic and other vows (Num. vi. 1-21), on oc-
anaora l of marriage and of burial, &c, 4Vc., besides
the frequent offering of private sin-offerings. These
most have kept up a constant succession of sacri-
fices every day ; and brought the rite home to
rsj man a thought, and to every occasion of
human lite.
(III.) In examining the doctrine of sacrifice, it is
necessary to remember, that, in its development,
he order of idea is not necessarily the same as the
arder of thaw. By the order of sacrifice in its per-
fiet form (as in Lev. viii.) it Is clear that the sin-
adering occupies the most important place, the
tainsi nVwi nig cooes next, and the meat-offering or
p es os a s T i iiu g last of alL The second could only
1* afaVred. after Uk .irs had been accepted; the
Usrd was only a subsidiary port of the second.
Itt. fat actual order of time, it has been seen, that
<ae asstruvchal sacrifices partook much more of
the assure of the peace-offering and burnt-off«ring j
sad that, under the Law, by which was "tbeknow-
SAGBIFICE
107*
ledge of sin " (Horn. iii. 20) the sin-offering was for
the first time explicitly set forth. This is but na-
tural, that the deepest ideas should be the last la
order of development.
It is also obvious, that those, who relieve in the
unity of the O. and N. T„ and the typical nature
of the Mosaic Covenant, must view the type in
constant reference to the antitype, and be prepared
therefore to find in the former vague and recondite
meanings, which are fixed and manifested by the
latter. The sacrifices must be considered, not merely
as they stand in the Law, or even as they might
hare appeared to a pious Israelite; but as the*
were illustrated by the Prophets, and pet fectly in-
terpreted in the N. T. («. g. in the Epistle to the
Hebrews). It follows from this, that, as belonging
to a system which was to embrace all mankind in
its influence, they should be also compared and
contrasted with the sacrifices and worship of God
in other nations, and the ideas which in them were
dimly and confusedly expressed.
It is needless to dwell on the universality of
heathen sacrifices,* and difficult to reduce to any
■ingle theory the various ideas involved therein.
It is clear, that the sacrifice was often looked upon
as a gift or tribute to the gods : an idea which (for
example) runs through all Greek literature, from
the simple conception in Homer to the caricatures
of Aristophanes or Lucisn, against the perversion
of which St. Paul protested at Athens, when he de-
clared that God needed nothing at human hands
(Acta xvii. 25). It is also clear that sacrifices
were used aa prayers, to obtain benefits, or to avert
wrath ; and that this idea was corrupted into the
superstition, denounced by heathen satirists as well
as by Hebrew prophets, that by them thf gods
favour could be purchased for the wicked, or tneir
" envy " he averted from the prosperous. On the
other hand, that they wme regarded as thank-offer-
ings, and the feasting on their flesh as a partaking
of the "table of the gods" (comp. 1 Cor. x. 20,
21), Is equally certain. Nor was the higher idea
of sacrifice, as a representation of the seltuevotion
of the offerer, body and soul, to the god, wholly
lost, although generally obscured by the giusser
and more obvious conceptions of the rite. But,
besides all these, there seems always to have been
latent the idea of propitiation, that is, the belief in a
communion with the gods, natural to man, broken off
in some way, and by sacrifice to be restored. The
emphatic " shedding of the blood," as the essential
part of the sacrifice, while the flesh was often eaten by
the priests or the sacrificer, is not capable of any foil
explanation by any of the ideas above referred to>
Whether it represented the death of the sacrificer, or
(as in cases of national offering of human victims,
and of those self-devoted for their country) an
atoning death for him ; still, in either case, it con-
tained the idea that " without shedding of blood is
no remission," and so had a vague and distorted
glimpse of the great central truth of Revelation.
Such an idea may be (as has been argued) " unna-
tural," in that it could not be explained by natnral
reason; but it certainly was not unnatural, if fre-
quency of existence, and accordance with a deep
natural Instinct be allowed to preclude that epithet.
Now the essential difference between these heathen
views of sacrifice and the Scriptural dctiine of
the 0. T. is not to be found in its aenial of any of
* He Mssjars Ms* os> Ascr, voT. L diss. v.. and Ernst
is Treatise on Oral and Roman oscrUks,
quoted to notes 23, 21, to Thomson's
lata,
Jtasixsrai jLssturts,
1080
8AOBIF1CK
these ideas. The very names used in it for sacri-
fice (as is seen above) involve the conception of the
rite as a gift, a form of worship, a thank-offering, a
•el&dsvotion, and an atonement In fact, it brings
out, dearly and distinctly, the ideas which in hea-
thenism were uncertain, vague, and perverted.
But the essential points of distinction are two.
first, that whereas the heathen conceived of their
gods as alienated in jealousy or anger, to be sought
after, and to be appealed by the unaided action of
man, Scripture represents God Himself as appioach-
ing man, as pointing out and sanctioning the way
by which the broken covenant should, be restored.
This was impressed on the Israelites at every step
by the minute directions of the Law, as to time,
place, victim, and ceremonial, by its utterly dis-
countenancing the "will-worship," which in hea-
thenism found full scope, and rioted in the invention
of costly or monstrous sacrifices. And it is espe-
cially to be noted, that this particularity is increased,
as we approach nearer to the deep propitiatory idea ;
for that, whereas the patriarchal sacrifices generally
seem to have been undefined by God, and even under
the Law, the nature of the peace-offerings, and (to
some extent) the burnt-offerings, wan determined by
the sscrificer only, the solemn sacrifice of Abraham
in the inauguration of his covenant was prescribed
to him, and the sin-offerings under the Law were
most accurately and minutely determined. (See, for
example, the whole ceremonial of Lev. xvi.) It is
needless to remark, how this essential difference
purifies all the ideas above noticed from the corrup-
tions, which made them odious or contemptible,
and sets on its true basis the relation between God
and fallen man.
The second mark of distinction is closely con-
nected with this, inasmuch as it shows sacrifice to
be a scheme proceeding from Ged, and, in His fore-
knowledge, connected with the one central fact of
all human history. It is to be found in the typical
character of all Jewish sacrifices, on which, as the
Epistle to the Hebrews argues, all their efficacy
depended. It most be remembered that, like other
ordinances of the Law, they had a twofold effect,
depending on the special position of an Israelite, as a
member of the natural Theocracy, and on his general
position, as a man in relation with God. On the
one hand, for example, the sin-offering was an
atonement to the national law for moral offences of
negligence, which in " presumptuous," i. t. de-
liberate and wilful crime, was rejected (see Mum.
xv. 27-31 ; and eomp. Hab. x. 26, 27). On the
other hand it had, as the prophetic writings show
us, a distinct spiritual significance, as a means of
expressing repentance and receiving forgiveness,
which could have belonged to it only as a type of the
Great Atonement. How far that typical meaning
was recognized at different periods and by different
parsons, it is useless to speculate : but it would he
impossible to doubt, even if we had no testimony
on the subject, that, in the face of the high spiritual
teaching of the Law and the Prophets, a pious
Israelite must hare felt the nullity of material
sacrifice in itself, and so believed ft to be availing
only as an ordinance of God, shadowing out some
great spiritual truth, or action of His. Nor is it
< boom render this (like later) ' accursed ;" bat the
primitive meaning, "clean," and the usage of the word,
seam stecbrive against this. LXX.«Vy&(*«l Seam. «.«.).
• In Lev. I. «, It Is seat to "alone" (*H>3. i.t. to
- T
*«avar." and so t» " do away;" LXX. i( Juuraeeu). The
SACRIFICE
unlikely that, with more or less distinctness, hi
connected the evolution of this, as of other truths
with the coming of the promised Messiah. But
however this be, we know that in God's pur-
pose, the whole system was typical, that ad its
spiritual efficacy depended on the true sacrifice
which it represented, and could be received only on
condition of Kaith, and that, therefore, it passu)
away when the Antitype was come.
The nature and meaning of the various kinds ol
sacrifice is partly gathered from the form of tbeii
institution and ceremonial, partly from the teaching
of the Prophet*, and partly from the N. T., especi-
ally the Epistle to the Hebrews. All had relation,
under different aspects, to a Coemtmt between God
and man.
The Sin-OFFERINO represented that Covenant as
broken by man, and as knit together again, by God's
appointment, through the " shedding of blood."
Its characteristic ceremony was the sprinkling of
the blood before the veil of the Sanctuary, the pot-
ting some of it on the horns of the altar of incense,
and the pouring out of all the rest at the foot of
the altar of burnt-offering. The flesh was in no
case touched by the offerer; either it was consumed
by fire without the camp, or it was eaten by the
priest alone in the holy place, and everything that
touched it was holy (EHp).* This latter point
marked the distinction from the peace-offering, and
showed that the sncrificer had been rendered un-
worthy of communion with God. The shedding of
the blood, the symbol of life, signified that the
death of the offender was deserved for sin, but that
the death of the victim was accepted for his dVith
by the ordinance of God's mercy. This is seen
most clearly in the ceremonial of the Day of Atone-
ment, when, after the sacrifice of the one goat, the
high-priest's hand was laid on the head of the scape-
goat —which was the other part of the sin-offering —
with confession of the sins of the people, that it
might visibly benr them away, and so bring out
explicitly, what in other tin-offerings was but
implied. Accordingly we find (see quotation from
the Mishna in Outr. Dt Soar. i. c. xv., §10) that,
in all cases, it was the custom for the offerer to lay
his hand on the lieod of the sin-offering, to confess
generally or specially his sins, and to say, " Let Vua
be my expiation." Beyond all doubt the sin-offer-
ing distinctly witnessed, that sin existed in man,
that the •• wages of that sin was death," and thai
God had provided an Atonement by the vicarious
suffering of an appointed victim. The reference ot
the Baptist to i" Lamb of God who taketh away
the sins of the world," was one understood ami
hailed at once by a " true Israelite."
The ceremonial and meaning of the Bornt-
offering were very different The idea of ex-
piation seems not to have been absent from it (for
the blood was sprinkled round about the altar ot
sacrifice) ;• and, before the Levities! ordinance of the
sin-offering to precede it this idea may have been
even prominent But in the system of Leviticus
it is evidently only secondary. The main idea is
the offering of the whole victim to God, representing
(as the laying of the hand on its "lead (hows) the
same word Is used below of the sln-offerlng ; and at*
later Jews distinguished the burnt-offering as atotaag fee
thoughts and designs, the sin-offering for sets of trans-
gnsston. (See Jooiih. Panpnr. on Lav. vL IT. fee, quoted
br OutramJ
KAOhlFICK
of the tacrihW, body and soul, to Him.
TW death of the ricun, w«s (so to speak) an Inci-
jcntal feature, to signify the completeness ot the
devotion ; and it is to be noticed that, in all solemn
ucxifiees, no burnt-offering could be made until a
preview sin-offering had brought the aacrificer
again into covenant with God. The main idea of
tin sacrifice most have been representative, not
ricsrioas, and the best comment upon it is the
exhortation in Bom. zri. 1, "to present our bodies
a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable to God,*'
The Mkat-offehngs, the peace or thank-
efteriag, the first-fruits, be., were simply offerings
to God of Hie own best gifts, as a sign of thankful
anmace, and sa a means of maintaining His service
and His servants. Whether they were regular or
TaJaotarr, individual or national, independent or
subsidiary to other offerings, this was still the lead-
ins; idea. The meat-offering, of flour, oil, and wine,
■ msi ill with salt, and hallowed by frankincense,
was usually an appendage to the devotion implied
in the burnt-offering; and the peace-offerings for
toe people held the same place in Aaron's first
sacrifice (Lev. iz. 22), and in all others of special
s olemnity . The characteristic ceremony in the peace-
odering was the eating of the flesh by the sacrin'cer
(after the fat had been burnt before the Lord, and
the breast and shoulder given to the priests). It
betokened the enjoyment of communion with God
at " the table of the Lord," in the gifts which His
mercy had bestowed, of which a choice portion was
<*%red to Him, to His servants, and to His poor
i« Dent. jot. 28, 29). 'To this view of sacrifice
■llinisii is made by St. Paul in Phil. iv. 18; Heb.
mi. 15, 18. It follows naturally from the other
two.
It is clear from this, that the idea of sacrifice is a
complex idea, involving the propitiatory, the dedi
calory, and the eucharistic elements. Any one of
these, takes by itself, would lesd to error and
superstition. The propitiatory alone would tend
to lb* idea of atonement by sacrifice for sin,
bang afsartnal without any condition of repentance
aad fSutn ; the self-dedicatory, taken alone, ignores
the barrier of sin between man and God, and under-
mines the whole idea of atonement ; the eucharistic
alms leads to the notion that mere gifts can satisfy
God's service, and is easily perverted into the
heatheadsa attempt to - bribe" God by vows and
■earrings. All three probably were more or less
namiied in each sacrifice, each element predomi-
nating in Ha torn: all must be kept in mind in
osaaearing the historical influence, the spiritual
m a ssin g, and the typical value of sacrifice.
Mow the Israelites, while they seem always to
have retained the ideas of propitiation and of eucha-
ristic ofiering, even when they perverted these by
li'iif baslln iiinli superstition, constantly ignored the
•rrf-dedVstiot- which is the link between the two,
■ad which the regular burnt-offering should have im-
pressed apon them as their daily thought and duty.
It is therefore to this point that the teaching of the
l"nab*U is mainly directed ; its key-note is con-
usant in the words of Samuel: " Behold, to obey is
better than sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of
saaai " (1 Sam. zv. 22). So Isaiah declares (as in
i. 10-2U) that " the Lord delights not in the blood
of bullocks, or lambs, or goats;" that to those
who ** ossae to do evil and learn to do wall
saoogh their sine be as scarlet, they shall be white
Jeremiah reminds them (vii. 22, 23)
SACRIFICE
1081
or seen ces ' under Moses, but said, " Obey my
voice, and I will be your God." Kzekiel is full of
indignant protests (see xx. 39-44) against the pol-
lution of God's name by offerings of those whose
hearts were with their idols. Hoeea sets forth
God's requirements (vi. 6) in words which oui
Lord Himself sanctioned : " I desired mercy and
not sacrifice, and the knowledge of God more than
burnt-offerings." Amos (v. 21-27) puts it even
more strongly, that God "hates" their sacrifices,
unless "judgment run down like wnter, and
righteousness like a mighty stream." And Micah
(vi. 6-8) answers the question which lies at the
root of sacrifice, " Wherewith shall I come before
the Lord?" by the words, "What doth the Lord
require of thee, but to do justly, and love mercy,
and walk humbly with thy God?" All these pas-
sages, and many others, are directed to one object —
not to discourage sacrifice, bnt to purify and spiritu-
alize the feelings of the offerers.
The same truth, here enunciated from without,
is recognized from within by the Psalmist. Thus
he says, in Pa. xl. 8-11, " Sacrifice and meat-
offering, burnt-offering and sin-offering, Thou hast
not required;" and contrasts with them the ho-
mage of the heart — " mine ears hast Thou bored,"
and the active service of life — " Lo I I come to da
Thy will, God." In Ps. 1. 13, 14, sacrifice is
contrasted with prayer and adoration (comp. Ps.
cxli. 2) : " Thinkest thou that I will eat bulls' flesh,
and drink the blood of goats? Offer unto God
thanksgiving, pay thy vows to the Most Highest,
and call upon me in time of trouble." In Ps. li.
16, 17, it is similarly contrasted with true re-
pentance of the heart: " The sacrifice of God is s
troubled spirit, a broken and a contrite heart."
Yet here also the next verse shows that sacrifice
was not superseded, but purified : " Then shalt thov
be pleased with burnt-offerings and oblations ; then
shall they offer younr; bullocks upon thine altar."
These passages are correlative to the others, express-
ing the feelings, which these others in God's Name
require. It is not to be argued from them, that the
idea of self-dedication is the main one of sacrifice
The idea of propitiation lies below it, taken for
granted by the Prophets as by the whole people,
but still enveloped in mystery until the Antitype
should come to make all clear. For the evolution
of this doctrine we must look to the N. T. ; the
preparation for it by the Prophets was (so to speak)
negative, the pointing out the nullity of all other
propitiations in themselves, and then leaving the
warnings of the conscience and the cravings of the
heart to fix men's hearts on the better Atonement
to come.
Without entering directly on the great subject
of the Atonement (which would be foreign to the
scope of this artici*), it will be sufficient to refer to
the connexion, ettaclished in the N. T., between it
and the sacrifices of the Mosaic system. To do this,
we neei do little more than analyse the KpUtle to
the Horews, which contains the key of the whole
sacrificial doctrine.
In the first place, it follows the prophetic books
by stating, in the most emphatic terms, the intrinsic
nullity of all mere material sacrifices. The "gifts
and sacrifices" of the first tabernacle could " never
make the sacrificers perfect in conscience " (card
avrtl Sno*ir) ; they were but " carnal ordinances, im-
posed on them till the time of reformation" (ties-
sWeetr) (Heb. ix. 9, 10). The very tact of thru
a>jt taw Lord did not " command burat-offuiegs constant repetition n « !J w prove this imuerfertira.
1082
SACRIFICE
which depends os the fundamental principle, " that
it ii impossible that the blood of" bulb and goat*
should take away sin " (x. 4). But it does not
lead us to infer, that they actually bad no spiritual
efficacy, if offered in repentance and faith. On the
contrary, the object of toe whole Epistle is to show
their typical and probationary character, and to
assert that in rirtue of it alone they had a spiritual
meaning. Our Lord is declared (see 1 Pet, i. 20)
" to hare been foreordained " as a sacrifice " before
the foundation of the world ;" or (as it is more
strikingly expressed in Rev. xiii. 8) " slain from the
foundation of the world." The material sacrifices
represented this Great Atonement, as already made
and accepted in God's foreknowledge ; and to those
who grasped the ideas of sin, pardon, and self-
dedication, symbolized in them, they were means
of entering into the blessings which the One True
Sacrifice alone procured. Otherwise the whole sacri-
fici.il system could hare been only a supeistition
and a snare. The sins provided tor by the sin-
offering were certainly in some cases moral. [See
Sin-Offering.] The whole of the Mosaic de-
scription of sacrifices clearly implies some real spi-
ritual benefit to be derived from them, besides the
temporal privileges belonging to the national theo-
cracy. Just as St. Paul argues (Gal. iii. 15-29)
that the Promise and Covenant to Abraham were of
primary, the Law only of secondary, importance,
so that men had wider the Law more than they had
by the Law ; so it must be said of the Leviticsl
sacrifices. They could convey nothing in them-
selves ; yet, as types, they might, if accepted by a
true, though necessarily imperfect, faith, be means
of conveying in some degree the blessings of the
Antitype.
This typical character of all sacrifice being thus
set forth, the next point dwelt upon is the union in
our Lord's Person of the priest, the offerer, and the
sacrifice. [Phiest.] The imperfection of all sacri-
fices, which made them, in themselves, liable to
superstition, and even inexplicable, lies in this,
that, on the one hand, the victim seems arbitrarily
chosen to be the substitute for, or the representative
of, the sacrificer ;' and that, on the other, if there
be a barrier of sin between man and God, he has no
right of approach, or security that his sacrifice will
be accepted ; that there needs, therefore, to be a
Mediator, i. e. (according to the definition of Heb.
v. 1 It), a true Priest, wno shall, is being One with
man, offer the sacrifice, and accept it, as being One
with God. It is shown that this imperfection, which
necessarily existed in all types, without which indeed
they would have been substitutes, not preparations
lor the Antitype, was altogether done away in Him ;
that in the tint place He, as the representative of
the whole human race, offeicd no arbitrarily-chosen
victim, but the willing sacrifice of His own blood ;
tlint, in the second. He was ordained by God, by a
solemn oath, to be a high-priest for ever, " after the
order of Mclchixedek," one " in all points tempted like
as we are, yet without sin," united to our human
nature, susceptible to its infirmities and trial*, yet,
at the same time, the True Son of God, exalted tar
above all created things, and ever living to make
Inter.sasion in heaven, now that His sacrifice is
over, and that, Id the last place, the barrier between
man and God is by His mediation dona away for
ever, and the Most Holy Place once for all opened
i It may be rantembcrad that de'Kcs, sumeUmcB mm-
Ml acsneUnKS horrible, vere adopted to make list
8ACRIFKJB
toman. All the points, in the doctrine of aaawra
which had before been unintelligible, were thai
made clear.
This being the case, it next follows that all the
various kinds of sacrifices were, each in its measure
repres e ntatives and types of the various aspects a
the Atonement, It is clear that the Atonement, it
this ephrtle, as in the N. T. generally, is viewed in
a twofold light.
On the one hand, it is set forth distinctly as a
vicarious sacrifice, which was t e n dered necessary by
the sin of man, and in which the Lord " bare the
sins of many." It is its essential characteristic,
that in it He stands absolutely a.one, oHering His
sacrifice without any reference to the faith or the
conversion of men — oHering it indeed for those who
" were still sinners" and at enmity with God.
Moreover it is called a " propitiation " {lAar/iir or
iAnrrfjpur, Rom. UL 24 ; 1 John ii. 2) ; a *• ran-
som" (axoAvrpawrit, Rom. iii. 25; 1 Cor. i. 30,<sc);
which, if words mean anything, must imply that it
makes a change iu the relation between God and man,
from separation to union , from wrath to love, and
a change in man's state from bondage to freedom.
In it, then, He stands out alone as the Mediator
between God and man ; and His sacrifice is offered
once for all, never to be imitated or repeated.
Now this view of the Atonement is set forth in
the Epistle to the Hebrews, as typified by the sin.
oHering; especially by that particular sin-oHering
with which the high-priest entered the Most Holy
Place on the Great Day of Atonement (ix. 7-1*2) ;
and by that which hallowed the inauguration of the
Mosaic covenant, and cleansed the vessels of its mi-
nistration (ix. 13-23). In the same way, Christ is
called " our Passover, sacrificed for us" (1 Cor.
v. 7) ; and is said, in even more startling language,
to have been " made sin for us," though He " knew
no sin" (2 Cor. v. 21). This typical relation is
pursued even into details, and our Lord's suffering
without the city is compared to the burning of the
public or priestly sin-offerings without the camp
(Heb. xiii. 10-13). The altar of sacrifice (tWut-
ffTtrptor) is said to have its antitype in His Passion
(xiii. 10). All the expiatory and propitiatory sacri-
fices of the Law are now for the first time brought
into full light. Andthoughtheprinoipleofvicarious
sacrifice still remains, and must remain, a mystery,
yet the fact of its existence in Him is illustrated by
a thousand types. As the sin-offering, though not
the earliest, is the most fundamental of all sacrifices
so the aspect of the Atonement, wnich it symbolisms,
is the one on which all others rest.
On the other hand, the sacrifice of Christ is set
forth to us, as the completion of that perfect obe-
dience to the will of the Father, which if the nntuml
dnty of sinless man, in which He is the repre-
sentative of all men, and in which He calls upon n->.
when reconciled to God, to " take up the Cross and
follow Him." Mn the days of His Mesh He offered
up prayers and supplications ... and was heard, in
that lis feared ; though He were a Son, yet learned
He obedience by the things which He suffered: .
and being made perfect " (by that suffering ; ace
ii. 10), " He became the author of salvation to ail
them that obey Him " (v. 7, 8, 9). In this view
His death is not the principal object; we dwell
rather on His lowly Incarnation, and His life ot
humility, temptation, and suffering, to which that
victim appear willing; and that voluntarr sserKer, ■act
as that of (be ileeU. was held to be the aobiest of aX
tSACBlFKjK
unlk was but ■ fitting clow. In the passage above
nfciiul to the allusion U not to the Cross of Calvary,
bat to tbe agony in Gethsemane, which bowed His
bunma will to the will of Uia Father. The main
■dm of this view of the Atonement is representative,
talker thu vicarious. In the first view the " second
Adas*** undid by His atoning blood the work of evil
which the first Adam did j in the second He, by His
perfect obedience, did that which the first Adam
h& node—, and, by His grace making as like Him-
self, calk) anon as to follow Him in the same path.
This latter view is typified by the burnt-offering :
in respect of which the N. T. merely quotes and
aalonaa the language already cited from the 0. T.,
aad especially (see Heb. x. 6-9) the words of Fa. zl.
C, &&, which contrast with material sacrifice the
" doing the will of God." It is one, which cannot be
dwelt open at all without a previous implication of
the other; as both were embraced in one act, so are
they inseparably connected in idea. Thus it la pot
•artb. in Bom. xiL 1, where the " mercies of God"
(»". c the free sal ration, through the sin-offering of
Christ's blood, dwelt upon in all the preceding part
af the Epistle) are made the ground for calling on
o* " to present oar bodies, a living sacrifice, holy
and acceptable to God," inasmuch as we are all (see
v. 5) one with Christ, and members of His body.
la this tense it is thai we are said to be " crucified
with Christ" (Gal. ii. 20; Rom. vi. 6); to have
» the sufferings of Christ abound in us'' (3 Cor. i.
5); even to "fill up that which is behind" (to.
swraafeara) thereof (CoL i. 24) j and to " be
eaered" (rrsvoarfss) " npon the sacrifice of the
sum" of others (Phil. ii. 17; comp. 2 Tim. rr. 6;
1 Jobs) iii. IS). Aa without the sin-offering of the
Crass, this, oar barnt-ofiering, would be impossible,
so «aa without the burnt-offering the sin-offering
wiD to as be anavsiling.
With these views of our Lord's sacrifice on earth,
as typified in the Levitical sacrifices on the outer
altar, ia also to be connected the offering of His In-
tercession tor us in heaven, which was represented
by Ike mtensi. In the Epistle to the Hebrews, this
part of Hie priestly office is dwelt upon, with parti-
ralav reference to the offering of incense In the Host
Holy Plan by the high-priest an the Great Day of
Atonement (Heb. ix. 24-28; comp. iv. 14-16, vi.
1», 20, viL 25). It implies that the sin-offering
ha* been made once for all, to rend asunder the veil
(of sin) between man and God ; and that the conti-
nual barat-oneriog is now accepted by Him for the
sake of the Great Interceding High^prieet. That
■iliiHssimi is the strength of our prayers, and
" with the smoke of its incense " they rise up to
horns (Her. Tin. 4). [Prates.]
The typical sense of the meat-offering, or peace-
ssTiriiig. * leas connectad with the sacrifice of Christ
Himself, than with those sacrifices of praise, thanks-
giving, charity, and devotion, which we, as Chris-
tians, offer to God, and " with which He is well
' (Heb. xiii. 15, 16) as with "an odour of
smell, a sacrifice acceptable to God" (Phil.
nr. 18). They betoken that, through the peace won
by the sin-offering, we hare already been enable)
to nedioata ourselves to God, and they are, as It
wen, the ornaments and accessories of that self-
BADMJ0EE8
toes
I ia a brief sketch of the doctrine of Sacrifice.
it a seen to have been deeply rooted in men's hearts ;
■si to hare been, from the beginning, accepted and
saaeasssad by God, and made by Him one channel
sfHJsBsyrsUiwi. In virtue of that unction it bad
a value, partly symbolical, partly actual, but in all
respects derived from the one True Sacrifice, tl
which it was the type. It involved toe expiatory,
the self-dedicatory, and the encharistic ideas, each
gradually developed and explained, but all capable
of full explanation only by the light reflected back
from the Antitype.
On the antiquarian part of the subject valuable
information may be found in Spencer, De Zegibm
Hebraeorum, and Outrun, De Sacrificiis. The
question of the origin of sacrifice is treated clearly
on either side by Caber, On the (Dame) Origin cf
Sacrifice, and by Davison, Inquiry into the Origin
of Sacrifice ; and Warburton, Dins. Leg. (b. ix. c 2 ).
On the general subject, see Magee's Dissertation m
Atonement ; tb» Appendix to Tholuck's Treatise on
the Hebrews ; Kurtz, Der AlttestamenUiche Offer-
cuttus, Mitau, 1862 ; and the catalogue of autho-
rities in Winer's Reatvorterb. " Opfer. But it needs
for its consideration little but the careful study of
Scripture itself. [A. B.]
8ADAMTA8 {Sadanias). The name of Shai.-
LDM, one of the ancestors of Ezra, in so written in
3 Bad. 1. 1.
SADAS CApyal ; Alex, 'ktrrai : Arckad,
Azoad (1 Esd. r. 13; comp. Ezr. ii. 12). The
form Sodas is retained from the Geneva Version.
8ADDE'TJ8(AoMa<o»j Alez AoXJaToj: lod-
dens). " Iodo, the chief at the place Casiphia," is
called in 1 Esd. viii. 45, " Saddens the captain, who
was in the place of the treasury." In 1 Esd. viii.
46 the name is written " Daddeus " in the A. V.,
as in the Geneva Version of both passages.
SAD'DUC (2aooofroi: Sadoc). Zados the
high-priest, ancestor of Ezra (1 Esd. viii. "X
SADDUCEES (iatSomaloi : Sadducem •
Matt. iii. 7, zvi. 1, 6, 11, 12, xiii. 23, 34; Mark
xii. 18 ; Luke zx. 27 ; Acts iv. 1, v. 17, xxiii. 6, 7, 8).
A religious party or school among the Jews at the
time of Christ, who denied that the oral law was a
revelation of God to the Israelites, nod who deemed
the written law alone to be obligatory on the
nation, as of divine authority. Although frequently
mentioned in the New Testament in conjunction
with the Pharisees, they do not throw such vivid
light as their great antagonists on the real signi-
ficance of Christianity. Except on one occasion,
when they united with the Pharisees in insidiously
asking for a sign from heaven (Matt. zvi. 1, 4, 6),
Christ never assailed the Sadducees with the same
bitter denunciations which he uttered against the
Pharisees; and they do not, like the Pharisees,
seem to have taken active measures for causing Him
to be put to death. In this respect, and in many
others, they have not been so influential as the
Pharisees in the world's history ; but still they
deserve attentiou, as representing Jewish ideas before
the Pharisees became triumphant, and as illus-
trating one phase of Jewish thought at the time
when the new religion of Christianity, destined to
produce such a momentous revolution in the opinions
of mankind, issued from Judaea.
Authorities. — The sources of information respect-
ing the Sadducees are much the same aa for the
Pharisees. [Phakiskks, p. 885.] There are, how.
ever, some exceptions negatively. Thus, the Sad-
ducees are not spoken of at all in the fourth Gospel,
where the Pliarisees are frequently mentioned, John
vii. 32,45, xi. 47, 57, xviii. 3, viii. 3, 13-16, ix. 18 ;
an omission, « hich, as Geiger suggests, ia not unuu-
1084
SATDUOKK8
purtani in reference to the criticism of the Gospels
'. Prtc/trift and Uebmetzmgm der BiM, p. 1D7).
Moreover, while St. Paul had been a Pharisee and
to the (on of a Pharisee; while Josephus was a
Pharisee, and the Mislina was a Pharisaical digest
sf Pharisaical opinions and practices, not a single
nudoubted writing of an acknowledged Snddueee
has come down to us, so that for an acqaaiiitance
with their opinions we are mainly dependent on
their antagonists. This point should be always
borne in mind in judging their opinions, and forming
an estimate of their character, and its full bearing
will be duly appreciated by those who reflect that
even at the present day, with all the checks against
misrepresentation arising fiom publicity and the
invention of printing probably no relig'ous or poli-
tical party in Kngland would be content to accept
the statements of an opponent as giving a correct
view of its opinions.
Origin of tht nam*. — Like etymologies of words,
the origin of the name of a sect is, in some cases,
almost wholly immaterial, while in other cases it is
of eitreme importance towards understanding opi-
nions which it is proposed to investigate. The
origin of the name Sadddcees is of the latter de-
scription ; and a reasonable certainty on this point
would go far towards ensuring correct ideas respect-
ing the position of the Sadducees in the Jewish State.
The subject, however, is involved in great diffi-
culties. The Hebrew word by which they are
called in the Hiahna is TsanUtm; the plural of
Ttddik, which undoubtedly means "just," or
" righteous," but which is never used in the Bible
except as a proper name, and in the Anglican Version
is always translated "Zadok" (2 K. xv. 33; 2
Sam. viii. 17 ; 1 Chr. vi. 8, 13, &c ; Neh. iii. 4, 29,
it 1 1 ). The most obvious translation of the word ,
th e r t fe re, Ss to call them Zadoks or Zadokites; and
a question would then arise as to why they were so
railed. Tha ordinary Jewish statement is that
they are named from • certain Zadok, a disciple
of the Antigonus of Socho, who is mentioned in
the Mishna ( Avttk i.) as having received the oral
law from Simon the Just, the last of the men of
the Great Synagogue. It is recorded of this Anti-
gonus that he used to say : " Be not like servants
who serve their Master for the sake of receiving a
reward, but be like servants who serve their master
without a view of receiving a reward ;" and the
torrent statement has been that Zadok, who gave
nis name to the Zadokites or Sadducees, misinter-
preted this saying so far, as not only to maintain
the great truth that virtue should be the role of
conduct without reference to the rewards of the in-
dividual agent, but likewise to proclaim the doctrine
that there was no future state of rewards and pu-
nishments. (See Buxtorf, s. v. P^IV ; Lightfoot'a
Hon* Hebraicae on Matth, iii. 8 ; and the Note
of Maimonides in Surenhusius's Mislina, iv. p. 411.)
If, however, the statement is traced up to its ori-
ginal source, it is found that there is no mention of
it either in the Mishna, or in any other part of the
Talmud (Geiger's Urtchrift, *c, p. 105) and that
the first mention of something of the kind is in a small
work by a certain Kabbi Nathan, which he wrote on
BADDLCEKB
the Treatise of the Mishm called the Aritk, or ''Fa
then." But the age in which this Kabbi Nathan lives
is uncertain (Bartolocci, liibtiothtoa Magna Rabbi-
saiga, vol. iii, p. 7701. and the earliest mention o."hhn
■i id a well-known Rabbinical dictionary sailed tht
Aruch,* which was completed about the year 11 OS,
A.D. The following are the words of the above men-
tioned Rabbi Nathan of the AtMA. Adverting to
the passage in the Mishna, already quoted, respect-
ing Antigonus's saying, he observes, "Antigonus
of Socho had two disciples who taught the saying
to their disciples, and these disciples again taught it
to their disciples. At last these began to scrutinise
it narrowly, and said, ' What did our Fathers mean
in teaching this saying f Is it possible that a la-
bourer is to perform his work all the day, and
not receive bis wages in the evening ? Truly, :f
our Fathers had known that there is another world
and a resurrection of the dead, they would net
have spoken thus.' They then began to separate
themselves from the law ; and so there arose two
Sects, the Zadokites and Baithiudans, the former
from Zadok, and the latter from Baithos." Now
it is to be observed on this passage that it does not
justify the once current belief that Zadok himself
misinterpreted Antigonus's saying; and it suggests
no reason why the followers of the supposed new
doctrines should have taken their name from Zadok
rather than Antigonus. Bearing this in mind, in con-
nexion with several other points of the same nature,
such as for example, the total silence respecting any
such story in the works of Joseph as or ra the Talmud ;
the absence of any other special information respect-
ing even the existence of the supposed Zadok ; the
improbable and childishly illogical reasons assigned
for the departure of Zadok's disciples from the Law ;
the circumstance that Rabbi Nathan held the tenets
of the Pharisees, that the statements of a Pharisee
respecting the Sadducees must always be received
with a certain reserve, that Rabbi Nathan of the
AtitM, for aught that has ever been proved to
the contrary, may have lived as long as 1000 years
after the first appearance of the Sadducees as a party
in Jewish history, and that he quotes no authority
of any kind for his account of their origin, it seems
reasonable to reject this Rabbi Nathan's narration as
unworthy of credit. Another ancient suggestion
concerning the origin of the name " Sadducees," is
in Kpiphanioi (jldeertus Haereta, i. 4), who states
that the Sadducees called themse lv es by that name
from " righteousness," the interpretation of the
Hebrew word Zedek ; " and that there was likewise
anciently a Zadok among the priests, but that they
did not continue in tbe doctrines of their chief.
But this statement is unsatisfactory in two respects.
1st. It does not explain why, if toe suggested ety-
mology was correct, the name of the Sadducees was
not Tsaddlkfm or Zaddikites, which would have
been the regular Hebrew adjective for the " Just,"
or "Righteous;" and 2ndly. While it evidently
implies that they once held the doctrines of an
ancient priest, Zadok, who is even called their chief
or master (swurrdViir), it does not directly assert
that there was any connexion between his nam*
and theirs ; nor yet does it say that the coin-
cidence between the two names was accidental.
* .4nKa,orMr«V(^^n>B>e*n«-arnuia)^''or-'srt|uw^
Id order." Tbe author of this work was another Rabbi ' J'Din'S- The treatise Itself was published fa, a tats,
aVhca Ben Jechld, president of tbe Jewish Academy st j translation by F. Tarter, at London, 1857. The origins;
& ass. who died In 110s, *J>. (Bee Bartolocci. rfuX Sato. ] pa-sase respecting Zadok's disciples Is printed by Orient
hf.zen. The reference to Bsbbl Nathan, author of the "a Hebrew, sad translated by turn, Crsowyi. *&. p. to*
SADDUCEES
Moreover, it does not giro infoimncion m to when
Zssok lhred, nor what were thaw doctrines of hit
which the Sadducees once held, bat subsequently
deputed from. The uasatisfsctoriness of Epipha-
■uos'i statement is increased by its being coupled
with an assertion that the Sadducees were a branch
broken off from Doaitheos ; or in other words Schis-
matics from Doaitheus {barimaurita Svrts (Wo
sWi*as 5 ) ; for Doaitheos was a heretic who lived
about the tjne ef Christ (Origen, amtra Celsrnn,
lib. i. e. 17; Clemens, Seoognit. ii. 8; Photius,
BSMoth. e. xxx.), and thus, if Epiphanius was
correct, the opinions characteristic of the Sadducees
•^reproductions of the Christian aera ; a supposition
contrary to the express declaration of the Pharisee
Jossphua, and to a notorious fact of history, the
connexion of Hy ramus with the Sadd ucees more than
100 years before Christ. (See Josephus, Jbt. xiii.
9, §6, and xriii. 1, §2, where observe the phrase lit
t»» srctsv if go/ov. ■ •)■ Hence Epiphanius' s expla-
nation of this origin of the word Sadducees must be
rejected with that of Rabbi Nathan of the Aoith.
la these drcnmstances, if recourse is had to con-
jectore, the first point to be considered is whether the
word is likely to hare arisen from the meaning of
" righteousness/* or from the name of an individual.
This must be decided in favour of the latter sltcr-
sative, inaxmuch.as the word Zadok never occurs in
the Bible, except as a proper name ; and then we are
led to inquire as to who the Zadok of the Sadducees
is likely to have been. . Mow, according to the
muting records of Jewish history, there was one
Zadok of transcendent importance, and only one ;
rii, the pciest who acted such a prominent port at
tw time of David, and who declared in favour of
Solomon, when Abiathar took the part of Adonijah
at successor to the throne (1 K. i. 32-45). This
Zadok eras tenth in descent, according to the ge-
atalcsfes, from the high-priest, Aaron ; and what-
ever may be the correct explanation of the state-
ment in the 1st Book of Kings ii. 85, that Solomon
pot hisn in the room of Abiathar, although on
previous occasion? be bad, when named with him,
Been always mentioned first (2 Sam. xr. 35, xjx.
11; cf. Tui. 17), bis line of priests appears to
have had decided pre-eminence in subsequent his-
tory. Thus, when in 2 Chr. xxxi. 10 Hexekiah is
represented as putting a questiou to the priests and
Levitts generally, the answer is attributed to Axa-
roh, " the chief priest of the house of Zadok:" and
<a tsebel'i prophetic vision of the future Temple,
" the sons of Zadok," and " the priests the Levites
of the scad of Zadok" are spoken of with peculiar
boooor, as those who kept the charge of the sanctuary
of Jehovah, whan the children of Israel went astray
i Ea. xL 46, xlii. 1», xliv. 15, xlviii. 11). Mow, as
the transition from the expression " sons of Zadok,"
*ad "priests of the aasd of Zadok"to Zadokitea
is assy and obvious, and aa in the Acta of the
Aperiies v. 17, H ia said, " Then the high-priest
r-mt, and all they thai vert with him, which i$ the
mci «/ the Saddueeet, and ware filled with indigna-
tion," it has been conjectured by Geiger that the
>aidacees or Zsdokites were originally identical
"•xtt the sons of Zadok, and constituted what may
*r termed a kind of sacerdotal aristocracy ( Ursckrift
te, p. 104). To these were afterwards attached
•<t who for any reason reckoned themselves as
8ADDTJOEE8
1085
♦ ateorassr to the Msdma. S m kt d . tv. x, no one was
* a*aa>* a lac Levtuosl seme, to act as a J'lose In ea-
wbsI Mas, cacept priest*, levius, ara lsnatttts whose
belonging to the aristocracy; such, for example,
ax the families of the high-priest; who had ob-
tained consideration under the dynasty of Herod.
These were for the most part judges,* and indi-
viduals of the official and governing class. New,
although this view of the Sadducees is only
inferential, and mainly conjectural, it certainly
explains the name better than any other, and elu-
cidates at once in the Acts of the Apostles the
otherwise obscure statement that the high-priest,
and those who were with him, were the sect of the
Sadducees. Accepting, therefore, this view till >
more probable conjecture is suggested, some of the
principal peculiarities, or supposed peculiarities of
the Sadducees will now be noticed in detail, although
in such notii-e some points must be touched upon,
which have been already partly discussed in speak-
ing of the Pharisees.
I. The leading tenet of the Sadducees was the
negation of the lending tenet of their opponents.
As the Pharisees asserted, so the Sadducees denied,
that the Israelites were in possession of an Oral
Law transmitted to them by Moses. The manner
in which the Pharisees may have gained acceptance
for their own view is noticed elsewhere in this
work [vol. ii. p. 887] ; but, for an equitable esti-
mate of the Sadducees, it is proper to bear in mind
emphatically how destitute of historical evidence
the doctrine was which they denied. That doctrine
is at the present day rejected, probably by almost all,
if not by all, Christians ; and it is indeed so foreign
to their ideas, that the greater number of Christians
have never even heard of it, though it is older than
Christianity, and has been the support and conso-
lation of the Jews under a sales of the most cruel
and wicked persecutions to which any nation has
ever been exposed during an equal number of cen-
turies. It is likewise now maintained, all over the
world, by those who are called the orthodox Jews.
It Is therefore desirable, to know the kind of argu-
ments by which at the present day, in an historical
and critical age, the doctrine is defended. For this
an opportunity has been given during the last three
yean by a learned French Jew, Grand-Uabbi of the
circumscription of Colmar (Klein, Le Judaume, at
la Vtrititur le Talmud, Mulhouse, 1859), who still
asserts as a fact, the existence of a Mosaic Oral Law.
To do full justice to his views, the original work
should be perused. But it ia doing no injustine to
his learning zni ability, to point out that jot one
of his arguments has a positive historical value.
Thus he relies mainly on the inconceivability (na
will be again noticed in this article) that a Divine
revelation should not have explicitly proclaimed
the doctrine of a future state of rewards and punish-
ments, or that it should hare promulgated law*
left in such an incomplete form, and requiring so
much explanation, and so many additions, aa the
lnws in the Pentateuch. Now, arguments of this
kind may be sound or unsound ; based on reason,
or illogical ; and for many they may have a philo-
sophical or theological value; but they have no
pretence to be regarded as historical, inasmuch u
the assumed premisses, which involve a knowledge
of the attributes of the Supreme Being, and the
manner in which He would be likely to deal with
man, are far beyond the limits of historical verifica-
tion. The nearest approach to au historical argument
dasfhters might marry priests. This agsln tallies sr.tt
the explanation offered In the text, of ibe Sadducees, IS a
ascardotrf •rtstucracy, being " vntli ill, hlgb-prttst."
1080
8ADDUUKE8
I* the following fp. 10) : " In the first plve, nothing
proves better the fact of the existence of the tra-
tition than the belief itself in the tradition. An
entire nation dose not suddenly forget its religions
Ode, its principles, its laws, the daily ceremonies of
*» worship, to such a point, that it could easily be
penuaded that a new doctrine presented by some
impostors m the true and only explanation of its
law, and lias always determined and ruled its appli-
cation. Holy Writ often represents the Israelites
n» a stiff-necked people, impatient of the religions
yoke, and would it not be attributing to them ra-
ther an excess of docility, a too great condescension,
a blind obedience, to suppose that they suddenly
consented to troublesome and rigorous innovations
which some persons might have wished to impose
on them some fine morning ? Such a supposition
destroys itself, and we are obliged to acknowledge
that the tradition is not a new invention, but that
its birth goes back to the origin of the religion ; and
that transmitted from father to son as the word of
flod, it lived in the heart of the people, identified
itself with the blood, and was always considered as
an inviolable authority." But if this passage is
carefully examined, it will be seen that it does sot
supply a single fact worthy of being regarded as a
proof of a Mosaic Oral Law. Independent testi-
mony of persons contemporary with Hoses that he
had transmitted such a law to the Israelites would
be historical evidence ; the testimony of persons in
the next generation as to the existence of such an
Oral Law which their fathers told them came from
Hoses, would have been secondary historical evi-
dence ; but the belief of the Israelites on the point
1200 yean after Hoses, cannot, in the absence of
any intermediate testimony, be deemed evidence of
an historical fact. Moreover, it is a mistake to
assume, that they who deny a Hosaic Oral Law,
imagine that this Oral Law was at some one time,
a* one great system, introduced suddenly amongst
the Israelites. The real mode of conceiving what
occurred is far different. After the return from the
Captivity, there existed probably amongst the Jews
a large body of customs and derisions not contained
in the Pentateuch ; and these had practical authority
over the people long before they were attributed to
Moses. Tneeolyphenotnenonofimportancerequiring
explanation is not the existence of the customs sanc-
tioned by the Oral Law, but the belief accepted by
a certain portion of the Jews that Moses had divinely
revealed those customs as laws to the Israelites.
To explain this historically from written records
is impossible, from the silence on the subject of the
very scanty historical Jewish writings purporting to
be written between the return from the Captivity in
538 before Christ and that uncertain period when
the canon was closed, which at the earliest could
not have been long before the death of Antiochus
Epiphaues, B. C. 164. For all this space of time,
a period of about 374 years, a period as long as
from the accession of Heury VII. to the present
year (1862) we have no Hebrew account, nor in
fact any contemporary account, of the history of the
Jews iu Palestine, except what may be contained in
the short works entitled Ezra and Nehemiah. And
tiia last named of these works does not carry the
• See p, 33 of Assy on tMe Revenues «/ Me Ckvrck
*f angland, by the Her. Morgan Cove, Prebendary of
Hartford, and Rector of Eaton Bishop. Ms pp. Lunoon,
Rivlngton. lain. Third Kdluon. " That do we return
•arm to the original difficulty [the orljin of tithes} to the
■elation of which the strength of human reason Is vne'nuJ.
SAUJJfJUKlS
history much later than cne hundred yem after tV
return from the Captivity : so that tln_re li a long and
extremely important period of more than two cen-
turies and a half before the heroic rising af the
Maccabees, during which there is a total absence of
contemporary Jewish history. In this dearth of
historical materials, it is idle to attempt a positive
narration of the circumstances under which the Oral
Law became assigned to Moses as Ha author. It is
amply sufficient if a satisfactory suggestion is made
as to how it might hare been attributed to Moses,
and in this there is not much difficulty for try one
woo bears in mind how notoriously In ancient times
laws of a much later date were attributed to Minos,
Lycurgus, Solon, and Noma. The nnreasonahleneaa
of supposing that the belief in the Oral traditions
being from Moses must have coincide! in point of
time with the acceptance of the Oral tradition, nu.y
be illustrated by what occurred in England during
the present century. During a period when the
fitness of maintaining the clergy by tithes was
contested, the theory was put forth that the origin
of tithes was to be assigned to " an unrecorded reve-
lation made to Adam."' Now, let us (appose tha;
England was a country as small as Judaea ; that the
English were aa few in number as the Jews of
Judaea must have been in the time of Nehemiah,
that a temple in London was the centre of the English
religion, and that the population of London hardly
ever reached 50,000. [Jkrdsalkm, p. 1025.] Let
us farther suppose that printing was not Invented,
that manuscripts were dear, and that few of the
population could read. Under such eircumstancea
it is not impossible that the assertion of an unre-
corded revelation made to Adam, might have been
gradually accepted by a large religious party $n
England as a divine authority for tithes. If Uiis
belief had continued in the same party during a
period of more than 2000 years, if that party bad
become dominant in the English Church, if for
the first 250 years every contemporary record of
English history became lost to mankind, and if all
previous English writings merely condemned the
belief by their silence, so that the precise date of
the origin of the belief could not be ascertained, we
should have a parallel to the way In which a belief
in a Mosaic Oral Law may possibly have arisen. Yet
it would have been very illogical for an Eng.Uh
reasoner in the year 4000 a. d. to have argued
from the burden and annoyance of paying tithes to
the correctness of the theory that the institution of
tithes was owing to this unrecorded revelation to
Adam. It is not meant by this illustration to
suggest that reasons as specious could be advanced
for such a divine origin of tithes as even for a Mosaic
Oral Law. The main object of the illustration is to
show that the existence of a practice, and the belief
at to the origin of a practice, are two wholly distinct
points ; and that there is no necessary connexion in
time between toe introduction of a practice, and the
introduction of the prevalent belief in its origin.
Under this head we may add that it must nut bo
assumed that the Sadiluoeee, because they rejected
a Mosaic Oral Law, rejected likewise all traditiona
and all decisions in explanation of passages in the
Pentateuch. Although they protested against th»
Nor does there remain any other method of eolvtaa; It, but
by assigning tbe orlgm of the custom, and the peculiar
observance of It, to aome unrecorded revel* A%oa made te
Adam, and by bun and hat dntm ndants aaaweaoowa at
portartty."
SABDUCEES
aweruac, that men points had been divinely settled
by Moses, *hny probably, in nonierous instances,
followed {practically the same traditions as the Pha-
iu& This will explain why in the Mishna spe-
ortc points of difference between the Pharisees and
SuUixms are mentioned, which are so unimportant ;
such, *.g. as whether touching the Holy Scrip-
tural mad* the hands technically " unclean, ' in the
i^ritKsl sense, and whether the stream which flows
■banter is poured from a clean vessel into an un-
dent en is itself technically " clean " or " unclean "
( Taiwn, iv. 6, 7). If the Phaiiaees and Saddueees
had differed en all matters not directly contained in
the Pentateuch, it would scarcely have been neces-
nry to particularize points of difference such as
tone, which to Christians imbued with the ge-
nuine spirit of Christ's teaching (Matt. xv. 1 1 ;
Lab) si. 87-40), most appear so trifling, as
almost to resemble the products of a diseased ima-
gftatfaft**'
II. The second iKrfingnUlihis; doctrine of the Sod-
daoas, the denial of man's resurrection after death,
followed in their conceptions as a logical conclusion
from their denial that Moses had revealed to the
Israelites the Oral Law. For on a point so mo-
mentous as a second lift beyond the grave, no
religious party among the Jews would have deemed
thsanalves bound to accept any doctrine as an
article of nuth,*unless it had been proclaimed by
Musts, their great legislator ; aiu it is certain that
in toe written Law of the Pentateuch there hi a
total absence of any assertion by Moses of the reaur-
reetimof the dead. The absence of this doctrine,
so fsr as it involve* a future state of rewards and
paajshtasBta, is emphatically manifest from the
numerous oectaaon* for its introduction in the Pen-
titeueh, among the promises and threats, the bless-
iop sad corses, with which a portion of that great
work abounds. In the Law Moses is represented
as promising to those who are obedient to the com-
uaaas of Jehovah the most alluring temporal re-
wards, such as success in business, the acquisition
of wealth, fruitful seasons, victory over their
enemies, long life, and freedom from sickness (Deut.
rii 12-15. xxviii. 1-12 ; Ex. xx. 12, iiiii. 25, 26) ;
and he likewise menaces the disobedient with the
mast dreadful evils which can afflict humanity,
with poverty, fell diseases, disastrous and disgrace-
nil daunts, subjugation, dispersion, oppression, and
overpowering anguish of heart (Deut. xxviii. 15-
o»i : but in not a single instance does he call to his
aid the onnsolatkwis and terrors of rewards and
mssbnsBBt* hereafter. Moreover, even in a more
restricted indefinite sense, such as might be in-
Teirai in the transmigration of souls, or in the
^mortality of the soul as believed in by Plato,
ad apparently by Cicero,* then is a similar absence
of any isssw i limi by Moses of a resurrection of the
iesd. Tins met is presented to Christians in a
■acting manner by the well-known words of the
Pentateuch which are quoted by Christ in argu-
ment with the Saddueees on this subject (Ex. iii.
U«; Mark xii. 2«, 27; Matt. xxii. 31, 32; Luke
' Haav other points of dttfcrenje, rttusl snd Juridical,
•'- mnsuaaed in we Qemarss. See Grartz, (HI. pp.
Si4-ls> Bat ft seems unsafe to admit the uemsrss
«■ a sattorttj lor statements respecting the ITurUMs
«J asoawfisrs. Sea, as to the date of those works,
6tirtkfePHASia*Jta.
• Km fa jsasasfaata xxtlL Ttafa treatise was comuused
*Ktto twx years before Cicero's death, snd although a
8ADDU0EK8
1087
tx. 37). It cannot be doubted thn; in such a cast
Christ would quota to his powerful adrenarias tht
most cogent text in the Law ; and yet the text
actually quoted does not do mora than suggest an
inference on this meat doctrine. Indeed it must
be deemed probable that the Saddueees, as they did
not acknowledge the divine authority of Christ,
denied even the logical validity of the inference,
and argued that the expression that Jehovah was
the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the
God of Jacob, did not necessarily mean more than
that Jehovah had been the God of those patriarchs
while they lived on earth, without conveying a
suggestion, one way or another, as to whether they
were or were not still living elsewhere. It is true
that in other parts of the Old Testament there are
individual passage* which express a belief In a
resurrection, such if in Is. xxvi. 19, Dan. xii. 2,
Job xix. 26, and in some of the Psalms ; and it may
at first sight he a subject of surprise that the Sad-
dueees were not convinced by the authority of those
passages. But although the Saddueees regarded the
books which contained these passages as sacred, it
is more than doubtful whether any of the Jew"
regarded them as sacred in precisely the same setre
as the written Law. There is a danger here of con-
founding the ideas which are now common amongst
Christians, who regard the whole ceremonial law
as abrogated, with the idess of Jews alter the time
of Ezra, while the Temple was still standing, or
even with the ideas of orthodox modern Jews. To
the Jews Moses was and is a colossal Form, pre-
eminent in authority above all subsequent prophets.
Not only did his series of signs and wonders in
Egypt and at the Ked Sea transcend in magnitude
and brilliancy thorn of any other holy men in the
Old Testament, not only was he the centre in
Mount Sinai of the whole legislation of the Israel-
ites, but even the mode by which divine communi-
cations were made to him from Jehovah was
peculiar to him alone. While others were ad-
dressed in visions or in dreams, the Supreme Being
communicated with him alone mouth to mouth and
face to fin* (Num. xii. 6, 7, 8; Ex. xxxiH. 11 ;
Deut. T. 4, xxmV. 10-12). Hence scarcely any Jew
would hare deemed himself bound to believe in
man's resurrection, unless the doctrine had been
proclaimed by Moses; and as the Saddueees dis-
believed the transmission of any Oral Law by Moses,
the striking absence of that doctrine from the written
law freed them from the necessity of accepting the
doctrine as divine. It is not meant by this to deny
that Jewish believers in the resurrection had their
faith strengthened and confirmed by allusions to a
resurrection in scattered passages of the other sacred
writings; but then these passages were read and
interpreted by means of the central light which
streamed from the Oral Law. The Saddueees, how-
ever, not making use of that light, would have
deemed all such passages' inconclusive, as being,
indeed, the utterances of holy men, yet opposed to
other texts which had equal claims to be pro-
nounced sacred, but which could scarcely be sup-
dialogue, may perhaps lie accepted ss expressing his phi-
losophical opinions respeclng lot Immortality of the sooi
He hsd held, however, very different language In lite
orstlun pro Clumtio, cap. Ixt, In a psasssje wntefc is s
striking proof of the popular belief at Rome In his tana
See also Sallust, Paiain. li. ; Juvenal, ii. 14*' and lima
the Elder vU. U
1088
SADTOJ0EK8
posed to have been written by men who bettered ts
a renrrection (Is. xxxviii. 18, 19; Pa, Ti. 5, xxx.
», lxxxvni. 10, 1 1, 12 ; Eedes. ix. 4-10). The real
truth seems to be that, ss in Christianity the doc-
trine of the resurrection of man rests on belief in
the resurrection of Jesus, with subsidiary arguments
drawn from texts in the Old Testament, and from
man's instincts, aspirations, and moral nature ; so,
admitting fully the same subsidiary arguments, the
doctrine of the resurrection among Pharisees, and
the ta n t m irt generations of orthodox Jews, and
the orthodox Jews now living, has rested, and rests,
on a belief in the supposed Oral Law of Hoses. On
this point tne statement of the learned Grand-Rabbi
to whom allusion has been already made deserves
particular attention. " What causes most sur-
prise in perusing the Pentateuch is the silence
which it seems to keep respecting the most funda-
mental and the most consoling truths. The doc-
trines of the immortality of the soul, and of retri-
bution beyond the tomb, are able powerfully to
fortify man against the violence of the passions and
the seductive attractions of vice, and to strengthen
nis steps in the rugged path of virtue : of them-
selves they smooth all the difficulties which are
raised, all the objections which are made, against
the government of a Divine Providence, and account
for the good fortune of the wicked and the bad
fortune of the just. But man searches in vain for
these truths, which he desires so ardently ; he in
vain devours with avidity each page of Holy Writ;
he does not rind either them, or the simple doctrine
of the resurrection of the dead, explicitly announced.
Nevertheless truths so consoling and of such an
elevated order cannot have been passed over in
silence, and certainly God has not relied on the
mere sagacity of the human mind in order to an-
nounce them only implicitly. He has transmitted
them verbally, with the meant of finding them in
the text. A supplementary tradition was necet-
tary, indispensable : tAtt tradition exists. Motet
received tit Lav from Sinai, transmitted it to
Joshua, Joshua to the elders, the elders trans-
mitted it to the prophets, and the prophets to the
men of the great synagogue" (Klein, Le Judaisms
ou la Viritiswle Talmud, p. 16).
In connexion with the disbelief of a resurrection
by the Sadducees, it is proper to notice the state-
ment (Acts xxiii. 8) that they likewise denied there
was " angel or spirit." A perplexity arises as to
the precise sense in which this denial is to be
understood. Angels are so distinctly mentioned in
the Pentateuch and other books of the Old Testa-
ment, that it is hard to understand how those who
acknowledged the Old Testament to hare divine
authority could deny the existence of angels (see
Gen. xvi. 7, xix. 1, xxii. 11, xxviii. 12 ; Ex. xxiii.
20; Num. xxii. 23; Judg. xdii. 18; 2 Sam. xxiv.
16, and other passages). The difficulty is increased
by the fact that no such* denial of angels is recorded
of the Sadducees either by Josephus, or in the
Ifishua, or, it is said, in any part of the Taltnudical
writings. The two principal explanations which
nave been suggested are, either that the Sadducees
regarded the angels of the Old Testament as tran-
sitory unsubstantial representations of Jehovah, or
that they disbelieved, not the angels of the Old
Testament, but merely the angelical system which
had become developed in the popular belief of
the Jews after their return from the Bebyionisn
Cspiirit; (licrzfdd, Oeschichte da Voltes Israel,
BADDDOEK8
isL 364). Either of th*e esphuuons may pos-
sibly be correct; and the first, although that
are numerous texts to which it did not Jr-ply,
would have received some countenance from pas-
sages wherein the same divine appearance which si
one time is called the " angel of Jehovah " is after-
wards called simply " Jehovah ' (see the instsnen
pointed out by Gesenius, s. t. 7|K7D, Gen. xvi. 7,
13, xxii. 11, 12, xxxi. 11, 16 ; Ex." Hi. 2,4; Jadg.
vi. 14, 22, xiii. 18, 22). Perhaps, however, so-
other suggestion is admissible. It appears from
Acta xxiii. 9, that some of the scribes on the shit
of the Pharisees suggested the possibility of a spin!
or an angel having spoken to St. Paul, on the ver)
occasion when it is asserted that the Sadducea
denied the existence of angel or spirit. Now the
Sadducees may have disbelieved in the occurreoor
of any such phenomena in their own time, although
they accepted all the statements respecting angra
in the Old Testament ; and thus the key to tie
assertion in the 8th verse that the Sadducees denial
" angel or spirit " would be found exclusively is
the 9th verse. This view of the Sadducees may U
illustrated by the present state of opinion anwo;
Christians, the great majority of whom do not is
any way deny the existence of angels as recorded
in the Bible, and yet they certainly Oisbdieve that
angels speak, at the present day, even to the mot!
virtuous and pious of mankind.
III. The opinions of the Sadducees respecting the
freedom of the will, and the way in which those
opinions are treated by Josephus {Ant. xiii. 5,
§9), have been noticed elsewhere [PHABixsfX,
p. 895], and an explanation has been there sug-
gested of the prominence given to a difference it
this respect between the Sadducees and the Phari-
sees. It may be here added that possibly the gresi
stress laid by the Sadducees on the freedom of tb»
will may have had some connexion with their
forming such a large portion of that cum
from which criminal judges were selected. JewWi
philosophers in their study, although they knew
that punishments as an instrument of good wen
unavoidable, might indulge in reflections that
man seemed to be the creature of circumstances
and might regard with compassion the punishnxnu
inflicted on individuals whom a wiser moral train-
ing and a more happily balanced nature might hsvt
made useful members of society. Those Jews whs
were almost exclusively religious teachers would
naturally insist on the inability of man to do sou-
thing good if God's Holy Spirit were taken away
from him (Ps. li. 11, 12), and would enlarge on
the perils which surrounded man from the tempta-
tions of Satan and evil angels or spirits (1 Chr. xxi.
1 ; Too. iii. 17). But it Is likely that the ten-
dencies of the judicial class would be more practical
and direct, and more strictly in accordance with
the ideas of the Levitkal prophet Exeioel (xxxiii.
11-19) in a well-known passage in which be gives
the responsibility of bad actions, and seems to at-
tribute the power of performing good actions, exclu-
sively to the individual agent. Hence the sentiment
of the lines—
" Our acts our Angels sre, or good or M,
Our faUl sbsdows that walk by us still"
would express that portion of truth on which the
Sadducees, in inflicting punishments, would dwell
with most emphasis : and ss, in some sense, the;
disbelieved in angels, these linen have • nsjenlns
HAUDU0EE8
daim to be regnrded as a correct exponent of
Sadduceao thoug&v.' And jet perhaps, if writings
were extant in which the Sadducees explained their
o*u idea*, we might find that they reconciled these
principles, a* we may be certain that Ezekiel did,
with other passages apparently of a different impurt
ia the Old Testament, and that the line of de-
marcation between them and the Pharisees was not,
in theory, so Tery sharply marked as the account
of Jwephns would lead us to suppose.
IV. Some of the early Christian writers, snch as
Epphanins (JIaeret. xiv.), Origen, and Jerome (in
their respective Commentaries on Matt. xxii. 31,
32, 33) attribute to the Sadducees the rejection of
all the Sacred Scriptures except the Pentateuch.
Snch rejection, if true, would undoubtedly constitute
a most important additional difference between the
fssMuoaes and Pharisees. The statement of these
Christian writers is, however, now generally ad-
Bitted to have been founded on a misconception of
the troth, and probably to have arisen from a con-
fusion of the Sadducees with the Samaritans. See
Lightfcot's Horae Hcbraime on Matt. iii. 7;
Herxfeld's Oachichte de$ Volka Israel, ii. 363.
■nepbos ia wholly silent as to an antagonism on
this point between the Sadducees and the Pha-
risees; and it is absolutely inconceivable that on
the three several occasions when he introduces
as account of the opinions of the two sects, he
should hare been silent respecting such an antagon-
ism, if it had really existed {Ant. xiii. 5, §9, xviii.
1, ^3; B. J. ii. 8, §14). Again, the existence of
men a momentous antagonism would be incompa-
tible with th* manner in which Josephus speaks of
Jsbn Hyreaxrus, who was high-priest and king
of Judaea thirty-one yean, and who nevertheless,
taring been prerioasly a Pharisee, became a Sad-
oncse towards the close of his life. Tnis Hyrcanus,
*ha died about 106 B.C., had been so inveterately
hostile to the Samaritans, that when about three
nan before his death, he took their city Samaria,
he rand it to the ground ; and he is represented to
have dag caverns in various parts of the soil in
order to sink the surface to a level or slope, and
then to hare diverted streams of water over it, in
order to efface marks of such a city having ever
"■rated. If the Sadducees had come so near to the
SanaritaiB as to reject the divine authority of all
the books of the Old Testament, except the Pen-
tllench, it is very unlikely that Josephus, after
iseatkwing the death of Hyrcanus, should have
listen of him as he does in the following manner: —
" He was esteemed by God worthy of three of the
restart pririleges, the government of the nation,
the dignity of the high priesthood, and prophecy.
For God was with him, and ene bled him to know
fetare events." Indeed, it may be inferred from
this passage that Josephus did not even deem it a
natter of ntal importance whether a high-priest
was a Saddocee or a Pharisee— n latitude of tolera-
orm which we may be confident he wonld not have
indulged in, if the divine authority of all the books
<* the Old Testament, except the Pentateuch, had
hsei at stake. What probably had more influence
than anything else in occasioning this misconception
Bneetiag the Sadducees, was the circumstance that
SADDUCEES
1086
' The taeeeArw noes woaM be equally apptteabte. If,
MtoMtasambablr. use Haonaeeea Ukrwlss njw*<d the
Chi iwessj belief to astrology, so common among foe, Jew*
assCansnaas af th* Mddlr Afas —
in arguing with them on the doctrine of a future life,
Christ quoted from the Pentateuch only, although
there are stronger texts in favour of the doctrine ia
some other books of the Old Testament. But pro-
bable reasons have been already assigned why Christ
in arguing on this subject with the Sadducees re-
ferred only to the supposed opinions ol Moses rather
than to isolated passages extracted from the produc-
tions of any other sacred writer.
V. In conclusion, it may be proper to notice a
fact, which, while it accounts for misconceptions of
early Christian writers respecting the Sadducees, is
on other grounds well worthy to arrest the atten-
tion. This fact is the rapid disappearance of the
Sadducees from history after the first century, and
the subsequent predominance among the Jews of
the opinions of the Pharisees. Two circumstances,
indirectly, but powerfully, contributed to produce
this result: 1st. The state of the Jews after the
capture of Jerusalem by Titus; and 2ndly. The
growth of the Christian religion. As to the fiist
point it is difficult to over-estimate the consterna-
tion and dismay which the destruction of Jerusalem
occasioned in the minds of sincerely religious Jews.
Their holy city was in ruins ; their holy and beau-
tiful Temple, the centre of their worship and their
love, had been ruthlessly burnt to the ground, and
not one stone of it was left upon another: their
magnificent hopes, either of an ideal king who was
to restore the empire of David, or of a Son of Man
who was to appear to them in the clouds of heaven,
seemed to them for a while like empty dreams ; nnd
the whole visible world was, to their imagination,
black with desolation and despair. In this their houi
of darkness and anguish, they naturally turned to
the consolations and hopes of a future state, and the
doctrine of the Sadducees that there was nothing
beyond the present life, would have appeared to
them cold, heartless, and hateful. — Again, while they
were sunk in the lowest depths of depression, a new
religion which they despised as a heresy and a super-
stition, of which one of their own nation was the
object, and another the unrivalled missionary to the
heathen, was gradually making its way among the
subjects of their detested conquerors, the Romans.
One of the causes of its success was undoubtedly the
vivid belief in the resurrection of Jesus, and a con-
sequent resurrection o>' all mankind, which was
accepted by its heathen converts with a passionate
earnestness, of which those who at the present day
are familiar from infancy with the doctrine of the
resurrection of the dead can form only a hunt idea.
To attempt to check the progress of this new re-
ligion among the Jews by an appeal to the tem-
porary rewards and punishments of the Pentateuch,
would have been as idle as an endeavour lo
check an explosive power by onJ'sary mechanical
restraints. Consciously, therefore, or unconsciously,
many circumstances combined to induce the Jews,
who wer» uot Pharisees, but who resisted the
new heresy, to rally round the standard of the
Oral Law, and to assert that their holy legislator,
Moses, had transmitted to his faithful people by
word of mouth, although not in writing, the reve-
lation of a future state of rewards and punishment*
A great belief was thus built up on a great fictim
I
" Man Is Us own Star; and the soul that can
Bender an honest and a perfect man,
Command* sit light, all Influence, all fate:
NotJMnv to htm falls early, or too lats. M
Vumiasa'a Lines " Upm an Ifonnt Man'i Arfwu
4 A
1090
SADOU
sarly taaJrrie; and custom supplied the place of evi-
dence ; faith in «i imaginary tact produced lesulta aa
striking aa ooula hare flowed from the fact itself;
and this doctrine of a Mosaic Oral I-aw, enshrining
convictions and hopes deeply rooted in the human
heart, has triumphed for nearly 1800 yean in
the ideas of the Jewish people. This doctrine, the
pledge of eternal life to them, as the resurrection
or* Jesus to Christians, is still maintained by the
majority of our Jewish contemporaries ; and it will
probably continue to be the creed of millions long
after the piesent generation of mankind has passed
away from the earth.! [E. T.]
SA'DOC (Sadoeh). 1. Zadok the ancestor of
Ezra (2 Esd. i. 1 ; co'mp. Ear. vii. 2).
2. (SoW: Sadoc.) A descendant of Zerubbabel
in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Matt. i. 14).
8AFFBON (Dins, canim: Kpimt: crocus)
ta mentioned only in Cant. iv. 14 with other odorous
substances, such as spikenard, calamus, cinnamon,
Jkf. ; there is not the slightest doubt that '* saffron "
n th» correct rendering of the Hebrew word ; the
Arsk_c Kwkum is similar to the Hebrew, and de-
notes the Crocus tativtu, or " saffron crocus."
Saffron lias from the earliest times been in high
esteem as a perfume: " it was used," says Rosen-
miiller (Bib. Sot. p. 138), " for the same purposes
as the modern pot-pourri." Saflron was also used
in seasoning dishes (Apicius, p. 270), it entered
into the composition of many spirituous extracts
which retained the scent (see lleckmanu's Hist, of In-
tent, i. p. 17ft, where the whole subject is Tery fully
discussed). The part of the plant which was used
was the stigma, which was pulled out of the flower
ind then dried. Dr. Koyle says, that " some-
times the stigmas are prepared by being submitted
to pressure, and thus maile into cake saflron, a
form in which it is still imported from Persia into
India." Hasselquist (Trav. p. 36) states that in
certain places, as around Magnesia, large quantities
of saflron are gathered and exported to different
places in Asia and Europe. Kitto (PAyt. Hist, of
hilesi. p. 321) says that the Satiiower (Cartha-
mus tinctorins), a rery different plant from the
crocus, is cultivated in Syria tor the sake of the
dowers which are used in dyeing, but the Karkiin
no doubt denotes the Crocus sativus. The word
saffron is derived from the Arabic Znfran, '* yellow."
This plant gives its name to Safl'ron-Walden, in
Essex, where it is hugely cultivated : it belongs to
the Natural Order Iridaceae. [W. H. j
SA'LAiSsAst: Sale). Salah, or Shelah, the
father of Eber (l.uke iii. 35).
SA'LAH(r$£>: SoAd: Salt). The son of Ar-
phsxad and father" of Eber (Geo. z. 24, a. 12-14;
Luke iii. 35). The name is significant of extension,
the cognate verb being applied to the spreading out
of the roots and branches of trees (Jer. xvii. 8 ;
Ex. xvii. 6). It thus seems to imply the historical
tact of the gradual extension of a branch of the
.Semitic race from its original seat in Northern
A~vria towards the river Euphrates. A place with
a similar name in Northern Mesopotamia is noticed
by Syrian writers ( Knobel, is Gen. xi.) ; but we
sin Germany and elsewhere, some or the most learned
Jewi&lsbeMeveuiaMosatcOnlLaw; and Judaism seems
rlp» lo enter on a new phase. Based on too Old Te»>-
mrnt. Ml svoktrog the mistakes or the Ktrsiua. It mlitM
all.", have a ureal futon ; but whet's* .1 snukt last
tSALABOB
can hardly assume its identity wiji the 8skh si
the Bible. Ewald (GescA. i. 354) and Von Bohisn
(Jntrod. to Qen. ii. 205) regard the name as
purely fictitious, the former explaining it as a sow
or offspring, the latter as the talker of a root.
That the name is significant does not prove it
fictitious, and the conclusions drawn by these writers
are unwarranted. [W. L. B.J
SAL' AMIS (SoAcutlf : Salamis), a city at tht
east end of the island of Cyprus, and the first plaot
visited by Paul and Barnabas, on the first miasionan
journey, after leaving the mainland at Seleucia.
Two lessons why they took this course obviously
suggest themselves, viz. the fact that Cyprus (and
probably Salamis) was tne native-place of Barnabas,
and the geographical proximity ot this end of the
island to Antioch. But a further reason is indi-
cated by a circumstance in the narrative (Acts xiii.
5). Here alone, among all the Greek cities rented
by St. Paul, we read expressly of" synagogue in
the plural. Hence we conclude that there were many
Jews in Cyprus. And this is in harmony with
what we read elsewhere. To say nothing of pos-
sible mercantile relations in very early times [Chit-
tim ; Cyprus], Jewish residents in the is! .ml
are mentioned during the period when the Sceu-
cidae reigned at Antioch ( 1 Mace xr. 23). In the
reign of Augustus the Cyprian copper-mines were
farmed to Heiod the Great (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 4,
§5), and this would probably attract many Hebrew
families: to which we may add evidence to the
same eflVct from Philo (Legal, ad Canon) at th<
very time of St, Paul's journey. And again at a
later period, in the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian,
we are informed of dreadful tumults here, caused
by a vast multitude of Jews, in the course of which
"the whole populous city of Salamis became a
desert" (MihWs HM. of the Jem, iii. HI, 112).
We may well believe that from the Jews of Salamis
came some of those early Cypriote Christians, who
are so prominently mentioned in the account of the
rirst spreading of the Gospel beyond Palestine ^AcU
xi. 19, 20), even before the first missionary expe-
dition. Mnason (xxi. 16) might be one of than.
Nor ought Mark to be forgotten here. He was at
Salamis with Paul, and his own kinsman Barnabas ;
and again be was there with the same kinsman aftei
the misunderstanding with St. Paul and the separa-
tion (xv. 39).
Salamis was not tar from the modern Fama-
gousta. It was situated near a river called the
Pediaeus, on low ground, which ia in fact a cott-
tin'iation of the plain running up into the interior
towards the place where Nicosia, the present capital
of Cyprus, stands. We must notice in regard to
Salamis that its harbour is spoken of by Greek
writers as very good ; and that one of the ancient
tables lays down a road between this city and
Paphos, the next place which Paul and Banxab-w
visited on their journey. Salamis again haa rath*
an eminent position in subsequent Christian hiatal v
Constantine or his successor rebuilt it, and called a,
Constantia ("Salamis. quae nunc Constantia dt-
citur," Hieronym. l'liilem.), and, while it nasi Una
name, Kpipbanius was one of its bishops.
•nother lsoc years with the belief In a mm* Ufa, aa a
revealed doctrine, depending not on s miuj sis td reve-
lation by Moses, tot solely on Kstmd texts us taw
Hebrew Scrrstcns, Is sn mlersstlng nbject ft* eyas
illation.
KALASADAI
Of the travellers who hare Tinted and described
BnWas, we must particularly mention Pooocke
(toe. if lit East, fi. 214) and Bon (Own aoe*
Its, AaSknoaMM, JModo*. wan* Optr*. 118-125).
Thai* travellers notice. In the neighbourhood of
■^knii, a village named St. Sergnu, which ia
bohuasi a reminiscence of Sergius Paulus, and a
iiige Byzantine church bearing the name of St.
Btnubat, and associated with a legend concerning
bW <fi*covery of his relics. The legend will be
ModmCedrenusO. 618, ed. Bonn). [Barnabas;
Stroma Paulcs.] [J. S. H.]
BALA8ADA1 (ZaAswvoat, lapaaaXat, Soi;e<-
nti'u a variation for Swritadai (ZovpicoJot, Num.
k*> is Jni. viii. 1. [Zurishaddai. J [B. F. W.]
8ALATHIEL (Wffl»: 3oAa»rijA: 5a-
.'sVUW: " I bare asked God"'*), son of Jechonias
liag tf Jndah, and &ther of Zorobabel, according
to Matt. i. 12 ; bnt son of Neri, and father of
Ztrobabd, according to Luke iii. 27 ; while the
rsssnogy ia 1 Chr. iii. 17-19, leaves it doubtful
whether he is the son of Astir or Jechonias, and
nakts Zorobabel his nephew. [Zerubbabel.]
Cpos the ineootroiertiblc principle that no gene-
iViev would assign to the true son and heir of a
UOC any inferior and private parentage, whereas,
on the contrary, the son of a private person would
utura&T be placed in the royal pedigree on his
•K-onuag the rightful heir to the throne ; we may
•■eft, with the utmost confidence, that St. Luke
j.t«s cs the true state of the cue, when he informs
■> ttat Salathiel was the son of Neri, and a de-
acadaat of Nathan the son of David.* And from
iii oserboo in the royal pedigree, both in 1 Chr.
sad SL Matthew's gospel, after the childless
Jtenwtoa* we infer, with no less confidence, that,
x tat failure of Solomon's line, he was the next
vj to the throne of David. The appearance of
■»kibiel ia the two pedigrees, though one deduces
"•"* oacent from Solomon and the other from
Vxtaaa, is thus perfectly simple, and, indeed, neces-
euv; wbenas the notion of Salathiel being called
N'm'i am, as Tardley and others hare thought,
boast he married Neri's daughter, is palpably
tetanl en the supposition of his being the son of
Jedanuss. On this last principle you might have
eat two but about a mill** different pedigrees
■*•«»« Jechonias and Christ ;* and yet yon nave
» rsBsaal account, why there should actually be
ante than one. It may therefore be considered as
wnw, that Salathiel was the ton of Neri, and the
•nr ef Jechetuah. The question whether he was
■to father of Zerubbabel will be considered under
<ss* article.* Besides the passages already cited,
sentinel oeeurs in 1 Bsdr. v. 5, 48, 56, vi 2 :
J &dr. r. 16.
At lerards the orthography- of the name, it has,
8ALOHAH
vrn
W 1 6am. L JO. », 28. Bee
>— IS tot r t 6tor Lmrtt Jaw**.
' It Is sank aodac that Jooephos speaks of Zorobabel
■ -thetenor.dalathiei.ot the posterity of David, and of
ito!rihiofJadsb"(X^.i1.s,}10). Had he believed him
<• *t IM am of Jeeontah, of whom be bad spoken (a. 1 1, *2),
wtoeklaarar/haveEaUed to My to. Onnp.x.T,,l.
**0(Jed»osdaaQoa'iware that be should die leaving
tdoMaetaisIrdDi; wherefore It were fist alheisD to
*■ >ilksDatarslljbscamel»iteTtoaslaUilel. Though.
* lent ssa) tarter toft as Sslatnlel't fcunily up to Nathan,
Woman, to show that Manuel was of
p. «o**s oath sboaJd make us keiirve that,
• (t to wthtt n , «< tsaw.V
as noted above, two forms in Hebiew. The con-
tracted form is peculiar to Haggai, who uses :t
three times out of five ; while in the first and last
verse of his prophecy he uses the full form which
is also found in Ear. iii. 2 ; Neh. xii. 1. The LXX.
everywhere hnre JoAofii^X, while the A. V. has
(probably with an eye to correspondence with Matt.
and Luke) Salathiel in 1 Chr. iii. 17, but everywhere
else in the 0. T. Shealtiel. [Genealogy of
Jesus Chbist; Jehohchin.] [A. C. H."j
SALCAH' (1T^>D : 3eitx«», "*X<*. *«A«i
Alex. EAx«> Ao-«\x°. 2«*.Jf.o: Saiecha, Salacha).
A city named in the early records of Israel as th»
extreme limit of Bashan (Dent. iii. 10; Josh. xlii.
1 1) and of the tribe of Gad (1 Chr. v. 11). On
another occasion the name seems to denote a district
rather than a town (Josh. xii. 5). By Eusebius
and Jerome it ia merely mentioned, apparently
without, their having hud any real knowledge of it.
It is doubtless identical with the town ofSiikhad,
which stands at the southern extremity of the Jebel
Hauran, twenty miles S. of Kwawat (the ancient
Kenath), which was the southern outpost of the
Leja, the Argob of the Bible. Silkhad is named
by both the Christian and Mahomedan historians of
the middle ages (Will, of Tyre, xvi. 8, " Selcath j"
Abulfeda, in Schultens' Index gtogr. " Sarchad").
It was visited by Burckhardt {Syria, Nov. 22,
1810), Seetxen and others, and more recently by
Poi-ter, who describes it at some length (Pice Tears,
ii. 176-1 16). Its identification with Salcah appears
to be due to Geaenius 'Burckbardt's Ream, 507).
Immediately below Silk/tad commences the plain
of the great Euphrates desert, which appears to
stretch with hardly an undulation from here to
Biara on the Persian Gulf. The town is of consi-
derable sise, two to three miles in circumference,
surrounding a castle on a lofty isolated hill, which
rises 300 or 400 feet above the rest of the place
(Porter, 178, 179). One of the gateways of the
castle bears an inscription containing the date of
A.D. 246 (180). A still earlier date, vis. A.n. 196
(Septimius SeverusJ, is found on a grave-stone
(185). Other scanty particulars of its later history
will be found in Porter. The hill on which the
castle stands was probably at one time a crater, and
its sides are still covered with volcanic cinder and
blocks of lava. [G.]
SAL'CHAH(nata: 'EA X «: Selcha). The
form in which the name, elsewhere more accu-
rately given Salcah, appears in Deut. iii. 10
only. The Targwn Pseudofon. gives it N'plPD
I. e. Selucia; though which Seleucia they can hare
supposed was here intended it i> difficult to
imugine. [G.]
• Sse a carious calculation In Bbukstose's Cownurt.
Ii. 103, that In the loth degree of ancestry every mau has
above a million of ancestors, and In the 40th upwards of a
million millions.
• The theory of two Salathlelt, of whom each bad a
son called Zerubbabel. though adopted by Hottlnger and.
J. O. Votslus, Is scarcely worth mentioning, except as a
curiosity.
< One of the few Instances of oar t r a n s i s tor s baying
represented the Hebrew Caph by C. Insn-oooxDxnpnr-
nos Is to use oh for It— as indeed they haw dona on one
occurrence of this vary name. [Salc-hah ; and coropera
Oaua; CAraroa; Caasnu,; Ooxsij Cuan.Jr&)
* A 8
llK<2 -Al.KM
SA'LKM (D^, i. e. Shalem : 2oA«u : Sifem).
1. Thr place of which Melchizedek was kin; (Gen.
dr. 18 ; Heb. vii. 1,2). No satisfactory identifica-
tion of it n perhaps possible. The indications of the
narrative are not sufficient to give any clue to its
position. It is not even safe to infer, as some hare
lone,* that it lay between Damascus and Sodom ;
.•r though it is (aid that the king of Sodom — who
had probably regained his own city after the retreat
A the Assyrians — went ont to meet (DKTpp) *
Abram, yet it is also distinctly stated that this was
after Abram had returned (ta«5> nntt) from the
slaughter of the kings. Indeed, it i» not certain
that there is any connexion of time or place between
A brum's encounter with the king of Sodom and the
appearance of Melchizedek. Nor, supposing this
hist doubt to be dispelled, is any clue afforded by the
mention of the Valley of Shaveh, since the situation
even of that is more than uncertain.
Dr. Wolff — no mean authority on Oriental ques-
tions — in a striking passage iu his last work, implies
that Salem was— what the author of the Epistle of
the Hebrews understood it to be — a title, not the
name of a place. " Melchizedek of old . . . had a
myal title; he was 'King of Righteousness,' in
Hebrew Melchi-zedek. And he was also ' King of
I'race,' Melek-Salem. And when Abraham came
to his teat he came forth with bread and wine, and
was called ' the Priest of the Highest,' and Abraham
gave him a portion of his spoil. And just so Wolff's
friend in (lie desert of Meru in the kingdom of
Khiva . . . whose name is Abd-er-Rahman, which
means 'Slave of the merciful God' . . . has also
a royal title. He is called Shahe-Adaalat, ' King
of Righteousness ' — the same as Melchizedek in
Hebrew. And when he makes peace between kings
he bears the title, Shahe Soolkh, ' King of Peace ' —
in Hebrew MeUk-Salem."
To revert, however, to the topographical ques-
tion ; two main opinions have been current from
the earliest ager of interpretation. 1. That of the
Jewish commentators, who — from Onkelos( Targvm)
and Josephus (£. J. vi. 10; Ant. i. 10, §2, vii. 3,
$2) to Kalisch (Comm. on Oen. p. 360)— with one
voice affirm that Salem is Jerusalem, on the ground
that Jerusalem is so called in Ph. lxxvi. 2, the
Psalmist, after the manner of poets, or from some
exigency of his pwin, making use of the archaic
niime in preference to that in common use. This
is quite feasible ; but it is no argument for the
ideiititv of Jerusalem with the Salem of Melchi-
iedek. See this well put by Reland (Pal. 833).
The Christians of the 4th century held the <ame
belief with the Jews, as is evident fiom an expres-
sion c/l Jerome ("nostri omn.es," Ep. ad £van-
geiwn, §7).
2. Jerome himself, however, is not of the same
opinion. He states (Ep. ad Eramj. §7) without
hesitation, though apparently (as just observed)
alone in his belief, that the Salem of Melchizedek
eras not Jerusalem, but a town near Scythopoiis,
which in his day was still called Salem, and where
the \ ast ruins of the palace of Melchizedek were
• r or Instance. BoeherW'aatea. it. ; 4 Ewald, Cock. i. 4 10,
* The aare of this word la amn ul m s set a w (Oese-
alas, rats, ura 6).
' Professor Stanley seems to have been the first to call
•Usnlion to this (.<!. A P. 34»X *« Kupdemt Frvgmmtn,
•acton (I. A. Kuhlmry (Berlin. 1 840) ; one of those excel-
Vsni 3woogrnpti« which we owe to tb« Urrman academical
c iistoai of demanding • treatise at each step IB honours.
BALKM
still to t« seen. Klsewhere (Oaosi. •' Salem '" w
locates it more precisely at eight Roman miles 6 TO
Scythopcjs, and gives its thei, name as Salumiao.
Further, he identifies this Salem with the Saiim
(SoAel/i) of St. Johr. the Baptist. That a Salem
existed where St. Jerome thus places it there need
be no doubt- Indeed, the name has been recovered
at the identical distance below Briton by Mr. Tea
de Velde, at a spot otherwise suitable for Aenon.
But that this Salem, Salim, or Salnmias was the
Salem of Melchizedek, is as uncertain as that Jeru-
salem was so. The ruins were piobably as much
the ruins of Melchizedek 's palace as the remains at
Ramet el-KhaiU, thiee miles north of Hebron, are
those of " Abraham's house." Nor is the decision
assisted by a consideration of Abram's homeward
route. He probably brought back his party by the
road along the Ghor as far as Jericho, and then turn-
ing to the right ascended to the upper level of the
country in the direction of Msmre; but whether he
(Tosned the Jordan at the Jar Baud Takub above
the Lake of Oermesaret, or at the Jar Mejamia
below it, he would equally pass by both Scythopoiis
and Jerusalem. At the same time it must be con-
fessed that the distance of Salem (at least eighty
miles from the probable position of Sodom) makes it
difficult to suppose that the kiug of Sodom can hare
advanced so far to meet Abram, adds its weight to
the statement that the meeting took place after
Abram had returned — not during his return — and
is thus so far in favour of Salem being Jerusalem.
3. Professor Ewald (Qexhichte, i. 410 note)
pronounces that Salem is a town on the further
side of Jordan, on the road from Damascus to
Sodom, quoting at the same time John iii. 23, but
the writer has in rain endeavoured to discover any
authority for this, or any notice of the existence of
the name in that direction either in former oi
recer* times.
4. A tradition given by Eupolemus, a writer
known only throrgh fragmenta preserved in the
Praeparatio Ecanyelica of Eusebius (ix. 17), differs
in some important points from the Biblical account.
Accordiug to this the meeting took place in the
sanctuary of the city Argarizin, which is interpreted
by Eupolemus to mean " the Mountain of the Most
•High." Argarizin' is of course har Oennon,
Mount Gerizim. The source of the tradition is.
therefore, probably Samaritan, since the encounter
of Abram and Melchizedek is one of the events to
which the Samaritans lay claim for Mount Gerutnm.
But it may also proceed from the identification ol
Salem with Shechem, which lying at the foot of
Gerizim would easily be confounded with the moun-
tain itself. [See Shaikh.]
5. A Salem is mentioned in Judith iv. 4, among
the places which were seized and fortified by the
Jews on the approach of Holoferaes. " The valley
of Salem," as it appears in the A. V. (rev tbKmtm
ia\4l)i), is possibly, as Reland has ingeniously si»c-
gested (Pal. " Salem," p. 977), a corruption of ««s
aliKava tit SoA^M — "into the plain to Salem."
If Av\4r is here, according to frequent usage, the
Jordan * valley, then the Salem referred to must
s Pliny uses nearly the same form — Arfsrls (jr. JC.
v. 14).
* AiAur Is commonly employed In Palestine topography
Tor the great valley of the Jurdan (see Knsebins sod Je-
rome. Onoswsttom, "Auloo"). But in tbeBookorJuAtli
it U used with much lees precudou In the general seoae oft
Tsuejr or plain.
SALIM
arehr be that mentioned by Jerome, and already
setksd But in this passage it may be witn equal
nraaability the broad plain of the Mukhna which
stretches from Kbal and Gerizim on the one hand,
* to the hills on which Salim stands on the other,
which if said to be still called the "plain of
"•Jim"' (Porter, Handbook, 340a), and through
wh>ch rnns the central north road of the country.
Or, is is perhaps still more likely, it refers to
Mother Salim near Zerin (Jezreel), and to the
clam which nuts up between those two places, as
car as Jtnin, sod which lay directly in the route
ef the .Assyrian army. There is nothing to show
that the inraders reached aa far into the interior
of the country aa the plain of the Makhna. And
tat other planes enumerated in the Terse seem, as
far as they can be recognized, to be points which
raarded the main approaches to the interior (one of
the thief of which was by Jetreel and Engannim),
ix* towns in the interior itself, like Shechem or the
.Satan near is.
2. (WB': «V e/pfrn: in pacer), Pa, lxxvi. 2.
It stems to be agreed on all hands that Salem is
here employed for Jerusalem, but whether as a mere
abbreviation to suit some exigency of the poetry,
sad point the allusion to the pence (sofem) which
the city enjoyed through the protection of God, or
whether, after a well-known habit of poets,' it is
so antique name preferred to the more modern and
nonihar one, is a question not yet decided. The
latter is the opinion of the Jewish commentators,
hat it is grounded on their belief that the Salem of
Helchixedek was the city which afterwards became
Jerusalem. This is to beg the question. See a re-
markable passage in Geiger's UncKrift, 4c, 74-6.
The antithesis in Terse 1 betweeen " Judah " and
" Israel," would seem to imply that some sacred
place in the northern kingdom is being contrasted
with Zioo, the s an ctu ary of the south. And if there
■are in the Bible any sanction to the identification
sf Salem with Shechem (noticed abore), the passage
aught be taken aa referring to the continued rela-
tion of God to the kingdom of Israel. But there
an no soateraJs eren for a conjecture on the point.
San the sanctuary, however, being named in the
eat member of the verse, it is tolerably certain that
Salem, if Jerusalem, must denote the secular part
•f the city— a distinction which has been already
aetiosd [vol. i. 1026 J as frequently occurring and
■Dplied in the Psalms and Prophecies. [G.]
BATJUM (SoAefa; Alex. SoAAcin: Salim).
A pace named (John Hi. 23) to denote the situation
ef Xenon, the scene of St. John's last baptisms — Salim
bring the weH-known town or spot, and Aenon a
slice of fountains, or other water, near H. There
.i no statement in the narrative itself fling the
•rtnatSou of rwlim, and the only direct testimony
we pouess is that of Eusebius and Jerome, who
•nth affirm unhesitatingly {Onom. "Aenon") that
it existed in their day near the Jordan, eight Ro-
asto miles south of Scythopolis. Jerome adds
nnder " Salem") that its name was then Salumias.
Exwwher* (Ep. ad Evtmgehan, §7, 8) be states
8ALIN
1095
' Tas writer amid not succeed (to lesi) to eliciting
uUj rtsse far any part of the plain. The name, given in
•rsaw S* repealed qaeauons, for the Eastern branch or
'«f <riae JroUaa was always Wady Sajta.
f TV above U ibe reading of the Vulgsts sod of the
" nOteaB PWIlet." Bat In the Ubtr Hiaimonm jumta
' ' f n f senlafen. In the Uwiua BiUwUfai 'nclaned
that it was identical witn the Satan nf Velchh
redes:.
Various attempts have been more recently rods
to determine the locality of this interesting spo..
1. Some (as Alford, Greek Tat. ad loc) rropott
Shixhim and Am, in the arid country far in the
south of Judaea, entirely out of the circle of asso-
ciations of St. John or our Lord. Others identify
it with the Shaum of 1 Sam. ix. 4, but this latter
place is itself unknown, and the name in Hebrew
contains J), to correspond with which the name in
St. John should bs SryoAffp or ZaaAtfp. -
2. Dr. Robinson suggests the modern village of
Salim, three miles E. of tfablis (B. R. iii. 333),
but tliis is no less out of the circle of St John's
ministrations, and is too near the Samaritans ; an<i
although there is some reason to believe that the
village contains "two sources of living water"
{ib. 298), yet this is hardly sufficient for the
abundance of deep water implied in the narrative.
A writer in the Colonial Ch, Chron., No. czxvi.
464, who concurs in this opinion of Dr. Robinson,
was told of a village an hour east (?) of Salim
" named Ai'n-dn, with a copious stream of water.'
The district east of Salim is a blank in the maps.
Yanun lies about 1 J hour S.E. of Salim, but this
can hardly be the place intended; and in tbe
description of Van de Velde, who visited it (ii. 303),
no stream or spring is mentioned. .
3. Dr. Barclay (C%, &c, 564) U filled with an
" assured conviction " tliat Salim is to be found in
Wady Seleim, and Aeuon in the copious springs
of Ain farah {ib. 559), among the deep and in
tricate ravines some fire miles N.E. of Jerusalem.
This certainly has the name in its favour, and, if
the glowing description and pictorial woodcut of
Dr. Barclay may be trusted — has water enough,
and of sufficient depth for the purpose.
4. The name of Salim has been lately discovered
by Mr. Van de Velde [Syr. rf- Pal. ii. 345, 6) in a
position exactly in accordance with the notice of Eu-
sebius, viz. six English miles south of Beisin, and
two miles west of the Jordan. On the northern ban
of Tell Bedg/iali is a site of ruins, and near it a
Mussulman tomb, which is called by the Arabs
Sheykh Salim (see also Memoir, 345). Dr. Robin-
son (iii. 333j (.-omplains that the name is attached
only to a Mussulman sanctuary, and also that no
ruins of any extent are to be found on the spot ; but
with regard to the first objection, eren Dr. Robinson
does not dispute that the name is there, and thai
the locality is in the closest agreement with the
notice of Eusebius. As to the second it is only ne-
cessary to point to Ktfr-Saba, where a town (An-
tipatria), which so late as the time of the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem was of great size and extensively
fortified, ha* absolutely disappeared. The career of
St. John has been examined in a former part of this
work, and it has beeii shown with great probability
that his progress was from south to north, and that
the scene of' his last baptisms was not far distant
from the spot indicated by Eusebius, and now re-
covered by Mr. Van de Velde. [Jordan, vol. i.
p. 1128] Salim fulfils also the conditions implied
in the name of Aenon (springs), and the direct
in tbe B en e d ictine Edition of Jerome's works, tbe reading
wariest,
k The Arab posts are said to use the same ebbrevlaUun
(Oesenloa. rfcei. 1423 b). The prefe****-* «f tn archaic tc
a modern name win surprise no student of poetry. Few
things are of more constant oooarrenoa.
1094 8ALLAI
statement of the text, that the place contained
nbundaoce of water. - The brook of Wady Chtumek
runs don to it, » splendid fountain gushes oat
beside the Wily, and rivulet* wind about in all
•irections. ... Of few placet in Palestine could it
to truly be said, ' Here is much water' " (Syr, $
Pal. ii. 346).
A tradition is mentioned by Reland (Palaatma,
978) that Salim was the native place of Simon
Zelotes. This in itself seems to imply that it* po-
sition was, at the date of the tradition, believed to
be nearer to Galilee than to Judaea. [G.]
SALLA'I {"ffO, in pause <fo : :»,xj; Alex.
3«X((: SelldC). 1. A Benjamite, who with 928
of his tribe settled in Jerusalem after the captivity
(Neh. xi. 8).
2. (XaKat.) The head of one of the courses of
priests who went up from Babylon with Zerubbabel
(Neh. xii. 20). In Neh. xii. 7 he is called Sallu.
BAL'LU (^D: SoA«V. *|X.; Alex. 3a\6
in 1 Chr.: Salo' Sellum). 1. The son of Me-
shullam, a Benjamite who returned and settled iu
Jerusalem after the captivity (1 Chr. ix. 7 ; Neh.
it 7)
2. (Om. in Tat. MS.; Alex. SoAova?: SeUum.)
The head of one of the courses of priests who
returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 7). Called
also Saixai.
SALLTJlfUB (SoAoBmoj ; Alex. aoAAoS^oi :
Salumus). Shallum (1 Eed. ix. 25: comp. Exr.
x.24).
SAI/MA, or SAJVMON (note, KO^b, or
flvXP: SoAfirfr; Alex. ZaApdV, bat laKaixar
both MSS. in Rath iv. : Salmon). Son of Nnhshon,
the prince of the children of Judah, and father of
Boax, the husband of Ruth. Salmon's age is dis-
tinctly marked by that of his father Nahshon, and
with this agrees the statement in 1 Chr. ii. 51, 54,
that he was of the sons of Caleb, and the father, or
head man of Bethlehem-Ephratah, a town which
seems to have been within the territoiy of Caleb
(1 Chr. ii. 50, 51). [Ephbatar ; Bethlehem.]
On the entrance of the Israelites into Canaan,
Salmon took Rahab of Jericho to be his wife, and
from this union sprang the Christ. [Rahab.]
From the circumstance of Salmon having lived at
the time of the conquest of Canaan, as well as from
his being the first proprietor of Bethlehem, where
hit family continued so many centuries, perhaps till
the reign of Domitian (Eoseb. Eccles. Hist, ii. 20).
he may be called the founder of the house of David.
Besides Bethlehem, the Netophathites, the house of
Joab, the Zoritet, and several other families, looked
to Salmon as their head (1 Chr. ii. 54, 55).
Two circumstances connected with Salmon have
caused some perplexity. One, the variation in the
orthography of bis name. The other, an apparent
variation in his genealogy.
As regards the first, the variation is proper
• Eoaebtns (Caroa, Canon. Kb. 1. 22) has no mlaglrhi;
as to the Identity or Sanaa.
» 8ee a work by Bents. Dor aeU mi mkiiptt Ptdm,
■a Dtntm a l meottisclur JVata tmd Kumt, m Btrm unsar
•amass ***/(, Jena, 1W1. Independently of Its cany
■bsoare aUttsiona. the Nth Psalm contains thirteen in(
Irj-nura, Including JTtPR It may be otwrveri that
tan word Is scarcely, u'Onenins suggests, anaiofcn to
Psfift, DHKil. Illplitbof colour; for Uism wcrtV ave
SALMON
name* [whether caused by the f utuaCont of
copyist-*, or whether they existed in practice, and
were favoured by the significance of the names), fa)
so extremely common, that such slight diirerences .
as those in the three forms of this name are scarcely
worth noticing. Compare e. g. the different rones
of the name Shimea, the son of Jesse, in 1 Sam.
xvi. 9 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 3 ; 1 Chr. ii. 13 : or of Siatott
Peter, in Luke v. 4, &c ; Acta XT. 14. See other
examples in Hervey's Qmeal. o/ oar Lard, ch, ri.
and x. Moreover, in this case, the variation from
Salma to Salmon takes place in two consecutive
verses, vix., Ruth iv. 20, 21, where the notion of
two different persons being meant, though in tome
degree sanctioned by the authority of Dr. Kennicott
(Dissert, i. p. 184, 543), is not worth refuting."
As regards the Salma of 1 Chr. ii. 51, 54, his con-
nection with Bethlehem identifies him with the son
of Nahshon, and the change of the final fl into K
belongs doubtless to the late date of the Book of
Chronicles. The name is so written also in 1 Chr.
ii. 11. But the truth is that the sole reason for
endeavouring to make two persons out of SiJma and
Salmon, is the wish to lengthen the line between
Salma and David, in order to meet the false chro-
nology of those times.
The variation in Salma I genealogy, which has
induced some to think that the Salma of 1 Chr. ii.
51, 54 is a different person from the Salma of
1 Chr. ii. 11, is more Apparent than real. It arises
from the circumstance that Bethlehem Ephratah,
which wan Salmon's inheritance, was part of the
territory of Caleb, the grandson of Ephratah ; ainl
this caused him to be reckoned among the both of
Caleb. But it is a complete misunderstanding of
the language of such topographical genealogies to
suppose that it is meant to be asserted that Salma
was the literal son of Caleb. Mention is made of
Salma only in Ruth iv. 20, 21 ; 1 Chr. ii. 11, 51,
54; Matt. i. 4, 5; Luke iii. S2. The questions
of his age and identity ate discussed in the Qateal.
of our Lord, ch. iv. and ix. ; Jackson, Ckrtm.
Antiq. i. 171 ; Hales, Analysis, iii. 44; Burrinc-
ton, Geneal.i. 189; Dr. Mill, Vindie.of our Lord's
Qencal. 123, Ac. [A.C.H.]
SALMANA'SAR (Salmmraar). Shalius-
eseb, king of Assyria (2 Eed. xiii. 40).
SALMON (jto^>X: S<A*uw>: Salmon, Judg.
ix. 48). The name of a hill near Shechem, on which
Abiraelech and his followers cut down the boughs
with which they set the tower of Shechem on tire.
Its exact position is not known.
It is usually supposed that this hill is mention*. I
in a verse of perhaps the most difficult of all the
Psalms b (Ps. Uvi2. 14); and this is probable,
though the passage is peculiarly difficult, and the
precise allusion intended by the poet seems hope-
fesslv lost. Commentators differ from each other ;
and Vurst, within 176 pages of his /rMtrvVteroucA.
duTers from himself (see ib& and pD?X). Indeed,
a signification of coloor In Eel. The malty analogous
word Is "VOOn, "be makes it nun,'* which bean tbe
same relation tc "OD, •• rata." which Jwfl bears to
Av, - snow." Owing, probably, to Hebrew rellgtotsl
conceptions of natural phenomena, no Instance ocean at
TBDn nscd as a neuter rn the sense of - It rates;*
thoagh this would be arammaUcally erranr a fli'l t
SALMON
*f rix distinguished modern commentators— Dw
ffrlte, Hitxig, Ewald, Heugstenberg, Delitz«ch,and
HupfeM — no two give distinctly the same meaning ;
tad Mr. KebV, in his admirable Version ot the
halms, gives a translation which, though poetical,
ss was to be expected, differs from any one of those
suggested by these six scholars. This is not the
luce for an exhaustive examination of the passage.
ft nay be mentioned, however, that the literal trans-
lation of the words pO^Y3 bl>T\ is " Thou
makest it snow," or " It snows," with liberty to use
the word either in the past or in the future tense.
As notwithstanding ingenious attempts, this supplies
so satisfactory meaning, recourse is had tc s trans-
lation of doubtful vilaity, "Thou makest it white
as snow,'* or " It U white as snow" — words to
which various metaphorical meanings have been
attributed. The allusion which, through the Leii-
oan of Gesenius, is most generally received, is tnnt
the words refer to the ground being snow-white
with bones after a defeat of the Canaanite kings ;
and Una may he accepted by those who will admit
the scarcely permissible meaning, " white as snow,"
and who cannot rest satisfied without attaching
anue definite signification to the passage. At the
■sum time it is to be remembered that the figure
i» a very harsh one ; and that it is not really
justified by passages quoted in illustration of it
(mm Latin classical writers, such as, " campique
ingentes oesibus albent " (Virg. Am. xii. 36),
and " hummnis ossibus albet humus " (Ovid, Fast.
i. 568;, for in these cases the word " bones" is
actoally used in the test, and is not left to be
supplied by the imagination. Granted, however,
that an allusion is made to bones of the slain,
there is a divergence of opinion as to whether
Salmon was mentioned simply because it had been
the battle-ground in some great defeat of the Ca-
'"mftish kings, or whether it is only introduced as
in image of snowy whiteness. And of these two
explanations, the first would be on the whole most
probable ; for Salmon cannot have been a very high
mountain, as the highest mountains near Shechem
are Ebal and Gerixim, and of these Ebal, the highest
of the two, is only 1028 feet higher than the city
1 1** Ebal, p. 470 ; and Robinson's Oaeniui, 895 a).
If the poet bad desired to use the image of a snowy
»■""— Try it would have been more natural to select
Harmon, wh'ch is visible from the eastern brow of
Gerixim, is about 10,000 feet high, and is covered
with perpetual snow. Still it is not meant that
this circamatance by itself would be conclusive ; for
there may have been particular associations in the
Bind of the poet, unknown to us, which led him to
prefer Salmon.
In despair of understanding the allusion to Salmon,
Mine suppo se that Salmon, i. e. Tmlmtn, is not a
proper name m this passage, but merely signifies
" darkness f and this interpretation, supported by
the TargHin, though opposed to the Septuagint, has
been adopted by Kv&ki, and in the first state-
ment in bis Lexicon is adrxitted by Fttrst. Since
Urltm signifies " shade," wis is a bare etymo-
logical possibility. But no such word as taalmtn
secure elsewhere in the Hebrew language; while
there are several other words for darkness, in
•entreat degrees of meaning, such as the ordinary
ward ehotiek, opAW, qpAsVoA, and 'arapliel.
Cr.*-»s the pat*age is given np as corrupt, it
sans snore in accordance with reason to admit that
•»*»« was some li. *a» present to the poet's mind,
SALOME
1090
the key » which k now lost; and this ought not to
surpnar ijy scholar who reflects how many allu-
sions tlsre are in Greek poets — in Pindar, for ex-
ample, and in Aristophanes — which would be wholly
unintelligible to us now, were it not for the notes
of Greek scholiasts. To these notes there is nothing
exactly analogous in Hebrew literature ; and in the
absence of some such asastanct, it is unavoidable
that there should be several passages in the 0. T.
respecting the meaning of which we must be content
to remain ignorant. [E. T.]
SALMON the father of Boar (Ruth iv. 20, 21 ;
Matt. i. 4, 5 ; Luke iii. 32). [SAUIA .]
BALMOITCtSaAncfoi: Salmmu). The East
point of the island of Crete. In the account of St.
Paul's voyage to Home this promontory is mentioned
in such a way (Act* xrvii. 7) as to afford a curious
illustrators U>ih of the navigation of the ancients
and of the minute accuracy of St. Luke's narrative.
We gather from other circumstances of the voyage
that the wind was blowing from the N.W. {(rim-
r/ovr, ver. 4; PfatvrKoovrrtt, ver. 7). [See
Myra.] We are then told that the ship, on
making Cnidus, could not, by reason of the wind,
hold nn her course, which was past the south point
of Greece, W. by S. She did, however, just fetch
Cape Salmone, which bears S.W. by S. from Cnidus.
Now we may take it for granted that she could
have made good a course of less than scveu points
from the wind [Smr]: and, starting from this
assumption, we are at once brought to the conclu-
sion that the wind must have been between N.N. W.
and W.N.W. Thus what Paley would have called
an " undesigned coincidence" is elicited by a cross-
examination of the narrative. This ingenious argu-
ment is due to Mr. Smith of JordanhiU ( Voy. and
Shfywreck of St. Paul, pp. 73, 74, 2nd ed.), and
from him it is quoted by Conybeare and Howson
{Life and Epp. of St. Paul, ii. 393, 2nd ed.). To
these books we must refer for fuller details. We may
just add that the ship had had the advantages of a
weather shore, smooth water, and a favouring cur-
rent, before reaching Cnidus, and that by running
down to Cape Salmone the sailors obtained similar
advantages under the lee of Crete, as far aa Fa IB
Havens, near Lasaea. [J. S. H.]
SAXOM CtoAsV: Salom). The Greek form
1. of Shallum, the father of Hilkiah (Bar. i. 7).
[Shallum.] 2. (Salomua) of Salu the father of
Zimri (1 Mace. ii. 26). [Salu.]
SALOME (2aA*Vq : Salome). 1. The wife of
Zebedee, as appears from comparing Matt, xxvii.
56 with Mark rv. 40. It i« further the opinion of
many modern critics that she was the sister of
Mary, the mother of Jesus, to whom reference is
made in John xix. 25. The words admit, however,
of another and hitherto generally received explana-
tion, according to which they refer to the " Mury
the wife of Cleophas " immediately afterwards men-
tioned. In behalf of the former view, it may I*
urged that it gets rid of the difficulty arising oul
of two sisters having the same name — that it har-
monises John's narrative with those of Matthew
and Mark — that this circuitous manner of describing
his own mother is in character with St Joht'.i
manner of describing himself — that the absence of
any connecting link between the second and third
designations may be accounted for on the ground
that the four are arranged in two distinct couplets
-and, lastJv, that the Pesbito, the renin, and tat
<Otf»
SALT
Aeihiepk rimou mark the distinction between the
second and third by intei polating a conjunction. On
Hie other hand, it may be urged that the difficulty
trieing out of the name may be disposed of by
assuming a doable marriage on the part of the
lather— that there ia no necessity to harmonise
John with Matthew and Hark, for that the time
and the place in which the groups are noticed differ
materially — that the language addreawd to John,
"Behold thy mother!" favour* the idea of the
xtutdce rather than of the pretence of hia natural
mother — and that the varying traditions* current in
the early Church as to Salome's parents, worthless
as they are in themselves, yet bear a negative testi-
mony against the idea of her being related to the
mother of Jesus. Altogether we can hardly regard
the point as settled, though the weight of modern
criticism is decidedly in favour of the former view
(see Wieseler, Stud. u. Krit. 1840, p. 648). The
only events recorded of Salome are that she pie-
ferred a request on behalf of her two sons for seats
of honour in the kingdom of heaven (Matt. xx. 20),
that she attended at the crucifixion of Jesus (Mark
xv. 40), and that she visited his sepulchre (Mark
xvi. 1). She is mentioned by name only on the
two latter occasions.
2. The daughter of Herodias by her first hus-
band, Herod Philip (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 5, §4). She
is the " daughter of Herodias " noticed in Matt,
xiv. 6 as dancing before Herod Antipas, and as pro-
curing at her mother's instigation the death of John
the Baptist. She married in the first place Philip
the tetrarch of Trachonitis, her paternal uncle, and
secondly Aristobulus, the king of Chalcia. [W. L. B.]
SALT(fT50: «Xx: sal). Indispensable as salt
Is to ourselves, it was even more so to the Hebrews,
being to them not only an appetizing condiment in
the food both of man (Job vi. 6) and beast (Is.
xxx. 24, see margin), and a most valuable antidote
to the effects of the heat of the climate on animal
food, but also entering largely into their religious
services as an accompaniment to the various offer-
ings presented on the altar (Lev. ii. 13). They
possessed an inexhaustible and ready supply of it
on the southern shores of the Dead Sea. Here may
have been situated the Valley of Salt (2 Sam. viii.
13), in proximity to the mountain of fossil salt
which Robinson {Retearehn, ii. 108) describes as
five miles in length, and as the chief source of the
salt in the sea itself. Here were the saltpits (Zeph.
ii. 9), probably formed in the marshes at the
southern end of the lake, which are completely
coated with salt, deposited periodically by the rising
of the waters; and here also were the successive
pillars of salt which tradition has from time to
time identified with Lot's wife (Wisd. x. 7 ; Jo-
seph. Ant. i. 11. §4). [Sea, tre Salt..] Salt
might also be procured from the Mediterranean
Sea, and from this source the Phoenicians would
naturally obtain the supply necessary for salting
fish (Neh. xiii. 16) and for other purposes. The
Jews appear to have distinguished between rock-
*lt and that which was gained by evaporation, as
Ihe Talmudjsta particularize one species (probably
the latter) as the "salt of Sodom" (I'arpzov,
Appar. p. 718). The notion that this expression
means bitumen rests on no foundation. The Ball-
ots fonred an important source of revenue to the
• AcoonilfiK to one areonnt sbe was I** daughter ot
csrpS by a former uiarrfsje (Kptphen. User. laxvUL a):
SALT
rulers of the country (Joseph. Ant. xiU. 4, §9;,
and Antiochus conferred a valuable boon on Jeru-
salem by presenting the city with 875 bash*]* a)
salt for the Temple service {Ant. xii. 3, §3). I*
addition to the uses of' salt already specified, the
inferior sorts were applied as a manure to the eon,
or to hasten the decomposition of dung (Matt. v.
1 3 ; Luke xiv. 35). Too large an admixture, how-
ever, was held to produce sterility, as exemplified
on the shores of the Dead Sea (Drat, xxix. 23 ;
Zeph. ii. 9) : hence a " salt" land was synonymous
with barrenness (Job mix. 6, see margin; Jer.
xvii. 6 ; romp. Joseph. B. J. fv. 8, §2, aXfo/faXnt
Kol trfttvn) ; and hence also arose the custom of
sowing with salt the foundations of a destroyed city
( Jndg. ix. 45), as a token of its irretrievable ruin.
It was the belief of the Jews that salt would, by
exposure to the air, lose its virtue (jutpmrtf, Matt,
v. 1 3) and become saltless (bVoAov, Mark ix. 50).
The same fact is implied in the expressions of Pliny,
lol men (mi, 39), sal tabetcere (xxxi. 44) ; anu
Maundrell (Early Travels, p. 512, Bonn) asserts
that he found the surface of a salt rock in this con-
dition. The associations connected with salt in
Eastern countries are important. As one of the
most essential articles of diet, it symbolized hospi
tality; as an antiseptic, durability, fidelity, aod
purity. Hence the expression, " covenant of salt "
(Lev. ii. 13; Num. xviii. 19; 2 Chr. xiii. 5), as
betokening an indissoluble alliance between friends ;
and again the expression, " salted with the salt of
the palace" (Ezr. iv. 14), not necessarily meaning
that they had " maintenance from the palace," a*
the A. V. has it, but that they were bound by
sacred obligations of fidelity to the king. So in the
present day, " to eat bread and salt together " is
an expression for a leiigue of mutual amity (Russell,
Aleppo, i. 232); and, on the other hand, the
Persian term for traitor is nemeUaram, " faithless
to salt" (Gesen. The*, p. 790). It was probably
with a view to keep this idea prominently before
the minds of the Jews that the use of salt was en-
joined on the Israelites in their offerings to God;
for in the first instance it was specifically ordered
for the meat-ottering (Lev. ii. 13), which consisted
mainly of flour, and therefore was not liable to cor-
ruption. The extension of its use to burnt sacri-
fices was a later addition (Ex. xliii. 24; Joseph.
Ant. iii. 9, §1), in the spirit of the general injunc-
tion at the close of Lev. ii. 13. Similarly the
heathens accompanied their sacrifices with salted
bn ! ley-meal , the G reeks with their ovAoxtfvoi ( Horn.
77. i. 449), the Romans with their mola salsa (Hor.
Sat. ii. 3, 200) or their taltae fruges (Virg. Acn
ii. 133). It may of course be assumed that in all
of these cases salt was added as a condiment ; but
the strictness with which the rule was adhered to—
no sacrifice being offered without salt { Plin. xxxi.
41), and still more the probable, though perhaps
doubtful, admixture of it in incense (Ex. xxx. 35,
where the word rendered "tempered together" a
by some understood ss " salted" — leads <o the con-
clusion that there was a symbolical force attached
to its use. Our Lord refers to the sacrificial use
of salt in Mark ix. 49, 50, though some of the other
associations may also be implied. The purify.ng
property of salt, as opposed to corruptiim, led to its
selection as the outward sign in Kltsha's mirncle
(2 K. ii. 20, 21). and is al«o developed in the N. T
amonJfng to anotW, the wife a.
SfPb (Mcrpk. B •
HALT. CITY OF
(Matt, T. 18 Cri. ir. 6). Ths> custom of icbV.ng
obsns with salt (Ex. xvi. 4) originated in salu-
tary OBodmtioDs but received also a symbolical
nof. [W. L. B.]
wit, city of (nterrvy : al wdAfis
3eK»>; Alex. <u waAit sAor : cinitaa Sola).
The fifth of 'he lii cities of Judah which lay in the
" wilderaeat '' (Josh. xv. 62). Its proximity to En-
pi, and the name itself, seem to point to its being
uuited dose to or at any rate in the neighbour-
hood «f toe Salt-sea. Dr. Robinson {B. R. ii. 109)
eiprean his belief that it lay somewhere near the
•bio it the sooth end of that lake, which he would
►fcstify with the Valley of Salt. This, though
possibly supported by the reading of the Vatican
IXC, "the cities of Sodom," is at present a mere
conjecture, since no trace of the name or the city has
let btea discoTcred in that position. On the other
feud. Mr. Van de Velde {Syr. f Pal. ii. 99, Memoir,
111, and Map) mentions a Nakr Maleh which he
fsaaed hi his rout* from Wady ei-Rmail to Sebbeh,
tie tame of which (though the orthography is not
Trtsin) nay be found to contain a trace of the
rMsrw. It is one of four ravines which unite to
trm the Wady el Bed**. Another of the four, W.
'AmrehfS^r.dP.ii. 99; Memoir,l\l, M ap), recals
the none of Gomorrah, to the Hebrew of which it
■ very similar. [G.]
8ALT, VALLEY OF (rbo K'l, but twice
with the article, fhon '1 : re0«A«p, r*/t«A.«,
caOai, and fdp«ry{, tSm oAm>; Alex. TiinaXa,
rauuka: Valla Satmamm). A certain valley, or
»"'b»p» mora accurately a " ravine," the Hebrew
void Gt appearing to bear that signification—
enica occurred two memorable victories of the
unehtearna.
L That of David over the Edomites (2 Sam
no. 13; 1 Chr. xviii. 12). It appears to have
iiiisswlisuli followed his Syrian campaign, and
kXf itself OEM of the incidents of the great Edomite
aar at ei t s a uiiu ation.* The battle in the Valley
w'Ssh appears to hare been conducted by Abishai
1 Chr. xnii. 12), bat David and Joab were both
sreptst in person at the battle and in the pursuit
asi sninai^ii »nieh followed ; and Joab was left
Uaiad for six months to consummate the doom
<i the conquered country (1 K. xi. 1%, 16 ; Pa. be.
-tie). The nnmber of Edomites slain in the battle
• aaxtitaia : the narratives of Samuel and Chronicles
Ma. rive it at 18,000, but this figure is lowered in
la* title of Ps. lx. to 12,000.
2. That at Amaxiah (2 K. xiv. 7; 2 Chr. xxv.
Hi, whs is related to have slain ten thousand
tdngites ir this valley, and then to have pro-
s' ltd, with 10,000 prisoners, to the stronghold of
t.v nation at kae-Sela, the Cliff, •'. e. Petra, and,
litrt taking it, to have massacred them by hurling
nVo down the precipice which gave its ancient
urn* to the dry. •
SALT. V»LfJ?V OF
10OT
* Taa Beeetvsd Text of 3 Bass. vtiL 13 omlu the men-
ajs of Kaiansli ■ ; not nan a comparison of the parallel
asaaaa to I Car. and la the title or Ps. lx. there Is good
(xasd far battVrtag that tci verse originally stood thus :
* tad IfcvfcJ ansde himself a name [when he returned
•ts ■netsag the Anoaiua] [and when be returned he
wj»e ear EsVssrites] ta the Vslley of Salt— eighteen
ksssssdj" the raw i lansi ■ within brackets having been
asease ay lac Greek sod Hebrew scribes respectively,
■wwe to she vary dose resemblance of the words with
*<■*> -mat chaast tsosbes— QVOTH sad D»D"ltt- Thi «
k tat xaiKtcn if Tbensas (May OuulbmaX). sal is
Neither ol these nonon. affords any clue to th«
situation of the Valley cf ■ a - 1 *, nor does the cursor*
mention of the name (" Gemela " and " Mela ' x
in the Onomaetiam. By Joaephua it is not named
on either occasion. Seetxen (Reiten, ii. 356) vm
probably the first to suggest that it was the broad
open plain which lies at the lower end of the Dead
Sea, and intervenes between the lake itself and the
range of heights which crosses the valley at rix or
eight miles to the south. The same view is taken
(more decisively) by Dr. Robinson (B. R. ii. 109).
The plain is in fact the termination of the OhSr or
valley through which the Jordan flows from the
Lake of Tiberias to the Dead Sea. Its N.W. cornel
is occupied by the Khathm Utd&m, a mountain of
rock salt, between which and the lake is an extensive
salt marsh, while salt streams and brackish springs
pervade, more or less, the entire western half of the
plain. Without presuming to contradict this sug
gestion, which yet can hardly be affirmed with safetf
in the very imperfect condition of our knowledge o
the inaccessible regions S. and S.E. of the Dead Sea,
it may be well to call attention to some considera-
tions which seem to stand in the way of the implicit
reception which most writers iave given it since the
publication of Dr. R.'s Researches.
(a) The word Qe (H'J), employed for the place
in question, is not, to the writer's knowledge, else-
where applied to a broad valley or sunk plain
of the nature of the lower Qhtr. Such tracts are
denoted in the Scripture by the words Emek or
Bika'ah, while Qe appears to be reserved for clefts
or ravines of a deeper and narrower character.
[Vallbt.]
(6) A priori, one would expect the tract in
question to be called in Scripture by the pecu-
liar name uniformly applied to the more northern
parts of the same valley — ha-Arabah — in the same
manner that the Arabs now call it el-Ohtr — GKir
being their equivalent for the Hebrew Ardbak.
(c) The name " Salt," though at first sight con-
clusive, becomes less so on reflection. It does uot
follow, because the Hebrew word melach signifies
salt, that therefore the valley toos salt. A case
exactly parallel exists at el-Milk, the representative
of the ancient Moladah, some sixteen miles south
of Hebron. L ; ke melach, milk signifies salt; but
there is no reason to believe that there is any salt
present there, and Dr. Kobuwon (B. R. ii. 201 note)
himself justly adduces it as " an instance of the
usual tendency of popular pronunciation to reduce
foreign proper names to a significant form.'* Just
as el-Milk is the Arabic representative of the
Hebrew Moladah, so possibly was ge-melach the
Hebrew representative of some archaic Edomit*
name.
(d) What little can be inferred from the narra-
tive as to the situation of the Ge-Melach is in
favour of its being nearer to Petra. Assuming
Selah to be Petra (the chain o( evidence for which
adopted by Bnnsen (Hibtlwerk, note to the passage).
Kwsld bss shown (Gach. lil 201, S) that the whole
passage Is very much disordered. DS? E?V*1 shoulo pro-
bably be rendered " sad set up s monument," Instead
of * and gat s name " (Gesen. Tka. 1431 6)) ; Mtcbaelu
{Suppl. No. 2501, snd note to Bib* fir Ungcl) ; be Welle
(iftosf); LXX. Coisl. icaX effiptcv «rn»VwpAnsi>; Jerome
{QuaetL StbrS), ercxlt fomicesn triunphalem. Kaschl
Interprets it " repmntlon," hih] makes the reputation tc
have arisen from l>avkls goml set tn burying the deW
even of his sorjuo-
!09o
6ALTJ
SALUTATION
is tolerably connected), it seems diffieoK to belter*
that a Urge bodf of prisoners sbonld hare been
dragged for upwards of fifty miles through the
heart of a hostile and most difficult country, merely
lor massacre. [G.]
BAT.U (stti?D: SoA^eV; Alex. aU\«5: Sofa).
The father of Zimri the prince of the Simeonitea,
who was slain by Phinehas (Num. xxr. 14). Called
also Salom.
8AXUM (aaAo*>: Emtnmit). 1. Shallum,
the head of a family of gatekeepers (A. V. " porters")
of the Temple (1 Esd. T. 28; eomp. Ear. ii. 42).
2. (latJiiut: Salome.) Shallum, the father
of Hilkiah and ancestor of Ears (1 Esd. Tiii. 1 ;
eomp. Ear. vii. 2). Called also Sadamias and
Satjom.
SALUTATION. Salutation may be classed
under the two heads of conversational and epistolary.
The salutation at meeting consisted iu early times
of various expressions of blessing, such as " God be
gracious unto thee" (Gen. xliii. 29) ; " Blessed be
thou of the Lord " (Ruth iii. 10 ; 1 Sam. it. 13) ;
" The Lord be with you," " The Lord bless thee "
(Ruth ii. 4) ; " The blessing of the Lord be upon
you ; we bless you in the name of the Lord " (Pa.
cxxix. 8). Hence the term "bless" received the
secondary sense of " salute," and is occasionally so
rendered in the A. V. (1 Sam. xiii. 10, xxr. 14 ;
2 K. it. 29, X. 15), though not so frequently as it
might hare been (e.g. Gen. xivii. 23, xlvii. 7, 10 ;
1 K. viii. 66). The blessing was sometimes accom-
panied with inquiries as to the health either of the
person addressed or his relations. The Hebrew
term used in these instances (sAd/dm») has no special
reference to "peace," as stated in the marginal
translation, but to general well-being, and strictly
answers to our " welfare," as given in the text (Gen.
xliii. 27 ; Ex. xriii. 7). It is used not only in the
case of salutation (in which sense it is frequently
rendered " to salute," ». g. Judg. xviii. 15 ; 1 Sam.
X. 4 ; 2 K. x. 13) ; but also in other cases where it
is designed to soothe or to encourage a person (Gen.
xliii. 23 ; Judg. vi. 23. xix. 20 ; 1 Chr. iii. 18 ;
Dan. x. 19 ; compare 1 Sam. xx. 21, where it is
opposed to " hurt {' 2 Sam. XTiii. 28, " all is well ;"
and 2 Sam. xi. 7, where it is applied to the progress
of the war). The salutation at parting consisted
originally of a simple blessing (Gen. xxiv. 60,
xxviii. 1, xlvii. 10; Josh. xxii. 6), but in later
times the term ihalAm was introduced here also in
the form " Go in peace," or rather " Farewell "
(1 Sam. i. 17, xx. 42 ; 2 Sam. xr. 9). This* was
current at the time of our Saviour's ministry
(Mark v. 34 ; Luke vii. 50 ; Acta xvi. 36), and is
a/lopted by Him in His parting address to His dis-
ciples (John xiv. 27). It had even passed into a
salutation on meeting, in such forms as " Peace be
to this house " (Luke x. 5), " Peace be unto you "
(Luke xxir. 36 ; John xx. 19). The more common
salutation, however, at this period was borrowed
from the Greeks, their word x a V*' r being used
both at meeting ( Matt, xxvi. 49, xxviii. 9 ; Luke i.
28), and probably also at departure. In modern
tiroes the ordinary mode of address current in the
East resembles the Hebrew:— Es-tcldm aleyban,
" Peace be on you " (Lane's Mod. Eg. ii. 7), and
9
» Tfc^Snekesx*es»mUevMmt]i'be«nwed front toe
»*LTtm, (be p.-eposiU(: it not bofcteafesj the stau mla
the term "ealam" has been introduced isto out
own language to o'rtcribe the Oriental sejntatiou.
The forms of greeting that we hare noticed, wot
freely exchanged among persons of diderest ranks
on the occasion of a casual meeting, and tads even
when they were strangers. Thus Boas exchanged
greeting with his reapers (Ruth ii. 4), the tra-
veller on the road saluted the worker in the field
(Ps. exxix. 8), and members of the same family in-
terchanged greetings on rising in the morning (nor.
xxvii. 14). The only restriction appears to hare
been in regard to religion, the Jew of old, as the
Mohammedan of the present day, paying the com-
pliment only to those whom he considered "bre-
thren," i. e. members of the same religious com-
munity (Matt. v. 47 ; Lane,ii.8; Niebuhr.flracript
p. 43). Even the Apostle St John forbids an
interchange of greeting where it implied a wish
for the success of a bad cause (2 John 11). In
modern times the Orientals are famed for the ela-
borate formality of their greetings, which occupy a
very considerable time; the instances given in the
Bible do not bear such a character, and therefore
the prohibition addressed to persons engaged in
urgent business, "Salute no man fay the way (2 K.
iv. 29 ; Luke x. 4), may best be referred to the
delay likely to ensue from subsequent conversation.
Among the Persians the monarch was never ap-
proached without the salutation "Ok, king I live
tor ever" (Dan. ii. 4, tc). There is no evidence
that this ever became current among the Jews : the
expression in 1 K. i. 31, was elicited by the previous
allusion on the part of David to his own de c e as e.
In lieu of it we meet with the Greek ;feu>c, " hail 1"
(Matt, xxvii. 29). The act of salutation was ac-
companied with a variety of gestuies expressive of
different degrees of humiliation, and sometimes with
a kiss. [Adoratiok ; Kiss.] These acts involved
the necessity of dismounting in case a person were
riding or driving (Gen. xxiv. 64; 1 Sam. xxv. 23 ;
2 K. T. 21). The same custom still prevails in lb*
East (Niebuhr's Descript. p. 39).
The epistolary salutations in the period subsequent
to the O. T. we're framed on the model of the Latin
style : the addition of the term " peace * may, how-
ever, be regarded as a vestige of the old Hebrew
form (2 Mace. i. 1). The writer placed his own
name first, and then that of the person whom he
saluted ; it was only in special case) that this order
was reversed (2 Mace. i. 1, ix. 19 ; 1 Esdr. vi. 7).
A combination of the first and third persons in the
terms of the salutation was not unfrequeut (GaL i.
1, 2; Philem. 1; 2 Pet. i. 1). The term used
(either expressed or understood) in the introductory
salutation was the Greek xaifwir in an elliptical
construction (1 Mace. x. 18 ; 2 Mace. ix. 19,
1 Esdr. viii. 9 ; Acts xxiii. 26) ; this, ho»ever, was
more frequently omitted, and the only A p os t oli c
passages in which it occurs are Acta xr. 23 and
James i. 1, a coincidence which renders it probable
that St. James composed the letter in the former
passage. A form of payer for spiritual mercies was
also used, consisting generally of the terms " grace
and peas*," but in the three Pastoi.l Epistles and
in 2 John, " grace, mercy, and peace," and in Ju/U
" mercy, peace, and lore." The concluding saluta-
tion consisted occasionally of a translation of the
Latin valtU (Acts xv. 29, xiiii. 30), but more g»
which, but
pcrsoa departs.
U the Hebrew
b as wUss las
feAMAEL
emlry of the term tWdfouu, " I salute," or the
agnate sabstantive, accompanied by a prew tor
pace or grace. St. Panl. who availed himself of
u amonoensio (Rom. xri. 22), added the n-uutation
will his own hud (1 Cor. xri. 21 ; Col. tv. 18 ;
1 Thee. iii. 17). The omission of the introductory
■luUtinc in the Epistle to the Hebrews is tot
ratable. [W. L. B.]
BAVAEL (laXafutX: Salathiel), a variation
for (margin) Salamiei [Shelukikl] in Jud. viii. 1
(eomp. Sum. i. 6). The form in A. V. is given
bvjJta. [B. P. W.j
SAHATA8 (Soaeiat : Semeiat). 1. She-
iuiah the Levita in the reign of Joaiah (I Esd. i.
9; camp. 2 Chr. zxrv. 9).
2. Shevauh of the sons of Adonikam (1 Esd.
riii. 39; comp. Exr. viii. 13).
3. (Staff ; Alex. Sffietat : om. in Vnlg.) The
" great Samaias," other of Ananias and Jonathas
(Too. v. 13).
SAMATRIA tfr«&, •'. «. Shomerdn : Chald.
J'rtJB': Xa/iApna, StpnssSr, 3t>pUpmr'; Joseph.
Tp i ii a n a, bnt Ant. viii. 12, §5, 2tpapt&v: Sa-
garin), a city of Palestine.
The word Shomerdn means, etymologically, " per-
tainog to a watch," or " a watch-mountain ;" and
ft should almost be inclined to think that the pecu-
liarity of the situation of Samaria gave occasion to
it> nunc. In the territory originally belonging to
the tribe of Joseph, about six miles to the north-west
ofSbechem, there is a wide basin-shaped valley,
molded with high hills, almost on the edge of the
ptst plain which borders upon the Mediterranean.
Is the centre of this basin, which is on a lower
Irrd than the valley of Shechem, rises a less elevated
Mmg bill, with steep yet accessible sides, and a
tag Mat top. This hill was chosen by Omri, as the
'ite of the capital of the kingdom of Israel. The
fir* capital after the secession of the ten tribes had
bees Sherhem itself, whither all Israel had come to
male Rehoboam king. On the separation being fully
anxssplisbed, Jeroboam rebuilt that city (1 K. xii.
-•i'i. which had been raxed to the ground by Abi-
sielera (Jojlg. ix. 45). But he soon moved to
Tiixab, a place, as Dr. Stanley observes, of great and
pri"erbial beauty (Cant. vi. 4) ; which continued to
1* the royal residence until Zimri burnt the palace
•od perished in its ruins (1 K. xiv. 17; xv. 21, 33;
rt. 648). Omri, who prevailed in the contest for
uw kingdom that ensued, after " reigning six years "
there, "bought the hill of Samaria ({hOt? lili"! ; to
<p» re SsshmisV) of Shemer ("IDE' ; 2</u4p, Joseph.
IVaaaes) for two talents of silver, and built on
tie hill, and called the name of the city which
li« built, after the name of the owner of the hill,
J-muria" (1 K. xvi. 23, 24). This statement of
»' T»e di sp e nse s with the etymology above alluded
'■•; but the central position of the hill, as Herod
wg piously ob s e rv e d long afterwards, made it ad-
sraMy adapted for a place of otaervation, and a
fortress to awe the neighbouring country. And the
■ovular beauty of the spot, upon which, to this hour,
IrreDers dwell with admiration, may have struck
fhsn, as it afterwards struck the tasteful Idu-
•» (A J. I 21, §2; Ant. XT. 8, §5).
SAMARIA
1090
1 From the date of Omri's pui-chsse, B.C. 925,
Samaria retained its dignity as the capital of the
ten tribaa. Ahab built a temple to Baal there
(1 K. xri. 82, 33) ; and from this circumstance a
portion of the city, possibly fortified by a separata
wall, was called •' the city of the house of Baal "
(2 K. x. 2ft). Samaria must have been a place
of great strength. It was twice besieged by the
Syrians, in B.C. 901 (1 K. xx. 1), and in B.C. 892
(2 K. vi. 24-vii. 20) ; but on both occasions tin
siege was ineffectual. On the latter, indeed, it
was relieved miraculously, but not until th» inha-
bitants had suffered almost incredible horrors from
famine during their protracted resistance. The pos-
sessor of Samaria was considered to be nV facto
king of Israel (2 K. xv. 13,14); and woes denounced
against the nation were directed against it by name
(Is. vii. 9, ic.). In B.C. 721, Samaria was taken,
after a siege of three years, by ShaJmaneser, king of
Assyria (2 K. xriii. 9, 10), and the kingdom of the
ten tribes was put an end to. [See below, No. 3.]
Some years afterwards the district of which Samaria
was the centre was repeopled by Esarhaddon ; but
we do not hear especially of the city until the days
of Alexander the Great. That conqueror took the
city, which seems to have somewhat recovered itself
(Euseb. Chron. ad ann. Abr. 1684), killed a large
portion of the inhabitants, and suffered the remainder
to settle at Shechem. [Shecuem : Stciiar.]
He replaced them by a colony of Syro-Macedonians,
and gave the adjacent territory (2a/uu>errit x°V")
to the Jews to inhabit (Joseph, c. Ap. ii. 4). These
Syro-Macedonians occupied the city until the time
of John Hyrcanns. It was then a place of consi-
derable importance, for Josephus describes it {Ant.
xiii. 10, §2) as a very strong city (*dAii bxvpw-
roVn). John Hyrcanus took it alter a year's siege,
and did his best to demolish it entirely. He inter-
sected the hill on which it lay with trenches:
into these he conducted the natural brooks, and
thus undermined its foundations. " In fact," says
the Jewish historian, " he tork away all evidence
of the very existence of the city." This story at
first sight seems rather exaggerated, and incon-
sistent with the hilly site of Samaria. It may
hare referred only to the suburbs lying at its foot.
"But," says Prideaux (Conn. B.0. 109, note), "Ben-
jamin of Tudela, who was in the place, tells us in
his Itinerary* that there were upon the top of this
hill many fountains of water, and from these water
enough may have been derived to fill these tFenches."
It should slso be recollected that the hill of Samarin
was lower than the hills in its neighbourhood. This
may account for the existence of these springs.
Josephus describes the extremities to which the
inhabitants were reduced during this siege, much in
the same way that the author of the Book of Kings
does during that of Benhadad (comp. Ant. xiii. 10,
§2, with 2 K. vi. 25). John Hyrcanus' reasons
for attacking Samaria were the injuries which its
inhabitants had done to the people of Marissn,
colonists and allies of the Jews. This confirms whnt
was said above, of the cession of the Samaritan neigh-
bourhood to the Jews by Alexander the Great.
After this disaster (which occurred in B.C. 109),
the Jews inhabited what remained of the city ; at
least we find it in their possession in the time of
Alexander Jannaeus (Ant. xiii. 15, §4), and until
* las sswvaOmf IXX. form to the a T. to SayssW,
«*■ u»> faUowng remarkable rtofpUoos:— 1 K. xvl 34,
1 " ■■■.-■ %i«w Cat, T.)ns.W); Bar. iv. 10 %*a-
pmr (JJal. Zufuipuv) ; Heh. Iv. 2. Is vii.*,:
* No snefa passage, however, now exists In fiec^smln of
Tndela. See tin editions of Asber and c f Boon.
tlOO
SAMARIA
Pompey gave it bnck to the descenrlsnta of its
original inhabitants (rots o'ucfrrootrir). These turff-
rofft may possibly hare been the Syro-Maoedonians,
but it is more probable that they were Samaritans
pi oper, whose ancestors had been dispossessed by the
colonists of Alexander the Great. By directions of
Gabinius, Samaria and other demolished cities wers
rebuilt (Ant. sir. 5, §3). But its more effectual
rebuilding was undertaken by Herod the Great, lo
whom it had been granted by Augustus, on the
deatl> of Antony and Cleopatra (Ant. ziii. 10, §3,
xt. «, §5; B. J. i. 20, §3). He called it Stiastt
2f$orrt) = Augusta, after the name of his patron
(Ant x : 7, §7). Joiephus gives an elaborate de-
scription of Herod's improvements. The wall sur-
rounding it was 20 stadia in length, in the middle
of it was a close, of a stadium and a half square,
containing a magnificent temple, dedicated to the
Caesar. It was colonised by 6000 veterans and
others, for whose support a most beautiful and
rich district surrounding the city was appropriated.
Herod's motives in these arrangements were pro-
bably, first, the occupation of a commanding position,
and then the desire of distinguishing himself for taste
by the embellishment of a spot already so adorned by
nature (Ant. zv. 8, §5 ; B. J. i. 20, §3 j 21, §2).
How long Samaria maintained its splendour after
Herod's improvements we are not informed. In
the N. T. the city itself does not appear to be men-
tioned, but rather a portion of the district to which,
even in older times, it had extended its name. Our
Version, indeed, of Acts viii. 5 says that Philip
the deacon " went down to the city of Samaria ; '
but the Greek of the passage is simply sir wiXu>
rf,t Xanaptlas. And we may fairly argue, both
from the absence of the definite article, and from
the probability that, had the city Samaria been
intended, the term employed- would have been
Sehaste, that tome one city of the district, the
name of which it not specified, was in the mind
of the writer. In verse 9 of the same chapter " the
people of Samaria" represents to livos Tijt Safia-
ftas ; and the phrase in verse 25, " many villages
of the Samaritans," shows that the operations of
evangelizing were not confined to the city of Sa-
mfcria itself, if they were ever carried on there.
Comp. Matt. z. 5, " Into any city of the Samaritans
enter ye not ;" and John iv. 4, 5, where, after it has
been said, "And He must needs go through Samaria,"
obviously the district, it is subjoined, " Then cometh
He to a city of Samaria called .Sychar." Hence-
forth its history is very unconnected. Septimius
Severus planted a Roman colony there in the begin-
ning of the third century (Ulpian, Leg. I. de Cen-
sihus, quoted by Dr. Robinson). Various specimens
of coins struck on the spot have been preserved,
extending from Nero to Gets, the brother of Cara-
calla (Vaillant, in Numitm. Imper., and Noris,
quoted by Reland). Bat, though the seat of a Ro-
man colony, it could not have been a jilaee of much
political importance. We find in the Codex of
TheoJosius, that by A.D. 409 the Holy Land hid
been divided into Palaestina Prima, Secunda, snd
Tertia. Palaesbna Prima included the country of
(lie Philistines, Samaria (the district), and the
northern part of Jndnea; but its capital was not
Stbaste, hut Caesarea. In an ecclesiasuca 1 uoint of
viiw it stood rather higher. It was an episcopal
tee probably as em'y as the third century. At
my rata its bishop was present amongst those of
Palestine at the Council of Nicaea, A.D. 325, ami
•vbsrribed its acts as " Mazimiu. (si. Marine*;
SAMARIA
Sehaf tonus." The names of some cf 1.1s aueasaMi
h.ive been preserved — the latest of them 1
is Pelagius, who attended the Synod at Je
a.d. 536. The title of the see occurs in the
earlier Greek Sotitiae, and in the later Latin ones
(Reland, Pal. 214-229). Sehaste fell into the hands
of the Mahommedans during the siege of Jeru-
salem. In the course of the Crusades a Latin
bishopric was established there, the title of which
was recognised by the Roman Church until the
fourteenth century. At this day the city of Omri
and of Herod is represented by a small village
retaining few vestiges of the past except ita name,
Sebistieh, an Arabic corruption of Sehaste. Sioce
architectural remains it has, partly of Christian
construction or adaptation, as the ruined church
of St. John the Baptist, partly, perhaps, traces oi
Idumaean magnificence. " A long avenue of broken
pillars (says Dr. Stanley), apparently the main
street of Herod's city, here, as at Palmyra and
Damascus, adorned by a colonnade on each side,
still lines the topmost terrace of the hilL" But
the fragmentary aspect of the whole place exhibits
a present fulfilment of the prophecy of Micab
(i. 6), though it may have been fulfilled mere than
wee previously by the ravages of Shalmaneaer or
of John Hyrcanus. " I will make Samaria as an
heap of the Held, and as plantings of a vineyard:
and I will pour down the stones thereof into the
valley, and I will discover the foundations thereof "
(Mic i. 6; comp. Hot. ziii. 16).
St. Jerome, whose acquaintance with Palestine
imparts a sort of probability to the tradition which
prevailed so strongly in later days, asserts that
Sebaste, which he invariably identities with Samaria,
was the place in which St. John the Baptist was
imprisoned and suffered death. He also makes it
the burial-place of the prophets Elisha and Obsdiab
(see various passages cited by Reland, pp. 980-981)
Kpiphauius is at great pains, in his work Adv.
Haereses (lib. i.), in which he treats of the heresies
of the Samaritans with singular minuteness, to
account for the origin of their name. He interprets
it as WVX?, <pi\aKtt, or " keepers." The hili
on which the city was built was, he says, designated
Somer or Somerou (lap^o, impipmr), from a
certain Somoron the son of Somer, whom he con-
siders to have been of the stock of the ancient
Peiizxites or Girgashitet, themselves descendants of
Canaan and Ham. But he adds, the inhabitants
may have been called Samaritans from their guard-
ing the land, or (coming down much later in their
history) from their guarding the Law, at distin-
guished from the later writings of the Jewish Canon,
which they refused to allow. [See Samabitahs.]
For modern descriptions of the condition of Sa-
maria and its neighbourhood, see Dr. Robinson's
Biblical Researches, ii. 127-33; Reland's Palaes-
tina, 344, 979-982; Kaumer's PaUstrna, 144-148.
notes ; Van de Velde's Syria and Palestine, i. 363-
;)88,andii. 295, 296, Map,*ad Memoir; Dr. Stan-
ley's Sinai and Palatine, 242-246 ; and a short
article by Mr. G. Williams in the Diet, of Gtotf.
Dr. Kitto, in his Physical History of Palestine, pp.
rxvii., cxviii., haa an interesting reference to and
extract from Sandys, illustrative of its topography
and general aspect at the commencement of the
seventeenth century.
2. The Sama-ia named in .he present tart n*
I Msec. v. 6<i ('. V» SsutaVxiav: Sanariam) tsen-
■iotitly an error. At any rate the well-known Se
SAMARIA.
1101
:-:/"-, Jr-^'^*- >•*
TWajl a l n al I i m i |
Srf~«iK», the ancient SAMAIUA, from the E.N.E.
t, vwfinf tm uu Plata of Shareo. Tha MI J WI M
' I* takao wa* niada by William Tipping, E*^, in IMS. and la ongjavad by hut kin*
una of the Old and New TcxtameuU cannot be
laeaied, (or it U obvious that Judas, in passing
turn Hebron to tlie land of the Philistines f AzotusJ,
oould not make so immense a detour. The true
comcbon * doabcieas mipplied by Josephua (Ant.
a:. 8,§6:,whohs»M<«riasi(i.«. Makebha), a place
■oca lay in the road fiom Hebron to the I'hilistine
rlu. Oue of the ancient Latin Versions exhibits
tac same reading ; which is accepted by Ewald
'j'ctcA. ir. 361) and a host of commentator (see
'irma, Karzg. Kzeg. Handb., on the passage;.
LlrjKus prnposed Shasraim ; bat this is hardly so
iaaahW as Msresha, and has no external support.
3. Samaria (^ In/mprrrn x<*pa', Josejih. x^C a
Iss es Wsw ; Ptol. latwii, laiiifXia: Samaria).
Siabitass (D*3T0C': Scuuucirai; Joseph.
Is aOf S tf).
Tstre art few questions in Biblical philology
«fos which, in recent times, scholars hare come
*> aach opposite conclusions as the extent of the
•«m?ory to which the former of these words is
•PfsiesUe, and tiv» origin of the peojje to which
tat latter is applied in the N. T. But a probable
■alotsa of then may be gained by careful attention
•0 the historical statements of Holy Scripture and
af Jasfphus, and by a consideration of the geo-
papiuol feature* of Palestine.
Id the strictest sense of the term, a Samaritan
void be aa inhabitant of the city of Samaria. But
1 s* not found at all is this sense, exclusively at
an cue. in the O. T. In fact, it only occurs there
•00. «i»i then tn a wider signification, in 2 K. xrii.
t». There it is employed to designate those whom
tie kit; of Assyria had " placed in (what are
called, the alia of Samaria (whatever these may
at) •stead of the children of Israel."
Vert the word Samaritan found elsewhere in the
0. T., it would hare designated those who belonged
'" the kingdom of the ten tribes, which in a large
so m was called Samaria. And aa the extent of that
UC&SB rsnrd, which it did very much, gradually
diminishing to the time of Shalmaneser, so the
extent of the word Samaritan would hare varied.
Samaria at first included all the tribes over
which Jeroboam made himself king, whether east
or west of the river Jordan. Hence, even before
the city of Samaria existed, we find the " old pro-
phet who dwelt at Bethel " describing the predic-
tions of" the man of God who came from Judah."
in reference to the altar at Bethel, as directed not
merely against that altar, but " against all the
houses of the high-places which are in the citiet
of Samaria" (1 K. xiii. 32), I. «., of course, the
cities of which Samaria was, or was to be, the head
or capital. In other places in the historical hooks
cf the O. T. (with the exception of 2 K. xvii. 24,
26, 28, 29) Samaria seems to denote the city ex-'
clusiveiy. But the prophets use the word, much
as did the old prophet of Bethel, in a greatly ex-
tended sense. Thus the " calf of Bethel " is called
by Hosea (viii. 5, 6) the " calf of Samaria ;" in
Ames (iii. 9) the "mountains of Samaria" are
spoken of; and the " captivity of Stunaria mid her
daughters" is a phrase Ibund iu Ezekiel (xvi. 53).
Hence the word Samaritan must have denoted every
one subject to the king of the northern capital.
But, whatever extent the word might have at
quired, it necessarily became contracted as the limits
of the kingdom of Israel became contracted. In all
probability the territory of Simeon and that of Dan
were very early absorbed in the kingdom of Judah.
This would be one limitation. Next, in B.C. 771
and 740 respectively, " Pul, king of Assyria, and
Tilgath-pilneser, king of Assyria, carried away the
Keubenites and the Gadites, and the half-tribe of
Manasseh, and brought them unto Halah, and
Habor, and Hara, and to the river Gozan " (1 Chr,
r. 26). This would be a second limitation. But
the latter of these kings went further : " He took
Ijon, and Abel-beth-maachah, and Janoah, and
Kedesh, and Hazor, and Gilead, and Galilee, all the
land of Naphtali, and carried them captive to As-
syria" (2 K. it. 29). This would be a third
1102
SAMARIA
limitation. Nearly a century before. «.c. MO, I
"the Lord hart begun to cut Israel short ;" for
** Haznel, king of Syria, smote them in all the
coasts of Israel ; from Jordan eastward, all the land
of Gilead. the Gadites, and the fcubenitea, and the
Mauassites, from Arocr, which is by the river
Arson, even Gilead and Bashan " (2 K. x. 32, 33).
This, however, as we may conjecture from the
diversity of expression, had been merely a passing
inroad, and had involved no permanent subjection
m' the country, or deportation of ita inhabitants.
The invasions of Pul and of Tilgath-pilneser were
utter clearances of the population. The territory
thus desolated by them was probably occupied by
degrees by the f u»hi;<r forward of the neighbouring
heathen, or by straggjng families of the Israelites
•hemselres. In reference to the northern part of
Galilee we know that a heathen population pre-
vailed. Hence the phrase " Galilee of the Nations,''
or " Gentiles " (Is. ix. 1 ; 1 Mac v. 15). And no
doubt this was the case also beyond Jordan.
But we have yet to arrive at a fourth limitation
of the kingdom of Samaria, and, by consequence, of
the word Samaritan. It is evident from an occur-
rence in Hezekiah's reign, that just before the depo-
sition and death of Hashes, the but king of Israel,
the authority of the king of Judah, or, at least, his
influence, was recognised by portions of Asher, Issa-
ehar, and Zebulun, and even of Ephrsim and Ma-
nasseh (2 Chr. xxx. 1-26). Men came from all
those tribes to the Passover at Jerusalem. This
was about B.C. 726. In fact, to such miserable
limits hud the kingdom of Samaria been reduced,
that when, two or three years afterwards, we are
told that " Shalmaneser came up throughout the
land," and after a siege of three years " took Sa-
maria, and carried Israel away into Assyria, and
placed them in Halah, and in Habor by the river
Goon, and in the cities of the Modes " (2 K. xvii.
5, 6), and when again we are told that " Israel
was carried away out of their own land into As-
syria" I'Z K. xvii. 23), we must suppose a very
small field of operations. Samaria (the city), and
a tew adjacent cities or villages only, repiesented
that dominion which had once extended from Bethel
to Dan northwards, and from the Mediterranean to
the borders of Syria and Ammon eastwards. This
is further confirmed by what we read of Josiah's
progress, in B.C. 641, through " the cities of Ma-
nasseh and Ephraim and Simeon, even unto Naph-
ta!i " (2 Chr. xxxiv. 6). Such a progress would
have been impracticable had the number of cities
and villages occupied by the persons then called
Samaritans been at all large.
This, however, brings us more closely to the
second point of our discussion, the origin of those
who are in 2 K. xvii. 29, and in the N. T., called
Samaritans. Shalmaneser, as we have seen (2 K.
xvii. 5, 6, 26), carried Israel, •*. «. the remnant of
the ten tribes which still acknowledged Hoahea's
authority, into Assyria. This remnant consisted, as
has been shown, of Samaria (the city) and a few
adjacent cities sod villages. Now, 1. bid he carry
away all their inhabitants, or no? 2. Whether
they were wholly or only partially desolated, who
npLiced the deported population ? On the answer
to these inquiries will depend our determination of
the questions, were the Samaritans a mixed race,
composed partly of Jews, partly of new settlers, or
wire they purely of foreign extraction?
In reference to the former of these inquiries, it
may U observed that the language of Scripture
SAMARIA
admits of scarcely a doubt. " Israel was oarried
away" (2 K. xvii. 6, 23), and other nations vara
placed " in the cities of Samaria ituttxl of the
children of Israel " (2 K. xvii. 24). There is M
mention whatever, as in the case of tie somewhat
parallel destruction of the kingdom of Jitdnst, of
" the poor of the land being left to be vine-dressers
and husbandmen " (2 K. xxv. 12). We add, that,
had any been left, it would have been impassible
tor the new inhabitants to have been so utterly
unable to acquaint themselves with " the manner
of the God of the land " as to require to be taught
by some priest of the captivity sent from the king
of Assyria, Besides, it was not an unusual thing
with Oriental conquerors actually to exhaust a land
of its inhabitants. Comp. Herod, iii. 149, " The
Persians dragged (rrytirmrarrtt) Samoa, and deli-
vered it up to Syloson script of all its men ;" and,
again, Herod, vi. 31, for the application of the same
treatment to other islands, where the process called
<rayitrtvttr is described, and is compared to a
hunting out of the population (laOnpstW). Such
a capture ia presently contrasted with the capture
of other territories to which e-aymfsW was not
applied. Joeephus's phrase in reference to the citaes
of Samaria is that Shalmaneser " transplanted ail
the people" {Ant. ix, 14, $1). A threat against
Jerusalem, which was indeed only partially carried
out, shows how complete and summary the desola-
tion of the last relics of the sister kingdom must
have been : " I will stretch over Jerusalem the
line of Samaria, and the plummet of the house of
Ahab : and I will wipe Jerusalem as a man wipeth
a dish: he wipeth and tnrneth it upon the fare
thereof" (2 K. xxi. 13). This was uttered within
forty years after B.C. 721, during the reign of Ma
nasseh. It must have derived much strength from
the recentness and proximity of the calamity.
We may then conclude that the cities of Samaria
were not merely partially, but wholly evacuated of
their inhabitants in B.C. 721, and that they re-
mained in this desolated state until, in the words
of 2 K. xvii. 24, " the king of Assyria brought mm
from Babylon, and from Cuthah, and from Are
( Ivah, 2 K. xviii. 34), and from Hamath, and from
Sepharvaim, and placed them in the cities of Sa-
maria instead of the children of Israel : and they
possessed Samaria, and dwelt in the cities thereof. '
Thus the new Samaritans — for such we must now
call them — weie Assyrians by birth or subjugation,
were utterly strangers in the cities of Samaria, and
were exclusively the inhabitants of those cities. An
incidental question, however, arises, Who was the
king of Assyria that effected this colonization ? At
first sight, one would suppose Shalmaneser ; for the
narrative is scarcely broken, and the repeopling
seems to be a natural sequence of the depopulation.
Such would appear to have been Joaephur view, fbr
he says of Shalmaneser, " when he had removed the
people out of their land, he brought other nations
out of Cuthah, a place so called (for there is still in
Persia a river of that name), into Samaria and the
country of the Israelites " (Ant. ix. 14, $1, 8 ; x. 9,
$7); but he must have been led to this interpretation
simply by the juxtaposition of the two transactions
in the Hebrew text. The Samaritans themselves,
in Exr. lv. 2, 10, attributed their colonization not to
Shalmaneser, but to " Esar-haddon, king of Amur,"
or to «* the great and noble Asnapper,' either the
king himself or one of his generals. It was probably
on his invasion of Judah, it. the reign of Manasst h,
aboc! ax. S77, that ejarhadilou rtisoovend the
NAMAK1A
1103
nfolicy of lairing a tract upon the /ay frontiers
3l that kingdom thus desolate, anil determined to
butm it with foreigners. The feet, too, thai some
at that* foreigner* came from Babylon would aeem
la direct us to Esnrhaddon, rather than to his grand-
father, TlnliniiiHWi It was only recently that
Babylon had come into the hands of the Assyrian
king. And there is another reason why this date
isoold be preferred. It coincides with the termi-
nation of the sixty-fire yean of Isaiah's prophecy,
deuvuei B.C. 742, within which " Ephraim should
he broken that it should not be a people " (Is. vii. 8).
This was net effectually accomplished until the very
.and iuelf was occupied by strangers. So long as
this had not taken place, there might be hope of
return: after it had taken place, no hope. Joarphus
( Ami. x. 9, §7) expressly notice* this difference in
the cms of the ten and of the two tribes. The laud
of the tenner became the possession of foreigners,
the hnd of the latter not so.
These strangers, whom we will now assume to
nare been placed in " the cities of Samaria " by
rjarhaddon, were of coarse idolaters, and wor-
shipped a strange medley of divinities. Each of the
nve net*"* 1 *, says Joseph us, who is confirmed by
the words of Scripture, had its own god. No place
was lound for the worship of Him who had once
called the land His own, and whose it was still.
Cod's displeasure was kindled, and they weie in-
hsted by beasts of prey, wMch had probably
iiacresaed to a great extent belbie their entrance
upon it. " The Lord sent lions among them, which
•>sw some of them." On their explaining their
tm*r*b-t condition to the king of Assyria, he de-
■p.t^t^rt one of the captive priests to teach them
'-'bow they should rev the Lord." The priest
cxase accordingly, and henceforth, in -the language
of the sacred historian, they " feared the Lord, nud
•*rred their graven images, both their children and
t ; «r children's children : as did their fathers, so do
\*r onto this day" (2 K. xvii. 41). This last
sentence was probably inserted by Ezra. It serves
two purposes : Lit, to qualify the pretensions of the
Muavritans of Ezra's time to be pure worshippers
of God — they were no more exclusively His ser-
t-nzs, than was the Roman emperor who desired to
place a statue of Christ in the Pantheon entitled to
I* celled a Christian ; and, 2nd!y, to show how en-
tirely the Samaritan* of later days differed fioni
their ancestor* in respect to idolatry. Josephus'
tuount of the distress of the Samaritans, and of the
remedy for it, is very similar, with the exception
that with bun they are afflicted with pestilence.
Sora was the origin of the post-captivity or new
•hunsrimns man not of Jewish extraction, but from
the further East : " the Cutnaeans had formerly be-
longed to the inner parts of Persia and Media, but
■ere then called ' Samaritans,' taking the name of
the country to which they we>« removed," tars
J-oepfcos (Ant. x. 9, §7). And again he says (Ait.
is. 14, {3 j they are called •* in Hebrew ' Cuthaean*.'
*«t in Creek ' Samaritan*.' " Our Lord exprewcly
trr-u* them aAAoTovit (Lukexvii. 18); and Jo-
•ephus' whole account of them shows that he believed
«■» to hare been iUtoucoi sAAoeeVeir, though,
» he tells ns in two places (Ant. ix. 14, §3, and
<•. 8. f/t), they sometimes gave a different account
sf their origin. But of this bye and bye. A gap
'•airs in their history until Judah has returned
■nan captivity. They then desire to be allowed to
f s rt serj Me is the rebuilding of the Temple at Jem-
it i* curious, and perhaps indicative of the
treacherous character of their designs, to find than)
tven then called, by anticipation, " the adruwiet
of Judah and Benjamin " (Ear. ir. 1), a title whiek
they afterwards fully justified. But so far as two-
fessions go, they are not enemies ; they are most
anxious to be friends. Their religion, they assert,
is the same as that of the two tribes, therefore they
have a right to share in that great religious under-
taking. But they do not call it a national under-
taking. They advance no pretensions to Jewish blood.
They confess their Assyrian descent, and even put it
forward ostentatiously, perhaps to enhance the merit
of their partial conversion to God. That it was but
partial they give no hint. It may have become
purer already, but we have no information that it
had. Be this, however, as it may, the Jews do not
listen favourably to their overtures. Ezra, no doubt,
from whose pen we have a record of the transaction,
saw them through and through. On this the Soma,
ritans throw off the mask, and become open enemies,
frustrate the operations of the Jew* through the
reigns of two Persian kings, and are only effectually
silenced in the reign of Darius Hystaspis, B.C. 519.
The feud, thus unhappily begun, grew year by
year more inveterate. It is probable, too, that thi
more the Samaritans detached themselves from idols,
and became devoted exclusively to a sort of worship
of Jehovah, the more they resented the contempt
with which the Jews treated their offers of fra-
ternization. Hatters at length came to a climax.
About B.C. 409, a certain Manasseh, a man of
priestly lineage, on being expelled from Jerusalem
by Nehemiah for an unlawful marriage, obtained
permission from the Persian king of his day, Darius
Nothus, to build a temple on Mount Gerizim, for
the Samaritans, with whom he had found refuge.
The only thing wanted to crystallise the opposition
between the two races, viz., a rallying point for
Bchismaticol worship, being now obtained, their ani-
mosity became more intense than ever. The Sama-
ritans ore said to have done everything in their power
to annoy the Jews. They would refuse hospitality
to pilgrims on their road to Jerusalem, a* in our
Lord's case. They would even w^lay them is
their journey (Joseph. Ant. xx. 6, §1;; aid ciiay
were compelled through fear to take the longer
route by the east of Jordan. Certain Samaritans
were Mud to have once penetrated into the Temple
of Jerusalem, and to have defiled it by scattering
dead men's bones on the sacred pavement (Ant.
xviii. 2, §2). We are told too of a strange
piece of mockery which most hare been especially
resented. It was the custom of the Jews to com*
municate to their brethren »till in Babylon the exact
day and hour of the rising of the paschal moon, by
beacon-fires commencing from Mount Olivet, and
hashing forward from hill to hill until they were
mirrored in the Euphrates. So the Greek poet
represents Agamemnon as conveying the news of
Troy's unpture to the anxious watchers at Mycenae.
Those who " sat by the waters of Babylon " looked
for thai signal with much interest. It enabled them
to share in the devotions of those who were in theii
father-land, and it proved to them that they were
not forgotten. The Samaritans thought scorn of
these feelings, and would not unfrequently deceive
and disappoint them, by kindling a rival name and
perplexing the watchers op the mountains.* Their
• -Ton hot" savs Dr. Trench, - Is mentioned by M»-
krtd (see lie Sscy's Cans*. Ante, it. 169), who afflnas
that It w«a this which sot In* Jews m matins: *<t jrws
1104
SAMARIA
•wn tetnpie en Geruuin they considered to he much
superior to that «t Jerusalem. There they sacri-
ficed « passover. Towards the mountain, even after
the temple on it had fallen, wherever they were,
they directed their worship. To their copy of the
Ijiw they arrogated an antiquity and authority
greater than attached to any copy in the poseeasioD
>f the Jews. The Law (i. a. the five books of Moses)
was their sole code ; for they rejected every other
book in the Jewish canon. And they professed to
observe it better than did the Jews themselves,
employing the expression not unfrequently, " The
Jews indeed do so and so ; but we, observing the
litter of the Law, do otherwise."
The Jews, on the other hand, were not more
conciliatory in their treatment of the Samariums.
The copy of the Law possessed by that people they
declared to be the legacy of an apostate (Manasseh),
and cast grave suspicions upon its genuineness.
Certain other Jewish renegades had from time to
time taken refuge with the Samaritans. Hence, by
degrees, the Samaritans claimed to partake of Jewish
blood, especially if doing so happened to auit their
Merest (Joseph. Ant. a. 8, §6 ; ix. 14, §3). A
remarkable instance of this is exhibited in a request
which they made to Alexander the Great, about
B.C. 332. They desired to be excused payment of
tribute in the Sabbatical year, on the plea that as
true Israelites, descendant* of Ephraim and Ma-
nasseh, sons of Joseph, they refrained from culti-
vating their land in that year. Alexander, on cross-
questioning them, discovered the hollowness of their
pretensions. (They were greatly disconcerted at
their failure, and their dissatisfaction probably led
to the conduct which induced Alexander to besiege
and destroy the city of Samaria. Shechem was
indeed their metropolis, but the destruction of Sa-
maria seems to have satisfied Alexander.) Another
instance of claim to Jewish descent appeals in
the words of the woman of Samaria to our Lord,
John ir. 12, " Art Thou greater than our father
Jacob, who gave us the well ?" A question which
she puts without recollecting that she had just
before strongly contrasted the Jews and the Sama-
ritans. Very far were the Jews from admitting
this claim to consanguinity on the part of these
people. They were ever reminding them that they
were after all mere Cuthaeans. mere strangers from
Assyria. They accused them oi worshipping the
idol-gods buried long ago under the oak of Shechem
(Gen. xxxt. 4). They would have no dealings with
them that they could possibly avoid.' " Thou art a
Samaritan and host a devil," was the mode in which
they expressed themselves when at a loss for a bitter
reproach. Every thing that a Samaritan had touched
was as swine's flesh to them. The Samaritan was
publicly cursed in their synagogues — could not be
adduced as a witness in the Jewish courts — could
not be admitted to any sort of proselytism — and
was thus, *■> far as the Jew could affect his position,
excluded from hope of eternal life. The traditional
hatred in which the Jew held him is expressed in
Eorlus. 1. 'lb, 26, " There be two manner of nations
which my heart abhorreth, and the third k no
nation : they that sit on the mountain of Samaria ;
calealalkms to determine the moment of the new moon's
appearance (romp. Schoetnnn'e Hor. Htb. L 344).'
b This prejudice bad, of course,
to necessity, for theadladplea had gone to Sychar to Bay
bed, *hlle onr Lord was talking with the woman of Sa-
Bwrla by the well In Its soburb (John Iv. 8). And born
bake ta. as, we learn trat the sUsripii went baton oar
8AM AULA
and they that dwell among the PbiUstisea, ataf
that fboiioh people that dwell in Sichem." And so
long was it before such a temper could be banished
from "stt Jewish mind, that we find evet the
Apostles believing that an inhospitable slight abowa
by a Samaritan village to Chi ist would be not nnduly
avengul by calling down fire from heaven.
" Ye know not what spirit ye are of," said the
large-hearted Son of Mao, and we find Him on no
one occasion uttering anything to the disparagement
of the Samaritans. His words, however, and thy
records of His ministrations unnfirm most thoroughly
the view which has been taken above, that ♦*■»
Samaritans were not Jews. At the first sending
forth of the Twelve (Matt, x. 5. 6) He charge*
them, "Go not into the way of the Gentiles, and
into any city of the Samaritans enter ye not, but
go rather to the lost sheep of the house of Israel."'
So again, in His final address to them on Moon!
Olivet, " Ye shall be witnesses to Me in Jerusalem
and in all Judaea, and in Samaria, and unto the
uttermost part of the earth" (Acta i. 8). So the
nine unthankful lep=rs, Jews, were contrasted by
Him with the tenth leper, the thankful stranger
(oAAoye>^i), who was a Samaritan. So, in His
well-known parable, a merciful Samaritan is con-
trasted with the unmerciful priest and Levtte. And
the very worship of the two races is described by
Him as different in character. " Ye worship ye
know not what," this is said of the Samaritans :
" We know what we worship, for salvation is of
the Jews " (John iv. 22).
Such were the Samaritans of our Lord's day: a
people distinct from the Jews, though lying in the
very midst of the Jews ; a people preserving their
identity, though seven centuries had rolled away
since they had been brought from Assyria by Eaar-
haddon, and though they had abandoned their poly-
theism for a sort of ultra Mosaicism ; a people, who —
though their limits had been gradually contracted,
and the rallying place of their religion on Mount
Gerizira had been destroyed one hundred and sixty
years before by John Hyrcanus (b.c. 130), aid
though Samaria (the city) had been again and
again destroyed, and though their territory had
been the battle-field of Syria and Egypt— still pre-
served their nationality, still worshipped frerc
Shechem and their other impoverished settlements
towards their sacred hill ; still retained their na-
tionality, and could not coalesce with the Jews:
•for r* aAnf* T " *V)C**c vo&fy aw*,
Mj|O0"laiuwvi Am *
Not indeed that we must suppose that the wbasr oi
the country called in our Lord's time Samaria, was
in the pos s es s ion of the Cuthaean Samaritans, or that
it had ever been so. " Samaria," savs Josepboa,
{B. J. iii. 3, §4) '• lies between Judaea and Oaiila*,
It commences from a village called Oi-stea {J*n§n\
on the great plain (that of Esdraelon), and extends
to the toparchy of Acrabatta," in the lower part at
the territory of Ephrauu. These points, indkatma;
the extreme northern and the extreme southern
parallels of latitude between which Samaria was
situated, enable us to fix its boundaries with tale-
Lord at His command Into a certain village of the
Samaritans * to make ready" for Him. Tftilll. Indees
to give way j (though, as we see on both occasions, osjr Lord's Influ-
ence over them was not vet complete), we ere to attribute
this partial sbandonment or their ordinary s cruples to
the chance which His example had already wroegbt Ir
SAMABIA
■bkcatnaty. It waa bounded northward by *J»e i
nap of faiila which commences at Mount Carowl
to Ike wot, and, after making a bend to the south-
rat, ram almoct due east to the valley of the
JenJan, forming the southern border of tlte plain of
iifaekm. It touched towards the south, as nearly
as possible, the northern limits of Benjamin. Thus
it oxnpreheoded the ancient territory of Ephraim,
aid of than Manessites who were west of Jordan.
" Its diameter," Josephus continues, " is in no
respect different from that cf Judaea. Both abound
B mountains and plains, and are suited for agricul-
ture, and productive, wooded, and full of fruits
both wild and cultivated. They are not abundantly
entered ; but much rain falls there. The springs
ire of an exceedingly sweet taste ; and, on account
sf the quantity of good grass, the cattle there pro-
luce more milk than elsewhere. But the best
prof uf their richness and fertility is that both are
thickly populated." The accounts of modem tra-
velers confirm this description by the Jewish his-
torian of the "good land" which was allotted to
that powerful portion of the house of Joseph which
anssed the Jordan, on the first division of the ter-
ritory. The Cuthaean Samaritans, however, pos-
sessed only a tew towns and Tillages of this large
sua, and these lay almost together in the centre of
the district. Shechem or Sychar (as it was con-
taoptaoosly designated) was their chief settlement,
eren before Alexander the Great destroyed Samaria,
probsMy because it lay almost dose to Mount Ge-
ntirn. Afterwards it became more prominently so,
and there, on the destruction of the Temple on
forixim, by John Hyrcanus (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 9,
§1), they built themselves a temple. The modem
representative of Shechem is Nablua, a corrup-
tion of Nespolis, or the " New Town," built bv
Veoauian a little to the west of the older town which
fas then rained. At Xdblut the Samaritans have
■till a settlement, consisting of about 200 persons.
Vet they observe the Law, and celebrate the Passover
on a sacred spot on Mount Gerizim, with an exact-
ness of minute ceremonial which the Jews them-
selves hart long intermitted :
" Quaoqnam dirnta, sorvat
linxtB Trojanam. et Vestsm colli Alba minorem."
The Samaritans were very troublesome both to
■bar Jewish neighbours and to their Itoman masters,
«i the first century, A.D. Pilate chastised them with
severity which led to his own downfall (Joseph,
iat. rviii. 4, jl), and a slaughter of 10,600 of
tbera took place under Vespasian (B. J. iii. 7, §32).
la spite of these reverses they increased greatly in
numbers towards its termination, and appear to
hare grows into importance under Dositheus, who
«ss probably an apostate Jew. Epiphanius (adv.
Hxraa, lib. i.), in the fourth century, considers
them to be the chief and most dangerous adver-
saries of Christianity, and he enumerates the several
sects into which they had by that time divided
theosterre*. They were popularly, and even by
■sew of the Fathers, confounded with the Jews, in-
aasKnca that a legal interpretation of the Gospel
•as described as a tendency to 2ouuuh trio-ties' or
IssMraos. This confusion, however, did not
extend to an identification of the '.wo laces. It vat
amply aa assertion that their eiti-mc opinions were
rienbol. And previously to «n outiage which
uVr eommitted on the Christian:- at ' leapolis in the
■eifES of Zero, towards the end rf the Mrth century,
tW datmctian between them und the Jews was
nrariently known, and even recugoiwd in the Thco-
vDUta,
SAMABIA
1106
donan Code. This was so severely prnuhel, that
they sank into an obscurity, which, though they
are just noticed by travellers of the twelfth and
fourteenth centuries, was scarcely broken until the
sixteenth century. In the latter half of that cen-
tury a correspondence with them was commenced
by Joseph Scaliger. (be Sacy has edited two of
their letters to that eminent scholar.) Job Ludclf
received a letter from them, in the latter half of the
next century. These three letters are to be found in
Eichhora 's Repertorium fir Biblische «nd Aforgm-
ISndiscke Litteratw, vol. xiii. They are of great
archaeological interest, and enter very minutely into
the observances of the Samaritan ritual. Among
other points worthy of notice in them is the incon-
sistency displayed by the writers in valuing them-
selves on not being Jews, and yet claiming to be
descendants of Joseph. See also De Sacy's Cot-
respondance des Samaritains, &c., in Notices et
Extr. da MSS. de la BMioth. du Sot, &c., vol.
xil. And, for more modern accounts of the people
themselves, Robinson's Biblical Researches, ii. 280-
311; iii. 129-30; Wilson's lands of the Bible
ii. 46-78 ; Van de Velde's Syria and Palestine, ii
296 sen,. ; Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, p. 240
Rogers' Notices of the Modern Samaritan*, p. 25;
Grove's account of their Day of Atonement in
Vacation Tourists for 1861 ; and Dr. Stanley's, of
their Passover, iu his Lectures on the Jewish Church,
App. iii.
The view maintained in the above remarks, as to
the purely Assyrian origin of the New Samaritans
is that of Sulcer, Reland, Hammond, Drosius in the
Critici Sacri, Maldonatus, Hengstenberg, Havernick
Robinson, and Dean Trench. The render is rcferrec
to the very clear but too brief discussion of the
subject bv the last mentioned learned writer, in
his Parables, pp. 310, 311, and to the authori-
ties, especially De Sacy, which are there quoted.
There is no doobt in the world that it was Hie
ancient view. We have seen what Josephus snirl,
and Origen, Euscbius, Epiphanius, Chrysostom.nnd
Theodoret, say the same tiling. Socrates, it must
be admitted, calls the Samaritans oWoVx'o> a '''"'"
Safety, but he stands almost alone among the
ancients in making this assertion. Origen and
Cyril indeed both mention their claim to descent
from Joseph, as evidenced in the statement of the
woman at the well, but mention it only to declare
it unfounded. Others, as Winer, Dollinger, and
Dr. Davidson, have held a different view, which
may be expressed thus in DSIlinger's own' words:
" In the northern part of the Promised Land (as
opposed to Judaea proper) there grew up a mingled
race which drew its origin from the remnant of the
Israelites who were left behind in the country on
the removal of the Ten Tribes, and also from the
heathen colonists who were transplanted into the
cities of Israel. Their religion was as hybrid as
their extraction : they worshipped Jehovah, but, in
addition to Him, also the heathen idols of Phoenician
origin which they had brought from their native
land" (Beidenthum und Judenthum, p. 739, §V).
If the words of Scripture are to be taken alone, it
does not appear how this view is to be maintained.
At any rate, as Drusius observes, the only mixture
was that of Jewish apostate fugitives, long after
Esarhaddon's colonization, not at the time of the
colonization. But modem as this view is, it has
far some years been the ]K>pular one, and even Dr.
Stanlev seems, though quite im ideutally, to have
admitted it (S. f P. 240). He dear sot, however.
4 B
1106 8AMABITAN PENTATEUCH
enter upon its defence. Mr. Grove is also in favour
•f H. See hi* notice already mentioned.
The authority due to the copy of the Law possessed
by the Samaritans, and the determivition whether
the Samaritan reeding of Dent. xxvii. 4, Qerizim,
or that of the Hebrew, Ebal, is to be preferred, are
discussed in the next article. [See Samaritan
Pentatkucb; Ebai, ; Gkrveim ; Shechem;
Sioux ; Stcbab.] v '• A - H -]
8AMABITAN PENTATEUCH, a Recen-
sion of the commonly received Hebrew Text of the
Mosaic Law, in use with the Samaritans, and
written in the ancient Hebrew (iorij, or eo-cslled
Samaritan character.* This recension is found
vaguely quoted by some of the early Fathers of the
Church, under the name of " naXaioVstrer 'E&pat-
«or to wool iapafttrrcus," in contradistinction to
the " 'tppdutbr to wapa 'lovtalou ;" further, as
" Samaritanorum Volumina," &c. Thns Origen on
Num. xiii. 1, . ..." t iced abra «7c rotrwr
laixapti-rur 'EJSoalicoS perrjSdAopcr ; " and on
Num. xxi. 13, . . . "a <V /Unit r&r SopaeeiTaw
iSpofur" &c. Jerome, Pro), to Kings : "Samarituni
etiam Pentateuchum Moysis totidem (? 22, like the
" Hebrews, Syrians and Chaldaeans") litteris habent,
figuristautametapicibusdiscrepantas." Also on Gal.
iii. 10, "quam ob causam" — (viz. 'Evurardparos
fit t) oi« c/i/itVfi «V watri -relit ytypafi/tmis,
being quoted there from Dent, xxvii. 26, where the
Masoretic text has only TW D'f* »6 TOTl "ITW
IXHtn riTinn *13T— * cursed be he thatcontirmeth
not* the words of this Law to do them ;" while the
LXX. ream wo j aVOoui-oi . . tan to«» Adyoit)
— " quam ob causam tamaritanornm Hebraea vo-
lumina relegens invem ?3 ncrrptum esse ;" and he
forthwith charges the Jews with having deliberately
taken out the ?3, because they did not wish to be
bound individually to all the ordinances : forgetting
at the same time that this same 73 occurs in the
very next chapter of the Masoretic text (Pent, xxviii
• Si: — "AWhit commandments and his statutes."
Eusebius of Caesarea observes that the LXX. and
the Sam. Pent, agiee against the Received Text in
the number of years from the Deluge to Abraham.
Cyril of Alexandria spenks of certain words (Gen.
iv. 8), wanting in the Hebrew, but found in the Sa-
maritan. The same remark is made bv Procopius
of Gaxa with respect to Dent. i. 6; Num. x. 10,
X. 9, Ik. Other passages are noticed by Diodorus,
the Greek Scholiast, ic. The Talmud, on the other
hand, mentions the Sam. P«ut. distinctly and con-
temptuously as a clumsilv forged record : " Ton
hoot falsified* your Pentateuch? said R. Eliexer b.
Shimon to the Samaritan scribes, with reference to
a passage in Dent. xi. 30, where the well-understood
word Shechem was gratuitously inserted alter " the
tuiins of Moreh," — "and vou have not profited
aught by it" (comp. Jtr. Sotah 21 b, cf. 17 ; BabK
33 b). On another occasion they are ridiculed on
account of their ignorance of one of the simplest rules
of Hebrew Grammar, displayed in their Pentateuch ;
viz. the use of the il loc.de (unknown, however,
according to Jar. Meg. 6, 2, also to the people of
Jerusalem). "Who hat earned you to blunder?'
said K. Shimon b. Eliexer to them ; referring to their
■ rwitt'?. pin. may ana. as distinguished
*■» *nw, nnwra ana- o>m P . srnn « b, j w .
Mff.a,z; Tosnta Svna. 4; Sruhedr. n a He*. J«r.
t.«.(MtJar. ».l,eo.
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
abolition of the Mosaic ordinance of marrying the
deceased brother's wife (Deut. xxv. & S.\ — through
a misinterpretation of the passage in question, which
enjoins that the wife of the dead t»an shall not ha
" without " to a stranger, but that the brother
should marry her : they, however, taking n¥inn
( =yvb) to be an epithet of net*,, " wife,* trans-
lated " the outer wife," 1. e. the betrothed only
[Jtr. Jtbam. 3, 2, Btr. S., be.).
Down to within the last two hundred and fifty
years, however, no copy of this divergent Code of
Laws had reached Europe, and it began to be pro-
nounced a fiction, and the plain words of the Chuich-
Fathers— the better known authorities— who quou*?
it, were subjected to subtle interpretations. Sud-
denly, in 1616, Pietro della Valle, one of the first dis-
coverers also of the Cuneiform inscriptions, acquired
a complete Codex from the Samaritans in Damascus.
In 1623 it was presented by Achille Barley de Sanry
to the Library of the Oratory in Paris, and in 1628
there appeared a brief description of it by J. Mo-
rinus in his preface to the Roman text of the LXX.
Three years later, shortly lefore it was published
in the Paris Polyglott, — whence it was copied, with
few emendations from other codices, by Walton. —
Morinus, the first editor, wrote his Extreitatione*
Ecclesiastical th vtrumque Samaritanortan Penta-
ttuchum, in which he pronounced the newly found
Codex, with all its innumerable Variants from the
Masoretic text, to be infinitely superior to the
latter ; in fact, the unconditional and- speedy emen-
dation of the Received Text thereby was urged mo»f
authoritatively. And now the impulse was given
to one of the fiercest and most barren literaiy and
theological controversies : of which more anon. Be-
tween 1620 and 1630 six additional copies, paitly
complete, partly incomplete, were acquired bv
Ussher : five of which he deposited in F.nglish
libraries, while one was sent to De Dieu, and ha?
dinnppeanxl mysteriously. Another Codex, now in
the Ambrosian Library at Milan, was brought to
Italy in 1621. Peiiesc procured two more, one at
which was placed in the Royal Library of Paris, and
one in the Barbenui at Rome. Thus the number of
MSS. in Europe gradually giew to sixteen. During
the present century another, but very fragmentary
copy, was acquired by the Gotha Library. A copy
of the entire (?) Pentateuch, withTargum (?Sam.
Version), in parallel columns, 4to., ou parchmnit,
was brought from Nabliu by Mr. Grove in 1861.
for the Count of Paris, in whose library it is.
Single portions of the Sam. Pent., in a more or
less defective state, are now of no rare oecurrem
in Europe.
Respecting the external condition of these MS&,
it may be observed that their sizes vary from 12mo,
to folio, and that no scroll, such as the Jews and the
Samaritans use in their synagogues, is to be found
among them. The letters, whicli are of a size cor-
responding to that of the book, exhibit none of t hose
varieties of shape so frequent in the nbsor. Text ;
such as majuscules, minuscules, suspended, inverted
letters, tic Their material is vellum or cotton-
paper ; the ink used is black in all cases aave the
scroll used by the Samaritans at Nthtm, the letters
of which are in gold. Then an Mather vowela,
» The A. V.. following the LXX. an* csttaf* lithe*
has Inserted the wont eil
' ono't-
SAMARITAN PENTATEUUH
«mu, nor diacritical points. The individual wards
an separated from each other by a dot. Greater
or anallrr divisions of the text are narked by two
dab stated one abort the other, and by an asterisk.
A small line above a consonant indicates a peculiar
.Stacuig of the word, an unusual form, a passive,
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH 1107
and the like : it i«, in feet, a contrivance to bespeak
attention.' The whole Pentateuch is divided into
nine hundred an1 sixty-four paragraphs, or Kaxxvy
th< termination of which is indicated by these figures
= , .%, or <. At the end of each book the nnmba
of its divisions is stated thus : —
(5M9 y\ D'TWD fXp ! pt?mn TDD IW1 [M****. Cod, U Stars. (Parshioth). 10 Chapters}
(ise> a&ben tod - wbvn - - [ » . » „ j
(mi rn.i - irain . . c . » . m.]
amy \a\ -p - SJ"Dnn - - C u « 34.]
The Sam. Pentateuch is halved in Lev. vii. 15
'vfii. •, in Hebrew Text), where the words " Middle
•ftheTnorah"* are found. At the end of each MS.
tbe year of the copying, the name of the scribe, and
aba that of the proprietor, are usually stated. Yet
tbrir data* arc not always trustworthy when given,
and rery difficult to be conjectured when entirely
omitted, since the Samaritan letters afford no internal
evidence of the period in which they were written,
fo none of the MSS., however, which have as yet
readied Europe, can be assigned a higher date than
the 10th Christian century. The scroll used in
JUoh* bean — so the Samaritans pretend — the fol-
kwrng inscription: — "I, Abisha, son of Pinehas,
aoa of Eleactr, «on of Aaron the Priest, — upon
Ihem he the Grace of Jehovah ! To His honour
hare I written this Holy Law at the entrance ot
the Tabernacle of Testimony on the Mount Gerixim,
Beth Q, in the thirteenth year of the taking pos-
ummu if the Land of Canaan, and all its boundaries
around it, by the Children of Israel. I praise Jeho-
vah." (Letter of Meshalmah b. Ab Sechuah, Cod.
19,791, Add. MSS. Brit. Mus. Comp. F.pist. Sam.
Sicktmitarvm ad Jobvm Lvdolphtan, Cizae, 1 688 ;
Antiq. Eeel. Orient, p. 123 ; Huntingtoni Epist.
pp. 49. 96 ; Eichhorn a Repertorium f. WW. tmrf
•ury tM., torn, ix-, 4c.) But no European' has
mv succeeded in rinding it in this scroll, however
grot the pains bestowed upon the search (comp.
Kxhnora, EMtit. H. 132) ; and even if it had been
ft'tnd. it would not have deserved the slightest
erxieoee.
We have briefly stated above that the Exercita-
Uma of Marinas, which placed the Samaritan Pen-
bteacb fisr above the Keceived Text in point of ge-
nuineness, — partly on account of its agreeing in
many places with the Septuagint, and partly on
account of its superior " lucidity and harmony," —
exerted aad kept up for nearly two hundred years one
of the most extraordinary controversies on record.
Characteristically enough, however, this was set at
ml once for all by the very first systematic inves-
tirxtan of the point at issue. It would now appear
as if the unquestioning rapture with which every
ww Binary discovery was formerly hailed, the in-
ane animosity against the Masoretic (Jewish) Text,
nV general preference for the I.XX., the defective
state of Semitic studies, — as if, we any, all these put
* »Dn and ntn. *W and 19, 1T1 and "QT
St and bit, VaiT and Vstf', Kip' sol MIS',
t*aad ^sBesaBaesattbeendofainird. tbe fl with,
■n s eafjesh. at. are tbas pointed out to tbe reader.
' 11 wjbM appear, however (see Aicbdeacon Tattam's
• ID tbe fat t ag wa , No. 4, May it ]»62) aiat Mr.
. a aensa lately attacked to the llmuliK «ufl hi
together were not sufficient to account for the phe-
nomenon that men of any critical acumen could for
one moment not only place the Sam. Pent, on a par
with the Masoretic Text, but even raise it, uncon-
ditionally, far above it. There was indeed another
cause at work, especially in the first period of the dis-
pute : it was a controversial spirit which prompted
Morinus and his followers, Cappellus and others, to
prove to the Reformers what kind of value was to
be attached to their authority : the received form of
the Bible, upon which and which alone they pro-
fessed to take their stand ; — it was now evident that
nothing short of the Divine Spirit, under the influ-
ence and inspiration of which the Scriptures were
interpreted and expounded by the Roman Church,
could be relied upon. On the other hand, most of
the " Antinorimatu " — De Muvs, Hottinger, St.
Morinus, Buxtorf, Fuller, Leusdra, PfeifTer, &c. —
instead of patiently and critically exnrsjning the
subject and refuting their adrersai ies by arguments
which were within their reach, as they are within
ours, directed their attacks against the persons ot
the Morinians, and thus their misguided zenl left
the question of the superiority of the New Document
over the Old where they found it. Of higher vnhie
were, it is true, the labours of Simon, Le CJerc,
Walton, &c. t at a later period, who proceeded
eclectically, rejecting many readings, and adopting
others which seemed preferable to those of the Old
Text. Houbigant, however, with unexampled igno-
rance and obstinacy, returned to Morinus' first no-
tion — already generally abandoned — of the unques-
tionable and thorough superiority. He, again, was
followed more or less closely by Kennicott, Al. a St.
Aquilino, Lobstein, Geddes, and others. The discus-
sion was taken up once more en the other side,
chiefly by Ravi us, who succeeded in finally disposing
of this point of the superiority (Exerdtt. Phil, in
Hating. Prol. Lugd. Bat. 1755). It was from bis
day forward allowed, almost on all hands, that the
Masoretic Text was tbe genuic? one, but that in
doubtful cases, when ineSamaritan had an " unques-
tionably clearer " reading, this was to be adopted,
sinci a certain amount of value, however limited,
did attach to it. Michaelis, Eichhorn, Bertholdt,
Jahn, and the majority of modern critics, adhered
to this opinion. Here the matter rested until 1815,
when Gesenius (De Petit. Sam. Origine, Indole,
Jerusalem, kat found lbs Insert ptlun In question " going
through tbe middle of tbe body of the Text of tbe Decs*
logos, and extending through three columns." Consider-
ing that toe Samaritans themselves told Huntington,
" that this Inscription bad been In tbclr scroti once, but
most have beeu erased by some wicked hrc")" Ui'j
startling piece of reformation mast be received with
extreme ,-antion :— no less so than the other more or less
7ague statements with respect to the labours and urv
Icml.d discoveries of Mr. l<eYy*ohn. Sec note, pw 1 ill
« b J
1108 8AMABITAN PENTATEICH
ft Attctoritate) abolished the remnant of the
authority of the Sun. Pent. So masterly, lucid,
and dear are his arguments and his proofs, that
there has been and will be no farther question as
u> the absence of all value in this Recension, and in
fts pretended emendations. In fact, a glance at the
systematic arrangement of the variants, of which
he first of all bethought himself, is quite sufficient
to convince the reader at once that they are for the
most part mere blunders, arising from an imperfect
knowledge of the first elements of grammar and
•xegeris. That others owe their existence to n studied
design of conforming certain passages to the Sama-
ritan mode of thought, speech, and faith — moie
especially to show that the Mount Gerisiiu, upon
which their temple stood, was the spot chosen and
Indicated by God to Moses as the one upon which
He desired to be worshipped.* Finally, that others
are due to a tendency towards removing, as well as
linguistic shortcomings would allow, all that seemed
obscure or in any way doubtful, and towards
filling up all apparent imperfections :— either by
repetitions or by means of newly-invented and
badly-fitting words and phrases. It must, how-
ever, be premised that, except two alterations (Ex.
aii. 7, where the Sam. reads " Six days shalt
thou eat unleavened bread," instead of the received
*' Seven days," and the change of the word flTin,
" There shall not be," into JTfin, " '««," Deut.
xxiii. 18), the Mosaic laws and ordinances them-
selves are nowhere tampered with.
We will now proceed to lay specimens of these
once so highly prised variants before the reader, in
order that he may judge for himself. We shall
follow in this the commonly received arrangement
I For inaV " He will elect" (the spot), the Sun.
always puis YI3, " He fcu elected" (vis. Gerixim). See
below.
h D^Tyt? "3* must be a misprint
I Thus D' is found In the Bunar. for D; of the Mo-
eoreUc T.; ni *»' JT-S 1J «* Y ; Dn^N for D^N i
nVmO ft* D"ihQ- fce - : ■emetlmee a 1 Is put even
where the Heb. T. has. In accordance with the gram-
matical rules, only a short vowel or a ■heva.— VJBln I*
found for v:pni nww «*• nw«.
■ urn. on. tan, become orm non. nb«n-
» "Ufll beoomes TJIIIi DOM »> emendated Into
TWOn i *<7. < wo Tf*» !»«> mrf i the final J T -of the
3rd pen. fern. ptur. fuL Into 7U.
■ *}3U?ls shortened Into piB», IJVn brio JVit-
• Masmllne are made toe words On? C ™- xlix - ,0 )
•yj/tf (Deot. zv. ». fee.). TOTSO (<**". zuli. *); feminine
the words tr-|M (Oen. xliL •), -pi ( D * a <~ »»mi. »).
B>BJ (Gen. xlvt. at, fee.); wherever the word "IJ,') occurs
In the sense of " girl,'' a f| Is added at the end (den. xjdv.
14, Jet).
' 31BH ybfl 13WV " *• »etere returned cwitf-
muBy," u, transformed Into 13B*) 13^fl 131B*1. " >hey
returned, they went and they returned" (Gen. viu. 3).
Where the tnfln. la need as an adverb, e. g. pmn (Gen.
nil. U), - far off." It Is altered Into npTTVl. " she went
tar away," which renders the passage almost unintelligible.
« D1TP for BYJ> (Oen. UL 10, 11); -&> for ~fy\ (xl.
**) I DTID* «* the collecUve -\)$t (xv. 10) ; niDK.
" female servants," for niDDK <**- »«) i iiniJO tO'l
.1310 '3 far «he adverbial yg} (alls. 15) j »rVQ *»
tWO (*5«- "rv*. >*, nuking It depend from »¥I»i
O. m the unusual seaas of " from it " (estop. 1 K. xvlL
8A.MABITAN PENTATEUCH
of Geaenius, who divides all these readings into eigM
classes; to which, as wt shall afterwards show,
Frankel has suggested the addition of two at
three others, while Kirchheim (in bis Hebrew
work YHDVP *0"D) enumerates thirteen," which
we will name hereafter.
1. The/Snt class, then, consists of readings by
which emendations of a grammatical nature have
been attempted.
(a.) The quiescent letters, or so-called matra
lectionis, are supplied.'
(ft.) The more poetical forms of the pronouns,
probably less known to the Sam., are altered into
the more common ones. 1
(c.) The same propensity for completing appa-
rently incomplete forms is noticeable in the flexion
of the verbs. The apocopated or short future is
xltered into the regular future.**
(<f.) On the other hand the paragogical letters 1 and
* at the end of nouns, are almost universally struck
out by the Sam. corrector ;■ and, in the ignorance
of the existence of nouns of a common grader, he
has given them genders according to his fancy.*
[e.) The infin. absol. is, in the quaintest manner
possible, reduced to the form of the finite verb.*
For obsolete or rare forms, the modern and more
common ones hare been substituted in a great nam
ber of places.*
2. The second class of variants consists of glosses
and interpretations received into the text : glosses
moreover, in which the Sam. not unfrequently
coincides with the LXX., and which are in many
cases evidently derived by both from some ancient
Targura.'
3. The third class exhibits conjectural
13). Is altered Into TWSO (Ur. II. 2); n*fl » wrongly
a.
put for <n (3rd p. am. of «n = ,5=*); IJJ. the obsolete
form. Is replaced by the more recent Ty (Num. xxt 15)
the unusual fern, termination '~ (comp. 70*3«t)
V'J'^R. '• elongated Into n ,_ • lilC ls the emendation
for VB> (Dent, axil. 1); *V1 '<* TJ"] (>*•»■ xxxJU.
16). etc
' flKW B^tt. "<»* n *" d woman," used by Oen. vU.J
of animals. Is changed into POpSI "OT. " ouJ * ■***
female;" VSUS? ( G ™. xxlv. 60X " his haters," becomes
V3*1(t. "his enemies;" for nD (Inderal.) Is subsUlntad
nOlttD; NT. "he will see. choose," b amplified by a
fo " for himself ;" 11H "UH is transformed Into -\}J\
"11 J' "H9K (!>»• »»IL to); DjA>3 *?« 'rb» "%*
(Num. xxln. 4). " And Ood met Blleam," becomes with
the Sun. '3 J1K ^>« IK^O M ItDn. " and aw Angd
s/ tike lord found Blleam;" HsTKn ^ (Oen. ax. S\
" for the woman." Is ampUfled Into Ft&Kp n*HK *7$.
" for the sake of the woman:" lor **r3}*r), from "733
(obsoL. comp. jjaX ta F 111 nuV> * Ox"* that are be-
fore me," In contradistinction to " those who win come
after me ;" TJH1, " and she emptied " Qm pitcher sate
the trough, Gen.'xxlv. 20), has made room lor "Vflyn
"and she took down;" ffOtf 'miTU. *' "fll meat
there" (A. V, Ex. xxlx. 43), Is made Q^f 'rUTTU.
" I shall be (searched] found there,-" Num. xxxi. Is,
before the words f!3p3 ^3 DTl'Tin. " Have yon ■
the life of every female I" a PIS?, - Why." b I
(LXX.); for aflpK flirt* DgV* *3 (!»*•"- "ttIL I)
" If 1 call the name of Jehovah/ the Sam. has QC3
" In the 1
SAUABITAN PENTATEUCH
Sit.one — sometimes &r from happy— of leal or
imaginary difficulties in the Masoretic text*
4. The/certA date exhibits readings in which ap-
parent deficiencies hare been corrected or supplied
from parallel passages in the common text. Gen.
jviii. 29, 30, for " 1 shall not do it," • " I shall not
destroy "• » substituted from Gen. xviii. 28, 31, 32.
Gf n xxxvii. 4, rrW, " his brethren," is replaced by
V33, " his sons, " from the former Terse. One of the
most carious specimens of the endeavours of the
Samaritan Codes to render the readings as smooth
and rnaajstent as possible, is its uniform spelling of
proper neons like Wl*. Jethro, occasionally spelt
"ITV in the Hebrew text, Moses' father-in-law — a
nan who, accordin g to the Midrash (Sifrt), had no
Lai than amsB names; W&WP (Jehoshna), into
ehich form it corrects the shorter JJCIH (Uoshea)
when it occurs in the Masoretic Codex. More fre-
quent still are the additions of single words and
■hart phrases inserted from parallel passages, where
the Hebrew text appeared too concise : * — unneees-
auT, often fzsaasiTelj absurd interpolations.
5. The fflJk class is an extension of the one im-
nedrstely preceding, and comprises larger phrases,
additions, and repetitions from parallel passages.
Wheserer anything is mentioned as having been
door or said previously by Moses, or where a com-
mand of God is related as being executed, the
whole speech bearing upon it is repeated again at
full length. These tedious and always superfluous
repttitkns are roost frequent in Exodus, both in the
record of the plagues and in the many interpola-
tion* from Deuteronomy.
6. To the sixth class belong those " emendations "
* Tbt elliptic use of *ft\ frequent both in Hebrew and
AraMc, betas; evidently unknown to the emendator, be
«*" "* W roUff TOKO p^n (o™- xvti. n), "anau
eeaiUee bora unto Mm that la a hundred rears old?"
M>T^->ltfIbeawtr Oen.sxiv.6J. MUD N3-
"at ansa nan going ~ (A. V. -from the way") to the
veB of lehai-rol. the Sam. alters Into 13TD3 K3-
*aorlanisscbtlMo>aen"(IJCX.e^r T te|ni > uw}. In
«sa.axi.3«,'p3T3 W ft \Fk " Behold, may It be
lunnaag lo thy weed;" the "ff (Arab. J) Is transformed
■k) & -saw If not—let It be like thy word." Gen.
An. oftnn nubvn byi • And &»■ that u» dream
•ss dreaded." becomes '*| n»3B> fftjn, ' The dream
Mat a asesad Usee," wham at both un-Hebrew, sod
t— uliliallj opyuald lo the sense and constrnctton of
Ojt easaaja. Better t* the easendstion Gen. xllx. 10,
*?Ti T¥? "rnan between Us feet," Into -from
as^~ Habanera," ybll J'3D- .**-.**• **• •" but
eveef e*s Sam. Oedd. read -TuTl Wuft. "for ever owd
leassr,"laetssi1ot*Tg*. the common form, -
U.xalr.1, ilgr »6 flgjl. - that win by no
dewaWsfcs* lisuiam HpS* ft flpSl, -and the inno-
onfeUa snail Be Innocent,- aaamst both the parallel
aaaseca sad the u aw hiua seoae. The somewhat difficult
♦W tftl • sad (hey did as* cease- (A. V., Num. at
*), nepeeam sa a sttU more obscure conjectural )DDIP>
•ska we would venture to tranalate * they were not
■i—m to," h> the seoae of -kUTed:" Instead of
aaa.rifc.ypat, -ccssajNfaled," of the Sam. Vera., or
CauTi - i— ■■■■ - — m at,'* or B«ubtasnt'a and Dsthes
■eaneasnaa.'' Nam. an. St. 'ut Iff, -Ar"(atoac) ■
waaaaeai lets tf. - aa far as," a perfectly meaningless
SAMABITAN PENTATEUCH 1106
of passagas vid words of the Hebrew text which
contain scce thing objectionable in the eyes of the
Samaritans, on account either of historic*] Impro-
bability or apparent want of dignity in the term/
applied to the Creator. Thus in the Sam. Pent,
no one in the antediluvian times, begets his first
son alter he has lived 150 years : but one hundred
years are, where necessary, subtracted before, and
added after the birth of the first son. Thus Jared,
according to the Hebrew Text, begot at 162 years,
lived afterwards 800 years, and " all his years were
962 years ;" according to the Sam. he begot when
only 62 years old, lived afterwards 785 years, " and
all his years were 847." After the Deluge the
opposite method is followed. A hundred or fifty
years are added before and subtracted after the be-
getting: E. g. Arphaxad, who in the Common Text
is 35 years old when he begets Shelah, and lived
afterwards 403 years : in all 438— is by the Sam.
made 135 years old when he begets Shelah, and
lives only 303 years afterwards =438. (The LXX.
has, according to its own peculiar psychological and
chronological notions, altered the Text in the oppo-
site manner. [See Septuagint.]) An exceedingly
important and often discussed emendation of this
class is the passage in Ex. xii. 40, which in out
text reads, " Now the sojourning of the children of
Israel who dwelt in Egypt was four hundred and
thirty years." The Samaritan (supported by LXX.
Cod. Al.) has " The sojourning of the children of
Israel, [and their father* who dicelt in the land of
Canaan and in the land of Egypt— in yf Ai"yeVre>
koI «V 7p KaraJtr] was four hundred and thirty
yeans :" an interpolation of very late date indeed.
reading ; only that the "IV, " city," as we saw above, was
a word unknown to the Sam. The somewhat uncommon
words (Nam. xl. $3), mOE> Dfft inWl> " "d *hsy
(the people) spread them all abroad, 1 ' are transposed Intc
flDinC Dfft ipntS^V "»» l «hey slaughtered for
themielTea a alanghier." Dent, xxvHL SI, the word
ilBBO, "* n astonishment" (A. V.), very rarely used In
this sense (Jer. xlx. 8, xxv. 9), becomes 0(77, " to a
name," i. «, a bad name. Dent xxxilL 6, ITU? *!V1
"IBDD. "May bis sun be a multitude," the Sam, with
lis characteristic aversion to, or rather Ignorance of, the
nae of poetical diction, reads "IBDD VIKD WV "May
there be/nan him a multitude," thereby trying perhaps
to encounter also the apparent difficulty of the won)
"IBDD. "landing for " a great number." Anything more
absurd than the U*IKD in this place could hardly be
Imagined. A few veraea further on, the tmeonnnon use
of JO In the phrase ]K»P) |D (Dent. xaxUL 11), as
" lest," " not," caused the no less unfortunate alteratloQ
OD'pJ V2. so that the latter part of the passage, "emits
through the loins of them that rise against him, and of
them that hate him, taot taeyriM not again." becomes
« wao «4B rout them!"— barren alike of meaning and
of poetry. For the unusual and poetical Ttt3^ (Dent
xxxllL M; A. V. "thy strength"), "T>3"* a) suggested]
a word about the slgnlncance of which the commentators
are Ma greater low even than about that of the original
* new tb- • rvrtff* tft- ,
■ Thus In Gen. L 14. the words yTKil TV TKn>
" to give light upon the earth," are inserted from ver.Iti
Oen. xl 8, the word ^3Dl -and a tower." Is added
from ver. 4; Gen. xxlv! 32, riBK SjJ. ' • o" »""
(noes), Is sdded from vet 47. so that tUe former verse
reeds " And the man took (np'l 'or £)£*)) a golden ring
* upon her feos, "
1110 SAMABITAN FENTATEOCB
Again, in Gen. it. 2, - And God p hud! brushed
63*1. ? ftuperf.) on the seventh day," VaB'n k
altered into Wl\ » the itrf*," lest God's rat
on the Sabbath-day might teem incomplete (LXX.).
In Gen. xxu. 3, 8, " We cannot, until all the flock*
he gathered together, and till they roll the stone
from the month of the well," D*T1J>, " flocks,"
is replaced by B'JDI, " shepherds," since the flocks
could not roll the stone from the well : the cor-
rector not bring apparently aware that in common
parlance In Hebrew, as in other languages, u they "
occasionally refers to certain not particularly spe-
cified persons. Well may Gesenius ask what this
corrector would hare made of Is. xxxvii. [not
xxxvi.] 36 : " And when they arose in the morning,
behold they were all dead corpses." The surpassing
reference of the Samaritan is shown in passages like
Ex. Miv. 10, "and they beheld God,"* which
ia transmuted into " and they held by, clung u.,
God " * — a reading certainly less in harmony with
the following — '• and they ate and drank."
7. The teventh class comprises what we might
briefly call Snmaritanisms, 1. e. certain Hebrew
forms, translated into the idiomatic Samaritan;
and hero the Sam. Codices vary considerably among
themselves, — as far as the very imported uolistion of
them has hitherto shown — some having retained
the Hebrew in many places where the others hare
adopted the new equivalents.*
8. The eighth and last class contains alterations
made in favour or on behalf of Samaritan theology,
hermeneutics, and domestic worship. Thus the
word Elohim, fonr times construed with the plural
verb in the Hebrew Pentateuch, is in the Sam-
aritan Pent, joined to the singular verb (Gen. xx.
13, xiri. 53, xxxv. 7; Ex. xxii. 9) ; and further,
both anthropomorphisms as well as anthropopnthisms
are caivfullv expunged — a practice very common in
later times.* The hist and perhaps most momentous
SAMARITAN PENTATKWH
of all intentional alterations is the constant cbatajs
of all the inn*, " God will choose a spot," into
TTI3, * He has chosen," fix. Gerixim, and the well-
known substitution of Gerixim for Ebal in Deut.
xxrii. 4 (A. V. 5):—" It shall be when ye be gone
over Jordan, that ye shall set np these stones which
I command you this day on Mount Ebal (Sam.
Qeriiim), and there shalt thou build an altar
onto the Lord thy God," &c. This passage gains a
certain interest from Whiston and Kennicott having
charged the Jeat with corrupting it from Gerizim
into Ebal. This supposition, however, was met by
Rutherford, Parry, Tychsen, Lobstein, Verschuir,
and others, and we need only add that it u com-
pletely given up by modern Biblical scholars, al-
though it cannot be denied that there ia some primi
fade ground for a doubt upon the subject. To this
class also belong more especially interpolations of
really existing passages, dragged out of their con-
text for a special purpose. In Exodus as well as
in Deuteronomy the Sam. has, immediately after
the Ten Commandments, the following insertions
from Deut. xxvii. 2-7 and xi. 80: " And it shall be
on the day when ye shall pass over Jordan ... ye
shall set up these stones ... on Mount Oeririm
... and there shalt thou build an altar . . . • That
mountain' on the other side Jordan by the way
where the son goeth down ... in the champaign
over against Gilgal, beside the plains of Moreh, ' over
against Shechem:'" — this last superfluous addi-
tion, which is also found in Deut. xi. 30 of the
Sam. Pent., being ridiculed in the Talmud, as we
have seen above.
From the immense number of these worse than
worthless variants Gesenius has singled out four,
which he thinks preferable on the whole to those
of the Masoretic Text. We will confine ourselves
to mentioning them, and refer the reader to the
recent commentaries upon them : he will find that
' D'!t>k rot wn- • wrarv
• The gutturals and .JaeW-letters are frequently
•hanged .-OTICI becomes BTTK (Ueo. vlU. 4) ; »N3 Is
altered Into 1JQ ( xxflL la) ; rot? Into yyp (xxvtt. 1») ;
vpHT studs for vjpjf (Deut. xxxIL 14) ; the fl Is changed
into n In words llkt jnj, D»rOJ. which become Jm,
DTI3J ; n I* altered Into y— ion becomes TDJJ. The
* is frequently doubled (? as a mater lectlonU) : 3T3«n
Is substituted for a»o'n i KT'N ««' KTK ; »'B ** 'r>
Many words are Joined together :— TiTHD stands tor
■tyn id (Ex. xxx. as> j jioria *« ;k pa «»n.xu.
4«); DUT) *ffi •» always DVUH1' The pronouns
flit and (Flit, Indp. fan. sing, and plor, are changed Into
VMt- priK («■» obsolete Heb. forms) respectively; the
saff. ^ Into -|{< ; "]- mto "ft; Uk termination of the 2nd
p. a fern. praet, B-, becomes »R, like the first p.; the
verbal form Aphella used for the Hrphfl; »1T13TM **
♦main S toe medial letter of the verb yy Is sometimes
retained as K or \ Instead of betas; dropped as In the Heb.
Again, verbs of the form ,"|"p bare the » frequently at the
end of the tnfin. fat and pert. Instead of the ft Noons of
'he scaeata 7t)fJ 03M. ex.) are often spelt 7*DP, into
fhlch the form 7tt3\) Is likewise occasionally trans-
tamed. Of distinctly Samaritan wolds may oe men-
ttoKed:*in(Oen.xxzlv Jl)-",** T!7 <Cheld.),-llkei"
•We 'or Heb. Qma ""•><" ntTiba. "aa though
ft budded." becomes nmBtO-Targ, niTIGM 13 •
nan •■*»«." reads man; ip. "*p° u ." ny; nte*.
•days," riD*'. '
• ilDTlfo B"N. " ">*n ol war," aa ex pr e ssi on need
of Ood (Ex. xv. 3), becomes 'Q 1131 "hero of war.'
the former apparently of irreverent Import to the Saaaa*
ritan ear ; for 'j-| (|M ]&V ( Dn >t. xxlx. It, A. T. to),
lit "And the wrath (nose) of the Lord shall smoke,'
'D C|K VP. " the wrath of the Lord will be kindled,*' la
substituted; "ffifno 11 V ("••*■ xzzU - '»* " toe rack
(Ood) which begat thee," b changed Into "fcbtlD Ti¥.
- the rock which glorifies thee f Gen. xix. IS. DtWltn
" the men," used of the angels, baa been rep t ausd by
D'aiODn. " the angels." Extreme rererence tor the
patriarchs changed "met, "Cursed be their (Stmeon and
Levi's) anger," Into TIN. " brilliant la their anger "
(Oen. xllx. 7). A flagrant falsification Is the atteratfon.
In an opposite sense, which tbey ventured In the passage
ni33^ Ptf 'fl IT. " The beloved of Ood [Best.
Jamin, the founder of the Judaeo-Pavidiaa empire, hate-
ful to the Samaritans] shall dwell securely," treaa-
fbnned by them into the almost senseless 'fl T T
ntsa^ jaE". * n* »««* *• aowiof aodwiu res* [«
Hlph.: 138^, -win canes to reat']secnrely" (Dee*. xxxtlL
11). Reverence for the Law and the 8aered Records gtrea
rise to more emendations : — )*vr\ n-f (OenL xxr. is,
A.V. 11), "by bis secrets." becomes VKfSl- "by has
O"";" TfflXft. "esfbtt cum aa" (Deut xxvwL It),
ACS 23Zn. " eoneumbst nam eaf" \\yhtm TO>
" to Use dog shall ye throw H" (Ex. xxts, »), Afff|
■•Xm. " r> ahaU tudasd throw It fawv \'
6AMAB1TAN PENTATEUCH
•*y toe hm sines been, «li bat unanimously,
■ejected.' (1.) After tht words, "And Cain (poke
rmtn) to Ui brother Abel" (Geo. jr. 8), the
Sun. add*, " let us go into the field,"* in ignorance
of the ahsol. on of TDK, " to my, speak " (comp.
Ex. ax. 25; 2 Chr. ii. 10, xzxii. 34), and the
shsol."U«1(Gen.ix.21). (2.) For "in* (Gen. xxii.
13, tht Sam. readi inK, i. e. instead of" behind
him a ram," '• one ram." (3.) For DTJ IIOH
(Gen. xhx. 14), "an ass of hone" i.e. t strong
M, tht Sam. has D*"U TlOn (Targ. 011, Syr.
>0i^}. And (4.) for pll (Geo. xi*. 14), « he
led forth hit trained servants," tht Sam. reads
DT^ ■• he numbered."
We moat briefly state, in concluding this por-
tion of the subject, that we did not choose this
classification of Gesenius because it appeared to us
to be either systematic (Geaenius says himself:
" Ceterum mole perspicitur complures in hi* esse
lections* quorum singula* alius ad aliud genus re-
fern fbniuui malit ... in una Tel altera lectione ad
aliaia classem referenda hand difficile* erimo* . . .")
•r exhaustive, or even because the illustration*
tsta>*eh«s are unassailable in point of the reason
it assign* for them ; but because, deficient as it is,
it has at once and for ever silenced the utterly un-
founded though time-hallowed claims of the Sama-
ritan Pentateuch. It was only necessary, as we said
before, to collect a great number of variation* (or
la take them from Walton), to compare them with
the old text and with each other, to place them in
some kind of order before the reader and let them
tell their own tale. That this was not done during
the two hundred years of the contest by a single
one of the combatants i* certainly rather strange :
—albeit not the only instance of the kind.
Important additions to this list have, as we
anted before, been made by Frankel, such as the
Samaritans' preference of the impei-aL for the 3rd
pen. ;• ignorance of the use of the abl. sbsol. ;'
GaHeuriams, — to which also belongs the permtita-
dob of the letters AJmit (comp. Erub. 53, 10n,
T3R, Tff), in the Samaritan Cod. ; the occasional
•"riming down of the B into 3,» of 3 into 3, t
into t, etc., and chiefly the presence of words and
phrases in the Sam. which are not interpolated from
parallel passages, but are entirely wanting in our
ft' Frankel derive* from these passages chiefly
the oaoceuaoa that the Sam. Pent, was, partly at
hut, emendated from the LXX., Onkelos, and other
very late sources. (See below.)
We now subjoin, for the sake of completeness, the
oeforemeationed thirteen classes of Kirchheim, in the
erifinal, to which we have added tht translation : —
». dttj Tn r b yt h D'*om mtoin. [Ad-
ojtfcns and alterations in the Samaritan Pentateuch
a fcvour of Mount Gerixhn.]
8AMAWTAN PENTATEUCH 1111
2. TmM? muffin. [Additions for tie par
pose of completion.]
3. niK3. [Commentary, glosses.]
4. 0'3«3nm Q'hvtn t|Wl. [Change of verb*
and moods.]
5. niOtrn «p?n. [Change of noons.]
6. nKUTTI. [Emendation of seeming irregu-
larities by assimilating forms, ic]
7. nrntttn miDn. [Permutation of letter*.]
8. D*U2. [Pronouns.]
9. J»D. [Gender.]
10. TllBDWn m'niK. [Letten added.]
11. Drrn Wm [Addition of prepositions,
conjunctions, articles, Ac]
12. T1TD1 p3p. [Junction of separated, and
separation of joined words.]
13. ff?W mQ*. [Chronological alterations.]
It may, perhaps, not be quite superfluous to ob-
serve, before we proceed any further, that, since up
to this moment no critical edition of the Sam. Pent.,
or even an examination of the Codices since Ken-
nicott — who can only be said to have began the
work— has been thought of, the treatment of the
whole subject remains a most precarious task, and
beset with unexampled difficulties at every step;
and also that, under these circumstances, a more or
less scientific arrangement of isolated or common
Samaritan mistakes and falsifications appears to us
to be a subject of very small consequence indeed.
It is, however, this same rudimentary state ot
investigation — after two centuries and a half ot
fierce discussion — which has left the other and
much more important question of the Age ana
Origin of the Sam. Pent, as unsettled to-day as it
was when it first came under the notice of European
scholars. For our own part we cannot but think
that as long as — (1) the history of the Samaritans
remains involved in the obscurities of which a
former article will have given an account; (2) we
are restricted to a small number of comparatively
recent Codices ; (3) neither these Codices them-
selves hare, as has just been observed, been tho-
roughly collated and reoollated, nor (4) more than
a feeble beginning has been made with anything
like a collation between the various readings of
the Sam. Pent, and the LXX. (Walton omitted
the greatest number, " cam nullam census varie-
tatem constituent ") ; — so long must we have a
variety of the most divergent opinions, all based on
" probabilities," which are designated on the other aide
as " false reasonings " and " individual crotchet*,"
and which, moreover, not unfrequently start from
flagrantly false premisses.
We shall, under these circumstances, confine our-
selves to a simple enumeration of the leading opi-
nions, and the chief reasons and arguments alleged
for and against them : —
• Ben, la the latest efneo of bis fitfrod. p. 690, note T,
sera "Even tbe lew variants, which Gesenins tries to
pore astasias, all to tbe frooxtd on closer exanuna-
-«■• ,
* men ro?3-
•**• rnpn *■* 3Tp» re*. «a. «> 5 neon «3»
ax. xxxv. ie>.
J* #• TOT ** TDT (Kx.xni.ts); >DX1 «w Din
(■xav.rr.ja).
* *■* ipm *» *pm (Gen. vm at); fV\ tor pV
Hsss.xxwi.xi'- i|istyn>OT*|rtf?ti'L» xj-io,*.-
* earn *» coni (*•«■■ *«»• »); nseo «■»
ntxn («*■ "• »<>)• ,
' Gen. xxlll. », after jmKn n ,- Tp3 «"• wor " Ttt
DOy are added; xxvtt. M, afier mm the word t&O
U round (LXX.); xlUL 28, tbe phrase B^Kn -pT3
Wihbh Minn I* Inserted sfter the Ethnsch ; xlvil. ai,
DH3J6 Tayn. «*> e*- «*»• » son twn dk
HOP DM u ""d- an exceedingly difficult and on-Hebrew
passage la found in Ex. xxlll. 19, leading p/ffj) *J
apy vrbvb Kin rnayi mv nata rur
1112 SAMAB1TAN PENTA.TEOOH
(1 ) The Samaritan Peptatench came into the
hand! of the Samaritans as in inheritance from the
ten tribes whom they succeeded— so the popular
lotion runs. Of this opinion are J. Morinus, Wilton,
Cappellus, Kennicott, Michaelis, Eichborn, Bauer,
Jahn, Bertholdt, Stendel, Mazade, Stuart, Daridson,
and others. Their reasons for it may be thus briefly
summed up : —
(a.) It seems improbable that the Samaritans
should hare accepted their code at the hands of the
Jews after the Exile, as supposed by some critics,
since there existed an intense hatred between the
two nationalities.
(6.) The Samaritan Canon has only the Penta-
t»uch in common with the Hebrew Canon : had
tl.it bonk been received at a period when the Hagio-
grapha and the Prophets were in the Jews' hands,
it would be surprising if they had not also received
those.
(c.) The Sam. letters, avowedly the more ancient,
are found in the Sam. Cod. : therefore it was written
before the alteration of the character into the square
Hebrew — which dates from the end of the Exile —
took place.
[We cannot omit briefly to draw attention here to
a most keen-eyed suggestion of S. D. Luzzatto,
contained in a letter to R. Kirchheim (Canne
Saumron, p. 106, &c.), by the adoption of which
many readings in the Heb. Codex, now almost un-
intelligible, appear perfectly clear. He assumes that
tbe copyist who at some time or other after Ezra
transcribed the Bible into the modern square He-
brew character, from the ancient copies written in
so-called Samaritan, occasionally mistook Samaritan
letters of similar form.' And since our Sam. Pent,
has those difficult readings in common with the
Mas. Text, that other moot point, whether it was
copied from a Hebrew or Samaritan Codex, would
thus appear to be solved. Its constant changes
of "1 and 1, • and 1, n and PI — letters which
are similar in Hebrew, but not in Samaritan-
have been long used as a powerful argument for
the Samaritans haviug received the Pent, at a very
late period indeed.]
Since the above opinion — that the Pent, came
into the hands of the Samaritans from the Ten
Tribes — is the most popular one, we will now
adduce some of the chief reasons brought against it,
and the reader will see by the somewhat feeble
naturv of the arguments on either side, that the last
word has not yet been spoken in the matter.
(a.) There existed no religious animosity what-
soever between Judah and Israel when they sepa-
rated. The ten tribes could not therefore have
bequeathed such an animosity to those who suc-
ceeded them, and who, we may add, probably cared
as little originally for the disputes between Judah
and Israel, as colonists from for-off countries, be-
longing to utterly different races, are likely to care
for the quarrels of the aborigines who formerly in-
habited the country. On the contrary, the contest
between the slowly jodaized Samaritans and the
Jews, only dates from the moment when the latter
» K. a., la xl Is. D'Jfa instead of DVJO (sdopled by
Qesmius In Thee, p. lOlf a, without a mention of Its
source, which be, however, distinctly avowed to Rosen-
mailer— oomp. Br"3,p. Ml, note (fj)s Jer fit a. KTJO
»»«*•» of trims 1 8am- xxtv. 11. Qnni lor DdKI i
car. tl 4. rnn for mn ; a. xxii. »». >nrom ««
Tinoni ; Jodg- xv. 30, Q'TCy— Ssmscu s reign dnrtnc
(he unto of the Philistines being given ss (meaty yean
BAMABITAN PENTATEOCHT
refused to recognise the claims, of the forma , el
belonging to the people of God, and rejected theii
aid in building the Temple: why than, it is amid,
should they tot first have received the one book
which would bring them into still closer cuoformity
with the returned exiles, at their hands* That the
Jews should yet have refused to receive than as
equals is no more surprising than that the Sama-
ritans from that time forward took their stand upon
this very Law — altered according to their circum-
stances ; and proved from it that they and they alone
were the Jews gar" /{ox^r.
(o.) Their not possessing any other book of th»
Hebrew Canon is not to be accounted fir by the
circumstance that there was no other book m exist-
ence at the time of the schism, because many psalms
of David, writings of Solomon, Ik., must have been
circulating among the people. But tbe jealousy
with which the Samaritans regarded Jerusalem, and
the intense hatred which they naturally conceived
against the post-Mosaic writers of national Jewish
history, would sufficiently account for their reject-
ing the other books, in all of which, save Joshua,
Judges, and Job, either Jerusalem, as the centre of
worship, or David and his House, are extolled. It,
however, Loswe has really found with them, as he
reports in tbe AUgem. Zeitmg d. Jvdemik. April
18th, 1839, our Book of Kings and Solomon's Song
of Songs, — which they certainly would not hare re-
ceived subsequently,— all these arguments are per-
fectly gratuitous.
(c.) The present Hebrew character was not Intro
duced by Ezra after the return from the Exile, ba
came into use at a much later period. The Samari-
tans might therefore have received the Pentateuch
at the hands of the returned exiles, who, according
to the Talmud, afterwards changed their writing,
and in the Pentateuch only, so as to distinguish
it from the Samaritan. " Originally," says Mar
Sutra {Scmkedr, xxi. b), "the Pentateuch was
given to Israel in Ibri writing and the Holy
(Hebrew) language: it was again given to them
in the days of Ezra in the AsAuriti writing and
A ramaic language. Israel then selected the Ashurith
writing and the Holy language, and left to the He*
diotes ('iSiaVrcu) the Ibri writing and the Aramaic
language. Who are the Hediotet ? The Cuthim
(Samaritans). What is Ibri writing? The Libo-
naah (SamaritanV It is well known also that
the Maccabean coins bear Samaritan inscriptions : so
that " Hediotes " would point to the common use
of the Samaritan character for ordinary purposes,
down to a very late period.
(2.) The second leading opinion on the age and
origin of the Sam. Pent, is that it was introduced by
Manasseh (oomp. Josephna, Ant. xi. *. §2,4) at the
tune of the foundation of tbe Samaritan Sanctuary
on Mount Gerizim (Ant. van Dale, B. Simon, Pri-
deaux, Fulda, Hasse, De Watte, Gesenius, Hupfeld,
Hengstenberg, Keil, tic). In support of this opinion
are alleged, the idolatry of the Samaritans before
they received a Jewish priest through Esarhaddon
instead at forty (oomp. Jer. Sot. 1), accounted for by the O
(numerical letter lor forty) In the origins! betas; mistaken
for 3 (twenty). Again, 2 Chr. xxU. X forty Is put to-
uu of twenty (oomp. X K. vlIL M) ; a K. xxll. «. Qf|«|
for "|JV1; E«- •». '*. "PT3 for MIS *»•:— »0 law
■euers-nrand fll A-™* /ft 3»"*!*V Xand5t-
rtscailiung each other very closely.
KAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
S K. xvii. 84-33), and the immense miinuer ot
readings common to the LXX. and this Code,
aeaifttt the Meaoretic Text,
(3.) Other, but very isolated notions, are inose 01
Morin, Le Gere, Poncet, &c, that the Israelitisb
priest sent by the king of Assyria to instruct >ne
arw inhaUtants in the religion of the country
brought the Pentateuch with him. Further, that
the Samaritan Pentateuch was the production of
m impostor, Doeitheus ('XODH in Talmud „ who
bred during the time of the Apostles, and who
Uafied the amend records in order to prove that he
was the Messiah (Ussher). Against which there
s> oary this to be observed, that there is not the
slightest alteration of nab a nature to be fauna,
rnstty, that it is a very late and faulty recension,
with sririttions and corruptions of the Mamretic Text
(eeh Century after Christ), into which glosses from
tar LXX bad been received (Krankel). Many other
tsfgestiona hare been made, but we cannot here
dwell upon them : eaffiee it to hive mentioned those
k> which a certain popularity and authority attaches.
As ether question has been raised : — Have all the
orients which we find in oar copies been introduced
at once, or are they the work of many generations ?
Fran the number of vagne opinions on that point,
we hare only room here to adduce that of Axariah
ee Rossi, who traces many of the glosses (Class 2)
both in the Sam. and in the LXX. to an ancient
Targam in the hands of the people at the time of
Ears, and refers to the Talmudical passage of Nedar.
37: "And ha read in the Book of the Law of
God— this ia Mibra, the Pentateuch ; BHIDD, ex-
r, this is Targwn." [Vebsioss (TaroukV]
j that no Masorah fixed the letters and
Egas of the camar. Codex, and that, as we have
noticed, the principal object was to make it read
as smoothly as possible, it is not easily seen why
each succeeding century should not have added its
own emendations. But, here too, investigation still
■s u d si s about in the mates of speculation.
The chief •pinions with respect to the agreement
of the numerous and as yet uninvestigated— seven
aocaaated — readings of the LXX. (of which likewise
an critical edition exist* aa yet), and the Sam. Pent.
it.
1. That the LXX. have translated from the Sun.
(T* Dim, Sdden, Hottinger, Hassencamp, Eichhorn,
•*■/•
2. That mutual interpolations have taken place
(Cretins, Ussher, Ravius, etc).
3. That both Versions were formed from Hebrew
Cwlieas, which differed among themselves aa well
a» freu the one which afterwards obtained public
authority in Palestine ; that however very many
snUul corniptjoas and interpolations have crept in
4. That the Samar. has, in the mam, been altered
> the LXX. (Frankd).
It most, on the other hand, be stated also, that
the Sam. and LXX. quite as often disagree with
each other, and follow each the Masor. Text.
Alan, that the quotation* in the N. T. from the
LXX-, where they coincide with the Sam. against
the Hebr. Text, are so small in number and of so
RAMAHITAN PENTATEUCH 1113
unimportant a nature that they cannot be adduced
as any argument whatsoever.
The following is a list of the MSS. of the Sam,
Pent, now in European Libraries [Kennioott* 1 : —
No. 1. Oxford (Ussher) Bodl., fol., No. "3127.
Perfect, except the 20 first and 9 last verses.
No. 2. Oxford (Ussher) Bodl., 4to., No. 3128,
with an Arabic version in Sam. characters. Imper-
fect. Wanting the whole of Leviticus and many
portions of the other books.
No. 3. Oxford (Ussher) Bodl., 4to., No. 3120.
Wanting many portions in each book.
No. 4. Oxford f Ussher, Laud) Bodl., 4to., No.
624. Defective in parts of Deut,
No. 5. Oxford (Marsh) Bodl., 12mo., No. 15.
Wanting some 7erses in the beginning; 21 chapters
obliterated.
No. 6. Oxford (Pocock) Bodl, 24mo., No. 5328.
Parts of leaves lost ; otherwise perfect.
No. 7. London (Ussher) Br. Mus. Claud. B. 8.
Vellum. Complete. 254 leaves.
No. 8. Paris (Peiresc) Imp. Libr., Sam. No. 1.
Recent MS. containing the Hebr. and Sam. Tata,
with an Arab. Vers, in the Sam. character.
Wanting the first 34 ch., and very defective ia
many places.
No. 9. Paris (Peiresc) Imp. Libr., Sam. No. 2>.
Ancient MS, wanting first 17 chapters of Gen.;
and all Deut. from the 7th ch. Houbigant, how-
I ever, quotes from Gen. x. 1 1 of this Codex, a
rather puzzling circumstance.
No. 10. Paris (Harl. de Sancy) Oratory, No. 1
The famous MS. of P. della Valle.
No. 11. Paris (Dom. Nolin) Oratory, No. »
Made-up copy.
No. 12. Paris (Libr. St Genev.). Of little
value.
No. 13. Rome (Peir. and Barber.) Vatican
No. 106. Hebr. and Sam. texts, with Arab.
Vers, in Sam. character. Very defective and re-
cent. Dated the 7th century (?).
No. 14. Rome (Card. CobeUutiue), Vatican.
Also supposed to be of the 7th century, but very
doubtful.
No. 15. M&an (Ambrosian Libr.). Said to be
very ancient ; not collated.
No. 16. Leyden (Golius MS.), fol., No. 1. Said
to be complete.
No. 17. Gotha (Ducal Libr.). A fragment only.
No. 18. London, Count of Paris' Library. Wit*
Version.
Printed editions are contained in the Park and
Walton Polyglots; and a separate reprint from
the latter was made by Blayney, Oxford, 1790. A
Facsimile of the 20th ch. of Exodus, from one of
the N&btui MSS., has been edited, with portions of
the corresponding Masoretic text, and a Russian.
Translation and Introduction, by Levyaohn, Jeru-
salem, I860.*
II. Version*.
1. Samaritan. — The origin, author, and age of the
Samaritan Version of the Five Books of Moees, has
hitherto— so Eichhorn quaintly observes — " always
been a golden apple to the investigators, and will very
probably remain so, until people leave off venturing
decisive judgments upon historical subjects which
' The artatosl Intentioa of the Russian Government to
•mb the whole Codex In the seme manner seems to
* bee* gttvD op for the present We can only hope
e. Iff tae work b ever lak A up again, tt will fall into
Kr Levrauhn's latrcdaeuea.
brief as It Is. shows bun to be utterly wanting bcth la
scholarship and In critical acumen, and to be, moreover,
entirely unacquainted with the fact that his new dak
eorerlea have been disposed of mine nraered ant fit)
1114 SAMABITAN PENTATEUCH
■0 on* hu recorded in antiquity." And, indeed,
modern investigators, ken ee they have been, hare
done little towards the elucidation of the subject,
according to the Samaritans themselves (De Sacy
Mm. 3 ; Paulas; Winer), their high -priest
Nathaniel, who died about 20 B.C., is iU author.
Geaenius puts its date a few years after Christ.
Jnynboll thinks that it had long been in use in
the second post-Christian century. Frankel places
it in the post-Mohammedan time. Other inves-
tigators date it from the time of Eaarhaddon's
priirst (Schwars), or either shortly before or after
the foundation of the temple on Mount Gerizim.
It seems certain, however, that it was composed
bcfoie tlie destruction of the second temple; and
being intended, like the Targums, for the use of the
people exclusively, it was written in the popular
Samaritan idiom, a mixture of Hebrew, Aramaic,
and Syrian.
In this version the original has been followed,
with a very few exceptions, in a alavi.ii and some-
times perfectly chikbah manner, the sense evidently
being of minor consideration. As a very striking
instance of this may be adduced the translation of
Deut Hi. 9: "The Zidonians call Hermon ft?
(Shirion), and the Amorites call it TJt? (Shenir)."
The translator deriving pi? from TC " prince,
master," renders it \1~\ " masters ; " and finding
the letters reversed in the appellation of the Amor-
rites as Tits', reverses also the ifwe in his version,
and translates it by " slaves " \V.2WD 1 In
other cases, where no Samaritan equivalent could be
found for a Hebrew word, the translator, instead of
paraphrasing it, simply transposes its letters, so as
BAMABITAN PENTATEUCH
to make it look Samaritan. Occasionally be b
misled by the orthography of the original;
:K1DN p DM, "If so, where . . .1" be
ntJTK p DM, « If so, I shall te wrath :
log M1BM for IBM, fiwn CjK "anger." On the
whole it may be considered a very valuable aid
towards the study of the Samar. Text, on account
of its very close verbal adherence. A few cases,
however, may be brought forward, where the Ver>
sion has departed from the Text, either under the
influence of popular religious notions, or for the
sake of explanation, " We pray " — as they write
to Scaliger — " every day in the morning and in the
evening, as it is said, the one lamb shall thou pre
pare in the morning and the second in the evening ;
we bow to the ground and worship God." Accord-
ingly, we find the translator rendering the passage,
-And Isaac went to 'walk' (me6) in the field."
by— « and Isaac went to pray (Twhlth) in the
field." " And Abraham rose in the morning
("IP133)." >» rendered ^VO, "in the prayer,"
&c Anthropomorphisms are avoided. "The
image (TUIOH) of God" is rendered nO*M, " the
glory." miT 'D, " the mouth of Jehovah," is
transformed into TWV TD'D, " the word of
Jehovah." For Ovbtt, "God," mvbo,
" Angel " is frequently found, &c. A great diffi-
culty is offered by the proper names which this
version often substitutes, tbey being, in many
cases, less intelligible than the original ones.* The
similarity it lias with Onkelos occasionally amounts
to complete identity, for iustanre —
Onkelos In Pciyglott. Nan. vl.
b«r& »33 dp V>o i iorb mo oy mm Vxn
■to -rich cne* nn xnriK w "QJ \\rb ncm
m t p»njn mn nam : mm atp "ntb *nnj
nnno bi 'fie* tb p»n» torn hm mn nom
•?»« 16 j»e»3M pw pjjn 'ne« vb paw
1, z. eern. Ten. In Barimimi Tr&eti.
btner> *» oy ^dstcdS neno as mm \bcn
tu -nth emv na rout we 133 prA> -nyro
»on it» erm Ton p: mmS m»no^ -mi
p# rnw tid fei ww vb orm nam Tom
hi* vb pr^s'i paw pan row vb
But no safe conclusion as to the respective rela-
tion of the two versions can be drawn from this.
This Version has likewise, in passing through the
bands of copyists and commentators, suffered many
interpolations and corruptions. The first copy of
it was brought to Europe by De la Valle, together
with the Sam. Text, in 161b. Job. Nedrious first
published it together with a faulty Latin trausla-
• A Ust of the more remarkable of these, In the esse of
{flcfrsphlesl names. Is subjoined :—
Gen. vui. 4. for Ararat, Sarendlb, 3HJTO-
, 10,
11.
Sblnar, Tsohh. HDIV P ZobahX
Aashnr, Aston, JIBQy.
— „ Beboboth, Battan, pBD (rSltlacene).
- „ Cslah.Ieksah.nDpk
12, . Beam, Asfab. flDOS-
*«. . Mesna. Mesbal. ^30D-
at». „ Babel Ulak.pb^.
sUa.*, . Ai, Oeftah, fmO pCepbJrsh, Josh.
Is. IT).
jdv.S, . Ashleroth Karaalm, Aflnlth Kanuah,
mrp row,
— m Bam, Llsheh, Vttr%
— fi, „ »ftwWu*ah.»c. 1 n»j6BD1-|B
srnb
tion in the Paris Polyglott, whence ft waa, with a
few emendations, reprinted in Walton, with some
notes by Castellus. Single portions of it appeared
in Halle, ed. by CeUarius, 1705, and by Uhlemann,
Leipx., 1837. Compare Geaenius, Dt Pent. 8am .
Origine, be, and Winer's monograph, Dt Vtrwiomi*
tent. Sam, Indole, *>c, Leipzig, 1817.
2. To 2afLap*iTixir. The hatred between the
ftn, Bantas, OtK>33r
Hobsh. roaan, nJIB
Shaven. Mlmeh, nJDD.
E^pbiaU^8balmaa,riitD^C*.
Bepl>ala,asesh, DetDTV
Oerar, Asketnn, \bpOS-
Mltsrslm, Net*. pIQ] {? Siod»X
Setr, Oablah. rbzi (Jebsl).
Kehobotb. Fathi, <nD-
Baahan, Bathnln, pi!3 (filanaan)
atepbam, 'Absmlah. n*D3V CAmv>
maeaV
Sbrpbam, 'Aiamlah, n'OM-
Ar(^Arsbah,nBr»X.
Araob,Blgobaab, nK3ll*1 CrVfa#a A
CblnnereuX Genessr, n03A*
Son. Tar Tela*. KlVll 1aQ '»»»*«
«im>
Oen. xiv. 14, for
— 16, „
— IT, „
xv. », „
— 30, .
XX. 1, .
XXTLX. .
xxxrLa.e.&e, .
SI. ..
Num. xxL 33, m
xxxiv, 10, »
II.
DeuLILs.
HI. 4,
-IT, ,
tr.«».
BAMABITAN PENTATEUCH
tanaritans ml the .lews u supposed to i ave canned
Ae former to prepare a Greek translation of their
Pat. in apposition to the LXX. of the Jews. In
thii war at least the existence of certain fragmmts
of a Greek Version of the Sam. Pent., preserved in
wme MSS. of the LXX., together with portions of
Aquita, Symmachus, Theodotiun, be., is accounted
br. These fragments are supposed to be alluded to
ar the Greek Fathers under the name Sauopeiructi'.
It is doubtful however whether it ever existed (»,<
flesenius, Winer, Joynboll, suppose; in the shape or
• complete translation, or only designated (as Cas-
Mlus, Voss, Herbst hold) a ceitain number of scholia
trauhted from the Sam. Venice. Other critics
again (Hiremick, Hengstenberg, dec.) see in it only
i corrected edition of certain passages of the LXX.
3. In 1070 an Arabic Version of the Sam. Pent.
was made by Abu Said in Egypt, on the basis of
the Arabic translation of Saadjah haggaon. Like the
•ripa.nl Samaritan it avoids Anthropomorphisms and
Anthropopnthisms, replacing the latter by Euphe-
misms, besides occasionally making some slight alter-
ations, more especially in proper nouns. It is extant
fa several MS. copies in European libraries, and is
bow in coarse of being edited by Kiienen, Leyden,
1850-54, etc It appears to have been drawn up
from the Sam. Text, not from the Sam. Version ;
the Hebrew words occasionally remaining unal-
tered in the translation. 1 Often also it renders
the original differently from the Samar. Version.*
PruwDally noticeable is its excessive dread of as-
signing to God anything like human attributes,
physical or mental. For 0'iT?K WIT, "God,"
we Gad (as in Saadiah sometimes) *XJf <S)3L«
-the Angel of God;" for « the eyes of God" we
hare (Dent. ix. 12) jjJJ j^^ "the Be-
beUmgofGooV* For "Bread of God:'' .y, "the
sr o B Miy ," be Again, it occasionally adds ho-
lsoarsHe epHbets when the Scripture seems to have
omitted them, Ac. Its language is far from elegant
sr even correct ; and its use must likewise be con-
fined to the critical study of the Sam. Text.
4. To this Arabic version Abn Bar-achat, a Syrian,
mate in 1208 a somewhat paraphrastic commentary,
which has by degrees come to be looked upon as a
saw Version — the Syriac, in contradistinction to
she Arabic, and which is often confounded with it in
the HSS. On both Recensions see Eichhorn, Gese-
aiua, Joynboll, Ik.
111. SaJtuuTaJt LrnnuTUBx.
It may u e ihap a not be superfluous to add here a
entaasa account of the Samaritan literature in general,
saws to a certain degree it bears upon our subject.
1. Chronica* Samaritatum. — Of the Pentateuch
sad Ha Versions we have spoken. We have also men-
taaaadtksttbeSamaritana have no other book of our
Bseerred Canon. " There is no Prophet but Moses
at one of their chief dogmas, and fierce are the in-
m which they indulge against men like
"a Magician and an Infidel," Jj" « (Chron.
• M.f. Ex. *JJL IX. Din TOD ^3 (Sam. Ver. ^3
•*■.»••. nnKKiDD)"**""*^ 3**.
* Taaa irfff. Gen. xttx. II (Sam. V«r. rUTip. "Ms
Samaritan pentateuoh 1115
Sam."): Eli; Solomon, "Shiloh" (Gen. xlix. 10),
" i. I. the man who shall spoil the Law and whom
many nations will follow because of their own
licentiousness " (De Sacy, M em. 4) ; Ezra " cursed
for ever" {Lett, to Huntington, be.). Joshua
alone, partly on account cf his being on Kphraimite,
partly because Shechem was selected by him as the
scene of his solemn valedictory address, seems U-
have found favour in their eyes; but the Book
of Joshua, which they perhaps possessed in its
original form, gradually came to form only the
groundwork of a fictitious national Samaritan his-
tory, overgrown with the most fantastic and ana-
chronistic legends. This is the so-called " Samaritan
Joshua," or Chronicon Samaritanum ( "--*•([.; Jus
irt»j (5r»)' 8ent *° Scaliger by the Samaritans of
Cairo in 1584. It was edited by Juynboll (Leyden,
1848), and his acute investigations have shown
that it was redacted into its present form about
A.D. 1300, out of four special documents, three
of which were Arabic and one Hebrew (»'. e.
Samaritan). The Leyden MS. in 2 pts., which
Gesenius, De Sam, Theol. p. 8. n. 18, thinks unique,
is dated a.h. 764-919 (a.D. 1362-1513) ;— the
Cod. in the Brit. Museum, lately acquired, dates
A.H. 908 (a.D. 1502). The chronicle embraces
the time from Joshua to about a.d. 350, and was
originally written in, or subsequently translated into,
Arabic. After eight chapters of introductory matter
begins the early history of " Israel " undo- " Sing
Joshua," who, among other deeds of arms, wages
war, with 300,000 mounted men— " half Israel "
— against two kings of Persia. The last of his five
" royal " successors is Shunshon (Samson), the hand-
somest and most powerful of them all. These reigned
for the space of 250 years, and were followed by five
high-priests, the last of whom was Usi (? = Uiri,
Ezr. vil. 4). With the history of Eli, « the seducer,"
which then follows, and Samuel " a sorcerer," the
account by a sudden transition runs off to Nebuchad-
nezzar (ch. 45), Alexander (ch. 46), and Hadrian
(47), and closes suddenly at the time of Julian the
Apostate.
We shall only adduce here a single specimen out
of the 45th ch. of the Book, which treats of the
subject of the Pentateuch : —
Nebuchadnezzar was king of Persia (Mossul), and
conquered the whole world, also the longs of Syria.
In the thirteenth year of their subjugation they re-
belled, together with the kings of Jerusalem (Kcdsh).
Whereupon the Samaritans, to escape from the
vengeance of their pursuer, fled, and Persian colo-
nists took their place. A curse, however, rested
upon the land, and the new immigrants died from
eating of its fruits (Joseph. Ant. ix. 14, §3). The
chiefs of Israel (■'. e. Samaritans), being asked the
reason of this by the king, explained it by the abo-
lition of the worship of God. The king upon this
permitted them to return and to erect a temple, in
which work he promised to aid them, and he gave
them a letter to all their dispersed brethren. The
whole Dispersion now assembled, and the Jews said,
"We will now go up into the Holy City (Jern-
dty "). the Arab, renders xmb i 0tn - xU - **> "P^*
(3am. Ver. ma = «*>,{). us Arab, translates w ^|
« A word. It may be observed by the way, taken by the
from the Babbtnlcal (TP»Jj j) 15)3.
1116 BAMABITAN PENTATEUCH
calem) and lire there in unity ." But the tons of
Har&n (Aaron) and of Joseph [i. e. the prints and
the Samaritans) insisted upon going to the " Mount
of Blessing," Gerixim. The dispute was referred to
die king, and while the Samaritans proved then-
ease from the books of Moses, the Jews grounded
their preference for Jerusalem on the post-Mosaic
books. The superior fcce of the Samaritan argu-
ment was full y recognised by the king. But as each
side— by the month of their spokesmen, Sanballat
and Zerubabrl respectively, — charged the other with
basing its claims on a forged document, the sacred
books of each party were subjected to the ordeal
at' fire. The Jewish Record was immediately con-
sumed, while the Samaritan leaped three times from
the flames into the king's lap : the third time, how-
ever, a portion of the scroll, upon which the king
had spat, was found to have been consumed. Thirty-
six Jews were immediately beheaded, and the Sama-
ritans, to the number of 300,000, wept, and all
Israel worshipped henceforth upon Mount Gerixim
— " and so we will ask our help from the grace of
God, who has in His mercy granted all these things,
and in Him we will confide."
2. From this work chiefly has been compiled an-
other Chronicle written in the 14th century (1355),
by Abu'l Fatah.' This comprises the history of the
Jews and Samaritans from Adam to a.h. 756 and
798 (a.o. 1355 and 1397) respectively (the forty-
two years must have been added by a later historio-
grapher). It is of equally low historical value ; its
only remarkable feature being its adoption of certain
Talmndical legends, which it took at second hand
from Joaippon ben Gorion, According to this
chronicle, the deluge did not cover Gerixim, in the
same manner as the Midrash [Ber. Sab.) exempts
the whole of "alestine from it A specimen, like-
wise on the subject of the Pentateuch, may not be
out of place: —
In the year of the world 4150, and in the 10th
year of Philadelphus, this king wished to learn the
difference between the Law of the Samaritans, and
that of the Jews. He therefore bade both send him
some of thair elders. The Samaritans delegated
Ahron, Sumla, and Hudmaka, the Jews Eleaxar only.
The king assigned houses to them, and gave them
each an adept of the Greek language, in order that
he might assist them in their translation. The Sa-
maritans rendered only their Pentateuch into the
language of the land, while Eleaxar produced a
translation of the whole Canon. The king, per-
ceiving variations in the respective Pentateuchs,
asked the Samaritans the reason of it. Whereupon
they replied that these differences chiefly turned
upon two points. (1.) God had chosen the Mount
of Gerixim : and if the Jews were right, why was
there no mention of it in their Thora? (2.) The Sa-
maritans read, Dent, xzxii. 35, Dpi Dfk, " to the
day of vengeance and reward," the Jews Dp} *7,
" Mine is vengeance and reward " — which left it
nneertuin whether that reward was to be given
Here or in the world to come. The king then asked
what was their opinion about the Jewish prophets
and their writings, and they replied, " Either they
' ^Ul yfJLS ^i ,*S11 jS,
fjyy*^ o&Xlf i*""-: lm P- Horary. r*rfs)
Two copies In Berlin Library (PeUrmann, Rosen)
reran Uv acquired.
SAMaBITAN PENTATEUCH
bdb have said and contained what stood In the
Pentateuch, and then their saying it again was super-
fluous; or more; or less:* either of which was again
distinctly prohibited in the Thorn ; or finally they
must hare changed the Laws, and these were un-
changeable." A Greek who stood near, observed that
Laws must be adapted to different times, and alter*")
accordingly ; whereupon the Samaritans proved that
this was only the esse with human, not with D vine
Laws : moreover, the seventy Elders had left them
the explicit command not to accept a word beside
the Thorn. The king now fully approved of their
translation, and gave them rich presents. But to
the Jews he strictly enjoined, not even to approach
Mount Gerixim. There can be no doubt that there
is a certain historical foot, however contorted, at
the bottom of this (comp. the Talmndical and other
accounts of the LXX.), but we cannot now further
pursue the subject. A lengthened extract from this
chronicle — the original text with a German trans-
lation—is given by Schnurrer in Pnolns* Xeus
Bepertorium, 1790, 117-159.
3. Another "historical" work is the «_AaT
j .L.— Mt on the history and genealogy of the
patriarchs, from Adam to Moses, attributed to Moaes
himself; perhaps the same which Petermann aaw
at Nablus, and which consisted of sixteen vellum
leaves (supposed, however, to contain the history of
the world down to the end). An anonymous recent
commentary on it, A.R. 1200, A.D. 1784, is in the
Brit. Mux. (No. 1140, Add.).
4. Of other Samaritan works, chiefly in Arabic —
their Samaritan and Hebrew literature having mostly
been destroyed by the Emperor Commodus — may fat
briefly mentioned Commentaries upon the whole or
parts of their Pentateuch, by Zadnka b. Manga b.
Zadaka ;• further, by Maddib Eddin Jussuf b. Abi
Said b. Khalef j by Ghaxal lbn Abo-1-Surur AW
Safawi Al-Ghaxxi* (A.H. 1167-8, A.D. 1753-4,
Brit. Mm.), etc. Theological works chiefly in
Arabic, mired with Samaritanixms, by Abu] Haa-
ssn of Tyre, On the religious Manners ami
Custom of the Samaritans and the World to
come; byMowaffek Eddin Zadaka el Israili, A Com-
pendium of Religion, on the Nature of the Darime
Being, on Man, on the Worship of God ; by Anna
Eddin Abu'l Baracat, On the Ten Commandments;
by Abu'l Hassan Jbn El Marknm Qnusjemi baa
Abulnraj' ibn Chat&r, On Penance ; by MnhssUib
Eddin Jussuf Ibn Salamah Ibn Jussuf Al Askari, An
Exposition of the Mosaic Laws, &&,&& Some gram-
matical works may be further mentioned, by Aba
Isbak Ibrahim, On the He/brow Language ; by Aba
Said, On reading the Bebrme Test (, -xJUJ
KSoJi). This grammar begins in the following
characteristic manner: —
" Thus mid the Sheikh, rich in good work] sod
knowledge, the model, the abstemious, the well-
guided Abu Said, to whom God he me tiful and
compassionate.
u Praise be unto God for His help, and I ask for
His guidance towards a clear exposition. I have
• Compare the well known s ttrl — of Omar on 1st
Alexandrian Library (Gibbon, cb. II).
' ^I^LJl c ^asu.omt«i7.Bsdl.>
• Under the *»*.j\jm\ ^sJ V*^ tJ&K
jyttMoJ..
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH
Mil m l to lay down a Aw rnle> for the proper
manner of reading th« Holy Writ, on account of the
difference which I found, with respect to it, among
•ox co-religionists — whom may God make numerous
ud inspire to obedience unto Him ] — and in such a
manner that I shall brine proofs for my assertions,
from which the wise could in no way differ. But
God knows bsstl
" Bole 1 >— With all their discrepancies about
dogmas or religious views, yet all the confessors o(
the Hebrew religion agree in this, that the Tl of
the first pen. (sing, pert'.) is always pronounced
With Kasm, and that a ' follows it, provided It has
so suffix. It is the same, when the suffix of the
pisxal 0* is added to it, according to the unanimous
ksaamr of the MSS., lie."
Thai treatise concludes, at the end of the 12th
Canon or Kuie:—
** Often also the perfect is used in the form of
the imperative. Thus it is reported of a man of
the best reputation, that he had used the form of the
Imperative in the passage (Ex. di. 13), "fy 11DK1
XBB HO — ' And they shall say to me. What is his
seme?" He who reported this to me, is a man of
very high standing, against whose truthfulness no-
thing can be brought forward. But God knows best !
" There are now a few more words to be treated,
ef which, however, we will treat ncs! voce. And
Messed be His name for evermore."
5. Their Liturgical literature Is more extensive,
and net without a certain poetical value. It consists
chiefly of hymns (Defter, Durrftn) and prayers for
Sabbath and Keast-days, and of occasional prayers at
kuptiala, circumcisions, burials, and the like. We
subjoin a few specimens from MSS. in the British
Museum, transcribed into Hebrew characters.
The following is part of a Litany for the dead : —
-"aeyi ■ T3i • ya rr a • dvAk • mm • >rm
•:pjw • prow . DiTQet • pwmai • ynw
■•ni-nB'o.pwiitt
lord Jehovah, Etohiin, for Thy mercy, and for Thine
Oee sake, sod far Thy name, and for Thy glory, and for
the sake of onr Lords Abraham, and Isaac, sad Jacob, and
ear Lards Moses snd Aaron, and Eleazax, and Ithamar,
and riashn, sat Joshua, and Caleb, and the Holy Angels,
sad the seracy Elders, and tb? holy mountain of Gerfatm,
■tea EL If Tboo aceeptest CQ'BTl] 'bis prayer [hflpD
" may (here go forth from before Thy holy
gilt sent to protect the spirit of Thy
5U Pf. the son or N.J, of the
ems ef [—J daughter [ 1 from the tons of [ y
Load Jehovah, In Thy mercy have compassion on
Urn (J [or] have compassion on her), and rest his (bar)
seal In the garden of Eden ; and forgive htm (J [or] her),
and all the congregation of Israel who nock to Mount
Through Moses the trusty.
*«** v
The next b part of a hymn (aee Kbthheim'a
Carats' glutei en, emendations on Getenius, Carm,
£saa.ai)>-
1.
ttbst ffaH rtb There h noOod but one,
TtOVPnmM TbeeverlaalhigGod,
ofafo Tg Lffi n WboUveth forever;
jhn'n'nrbH Ood above all powers.
03V? P *001 Andwbolhosmialnethlor
SAMARITAN FENTATETiCH 1117
X
r*mn3 ItSn "fVo In Thy great power lhaD
1 we trust,
no in mm * or ' rBon *** our LoM <
nnjjn ininblO In Thy Godhead: for Tbon
hast conducted
nCH ID nOTjr The world from beginning
3.
irtSlimai Thy power was hidden
"pOrm "pllDI And Thyglory and mercy.
nn«D31 nrtM^l tbl Bevealedarebothtbetlitaga
that are revealed, and
those that are unrepealed
"»1 "imih* vfxKL Bslbre the reign of Thy
1 Godhead, Ac 4c
IV. We shall only briefly touch here, in conclu-
sion, upon the strangely contradictory rabbinical laws
framed for the regulation of the intercourse between
the two rival nationalities of Jews and Samaritans
in religious and ritual matters ; discrepancies due
partly to the ever-shifting phases of their mutual
relations, partly to the modifications brought about
in the Samaritan creed, and partly to the now leas
now greater acquiescence of the Jews in the reli-
gions state of the Samaritans. Thus we find the
older Talmudical authorities disputing whether the
Cuthim (Samaritans) are to be considered as " Real
Converts" DDK TJ, or only conreits through
fear — "Lion Converts" rtVTJt TJ— in allusion
to the ncident related in 2 K. xvii. 25 (Baba A".
38 ; Kidush. 75, &c). One Rabbi holds <U3 T113,
" A Samaritan is to be considered as a heathen ;"
while R. Simon b. Gamaliel — the same whose
opinion on the Sam. Pent, we bad occasion to quote
before — pronounces that they are "to be treated
in every respect like Israelites " (Dan. Jt*. ix. 2 ;
Ketub. 11, be.). It would appear that notwith-
standing their rejection of all but the Penta-
teuch, they bad adopted many traditional religious
practices from the Jews — principally such as
were derived direct from the Books of Moses.
It was acknowledged that they kept these
ordinances with even greater rigour than those
from whom they adopted them. The utmost con-
fidence was therefore placed in th»m for their
ritually slaughtering animals, even fowls (Caul.
4a); their wells are pronounced to be conformed
to all the conditions prescribed by the Mishnah
(iouph. Mikw. 6 ; comp. Mikw. 8, 1). See, how-
ever A'lddah Zarah (Jer. v. 4) . Their unleavened
bread for the Passover is commended (Oit. 10;
Chul. 4) ; their cheese (Mass. Oath. 2) ; and even
their whole food is allowed to the Jews (Ab. Zar.
Jer. v. 4). Compare John iv. 8, where the disciples
are reported to have gone into the city of Samaria
to buy food. Their testimony was valued in that
most stringent matter of lie letter of divorce
(ifot. Cutk. ii.). They were admitted to the office of
circumcising Jewish boys (Jfa». Cutk. i.) — against
R. Jehudah, who asserts that they cjrcumc'se " in
the name of Mount Gerizim " (Abodah Zarak, 43).
The criminal law makes no difference whatever be-
tween them and the Jews (Jfoa. Cut*. 2 ; Makk.
8) ; and a Samaritan who strictly adheres to bis
own special creed is honoured with the tieie of a
Cuthi-Cbaber (Gittm, 106 ; Middah, 336). By
degrees, however, inhibitions began to be laid upon
thu use of their wine, vinegar, bread (Jafai, Cutk. 2
Tuatpn, 77, 5\ Ik. This intermediate raft of
1118 SAMABITAN PENTATEUCH
uncertain and inconsistent treatment, ahich most
bare lasted for nearly two centuries, u belt char-
acterized bj the small rabbinical treatise quoted
above— Masstcheth Cuthim (2nd cent. a.d.>— first
edited by Kircbheim CvhvW JllJOp 'DD Jf3C
Prancf. 1851, — the beginning of which read*: —
" The ways (treatment) of the Cuthim (Samaritans),
sometimes like Goyim (heathens) sometimes like
Israel.' No less striking is it* conclusion:
" Ami why are the Cuthim not permitted to come
into toe midst of the Jews t Because they have
mixed with the print* of the heights" (idolaters).
B. Istnael says: "They were at first pious converts
(P^IY T3 =real Israelites), and why is the inter-
course with them prohibited? Because of their
illegally begotten children,* and because they do
not fulfil the duties of D3' (marrying the deceased
brotbev's wife)"; a law which they understand, as
we saw above, to apply to the betrothed only.
" At what period are they to be received (into
theCominnnity)?" " When they abjure the Mount
Gerizim, recognise Jerusalem (viz., its superior
claims), and believe in the Resurrection." *
We hear of their exclusion by R. Melr (Chul.
S), in the third generation of the Tanaim, and
later again under R. Abbuha, the Amora, at the
time of Diocletian ; this time the exclusion was un-
conditional and final (Jer. Abodah Zarah, 5, be.).
Partaking of their blend J was considered a trans-
gression, to be punished like eating the flesh of
swine (Zeb. 8, 6j. The intensity of their mutual
hatred, at a later period, is best shown by dicta like
that in Meg. 28, 6. " May it never happen to
me that I behold a Cuthi." " Whoever receives a
Samaritan hospitably in his house, deserves that his
children go into exile" (Syn/i. 104, 1). In Matt.
X. 5 Samaritans and Gentiles are nl ready mentioned
together; and in Luke xvii. 18 the Samaritan is
called "a stranger" (aAAo-y«i^j). The reason for
this exclusion is variously given. They are said
by some to have used and sold the wine of heathens
for sacrificial purposes (Jer. ib.); by others they
were charged with worshipping the dove sacred
to Venus; an imputation over the correctness of
which hangs, up to this moment, a certain myste-
rious doubt. It has, at all events, never been
brought home to them, that they really woishipped
this image, although it was oertauily seen with
them, even by recent travellers.
Authorities. — 1. Original texts. Pentateuch in
the Polyglotts of Paris, and Walton ; also ( in Hebr.
letters)' by Blayney, 8vo. Ox. 1790. Sam. Versioo
in the Polyglotts of Walton and Paris. Arab. Vers.
•f Aba Said, Libri Oen. Ex. et Lee. by Kueuen,
8vo. Lugd. 1851-4 ; also Van Vloten, Specimen,
fa., 4to. Lugd. 1803. Lttcrae ad Soalijer, fa.
(by De Sacy) and Epistola ad Ludotph. (Brum),
in Eichhora 's Reptrtormm, xiii. Also, with Letters
to De Sacy himself, in Koticet et Extraits da
3tSS. Par. 18:11. Cltronicon Samaritanwn, by
Juynboll, 4to. Leyden 1848. Specimen of Samar.
t'ommentary on Gen. xlix. by Schnurrer, in Eich-
born's Sepert. xvi. Cam. Samar. Getcnius, 4to.
Lip*. 1824.
2. Dissertations, fa. J. Moriuus, Exercitatimtu,
» The briefest rendering of DltDD wa,cn w " «•»
give— a fall explanation of the term would exceed onr
■mils,
• On this subject tbe Pent contains nothing explicit.
IVy at nrst rejected thst dogma, but adopted It at a later
period, perhaps since Ikjsl hrus; com p. tbe savings of
8AMMTJB
fa.. Par. 1631 ; Opuscnla Hebr. Samaritiu, Pug.
1657; Amputates Eact. Orient., Load. 1663
J. H. Hottinger, Exereit. Anti-mormianae, fa..
Tigar. 1644. Walton, De Pent. Sam. in Prologom.
ad Polygbtt. Castell, Anmadvertimet, is Poly-
glott,vi. Ceiltiita, JSorae Samaritimae.Ca. 1682;
also Collectanea, in Ugolini, xxii. Leusden, PhSo-
logut Hebr. Utraj. 1686. St. Horinns, Exervit.
de Lmg.primami, Utr. 1694. Schwarx, Extrrita-
timet, he. Houbigant, Prolegomena, lax. Par.
1746. Kennicott, State of the Ileb. Text, fa., ii.
1759. J. G. Carpxov, Crit. Sacri V. T. Pt. 1,
Lip*. 1728. Hassencamp, Entdeckter Unpnmn,
fa, 0. G. Tychsen, Disputatio, fa., Btttx. 1765.
Bauer, Crit. Sacr. Geseniue, De Pent. Sam.
Origins, fa., Hal. 1815; Samar. Theotegia, &c,
Hal. 1822; Anecdota Earn. Lips. 1824. Heng-
stenberg, Auth. des Pent. Mazed* Sw f&ngime.
fa., Gen. 1830. M. Stuart, A. Amer. Ret.
Krankel, Vorstudien, Leipx. 1841. Kirchheisn,
inOIC 'OT3, Frankfort 1851. The Emleihmqen
of Eiclihom, Uertholdt, Vater, DeWette, Hivernick,
Keil, fa. The Geschichten of Jost, Herzfeld, fa.
3. Versions. Winer, De Vers. Pent. Sam.
De Sacy, Mem. sw la Vert. Arabs des Litres dm
MoUe, in JfVm. de LitUratore. xlix. Par. 1808 ;
also VEtat actucl its Samaritans, Par. 1812 ;
De Versions Samaritat^-Arabica, fa., in Eich-
horn's Aug. BiblMhek, x. 1-176. [E. D.]
BAWA.TV8 (Xaiurrts: Semediits). One of the
sons of Ozora in the list of 1 Esd. ix. 34. The
whole verse is very corrupt.
SAMEI'US (3apatos). Shf.haiah of the
sons of Harim (1 E«d. ix. 21 ; comp. Ezr. x. 21).
SAM'GAR-NE'BO (UrTlDD: Samegar-
nebu). One of the princes or" generals of the king
of Babylon who commanded the victorious army ol
the Chaldaenns at the capture of Jerusalem (Jer.
xxxix. 3). The text of the LXX. is corrupt. The
two names " Snmgar-nebo, Sarsechim," are there
written iafiayiiB kci Nafhvirix«P- The fi'eba
is the Chaldaean Mercury ; about the Samgar,
opinions are divided. Von Bohlen suggested that
fiom the Sanscrit tangnra, " war," might be formed
sdngara, " warrior," and that this was the original
of Samgar.
SA"MI(T./8(»; Alex, iafiti: Ibbi). Shobai
(1 Esd. v. 28; comp. Ezr. ii. 42).
8AMI8 (Setwt* : om. in Vulg.). Shimhi 13
(1 Esd. ix. 34 ; comp. Ezr. x. 38).
6AMlAH(nVpb: XxuaSet; Alex. SoAsuut.
Semla), Gen. xxxvi.' 36, 37; 1 Chr. i. 47, 48.
One of the kinp of Edom, successor to Hadad or
Hadar. Saml&h, whose name signifies " a gar-
ment," was of M.vsoekah; that being probnbry
the chief city during his reign. This mention of
a separate city as belonging to each 'almost with-
out exception) of tbe "kings" of Edoin, suggests
that the Edomite kingdom consisted of a confederacy
of tribes, and that the chief city of the reiguiiur,
tribe was the metropolis of the whole. [E. S. P.J
SAM'MTJS (Sosutoft: Samus). Shkha (1 E*i
ix. 43 ; comp. Neh. viii. 4-).
Jebndda-badsssl *nd Kassodl, thst one of the two Sama-
ritan sects bsneTes in tbe Besnrraction ; l'| l|ilisalm
Leonthu ilregorr the Great, testify rni s ntimi nsli' w
their fonr-r unbelief In this ankle of tfcetr j
x HO I Ifhtfaot " bocells '• '1
BAM06
RA"M(K8 K 2diu>t). A very illustrious Greek
land off that part of Asia Minor where Ionia
tenches Caria. For its history, froa the time
when it was a powerful member of the Ionic con-
federacy to its recent struggles against Turkey
taring the war of independence, and since, we
must refer to the Diet, of Greek and Horn. Oeog.'
Ssmos ■ a wry lofty and commanding island ; the
word, in fact, denotes a height, especially by the
sea-shores hence, also, the name of SamothraCIA,
a "the Thradan Samoa." The Ionian Ssmos
cones bsfbra our notice in the detailed account of
St Paul's return from his third missionary jottr-
asr (Acta ix. 15). He had been at Chios, and
was about to proceed to Miletus, having passed
*r Ephesus without touching there. The topo-
jTsphiesl notices given incidentally by St. Luke are
■sat exact. The night was spent st the anchorage
ef Tbootllicm, in the narrow strait between
Sana sod the extremity of the mainland-ridge of
Mrcsk. This spot is famous both for the great
bsttle of the old Greeks against the Persians in B.C.
479, sad also for a gallant action of the modem
Greeks agsinst the Turks in 1824. Here, how-
ever, it is more natural (especially as we know,
fists 1 Mace. xv. 33, that Jews resided here) to
tllude to the meeting of Herod the Great with
Mums Agrippa in Samoa, whence resulted many
prmfeps to the Jews (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 2, §2, 4j.
At this time and when St. Paul was there it was
fsiitkslly a " free city " in the province of Asia.
Vsriera travellers (Tournrfmt, Pococke, Oallaway,
Rossi have described this island. We may refer
awjcnlarly to a very recent work on the subject,
Dacrtpdm de Me de fatmos et de Vile de
Szaot (Paris, 1856), by V. Gnerin, who spent
two months in the island. [J. S. H.]
SAHOTHBA'CIA (Soau>«0«>w: Samothra-
cu). The mention of this island in the account of
St Pud's first voyage to Europe (Acts xvi. 11) is for
two reasons worthy of careful notice. In the first
pU*, "bring a very lofty and conspicuous island, it is
so excellent landmark tor sailors, and must have been
toll is view, if the weather was clear, throughout
tint roysge from Troas to K eapolis. From the shore
st Trass SimothnKe is seen towering over Imbros
(Hon. //. xiii. 12, 13; Kmglake's Edthm, p. 64),
and it it similarly a marked object in the view from
tat kills between Nespolis and Philippi (Clarke's
l^sesh, eh. xiii.). These allusions tend to give
viridnesi to one of the most important voyages
last ever took place. Secondly, this voyage was
sads with a fair wind. Not only are we told that
i*. occupied only parts of two days, whereas on a
subsequent return-voyage (Acts xx. 6) the time
•pent at tea was five : but the technical word here
sted (tseviposL^trcuier) implies that they ran be-
ts* toe wind. Now the position of Samothrace is
enetir such as to correspond with these notices,
ted thus incidentally to confirm the accuracy of a
suet artless narrative. St. Paul and his companions
snmared for the night off Samothrace. The ancient
car, sad therefore probably the usual anchorage,-
»" an the N. side, which would he sufficiently
aVttend from a S.E. wind. It may be added, as a
faruta practical consideration not to be overlooked,
*at soeh a wind would be favourable for over-
9sah|tne opposing current, which sets southerly
» A u si kius Ill i M ls H iin of the renown of the Sambui
araamre a farassbed by the Vallate rendering or
a\at».»- "TntsdeSsax'ls terras."
SAMSON
1119
after leaving the Dardanelles, end easlit.y be t w e en
Samothrace and the mainland. Fuller details an
given in Life and Epp. of St. Pond, 2nd ed. \.
335-338. The chief classical associations of this
island are mythological and connected with the
mysterious divinities called Cabeiri. Perseus took
refuge here after nm defeat by the Romans at
Pydna. In St. Paul's time Samothrace had, ac-
cording to Pliny, the privileges of a small free state,
though it was doubtlera considered a dependency of
the province of Macedonia. [J. S. H.]
8AHP'BAMK8(3a/id>a/ii)>,3<ut<|'eurni: Lamp-
sacus, Samsames), a name which occurs in the list
of those to whom the Romans are said to have sent
letters in favour of the Jews (1 Mace. xv. 23). The
name is probably not that of a sovereign (as it appears
to be taken in A. V.), but of a place, which Grimm
identifies with Samsun on the coast of the Black
Sea, between Sinope and Trebizond. [B. F. W.]
BAM'SOK (tfetet?, •".#. Shimshon: 2op«V»V:
•' little sun," or " sunlike ;" but according to
Joseph. Ant. v. 8, §4 "strong:" if the root
shemeih has the signification of " awe " which
Geseuius ascribes to it, the name Samson would
seem naturally to allude to the " awe " ami
" astonishment " with which the lather and mqther
looked upon the angel who announced Samson's
birth— see Judg. xiii. 6, 18-20, and Joseph. /. c),
son of Manoah, a man of the town of Zorsh, in
the tribe of Dan, on the border of Judah (Josh. xv.
33, six. 41). The miraculous circumstances of his
birth are recorded in Judg. xiii. ; and the three fol-
lowing chapters are devoted to the history of his life
and exploits. Samson takes his place in Scripture,
(1) as a judge — an office which he filled for twenty
years (Judg. xv. 20, xvi. 31); (2) as a Nazaritc
(Judg. xiii. 5, xvi. 17;; and, (3) as one endowed
with supernatural power by the Spirit of the Lord
(Judg. xiii. 25, xiv. 6, 19, xv. 14).
(1.) As a judge his authority seems to have been
limited to the district bordering upon the country
of the Philistines, and his action as a deliverer does
not seem to have extended beyond desultory attacks
upon the dominant Philistines, by which their hold
upon Israel was weakened, and the way prepared
for the future emancipation of the Israelites from
their yoke. It is evident from Judg. xiii. 1, 5, xv.
9-1 1, 20, and the whole history, that the Israelites,
or at least Judah and Dan, which are the only tribes
mentioned, were subject to the Philistines through
the whole of Samson s judgeship ; so that, of course,
Samson's twenty years of office would be included
in the forty years of the Philistine dominion. From
the angel's speech to Samson's mother (Judg. xiii.
5), it appears further that the Israelites were
already subject to the Philistines at his birth ; and
as Samson cannot have begun to be judge before
he was twenty years of age, it follows that his
judgeship must about have coincided with the last
twenty years of Philistine dominion. But when
we turn to the First Book of Samuel, and especially
to yii. 1-14, we find that the Philistine dominion
ceo-ed under the judgeship of Samuel. Hence it is
obvious to conclude that the early part of Samuel's
judgeship coincided with the latter part of Samson's ;
and that the capture of the ark by the Philistines
in the time of Eli occurred during Samson's life-
time. There are besides several points is the re-
spective narratives of the times of Samson aad Sa-
il lei which indicate yeat proximity. First, than
1120 ftAiteox
B tin guiera. prominence of the I'hil.rtirws in their
relation to Israel. Secondly, there is the remark-
able coincidence of both Samson and Samuel being
Nazarites (Judg. xiii. 5, xvi. 17, compared with
1 Sam. i. 11). It looks as if the great exploits of
the young Danite Nazarite had suggested to Hannah
the consecration of her son in like manner, or, at all
events, as if for some reason the KaxariU vow was
at that time prevalent. No other mention of Na-
zarites occurs in the Scripture history till Amos ii.
It, 12 ; and even there the allusion seems to be to
Samuel and Samson. Thirdly, there is a similar
notice of the house of Dngon in Judg. xvi. 23, and
1 Sam. T. 2. Fourthly, the lords of the Philis-
tines are mentioned in a similar way in Judg. xvi.
8, 18, 27, and in 1 Sam. vii. 7. All of which,
taken together, indicates a close proximity between
the times of Samson and Samuel. There does not
seem, however, to be any means of fixing the time
of Samson*s judgeship more precisely. The effect of
his prowess must have been more of a preparatory
kind, by arousing the cowed spirit of his people,
and shaking the insolent security of the Philistines,
than in the way of decisive victory or deliverance.
There is no allusion whatever to other parts ot
Israel during Samson's judgeship, except the single
fact of the men of the border tribe of Judah, 3000
in number, fetching him from the rock Etam to
deliver him up to the Philistines (Judg. xr. 9-13).
The whole narrative is entirely local, and, like the
following story concerning Micah (Judg. xvii. xviii.),
seems to be taken from the annals of the tribe of
Dan.
(2.) As a Nazarite, Samson exhibits the law in
Num. vi. in full practice. [Nazarite.] The emi-
nence of such Nazarites as Samson and Samuel
would tend to give that dignity to the profession
which is alluded to in Lam. iv. 7, 8.
(3.) Samson is one of those who are distinctly
spoken of in Scripture as endowed with super-
natural power by the Spirit of the Lord. " The
Suit of the Lord began to more him at times in
ahaneh-Dan." " The Spirit of the Lord came
mightily upon him, and the cords that were upon
his arms became as flax burnt with tire." " The
Spirit of the Lord came upon him, and he went
down to Ashkelon, and slew thirty men of them."
■ M Hercules once went to Egypt, and there the inha-
bitants took him, and, putting a cbaplet on his head, led
him oat In solemn procession, intending to offer him in
sacrifice to Jupiter. For a while be submitted quietly ;
but when tbey led him np to the altar, and began the
ceremonies, be put forth his strength and slew them all '"
(Rawlins. Ami. book U. «).
The passsge from Lycophron, with the schollon, quoted
by Bochart (Bieros. pars IL lib. v. cap. xll.), where Her-
cules Is said to have been three nights In the belly of the
sea-monster, and to have come out vita tkt lost qf ail Atf
how". Is also carious, and seems to be a compound of the
stories of Samson and Jonah. To this may be added the
connexion between So—urn, considered ss derived from
Saeausa, - the San," and the designation of Moui. tbe
Egyptian Hercules, ss "Son of tbe Sun," worshipped also
ander tbe name Sem, which Sir 0. Wilkinson compares
with Samson. The Tyrlsn Hercules (whose temple st Tyre
k described by HerodoL 11. 11). be also tells us. - wss ori-
ginally the Sun, and tbe same as Baal " (KawL Bend. IL
44, note T> The connexion between tbe Phoenician Baal
(called Baal Sbemen, Baal Sbemesh.snd Baal Hanuban), and
Hercules Is well known. Gesenlus ( Tka. a v. ^573) tens us
that, in oaruln Phoenician Inscriptions, which are accmn-
aanlsd by a Greek muulsllon. Aa.il is rendered BeraJcIa,
sad that "the Tynan Heretics" Is tbe cunsisnt Greek
SAMSON
But, on the othet hand, after nil lock* wart ant
and his strength wan gone from him, K is said
" He wist not that the Lord was departed froan
him" (Judg. xiii. 25, xiv. 6, 19, xr. 14, xvi. 30).
The phrase, " the Spirit of the Lord cam* upas
him, is common to him with Othniel and Gideon
(Judg. iii. 10, vi. 34) ; but the co nnex ion of super-
natural power with tbe integrity of the Xaxaririe
vow, and the particular gift of great strength at
body, as seen in tearing in pieces a lion, I leaking
his bonds asunder, carrying the gates of the city
upon his back, and throwing down the pillars which
supported the house of Dagon, are quits peculiar to
Samson. Indeed, his whole character and history
have no exact parallel in Scripture. It is easy,
however, to see how forcibly the Israelites would
be taught, by such an example, that their national
strength lay in their complete separation from
idolatry, and consecration to the true (iod ; and that
He could give them power to subdue their mightiest
enemies, if only they were true to His service
(comp. 1 Sam. ii. 10).
it is an interesting question whether any of the
legends which have attached themselves to the name
of Hercules may have been derived from Phoenician
traditions of the strength of Samson. The eoro-
biuation of great strength with submission to the
power of women ; the slaying of the Nemesean lion ;
the coming by his death at the hands of bis wire ;
and especially the story told by Herodotus of the
captivity of Hercules in Egypt,* ate certainly re-
markable coincidences. Phoenician traders might
etisily have carried stories concerning the Hebrew
hero to the different countries where they traded,
especially Greece and Italy ; and such stories would
have been moulded according to the taste or ima-
gination of those who heard them. The following
description of Hercules given by C. O. Mitller
(Dentins, b. it. c. 12) might almost have been
written for Samson : — " The highest degree of
human suffering and courage is attributed to Her-
cules: his character is as noble as could be con-
ceived in those rude and early times ; but he is by
no means represented as free from the blemishes of
human nature; on tbe contrary, be is frequently
subject to wild, ungovernable passions, when trie
noble indignation and anger of the suffering hero
designation of the Baal of Tyre. He also gives many Car-
thaginian Inscriptions to Baal Hammsn, which be renders
Baal Solaris ; sod slso a sculpture In which Baal Ham-
man's bead la surrounded with rays, and whkb has en
Image of tbe sun on tbe upper part of the nhoantfM
(Men. Pkaen. L 171; IL tab at). Another rrldaama of
tbe identity of the Phoenician Baal snd Hercules may be
found In 8auli, near Boise, a place sacred to Hercules
("locus Herculls," Serv.), but evidently so called frons
Baal. Tbirlwall (Kit. ijf Ortect) ascribes to tbe nume-
rous temples built by tbe Phoenicians In honour of Baal
In their different settlements tbe Greek rabies of tbe
labours snd Journeys of Hercules. Bucbart thinks the
custom described by OvM {fait llv.) of tying s lighted
torch between two foxes in tbe circus. In memory of the
damage once dune to tbe harvest by a fox with borning
hay and straw tied to it, was derived from the Pziueatcasne,
and Is clearly to be traced to tbe history of Samson (iftcraa.
pars 1. lib. ill. cap. xlll.). From all which arises a con-
siderable probability that tbe Greek and Latin conception
of Hercules In regard ro bis strength was derived from
Phoenician stories snd reminiscences of the great Hebrew
hero Samson. Some learned men connect the name Mr*-
eutawlu.<9Msmctymologica!:y. (See SlrO. Wilkuuun'i
note In Rawltiuun's nVrorf. tl. 43; IVtrtea, Oh Juda. art
30 ; OomeL s Upide, ax.) But acne of these etytnetsctBg
sre very convincing.
SAMUEL
into frenzy. Every dime, however, is
issasd fur by mow new miming; but nothing
aresks Us invincible courage until, purified from
avrtUy ssrraptioD, he ascends Mount Olympus."
And asain : " Hereules m a jovial guest, and not
backward so enjoying himself. ... It was Hercules,
•hove all other heroes, whom mythology placed in
odierens situation, and scenetimes made the butt
of the buflboncry of others. The Cercopes are
represented as alternately amusing and annoying
Ibt sere. In works of art they are often repre-
eanerf ■ sstym who rob the hero of hi* quiver,
hnr, sad crab. Hercules, annoyed at their insults,
knot two of them to a pole, and marches off with
Ids prist. ... It also seems that mirth and buffoonery
•arc often combined with the festivals of Hercules:
thos at Athens there was a society of sixty men,
eras on the festival of. the Diomean Hercules
attacked and amused themselves and others with
■ of wU." Whatever Is thought, however, of
noes, it is certain that the history of
i is an historical, and not an allegorical nar-
num. It has also a distinctly supernatural element
atidb cannot be explained away. The history, as
•a now hare it, must hare been written several
otstories after Samson's death (Judg. xv. 19, 20,
rrfi. 1, SO, xix. 1), though probably taken from
the annua of the tribe of Dan. Josephus has
pvea it pretty rally, but with alterations and em-
Mljahmants of his own, after his manner. For
eauaple, he does not make Samson eat any of the
hooey which he took out of the hire, doubtless as
andean, and unfit tut a Naaarite, but makes
pit it to his wise. The only mention of Samson
is the M. T. b that in Heb. xi. 32, where he is
openlai with Gideon, Sank, and Jephthah, and
teases of as one) of those who "through faith
■seal valiant in fight, and turned to flight the
aiaansef the aliens. See, besides the places quoted
is uwesurseof this article, a full article in Winer,
aVonat.; Ewald, BacHchU, ii. 516, be; Ber-
uanu, On Jen-ova; Beyle's Die*. [AXE.]
SAJTUEL b&tOf, i. *. Shemuel: XaiunjK :
Arabia, catena?, or Atchmouyl, see T/Herbebt, under
t!as bit name). Dmerent derivations bare been
pvea, (1) ^K Off, " name of God :" ao appe-
■vntly Origan (Eos. H. S. vi. 25), eeacA.irre'r.
(*) T* n*£ " placed by God." (3) ^ b\*V,
"•and at God"(l Sam. i. 20). Josephus inge-
niously tauua it correspond to the well-known Greek
aane Ta a aa j fara a. (4) b* VHOff, " heard of God."
Tkje, which may have the same meaning as the pre-
rm>aderrritkta,is the most obvious. The last Judge,
as first of the regular succession of Prophets, and the
awsosr of the monarchy. So important a position
sal he hold in Jewish history as to have given his
ana* to the aacred book, now divided into two,
•aa* osvan the whole period of the first establish-
stent af ta*aiiigiken, c o ii e apuu ding to the manner
a which the nam* of liases has been assigned to
<** aeawl book, now divided into five, which covers
•he period of the foundation of the Jewish Church
itself. In fact no character of equal magnitude had
»"•*»» sines the death of the great Lawgiver.
He was the son of Hannah, an Ephrathite or
a^hnissite, and Hannah or Anna. Hia father is
»< of the lew private crthena in whose household
•e had eo-ytamy. It may possibly have arisen
*■ the irregularity of the period.
TWdasnntof Elkanah U involved in gnat jb-
vouia.
SAMUEL
1121
scurlt7. In 1 Sam. i. 1 he hi described as aa
Ephraimite. In 1 Chr. vi. 22, 23 he is made a de-
scendant of Korah the Levite. Hengstenberg (oa
Pa. Ixxviii. 1) and Ewald (ii. 433) explain this by
supposing that the Levitea were occasionally incor-
porated into the tribes amongst wnom they dwelt.
The question, however, is of no practical import-
ance, because, even if Samuel were a Levite, he
certainly was not a Priest by descent.
His birthplace is one of the vexed questions of
sacred geography, as hia descent ia of sacred gene
alogy. [See EUxathaim-Zophim.] All that ap-
pears with certainty from the accounts is that it
was in the hills of Ephraim, and (as may be in-
ferred from its name) a double height, used fin* the
purpose of beacons or outlookers (1 Sam. i. 1). At
the foot of the hill was a well (1 Sam. xix. 22).
On the brow of its two summits was the city. It
never lost its hold on Samuel, who in later life made
it his fixed abode.
The combined family must hare been large.
Peninnah had several children, and Hannah had,
besides Samuel, three sons and two daughters. But
of these nothing is known, unless the names of the
sons are those enumerated in 1 Chr. vi. 26, 27.
It is on the mother of Samuel that our chief
attention is fixed in the account of hia birth. She
ia described sa a woman of a high religious mission.
Almost a Naaarite by practice (1 Sam. i. 15), and
a prophetess in her gifts (1 Sam. ii. 1), she sought
from God the gift of the child for which she loogid
with a passionate devotion of silent prayer, of which
there ia no other example in the 0. T., and when
the son was granted, the name which he bore, and
thus first introduced into the world, eaun eas d her
sense of the urgency of her entreaty — Samuel, " the
Asked or Heard of God."
Living in the great age of vows, she bad before
his birth dedicated him to the office of a Naaarite.
Aa soon as he was weaned, she herself with her
husband brought him to the Tabernacle at Shiloh,
where she had received the first intimation of his
birth, and there solemnly consecrated him. The
form of consecration was similar to that with which
the irregular priesthood of Jeroboam was set apart
in later times (2 Chr. xiii. 9)— a bullock of three
years old (LXX.), loaves (LXX.), an ephah of flour,
and a akin of wine (1 Sam. i. 24). First took place
the usual ascrifices (LXX.) by Elkanah himself—
then, after the introduction of the child, the special
sacrifice of the bullock. Then hia mother made
him over to Eli (i. 25, 28), and (according to the
Hebrew text, but not the LXX.) the child himself
performed an act of worship.
The hymn which followed on this consecration
is the first of the kind in the sacred volume. It ia
passible that, like many of the Psalms, it may have
been enlarged in later tunes to suit great occasions
of victory and the like. But verse 5 specially
applies to this event, and verses 7, 8 may well
express the sense entertained by the prophetess of
the coming revolution in the fortunes of her son and
of her country.
From this time the child is shut up m the
tabernacle. The priests furnished him with a sacred
garment, an ephod, roads, like their own, of white
linen, though of inferior quality, and his mother
every year, apparently at the only time of then
meeting, gave him a little mantle reaching down to
hia feet, such as was worn only by high personages,
or »ornen, over the other dress, and such sa he
his badge, till the latest times of ha
4C
1122
Samuel
life. [Mahtlr, vol. 1L p. 331 a. J He nam to
have slept wr.hin the Holiest Plan (LXX., 1 Sun.
<fl. 3), ami his special doty was to put out, as it
would lira, the sacred candlestick, and to open the
doors at sunrise.
In this way his childhood was passed, ft was
whilst thus sleeping in the tabernacle that he re-
ctired his first prophetic call. The stillness of the
night — the sudden voice — the childlike misconcep-
Om— the Tenerable Eli — the contrast between the
Icirible doom and the gentle creature who has to
announoL it — pre to this portion of the narratiTe
• noiTersal Interest. It is this aide of Samuel's
career that has been » well caught <& the well-
known picture by Sir Joshua Reynolds.
From this moment the propbetio character of
Samuel was established. His words were treaaimil
up, and Shiloh became the resort of those who
•ass* to bear him (iii. 19-21).
In the overthrow of the sanctuary, which fol-
lowed shortly on this vision, we bear not what
became of Samuel.* He next appears, probably
twenty years afterwards, suddenly amongst the
people, warning them against their idolatrous prac-
tices. He convened an asnmblr at Hixpeh — pro-
bably the place of that name in the tribe of Ben-
>imln and there with a symbolical rite, expressive
partly of deep humilietion, partly of the libations
of a treaty, they poured water on the ground, they
bated, and they entreated Samuel to raise the
piercing cry, for which he was known, in suppli-
cation to God for them. It was at the moment
that he was offering up a sacrifice, and sustaining
this load cry (compare the situation of Pauaanias
before the battle of Platans, Herod, ix. 61), that
the Philistine host suddenly bunt upon them. A
violent thunderstorm, and (according to Josephus,
AM. Ti. 8, %2) an earthquake, came to the timely
siwtanm of Israel. The Philistines fled, and,
exactly at the spot where twenty years before they
had obtained their great victory, they were totally
rented. A stone was set up, which long remained
as a memorial of Samuel's triumph, and gave to
the place its name of Ebsn-emr. "the Stone of
Help," which has thence passed into Christian
phraseology, and become a common name of Non-
conformist chapels (1 Sam. vii. 13). The old Ca-
naanitas, whoa the Philistines had dispossessed in
the outskirts of the Judaaan hills, seem to have
helped in the battle, and a large portion of territory
was recovered (1 Sam. vi. 14). This was Samuel's
first and, as for u we know, his only military
achievement. But, as In the case of the earlier
chidSi who bore that name, it was apparently this
which raised him to the jffice of" Judge " icomp.
i Sam. xii. 11, where he is thus reckoned with
Jerubbaal, Bedan, and Jephthah ; and Ecclns. xlvi.
15-18). He visited, in discharge of his duties
as ruler, the three chief sanctuaries («V *-aen vols
d/ytaeyieWt tootou ) on the west of the Jordan-
Bethel, Gilgal, and Hixpeh (1 Sam. vii. 16). His
own residence waa still his native city, Ramah or
Kamathaim, which he further consecrated by an
slur (vi. 17). Here he married, and two sous
grew up to repeat under his eyes the same per-
version of high office that be had himself witnessed
■ hie childhood in the case of the two sons of Eli.
■ According to the Mnasa'min tradition, gunnel's birth
Is Creoles In answer to the pray* 1 * °f the nation on the
rrenhrow or Ibe smctuaiy and lass of the ark (l/Her-
bsaH. HsnwsasQ. Tlua,taMC> adeem the letter. Is true
tetkespM of baasnars lit*,
BAUURt.
One was AMan, he other Joel, sometimes adM
simply " the second " (noAnt, 1 Chr. vi. 30). la
his old age, according to the quasi-hereditary prin-
ciple, already adopted by previous Judges, he shand
his power with them, and the; exercised their func-
tions at the southern frontier m Beersheha (1 Sam.
viii. 1-4).
2. Down to this point in Samnel's life there is
but little to distinguish his career from that of his
predecessors. Like many characters in later days,
had he died in youth his fame would hardly hare
been greater than that of Gideon or Samaon. He
was a Judge, a Nararite, a warrior, and (to a cer-
tain point) a prophet.
But his peculiar position in the sacred narrative
tnma on the events which follow. He is the
inaugurator of the transition from what is cetu-
monly called the theocracy to the monarchy. The
misdemeanour of his own sons, in receiving bribes,
and In extorting exorbitant interest on loans (1 Sun.
viii. 3, 4), precipitated the catastrophe which had
been long preparing. The people demanded a king.
Josephus (ilia. vi. 3, $3) describes the shock to
Samuel's mind, " because of his Inborn sense of
justice, because of his hatred of kings, as so for
inferior to the aristocratic form of g o ve rnm e n t,
which conferred a godlike character on these who
lived under if For the whole night he lay fasting
and sleepless, in the perplexity of doubt and diffi-
culty. In the vision of that night, as re co rd e d by
the sacred historian, is given the dark aide of the
new institution, on which Samuel dwells on the
following day (I Sam. viii. 9-18).
This presents his reluctance to receive the new
order of things. The whole narrative of the recep-
tion and consecration of Saul gives his acquiescence
bit [SAUL.]
The final conflict of feeling and surrender of his
office is given in the last assembly over which he
presided, and in his subsequent relations with Sanl.
The assembly was held at Gilgal, immediately after
the victory over the Ammonites. The monarchy was
a second time solemnly inaugurated, and (according
to the LXX.) "Samuel'' (in the Hebrew text
"Saul'") "and all the men of Israel rejoiced
greatly.'' Then takes place hie farewell address.
By this time the long Bowing locks on which no
raxor had ever passed were white with ags (xii. 2\
He appeals to their knowledge of hie integrity.
Whatever might be the lawless habit* of the cruets
of those times — Hophni, Phinehas, or his own sons
—he had kept aloof from all. No ox or ass had
he taken from their stalls— no bribe to obtain hie
judgment (LXX., HUult/im.)— not even ■ sandal
(eVOiUia, LXX., sad Eoclua. xlvi. 19). It la thai
appeal, and the response of the people, that has
made Grotius call him the Jewish Arwtidaa. He
n sums op the new situation in which they have
placed themselves: end, although " the wickedness
of asking a king is still strongly insisted on, and
the unusual portent* of a thunderstorm la Hay or
June, in answer to Samnel's prtyer, ia urged as •
sign of Divine displeasure (xii. 16-19), the general
tune of the condemnation ia much softened from
that which was pronounced on the first mtisraiioa
of the change. The first king is repeatedly acknow-
ledged ex "the Hessian "or anointed of the Lord
i According to the atoamhnsa trudiUons, hts sneer was
nrastmert by the people rejecting Sanl ss not heme of tan
tribe of Judah. The sign that Sanl was *he king waa Uu
liquefaction or the sacred oil In bis prnrnes,ana las ns
orrery of aha l ab a ra a tt i (ITHerbefcx. isea s ae a at)
SAMUEL
(A S, 5), Dm Alton property of the nation b
aadand to depend on their on or misuse of the
m o wtitoUu c, and Samuel retire* with expres-
aaos of goodwill and hope:—" I will Uach you the
pod and the right way . . . only fear the Lord . . ."
'1 Sam. xii. 23, 24).
It ia the moat signal example afforded in the
0. T. of a great character reconciling himself to a
changed order of thing*, and of the Divine auction
rating on his acquiescence. For this reason it is
that Athenasius is by Basil called the Samuel of
-.at Church (Basil, Bp. 82).
3. His subsequent relations with SanI are of the
am mixed kind. The two institutions which they
respectively repre se nt ed ran on side by aide. Samuel
was ttill Judge. Re judged Israel " ail the day} of
titlife" (tu. 15), and from time to time came across
the kiag"* path. Bat these interrentions sre chiefly
ia soother capacity, which this is the place to unfold.
Samuel is called emphatically " the Prophet "
(\ds in. 24, xni. 20). To a certain extent this
n m eonaeqoence of the gift which he shared in
noaasas with others of his time. He was especially
known in his own age as "Samuel the Seer"
'1 Ghr. ix. 22, xrri. 28, xxix. 29). " I am the
wer," was his answer to those who asked '• Where
» the seer»**" Where i»the seer's house?" (1 Sam.
ix. II, 18, 19). " Seer,'' the ancient name, was not
ret superseded by " Prophet" (1 Sam. ix.). By
this name, Samuel Fidms and Samuel o BArrotr,
he it called ia the Acta Sanctorum. Of the three
by which Divine communications were then
, " by dreams, Uritn and Thumxnim, and pro-
the first was that by which the Dirine will
was made known to Samuel (1 Sam. iii. 1,2; Jos.
Art. t. 10, §4). "TheLorduncoTeredhisear"to
whisper into it ia the stillness of the night the
m i— fix that were to be delivered. It is the first
satinet intimation of the idea of " Revelation " to
a hemes being (sea Gemniue, m roe. r6l). He
was eoneolted fiu- and near on the small affairs of life ;
laww, ef" breed/' or" the fourth part ofa shekel of
elver," were paid for the answers (1 Sam. ix. 7, 8).
From this faculty, combined with his office of
ruler, an awful rsreresne grew up round him. No
sacrificial meet was thought complete without his
(lb. ix. 13). When ha appeared suddenly
(for the same purpose, tht villagers "trem-
bles * at fas approach (1 Sam. xri. 4, 5). A pecu-
liar virtue was bettered to reside in his mtercetsion.
He was OMwpiriinisi in laser times amongst them
SAMUEL
1122
that -coif upon the name of the Lord" (Ps. xctx.
<; 1 Sam. xii. 18), and was placed with Moses n
the Lord
for prayer, in a special sense,
(Jer. xr. 1). It was the last consolation
he left in fas parting address that he would " pray
w. the Lard" for the people (1 Sam. xii 19, 23).
There ems something peculiar in the long sustained
ay sr about of supplication, which seemed to draw
down as by fores the Divine answer (1 Sam. vii.
•, 9). All night long, fa agitated moments, "he
creei- unto the Lord " (1 Sam. XT. 11).
But there are two ether points which more
esjwoally placed him at the heed of the prophetic
order as it afterwards appeared. The first is
brwught out in lbs reunion with Saul, the second
• he nasties with David.
• nasi » em u lb sd by Jeaephus (AM. vt 1. } J ) as s
stiff of sswxaateat appearance \ and hence rescued from
■ ■mi ism Tea Is parheps en lufci e me from the word
r ^%?- «**» (at Vacate translates awar aaa to aa .
(a). He represents the independence of the moral
law, of the Divine Will, as (satinet from regal a
sacerdotal enactments, which is so remarkable a
characteristic of all the later prophets. As ws
have seen, he was, if a Levita, yet certainly not a
Priest ; and all the attempts to identify his oppo-
sition to Saul with a hierarchical interest are
founded on a complete misconception of the fact*
of the case. From the time of the overthrow of
Shiloh, he never appears in the remotest connexion
with the priestly order. Amongst all the places
included in his personal or administrators visits,
neither Shiloh, nor Mob, nor Gibeon, the seats of
the sacerdotal caste, are ever mentioned. When na
counsels Saul, it is not as the priest but as the
prophet ; when he sacrifices or blesses the sacrifice,
it is not as the priest, but either as an individual
Israelite of eminence, or as a ruler, like Saul him-
self. Saul's sin in both esses where he came into
collision with Samuel, was not of intruding into
sacerdotal functions, but of disobedience to the
prophetic voice. The first was that of not waiting
for Samuel's arrival, according to the sign given
by Samuel at his original meeting at Raman (I
Sunvx. 8, xiii. 8) ; the second was that of not car-
rying out the stern prophetic injunction for the
destruction of the Amalekites. When, on that
occasion, the aged. Prophet called the captive « prince
before him, and with his own hands hacked him
limb from limb,* in retribution for the desolation
he had brought into the homes of Israel, and thus
offered up his mangled remains almost as a human
sacrifice (" before the Lord in Gilgal "), we see the
representative of the older part of the Jewish his-
tory. But it is the true prophetic utterance ends
as breathes through the psalmists and prophets when
he says to Saul in words which, from their poetical
form, must have become fixed in the national me-
mory, " To obey is better than sacrifice, and to
hearken than the fat of rams."
The parting was not one of rivals, but of dear
though divided friends. The King throws himself
on the Prophet with all his force ; not without a
vehement effort (Jos. Ant. vi. 7, §5) the prophet
tears himself away. The long mantle by which
ha was always known is rent in the struggle ; and,
like Ahjjah after him, Samuel was in this the
omen of the coming rent u the monarchy. They
parted, each to his house, to meet no more. But
a long shadow of grief fell over the prophet.
" Samuel mourned for Saul." " It grieved Samuel
for Saul." "How long wilt thou mourn for Saul*"
(1 Sam. xv. 11, 35, xvi. 1.)
(6). He is the first of the regular succession of
prophets. "All the prophets from Samuel aid
thorn that follow after'' (Acta Hi. 24). "Ex
2 no sanctus Samuel propheta eoepit, et deinceps
onec populus Israel in Babylonian] captivus ve-
nerator, totum est tempos prophetarum "
(Aug. Oh. Dei, xvii. 1). Moses, Miriam, and
Deborah, perhaps Ehud, had been propheta. But
k was only from Samuel that the continuous suc-
cession was unbroken. This may have been merely
from the coincidence of his sppesrance with the
beginning of the new order of things, of which the
prophetical office was the chief expression. Some
predisposing causes there may have been in his own
<lS*m.xv. TheLXX. softens this hrtofo+af.; tat
Ins Vulg. translation, ta frutlm amcidtt, * out up ruts
small pieces," seems to be the tree maaiain
4C2
1124
SAMUEL
family and birthplace. Hia mother, as «e s»we
■eeo, though not expressly so called, was in fact a
prophetess; the word Zop/ihn, as the affix of Re-
mathalm, has been explained, not unreasonably, to
mean "seers;" and Klkanah, his father, is by the
Chaldee paraiihrast on 1 Sam. i. 1, said to be " a
disciple of the prophets." But the connexion of
the continuity of the office with Samuel appears to
U) still more direct. It is in his lifetime, long after
ha had been "established as a prophet" (1 Sam.
K. 20), that we hear of the companies of disciples,
called in the 0. T. " the sons of the prophets," by
modern writers " the schools of the prophets." All
the peculiarities of their education are implied or
expressed — the sacred dance, the sacred music, the
ssiVinn procession (1 Sam. x. 5, 10; 1 Chr. xit.
1,6). At the head of this congregation, or " chnrch
as it were within a church'' (LXX. TT/r iiat\ii-
rtrnf, 1 Sam. x. 5, 10), Samuel is expressly described
as " standing appointed over them " ( 1 Sam. xix. 20).
Their chief residence at this time (though after-
wards, ss the institution spread, it struck: root in
other places) wss at Samuel's own abode, Ramah,
where they lived in habitations (ivatotJt, 1 Sam.
xix. 19, &c.) apparently of a rustic kind, like the
leafy huts which ElUha's disciples afterwards occu-
pied by the Jordan (JVatoM = " habitations," bnt
more specifically used for '* pastures ").
In those schools, and learning to cultivate the pro-
phetic gifts, were some, whom we know for certain,
others whom we may almost certainly conjecture, to
have been so trained or influenced. One was Saul.
Twice at least he is described as having been in the
company of Samuel's disciples, and as having caught
from them the prophetic fervour, to such a degree as
to hare " piopheaied among them " (1 Sam. x. 10,
1 l),and on one occasion to hive thrown off his clothes,
and to have passed the night in a state of prophetic
trance (1 Sam. xix. 24): and even in his palace,
the prophesying mingled with his madness on ordi-
nary occasions (1 Sam. xviii. B). Another was
David. The first acquaintance of Samuel with
David, was when he privately anointed him at the
bouae of Jesse [see David]. But the connexion
thus begun with the shepherd boy must have been
continued afterwards. David, at first, fled to
" Naioth in Ramah," as to his second home (1 Sam.
xix. 19), and the gifts of music, of song, and of
prophecy, here developed on so large a scale, were
exactly such as we find in the notices of thaw who
looked up to Samuel as their father. It is. further,
hardly possible to escape the conclusion that David
there first met his fast friends and companions in
after life, prophets like himself— Gad and Nathan.
It is needless to enlarge on the importance with
which these incidents invest the appearance of Sa-
muel. Hi> there becomes the spiritual father of the
Pstltnist king. He is also the Founder of the first
regular institutions of religious instruction, and com-
munities for the purposes of education. The schools
of Greece were not yet in existence. From these
Jewish institutions were developed, by a natural
}rder, the universities of Christendom. And it may
be further added, that with this view the whole life
of Samuel is in accordance. He is the prophet —
the only prophet till the time of Isaiah — of whom we
know that he was so from his earliest years. It is
this continuity of his own life and character, that
makes him so fit an instrument for conducting his
natiou through so great a change.
Tho ileath cfXamuci is dweribed as taking place
.11 the year of the close of David's wandenaj> J*
SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
Is said with peculiar emphasis, as if to (nark the
Ins, that " all the Israelites"— all, with a waver-
eeiitj- never specified before— 1 ' were gathered to-
gether" from ill parts of this hitherto divvied
oruntry, and "lamented him," and "buried h.ip. '
not in any consecrated p!w«, nor outside the walla
of his city, bnt within his own house, thjs in s
manner const crated by bong tamed into his trsnli
(1 Sam. xxr. 1). Hia relics were translated " frets
Judaea" (the place is not specified) a.d. 406, to
Constantinople, and received there with much pnnp
by the Emperor A read i as. They were landel at
the pier of Chalcedon, and thence conveyed to a
church, near the palace of Hebdomon (see Acta
Sandman, Aug. 20).
The situation of Ramathaim, as has been observed,
is uncertain. But the place long pointed out as bis
tomb is the height, most conspicuous of all in the
neighbourhood of Jerusalem, immediately above
the town of Gibeon, known to the Crusaders as
"Montjoye," as the spot from whence they first
saw Jerusalem, now called Nety Samml, "the
Prophet Samuel." The tradition am be traced back
as far as tie 7th centurr, when it is spoken of as the
monastery of S. Samuel (Robinson, B. B. ii. 14'-' ),
and if once we discard the connexion of Ramathaim
with the nameless city where Samuel met Saul,
(as is set forth at length in the articles Ramah ;
Ram ATHArx-Zopimf) there is no reason why the
tradition should be rejected. A cave is still shown
underneath the floor of the mosque. " He built the
tomb in his lifetime," is the account of the Mussul-
man guardian of the mosque, " but was not barwd
here till after the expulsion of the Greeks." It is
the only spot in Palestine which claims any direct
connexion with the first great prophet who was
born within its limits; and its commanding aitiia-
tkn well agrees with the importance asaignetl lo
him in the sacred history.
His descendants were here till the time of David.
Hessian, his grandson, was one of the chief singers
in the Levitical choir (1 Chr. vi. 33, xv. IT, xxv. 5t.
The apparition of Samuel at Endor (1 Sam. xxviti.
14 ; Eoclus. xlvi. 20) belongs to the history of Sa uu
It has been supposed that Samuel wrote a Life
of David (of course of his earlier years), which waa
still accessible to one of the authors of the Book of
Chronicles (1 Chr. xxix. 29); but this appears
doubtful. [Seep. 1126,6.] Various other books of
the 0. T. have been ascribed to him by the Jewish
tradition the Judges, Ruth, the two Booln of Sa-
muel, the latter, it is alleged, being written in the
spirit of prophecy. He b regarded by the Sama-
ritans as • magician and an infidel (Hottinger, Hist.
Orient, p. 52).
The Persian traditions fix his life in the time
of Kai-i-Kobad, 2nd king of Persia, with whom
he is said to have conversed (D'Herbelot A"«u
Ao6ad). [A- P- S.]
8AMUEL, BOOKS OF &WOt? : Bs». W«*
np«rrr/,A«vT*>o: Liber RtgmPrimut,SKmdH*\.
Two historical books of the Old Testament, whir*
are not separated from each other in the Hetrew
HSS., and which, from a critical point of view,
must be regarded as one book. The present division
was first made in the Septuagint translation, and
was adopted in thi Vulgate from the Septuagint.
Bnt Origan, as qno'ed by Eusebius {Histor. Ecctes
vi. Stt), expressly states that they formed only o.»
I hook among the Hebrews. Jeiome (PrarfaUo as)
1 £*oros Samuel tt Hclachm) implies the same state
SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
Mat: .ma in the Talmud (Baba Bathra, 1W. l«t
e. 2 1 whtrain the authorship is attributed u> Samuel)
they are dseienatad by the name of his book, in the
angular number (TOD 3D3 ^KIDtSO. After thst
areolian of printing they were pnbliahed as eue
euok in the first edition of the whole Bible printed
at Sencmo in 1488 A.D., and likewise in the Coev
plutaoaan Polyglot printed at Alsa, 1502-1517
A.D.; and it was not til! the year 1518 that
uV division of the Septuagint was adopted in He-
lrrw, is the edition of the Bible printed by the
tVcnberp at Venice. The book was called by the
Hebrews " Samuel," probably because the birth and
life of Samuel were the subjects treated of in the
legioning of the work— just as a treatise on fes-
tivals is the Mishna bears the name of Beittah, an
J 5, because • question connected with the eating
in egg is the first subject disci used in it. [Pka-
uticES, p. 890.] It has been suggested indeed by
AssrianeL as quoted by Carpxov (p. 211), that the
task was called by Samuel's name because all things
tint occur in each book may, in a certain sense, be
referred to Samuel, including the acts of Saul and
David, inasmuch as each of them was anointed by
kirn, and was, aa it were, the work of bis hands.
Tsis, however, seams to be a refinement of explana-
Um for a met which is to be accounted for in a less
artificial manner. And, generally, it is to be ob-
■erred that the logical titles of books adopted in
andem times must not be looked for in Eastern
rait, aor indeed in early works of modern Europe.
Thus David's Lamentation over Saul and Jonathan
ess called " The Bow," for some reason connected
srith the o ccurren ce of that word in his poem
(2 Ssu. i. 18-22) ; and Snorro Storlesou's Chronicle
et' the Kings of Norway obtained the name of
" HaBnsfcringla," the World's Circle, because Heims-
Lnnrja was the first prominent word of the MS.
tart caught the eye) (Laing's Heimtkrmgta, i. 1).
A*UmUp and Date of the Book.— The most
isBMsjtmg points in regard to every important Ins-
tance! work are the name, intelligence, and character
ef tat '•H'rriaif. and his means of obtaining correct
auorasstieo. If these points should not be known,
Hit is eider of interest is the precise period of time
■ten the work was co mp osed. On all these points,
eovmr, m reference to the Book of Samuel, more
s,iMUaas can be asked than can be answered, and
tie mum) of a dispassionate inquiry are mainly
Septra.
1st, as to the authorship. In common with all
fat historical books of the Old Testament, except
tat benaaung of Nehemiah. the Book of Samuel
eoctuBs no mention in the text of the name of its
sutler. The earliest Greek historical work extant,
SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
1126
■ bleat who has frequently been called the
Kilfter of Hsate-v, commences with the words,
* This is a publication of the researches of Hero-
4x» ef Haltcarnassus;" and the motives which
iuJocen Herodotus to write the work are then set
*»1k. Thucydides, the writer of the Greek his-
tersxC work next in order of time, who likewise
aerifies Us reasons for writing it, commence! by
•sting, " Thucydides the Athenian wrote the his-
ury ef the war between the Feluponnesians and
AttsBuas," and frequently uses tht formula that
<Ti«r such a year ended — the second, or thud, or
kMa. *• the case might be— "of this wsr of which
Tikcydidsj wrote the history " (ii. 70, 108: iii. 25,
*• I ">*> Again, when he sneaks in one passage
mention his own name, he refers to hurserf as
" Thucydides eon of Oloros, who composed this
work" (iv. 104). Now, with the one exiaptios
of this kind already mentioned, no similar informa-
tion is contained in any historical book of the Old
Testament, although there are passages not only in
Nehemiah, but likewise in Ezra, written iu the first
person. Still, without any statement of the author
ship embodied in the text, it is possible that his-
torical books might come down to us with a title
containing the name of the author. This is the
case, for example, with Liry'a .Soman History, ana
Caesar's Commmtariet of the Gallic War. In the
latter case, indeed, although Caesar mentions a long
of bis own actions without intimating that he
was the author of the work, and thus there is su
antecedent improbability that he wrote it, yet the
traditional title of the work outweighs this impro-
bability, confirmed as the title is by an unbroken
chain of testimony, commencing with contemporaries
(Cicero, Brut. 75; Caesar, St Bell. Qalt. viii. I ;
Suetonius, Jul. Can. 56 ; Quinctilian, x. 1 ;
Tacitus, Germ. 28). Here, again, there is no-
thing precisely similar in Hebrew history. The
five books of the Pentateuch have in Hebrew no
title except the first Hebrew words of each part ;
and the titles Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers,
and Deuteronomy, which are derived from the Sep-
tuagint, oonvey no information as to their author.
In Tike manner, the Book of Judges, the Books of
the Kings and the Chronicles, are not referred to
any particular historian ; and although six works
bear respectively the names of Joshua, Ruth, Samuel,
Exra, Nehemiah, and Esther, there is nothing in the
works themselves to preclude the idea that in each
the subject only of the work may be indicated,
and not its authorship ; as is shown conclusively by
the titles Ruth and Esther, which no one has yet
construed into the assertion that those celebrated
women wrote the- works concerning themselves.
And it is indisputable that the title "Samuel"
does not imply that the prophet was the author of
the Book of Samuel as a whole; for the death of
Samuel is recorded in the beginning of the 25th
chapter ; so that, under any circumstances, a dif-
ferent author would be required for the remaining
chapters, constituting considerably more than one-
half of the entire work. Again, in reference to the
Book of Samuel, the absence of the historian's name
from both the text and the title is not supplied by
any statement of any other writer, made within a
reasonable period from the time when the book may
be supposed to have been written. No mention of
the author's name is made in the Book of Kings,
not, as will be hereafte.' shown, in the Chrjnicles,
nor in any other of the sacred writings. In like
manner, it is not mentioned either in the Apocrypha
or in Josephus. The silence of Josephus is pur*
ticularly significant. He published his AtUiamitiei
about 1100 yean after the death of David, and in
them he makes constant use of the Book of Samuel
for one portion of his history. Indeed it is bis
exclusive authority for his account of Samuel and
Saul, and his main authority, in conjunction with
the Chronicles, for the history of David. Yet he
nowhere attempts to name the author of the Book
of Samuel, or of any part of it. There is a similar
silence in the Mishna, where, however, the inference
from such silence is far less cogent. And it Is oot
until we come to the Babylonian Gemaru, which n
supposed to have been completed in its pirnent font
:a which it u necessary that he should i somewnere about 500 A.D., that any Jew'th state
1 126 SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
ment respecting the authorship cu be jointed out,
and then it it for the first time assarted (Baba
Bottom, M. 14, e. 3), in a passage already referred
to, that " Samuel wrote hia book/' «'. «. at the words
imply, the book which bean hia name. Bat this
statement cannot be proved to have bean made
earlier than 1550 jetra after the death of Samuel —
a longer period than has elapsed since the death of
the Emperor Constantino ; and unsupported as the
statement is by reference to any authority of any
imd, it would be unworthy of credit, eren if it
were not opposed to the internal evidence of the
book itself. At the revival of learning, an opinion
was impounded by Abarband, a learned Jew,
T A.D. 1508, that the Book of Samuel was written
by the prophet Jeremiah* (Let by Aug. Pfeinar,
Leipzig, 1686), and this opinion was adopted by Hup)
Grotina (Prtf. ad Librmn prion* Samutii), with
a general statement that there was no discrepancy is
•he language, and with only one special reference.
Notwithstanding the eminence, however, of these
writers, this opinion must be rejected as highly im-
probable. Under any circumstances it could not be
regarded as mora than a mere guess; and it is, in
reaiity, a guess uncountenanced by peculiar simi-
larity of language, or of style, between the history
of Samuel and the writings of Jeremiah. In our
own time the most prevalent idea in the Anglican
Church seems to hare been that the first twenty-four
chapters of the Book of Samuel were written by the
prophet himself, and the rest of the chapters by
the prophets Nathan and Gad. This ia the view
■wound by Mr. Home (Mnductim to tin Holy
Scriptures, ed. 1846, p. 45), in a work which has
had very extensive circulation, and which amongst
many readers has bean tht only work of the kind
consulted in England. If, however, the authority
adduced by him is examined, it is found to be ulti-
mately the opinion " of the Talmudiste, which was
adopted by the most learned Fathers of the Christian
Church, who unquestionably had better means of
ascertaining this point than we have." Now the
absence of any evidence for this opinion in the
Fnlmud has been already indicated, and it ia diffi-
cult to understand how the opinion could have been
stamped with real value through its adoption by
learned Jews called Talmudiste, or by learned
Christians called Fathers of the Christian Church,
who lived subsequently to the publication of the
Talmud. For there is not the slightest raason for
supposing that in the year 500 a.D. either Jews or
Chiistiana had access to trustworthy documents on
this subject which have not been transmitted to
modern times, and without such documents H can-
not be shown that they had any batter means of
ascertaining this point than we have. Two circum-
stances have probably contributed to the adoption
of this opinion at the pr e se nt day: — 1st, the growth
ot stricter ideas as to the importance of knowing
who was tht author of any historical work which
advances claims to be trustworthy ; and 2ndly, the
mistranslation of an ambiguous passage in tho First
Book of Chronicles (xxix. 29), respecting the autho-
• Profe ss or Hltslg, In like manner, attributes some of
the Psalms to Jeremiah. In support of this view, be
punts out, 1st, severs! special Instances of sulking simi-
larity of language between those Psalms and lbs writings
lit Jenmtaui, sod, iwny, agreement between historical tacts
la the Ufa ot Jeremiah snd the situation m which the witter
ol mess Psalms depicts himself ss hiring been plana
(Hats!* Ml faJmm. pp. 41-81). Whetbei the cnnclu-
vssa It comet or Incorrect this is s uajtuiaale made of
SAMUEL, BOOKS Or
ritioa for the life of David. The first point
no comment. On the second point it is to be ob-
served that the following appears to be the correal
translation of the passage in question : — " Now the
history of David first and last, behold it Is written
in the history of Samuel the seer, and is the history
of Nathan the prophet, and in the history of Gsl
the seer" — in which the Hebrew word dirti, here
translated " history," has the tame meaning given
to it each of the four times that it ia used. This
agrees with the translation in the Sep tua g i nt, which
is particularly worthy of attention in reference to
the Chronicles, as the Chronicles are the very las',
work in the Hebrew Bible ; and whether this arose
from their having been the last admitted into the
Canon, or the last composed, it is scarcely probable
that my translation in the Septuagint, with one
great exception, was made so soon after the com-
position of the original. The rendering of the
Septuagint it by the word \iyoi, in the tense, ss
well known in Herodotus, of " history " (i. 184,
U. 161, vi, 1S7), and in the like sense in the Apo-
crypha, wherein it is used to describe the history of
Tobit, fiipkoi Xiymr Tetflfr. The word " history "
(Qetchichte) is likewise the word four times used is
the translation of this pasaage of the Chronicles hi
Luther's Bible, and in the modern version of the
German Jews made under the superintendence of
the learned Dr. Zunx (Berlin, 1858). In the
English Version, however, the word dsoret' ia trans-
lated in tha first instance "acts" as applied to
David, and then "book" it applied to Samuel,
Nathan, and Gad ; and thus, through the ambiguity
of the word " book," tht possibility it suggested
that each of these three prophets wrote a bosk
respecting his own life and times. This double
rendering of the same word in one p a ss a g e stems
wholly inadmissible ; as ia also, though hi a leas
degree, the translation of dibrti as " book," for
which there is a distinct Hebrew word — otpXrr.
And it may be deemed morally certain that this
passage of the Chronicles is no authority for the
supposition that, when it was written, any work
was in existence of which either Gad, Nathan, or
Samuel was the author.*
2. Although the authorship of the Book of Samuel
cannot be ascertained, there are tome indications as
to the date of tht work. And yet even on this
poin t no precision is attainable, and we mutt be
satisfied with a conjecture at to the range, not of
years or decades, but of centuries, within which the
listory was probably co m posed. Evidence on this
end is either external or internal. Tht earliest
undeniable external evidence of the erisnmrr of the
book would seem to be the Greek translation of H
in the Septuagint. The exact date, however, of the
translation itself is uncertain, though it must hnva
been made at some time between the translation of
the Pentateuch in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus
who died B.C. 2 17, and the century before the birth
of Christ. The next best external testimony is that
of a pasaage in the Second Book of Maccabees (li.
13), in which it is said of Nebemiab, that " he,
reasoning, sod there Is s sound basis for a critical super-
structure. See Pialnu xxxt, zxxv. xL
a In the Swedish Bible the word dttrW to ears) of the
fear Instances Is translated * seta" ( Oiu a a s assr V betas; pre-
clser/ the same word which Is ased to designate the Arts
of the Apostles In the New Testament. This tntauatka;
Is self-coosiatent snd admissible. But the Orate
trakslatlons. supported ss they art by the taeptaasflai
SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
fo u n ding a library, gathered together th< ants af
la* kings, and the prophets, and of David, and the
apottlss of the kings concerning the holy gifts."
Kow, although this paiaage cannot be relied on for
p ro v in g that Nehemiah himnlf did in fact ever
fbrmd such a library,' yet it ii good eridence to
psove that the Acts or the Kings, ra n pi r&r
RariXeW, wan in eristmce when the pasaage was
written ; and it cannot reasonably be doubted that
rail phrase was intended to include the Book of
SemaeL which is eqoiTalent to the two first Books
af Kings in the Septuagint. Hence there b external!
evidence that the Book of Samuel waa written)
before the Second Book of Maccabeea. And lastly J
the passage in the Chronicles already quoted (1 Chr.
xxix. 29) seems likewise to prove externally that
the Book of Samuel was written before the Chro-
nicle*. This is not absolutely certain, but it seems
•a) br the moat natural inference from the words
that the history of David, first and last, is con-
tained in the history of Samuel, the history of
Nathan, and the history of Gad. For as a work
has come down to us, entitled Samuel, which con-
tains an account of the lift of David till within a
•hart period before his death, it appears most rea-
sonable to conclude (although this point is open to
dispute) thai the writer of the Chronicles referred
to this work by the title History of Samuel. In
this case, admitting the date assigned, on internal
grounds, to the Chronicles by a modern Jewish
writer of undoubted learning and critical powers,
there would be external eridence for the existence'
of the Book of Samuel earlier than 247 B.O., though
not earlier than 312 B.C., the era of the Seleucidse-
(Zona, Dig QottadiautlicSeH Vortrigt dtr Judm,
p.32). Supposing that the Chronicles were written
earlier, this evidence would go, in precise proportion,
farther back, but there would be still a total absence
jf earlier asternal eridence on the subject than is
contained in the Chronicles, If, however, instead
of looking solely to the external evidence, the in-
ternal evidence respecting the Book of Samuel is
examined, there are indications of its having been
written some centuries earlier. On this head the
fallowing points are worthy of notice: —
1. The Book of Samuel seems to hare been writ-
tan at > time when the Pentateuch, whether it was
or was not in existence in its present form, wss at
any rate not acted on as the rule of religious ob-
■a ismes. According to the Mosaic Law as finally
established, sacrifices to Jehovah were not lawful
aaj wh e r e but before the door of the tabernacle
of the co ngr e ga tion, whether this was a permanent
temple, as at Jerusalem, or otherwise (Dent. xii.
13, 14 ; Lev. xvii. 3, 4 ; but see Ex. xx. 24). But
!m the Book of Samuel, the offering of sacrifices, or
the erection of altars, which implies sacrifices, is
m—tioped at several places, such as Mixpeh, Raman,
Bethel, the threshing- place of Araunah the Jebusite,
and elsewhere, not only without any disapprobation,
analogy, or explanation, but in a way which pro-
daces the improMJon that such sacrifices were
pamraig to Jehovah (1 Sam. rii. 9, 10, 17, ix. 13,
i. % xn. 35 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 18-25). This cireum-
SAMUEL. BOOKS OF 1127
ctance points to the date of the Book of Samuel as
earlier than the reformation of Josiah, when Hil-
kiah the high-priest told Shaphan the scribe that
he had found the Book of the Law in the house of
Jehovah, when the Passover was kept as was en-
joined in that book, in a way that no Passover had
been holden since the days of the Judges, and whan
the worship upon higb-places was abolished by the
king's orders (2 K. xxii. 8, xxiii. 8, 13, 15, 19, 21,
22 J. The probability that a sacred historian, writing
after that reformation, would have expressed dis-
approbation of, or would have accounted for, any
seeming departure from the laws of the Pentateuch
by David, Saul, or Samuel, is not in itaeY conclu-
sive, but joined to other considerations it is tatitled
to peculiar weight. The natural mode of dealing with
such a religious scandal, when it shocks the ideas
of a later generation, is followed by the author af the
Book of Kings, who undoubtedly lived later than
the reformation of Jcaiah, or than the beginning, at
least, of the captivity of Judali (2 K. xxv. 21, 27).
This writer mentions the toleration of worship on
higb-places with disapprobation, not only in con-
nexion with bad kings, such as Manasseh and Ahas,
but likewise as a drawback in the excellence of
other kings, such as Asa, Jehoshaphat, Jeooash,
Amaxiah, Axariah, and Jotham, who are praised for
having dose what waa right in the sight of Jehovah
(1 K. xv. 14, xxii. 43 ; 2 K. xii. 3, xiv. 4, xv. 4,
35, ivi. 4, xxi. 3) ; and something of the same kind
might have been expected in the writer of the Book
of Samuel, if he had lived at a time when the war-
ship on high-places had been abolished.
2. It is in accordance with this early date of the
Book of Samuel that allusions in it even to the
existence of Moses are so few. After the return
from the Captivity, and more especially after the
changes introduced by Ezra, Moses became tfc*
great central figure in the thoughts and language
of devout Jews which he could not fail to be when
all the laws of the Pentateuch were observed, and
they were all referred to him as the divine prophet
who communicated them directly from Jehovah.
This transcendent importance or Moses must already
have commenced at the finding of the Book of the
Law at the reformation of Jcaiah. Now it is re-
markable that the Book of Samuel * the historical
work of the Old Testament in which the name of
Moses occurs most rarely. In Joshua it occurs 56
times ; in Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah 31 times ;
in the Book of Kings ten times; in Judges three
times ; but in Samuel only twice (Zunz, Vortrigt,
35). And it is worthy of note that in each com
Moses is merely mentioned with Aaron as having
brought the Israelites out of the land of Egypt, but
nothing whatever is said of the Law of Moses
(1 Sam. xii. 6, 8). It may be thought that no
inference can be drawn from this omission of the
name of Moses, because, inasmuch as the Law of
Moses, as a whole, was evidently not acted on in
the time of Samuel, David, and Solomon, there was
no occasion for a writer, however late he lived, to
introduce the name of Moses at all in connexion
with their life and actions. But it is very iw
i En<d snd Sleek have accepted the stste-
sssut tasi gsssstalah founded sack s Ubrsrv, sod they
assise sssassassa tram the account of the library as to the
sxsss van certain books of tbe Old Testament were ad-
■i't »l tns» tat Onion. There are, bowimr, the fallowing
' e m s sw Ttjeettas; the statement :— 1st. It occurs In a
Maw fwxrally aecnmi spurious, zndlv. In the same
f storr is rwanted uot only of Jeremiah
(U. 1-ti bat likewise of Nehemiah himself. Srdlj As
erroneous historical statement Is likewise made la tbe
same letter, that Nehemiah built the Temple or Jerusalem
ft. It). No witness In a court of Justice, whose credit had
been shaken to a similar extent, would, unless oorrohoraled
br other evidence be relied en as an anlh jrrty fat sua
1128 8AMUEL, BOOKS OF
indosd for liter writers to refrain in this way ham
inspecting the idea* of their own time into the ac-
count of earlier transactions. That, very early in
the Book of Kings there b an allation to what b
M written in the Law of Hosca" (I K. II. 3). Thua
the author of the Book of Chronicles makes, for the
reign of David, a calculation of money in darice,
a Persian coin, not likely to hare been in common
am among the Jews until the Fenian domination
had been fully established. Thus, more than once,
Josephus, in his Antiquitiei ef the Jew$, attributes
expressions to personages in the Old Testament
which are to lie accounted for by what wae familiar
to his own mind, although they an not justified
by his authorities. For """pi*, eridently copying
the history of a transaction from the Book of
Samuel, he represents the prophet Samuel as ex-
horting the people to bear in mind " the code of
laws which Hoses had given them " (rift MssOreeit
MstseWios, Ant. vi. 5, f3), though there is no
mention of Moses, or of his legislation, in the
c or respo ndi ng passage of Samuel (1 Sam. zii. 20-
25). Again, in firing an account of the punbb-
ments with which the Israelites were threatened for
disobedience of the Law by Moses in the Book of
Deuteronomy, Josephus attributes to Moses the
threat that their temple should be burned {Ant. iv.
8, {46). But no passage can be pointed out in the
whole Pentateuch in which such a threat occurs ;
and in fact, according to the reeeired chronology
(1 K. vi. 1), or according to any chronology, the
mat temple at Jerusalem was not built tiff some
centuries after the death of Moses. Yet this allu-
sion to the burning of an unbuilt temple ought not
to be regarded as an intentional m isre pre sen tation.
It b rather an instance of the tendency in an histo-
rian who describes past events to give unconsciously
indications of his living himself at a later epoch.
Similar remarks apply to a passage of Josephus {Ant.
vii. 4, §4), in which, giving an account of David's
project to build a temple at Jerusalem, he says that
David wished to prepare a temple for God, "as
Moses commanded," though no such command or
injunction is to be found in the Pentateuch. To a
religious Jew, when the laws of the Pentateuch were
observed, Moses could not fail to be the predominant
idea in his mind ; but Moses would not necessarily
be of equal importance to a Hebrew historian who
lived before the reformation of Jcaiah.
3. It tallica with an early date for the compo-
sition of the Book of Samuel that it b one of the
best specimens of Hebrew prose in the golden age
of Hebrew literature. In prose it holds the same
place which Joel and the undisputed prophecies of
Isaiah hold in poetical or prophetical language. It
b free from the peculbrities of the Book of Judges,
which it is proposed to account for by supposing
that they belonged to the popular dialect of Northern
Palestine ; and likewise from the slight peculiarities
of the Pentateuch, which it is proposed to regard
as archaism* ' (Gesenius, Hebrew Grammar, $2, 5).
It b a striking contrast to the language of the Book
of Chronicles, wiich undoubtedly belongs to the
•Over age of Hebrew prose, and it does not contain
<s many alleged Chaloaisms as the few in the Book
of Kings. Indeed the number of Chaldabms in the
Book of Samuel which the most rigid scrutiny has
suggested do not amount to mora than about au
, some of them doubtful ones, in 90 pages
SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
of our modern Hebrew Bible. And, considering the
general purity of the language, it b not only
possible, but probable, that the trifling residuum es
Chaloaisms may be owing to the inadvertence of
Chaldee copyists, when Hebrew had ceased to be •
living language. At the same time thb argusneat
from language must not be pushed so far as to
imply that, standing alone, it would be eoocluaive;
for some writings, the date of which b about the
time of the Captivity, are in pare Hebrew seek
sa the prophecies of Habakkuk, the Psalma cxx.,
exxxvii., exxxix., pointed out by Gesenius, and by
far the largest portion of the latter part of the pro-
phecies attributed to " Isaiah " (xL-ixvi). And we
have not sufficient knowledge of the condition et
the Jewa at the time of the Captivity, or for a few
centuries after, to entitle any one to assert that
there were no individuals among them who wrote
the purest Hebrew. Still the KUance of probability
inclines to the contrary direction, and, aa a sub-
sidiary argument, the parity of language of the
Book of Samuel b entitled to soma weight.
Assuming, than, that the work was composed at
a period not later than the reformation of Jonah —
aay, B.O. 632 — the question arises as to the very
earliest point of time at which it could have existed
in its present form f And the answer seems to be,
that the earliest period was subsequent to the seoss
sionofthe Ten Tribes. Thb result! from the peaaaga
in 1 Sam. xxvtt. 6, wherein U u said of Dand.
" Then Achbh gave him Zikbg that day: wkmtnt
Ziklag pertaineth unto the kings of Jndah to tans
day: for neither Saul, David, nor Solomon is in •
single instance called king of Judah simply. Itbtrua
that David b said, in one narrative respecting htm, ta>
have reigned in Hebron seven veers and six months)
over Jndah (2 Sam. v. 5) before ha reigned in Jeru-
salem thirty-three years over all Israel and Judah ;
but he is, notwithstanding, never designated by
the title King of Judah. Before the secession,
the designation of the kings was that they were
kings of Israel (1 Sam. xiii. 1, xv. 1, xvi. 1 ; 2 Sam.
v. 17, viii. 15; 1 K. ii. 11, iv. 1, vi. 1, xi. 42). It
may safely, therefore, be assumed that the Book el
Samuel could not have existed in its pre s ent form
at an earlier period than the reign of Bchoboaa a,
who ascended the throne B.C. 975. If wa go be-
yond this, and endeavour to assert the praise time
between 975 B.C. and 622 B.O., when it was cosa-
■possd, all certain indications fail us. The Lap s e s-
■ion "unto thb day," used several times in the
book (1 Sam. v. 5, vt 18, xxx. 25; 2 Sam. iv. 3,
vi. 8), in addition to the use of it in the passage
already quoted, b too indefinite to prove anything,
except that the writer who employed it lived sub-
sequently to the events he d e s c ri bed. It ia in-
adequate to prove whether he lived three centuries,
or only halt a century, after those events. The
same remark applies to the phrase, " Therefore it
became a proverb, ' Is Saul among the Prophets ?'**
(1 Sam. X. 12), and to the verse, '• Beforatixuc faa
Israel, when a man went to enquire of God, thua
he spake, Come, and let us go to the seer : for he
that u now called a Prophet was befbretime celled
a Seer" (1 Sea. ix. 9). In both cases it is act
certain that the writer lived more than eighty yeara
after the incidents to which he alludes. In kuuc
manner, the various traditions respecting the manner
in which Saul first became acquainted with ITfcTv'
< la compared with Samuel, the peculiarities ol the
Paotasaacb an ont prist ss strlUac aa the duTerenos in
tseintksa between LacreuasiDd Vug*!: ibejaualkl aalea
has beau ssjsjsaeted by (taeniae. Vfofjfl stems te
own sbuul M years of afs wbeo Lucretius's great
,«sapabUaead
ftASMTBX. BOOKS Or
(i Sun. rri. 14-23, xvii. 55-.S8)— rejecting the
manner of Saul's death (1 Sam. xxii. 2-6, 8-13 ;
2 Sua. L 2-I2V-do not necessarily ihow that a
very long time (say even a century) elapsed between
Ac actual errata and the record of the traditions.
la aa age anterior to the existence of newspapers or
the invention of printing, and when probably few
could read, thirty or forty yean, or eren less, hare
tra enfficient for the growth of different tradition!
respecting the eame historical tact. Lastly, internal
w kh uce of language lends do assistance for diacri-
aamatfon in the period of 353 years within which
the book may hare been written; for the undis-
puted Hebrew writings belonging to that period
are comparatively few, and not one of them is a
which would present the best points of
They embrace scarcely more than the
of Joel, Amos, Hoses, Hicah, Nahnm,
sad a certain portion of the writings under the
title * Isaiah.'' The whole of these writings to-
gether earn somreely be estimated as occupying more
than sixty pages of our Hebrew Bibles, and what-
ever may be their peculiarities of language or style,
they do not afford materials for a safe inference as
to which of their authors was likely to hare been
contemporary with the author of the Book of Sa-
muel. All that can be asserted as undeniable is,
that the book, aa a whole, can scarcely bare been
imaipuaud later than the reformation of Jonah, and
that it could not hare existed in its presen t form
earner than the reign of Reboboam.
It is to be added that no great weight, In opposition
to this oaodusion, is dne to the foot that the death
of Detrid, although in one passage eridently implied
(2 Sam. T. 5), is not directly recorded in the Book
of Samuel. From this tact Hnvernick (Emititiatg
m dm A1U Testament, part ii., p. 145) deems it
a mi tain inference that the author lived not long
after the death of David. But this is a very slight
fcn e dai i on for such an inference, since we know
nothing of the author's name, or of the circum-
stsacea under which he wrote, or of his precise
ideas respecting what is required of an historian.
We oaaapt, t h e r e for e, assert, from the knowledge of
the rhararttiT of his mind, that his deeming it logi-
eally requisite to make a formal statement of David's
death would have depended on bis living a short
time or a long time after that event. Besides, it is
very paonlble that he did formally record it, and
that the mention of it was subsequently omitted on
account of the more minute details by which the
aconut of David's death is preceded in the First
Book of Kings. There would have been nothing
wrong in each an emission, nor indeed, in any addi-
tiaa to the Book of Samuel ; for, as those who
anally inserted it in the Canon did not transmit it
to posterity with the name of any particular author,
thar hu i m i l r was involved, not in the mere circuro-
ii— s of their omitting or adding anything, but
•obtty in the fort of their adding nothing which they
believed to be raise, end of omitting nothing of im-
parlance which they believed to be true.
In this absolute ignorance of the author's name,
and vague knowledge of the date of the work,
Ihers has been a controversy whether the Book of
Sumel is or is not a compilation from pre-existing
eo ui me u ts ; and if this is decided in the affirmative,
to what extent the work is a compilation. It is
not intended to cuter fully here into this eontro-
fi»v, respecting which the reader is referred to Dr.
IfcndaoaV fnlrvduction U. the Oritixtl. Stiulu and
Kvmttiijc (f tin fluty Scripturtt, Loudon, l.ong-
*sav 185b 1 , in which this subject is disp.soii>hi.>unr |
KAMCEL, BOOKS 0* 1129
and fairly treated. One observation, howeva, at
some practical importance, is to be borne in mind.
It does not admit of much reasonable doubt that in*
the Book of Samuel there are two different accounts
(already alluded to) respecting Saul's first acquaint-
ance with David, and the circumstances of Saul's ,
death — and that yet the editor or author of the )
Book did not let his mind work apon these two
different accounts so far as to make him interpose
his own opinion as to which of the conftienng
accounts wss correct, or even to point out to the
reader that the two accounts were apparently con-
tradictory. Hence, in a certain sense, sad to a
certain extent, the author must be regarded as a
compiler, and not an original historian. And in
reference to the two accounts of Saul's death, this
is not the less true, even if the second account be
deemed reconcilable with the first by the supposi-
tion that the AmalekUe- had fabricated the story of
hia having killed Saul (2 Sam. i. 6-10). Although
possibly true, this is an unlikely supposition, be-
cause, as the Amalekite's object in a lie would have
been to curry favour with David, it would have
been natural for him to have forged some story
which would have redounded more to his own credit
than the clumsy and improbable statement that he,
a mere casual spectator, had killed Saul at Saul's
own request. But whether the Amaleldte said
what was true or what was false, an historian, as
distinguished from a compiler, could scarcely hare
railed to convey his own opinion on the point,
affecting, es on one alternative it did materially,
the truth of the narrative which he had just before
recorded respecting the circumstances under which
Saul's death occurred. And if compilation is ad-
mitted in regard to the two events just mentioned,
or to one of them, there is no antecedent improba-
bility that the same may have been the case in
other instances; such, for example, as the two expla-
nations of the proverb, "Is Saul also among the
Prophets r (1 Sam. x. 9-12, xix. 22-24), or the
two accounts of David's having forborne to take
Saul's life, at the very time when he was a fugitive
from Saul, and hia own life was in danger from
Saul's enmity (1 Sam. xxiv. 3-15, xxvi. 7-12).
The same remark applies to what seem to be sum-
maries or endings of narratives by different writers,
such as 1 Sam. vii. 15-17, 1 Sam. xiv. 47-52, com-
pared with chapter xv. ; 2 Sam. viii. 15-18. In
these cases, if each passage were absolutely isolated,
and occurred in a work which contained no other
instance of compilation, the inference to be drawn
might be uncertain. But when even one instance
of compilation has been clearly established in a
work, all other seeming instances must be viewed
in its light, and it would be unreasonable to contest
each of them singly, on principles which imply that
compilation is as unlikely as it would be in a work
of modern history. It is to be added, that as the
author and the precise date of the Book of Samuel
are unknown, its historical value is not impaired
by its being deemed to a certain extent a compila-
tion. Indeed, from one point of view, its value is
in this way somewhat enhanced ; as the probability
is increased of its containing documents of an early
date, some of which may hare been written by
persons contemporaneous, or nearly so, With the
events described.
Source! of the Book of Samuel. — Assuming that
the book is a compilation, it is a subject of ration*
■ni|Uiry to ascertain the materials from which it
wiu composed. But our information on lhw tiMtd
is scanty. The only work actually quoted in tan)
1130 SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
book is (be Book of Jasher; i. a. the Book of the
Upright. Notwithstanding the great learning which
hit bean brought to bear on this title by numerous
commentators [vol. L p. 932], the meaning of the
title most be regarded at absolutely unknown, and
the character of the book itself as uncertain. The
best conjecture hitherto offered as an induction from
beta is, that it was a Book of Poems; but the acts
are too lew to establish this as a positive general
conclusion. It is only quoted twice in the whole
Bible, once as a work containing David's Lamenta-
tion ever Saul and Jonathan (8 Sam. i. 18), and
secondly, as an authority for the statement that
the sun and moon stood still at the command of
Joshua (Josh. z. 13). There can be no doubt that
the Lamentation of David is a poem ; and it is most
rtbable that the other passage referred to as written
the Book of Jasber includes four lines of Hebrew
poetry,* though the poetical diction and rhythm of
the original are somewhat impaired in a translation.
But the only sound deduction from these facta is, that
the Book of Jasber contained some poems. What else
it may have contained we cannot say , even negatively.
Without reference, however, to the Book of Jasber,
the Book of Samuel contains several poetical com-
positions, on each of which a few observations may
be offered ; commencing with the poetry of David.
(1.) David's Lamentation over Saul and Jonathan,
called " The Bow." This extremely beautiful com-
position, which seems to nave been preserved through
David's having caused it to be taught to the chil-
dren of Judah (2 Sam. i. 18), is universally admitted
to be the genuine production of David. In this
respect, H has an advantage over the Psalms ; as,
owing to the unfortunate inaccuracy of some of the
inscriptions, no one of the Psalms attributed to
David baa wholly escaped challenge. One point in
the Lamentation especially merits attention, that,
contrary to what a later poet would have ventured
to represent, David, in the generosity and ten dern ess
of his nature, sounds the praises of Saul.
(2.) David's Lamentation on the desth of Abner
(2 Sam. Hi. S3, 34). There is no reason to doubt
the genuineness of this short poetical ejaculation.
(3.) 3 Sam. zzii. A Song of David, which is in-
troduced with the inscription that David spoke the
words of the song to Jehovah, in the day that Je-
hovah had delivered him out of the band of all his
enemies and out of the hand of Saul. This song,
with a few unimportant verbal di ff e renc es, is merely
the sviiitb Psalm, which bears substantially the
same inscription. For poetical beauty, the song is
well worthy to be the production of David. The
following difficulties, however, are connected with H.
(a.) The date of the composition is assigned to
the day when David had been delivered not only out
of the band of all his enemies, but likewise " out of
the hand of Saul." Mow David reigned forty years
after Saul's death (8 Sam. v. 4, 5), and it was ss
king that he achieved the succ es sive conquests to
which allusion is made in the Psalm. Moreover,
•he Psalm is evidently introduced as composed at a
late period of his life ; and it immediately precedes
the twenty-third chapter, which commences with
thepssssge, " Now these be the last words of David."
i: ounds strange, therefore, that the name of Saul
• Any Hebrew scholar who will write ool the original
toor lines eommeodng with "Ban. stand tboa still upon
OTieonT may satisfy biaseir that they belong lo a poem.
The last line, "Until the people bad STenged themselves
upon their enemies," which In the A. V. *> somewhat
wavy, la almost unmlstakcabljr a line of poetry In the
arigmai la a uarratlve respecting the iarscUtes in prase '
SAMUEL, BOOKS OP
abouM be Introduced, whose hostility, so isrd
la time, had been condoned, as it were, by David Is
bis noble Lamentation.
(6.) Id the closing versa (2 Sam. »«i. SI), Je-
hovah is spoken of as showing "mercy to His
anointed, unto David and his seed for evermore. 1 '
These words would be more naturally written a/
David than 6y David. They may, however, be •
later addition; as it may be observed that at the
pr esent day, notwithstanding the safeguard of print-
ing, the poetical writings of living authors, are
occasionally altered, and it must be added disfigured,
in printed hymn-hooks. Dtill, as far a* tbey go,
the words tend to raise a doubt whether the Palm
was written by David, aa it cannot be /Irenes' that
they are an addition.
(e.) In some pssssges of the Psalm, the strangest
assertions are made of the poet's uprig htn ess and
purity. He says of himself, " According to the
cl e a nness of my hands hath He recompensed ase.
For I have kept the ways of Jehovah, imd have not
wickedly departed from my God. For all His judg-
ments were before me: and as for His statutes, I
did not depart from them. I was also upright before
Him, and have kept myself from r'ne iniquity"
(xrB. 21-24). Mow it is a subject )f reasonable
surprise that, at any period after the painful incidents
of his life in the matter of Uriah, David should
have used this language concerning himself. Ad-
mitting folly that, in consequence of his sincere
and bitter contrition, " the princely heart of inno-
cence may have been freely bestowed upon bJtn,
it Is difficult to understand how this should have
influenced him so far in his assertions respecting
his own uprightness in past times, as to make him
forget that he had once bean betrayed by Us passions
into adultery and murder. These assertions, ii
made by David himself, would farm a striking con-
trast to the tender humility and self-mistrust in
connexion with the same subject by a great living
genius of spotless character. (See ' Christian Tear,'
8th Sunday after Trinity— ad finem.)
(4.) A song, called " last words of David.'' 2
Sam. niii. 2-7. According to the Inscription, it
was compose d by " David the son of Jesse, the man
who was raised up on high, the anointed of die
God of Jacob, and the sweet psalmist of Israel."
It is suggested by Week, and is in itself very pro-
bable, that both the Psalm and the Inscription were
taken from some collection of Songs or Psalms.
There is not sufficient reason to deny that this song
is correctly ascribed to David.
(5.) One other song remssns, which is perhaps
the most perplexing in the Book of SamueL This
is the Song of Hannah, a wife of Elkanah (1 Sam.
ii. 1-10). One difficulty arises from an allusion in
verse 10 to the existence of a king under Jehovah,
many years before the kingly power was established
among the Israelites. Another equally great diffi-
culty arises from the internal character of the song.
It purports to be written by one of two wires as a
song of thanksgiving for having borne a child, after
a long period of barrenness, which had caused her
to be looked down upon by the other wife of her
husband. But, deducting a general allusion, in
verse 5, to the barren having borne seven, there is
they would not have been describes ss v^l (pN), wllbcal
even an article. Moreover, there Is no other iTtenr !i
which tha simple sccuatlve of the person on whom ven-
geance Is taken Is need after QSJ (aoJhsw). In simple
prose I© (aria) Intervenes, and, like, the srtksa. It mas
hare been he-e omitted lor co n ctsu saa
8A1TOKL, BOOKS OF
Bathing in the song peculiarly applicable to the
mppeaed circumstances, and by air the greater
paction of it seems to be a mug of triumph lor deli-
naa from powerful enemies m battle (vers. 1,
4, 10). Indeed, Thenias doee not hesitate to con-
petnre that it was written by David after he had
aWa GoKath, and the Philistines bad been defeated
■ a gnat battle (Exegetucha Hmdbuch, p. 8).
There ii no historical warrant for thia supposition ;
bet the aang is certainly more appropriate to the
Tietory of David over Goliath, than to Hannah's
baring given birth to a child under the circum-
ehmcai detailed in the first chapter of Samuel. It
would, however, be equally appropriate to some
other great battles of the Israelites.
m advancing a single step beyond the songs of
the Beak of Samuel, we enter into the region of
mu j n lin e aa to the materials which were at the
asaanand of the author; and in points which arise
far coinldu ation, we must be satisfied with a sus-
Cof judgment, or a alight balance of probabi-
For example, it being plain that in some
fajesaeas there are two accounts of the same trans-
action, it is desirable to form an opinion whether
(Bets were founded on distinct written documents,
or aa setlni I oral traditions. This point Is open
Is annate ; bat the theory of written documents
•Mas preferable; as in the alternative of mere
sal tradttioaa it would hare been supereminently
uasalm si even for a compiler to record them
without stating in his own person that there were
Ha unt traditions respecting toe same event.
Abbs, the truthful simplicity and extraordinary
Tinsaeas of aome portions of the Book of Samuel
BstsxaDy suggest the idea that they were founded
» eaatenporary documents or a peculiarly trust-
worthy tradition. This applies specially to the
•eesont of the combat b e tw e en David and Goliath,
which has been the delight of suc c es si ve genera-
uaaa, which charms equally in different ways the
•hi and the young, the learned and the illiterate,
and which tempts ua to deem it certain that the
•comet mast have proce e d ed from an eye-witness.
(hi the other hand, it is to be remembered that
vividness of rim i ipf ion often depends more on the
aaeanunf faculties of the narrator than on mere
bedily presence. " It is the mind that sees," so
that 300 years after the meeting of the Long Par-
liament a powerful imaginative writer shall pour-
tny Cromwell more vividly than Ludlow, a con-
teaieorary who knew him and wme ised with him.
Moreover, Livy has described events of early Roman
History which educated men regard in their details
«t imaginary ; and Defoe, Swift, and the authors of
Th Arabitm Night* have described events which all
■en admit to be imaginary, with such asemingly
aa thful i n details, with such a charm of reality,
■wvement, and spirit, that it is sometimes only by
a strong effort of reason that we escape from the
bum that the narratives are true. In the absence,
t he refo re , of any external evidence on this point, it is
safer to s uspend our judgment as to whether any por.
ti«a of the Book of Samuel is founded on the writing
••"a oantemporary, or on a tradition entitled to any
pssaliar credit. Perhaps the two conjectures re-
spicUng the composition of the Book of Samuel
which are most entitled to consideration are.— 1st.
That the list which it contains of officers or public
faoctionarfes under David is the result of contem-
porary nriatratioo ; and 2udly. That the Book
* H Is worthy of note that the projmet Ksekfel never mere Is w ovation of tns levites In tin nntflrpuM
M ts* txinariue - Lura of Hums." Ou Its outer hand, wr1Uoa»«f ha**.
BAMWEL, BOOKS OF 1131
of Samuel was the compilation of some one con.
nected with the schools of the prophets, or pene-
trated by their spirit. On the first point, the
reader is referred to such passages aa 2 Sam. viii,
16-18, and xx. 83-26, \a regard to which one fact
may be mentioned. It has already been stated
[Kino, p. 42] that under the Kings there existed
an officer called Recorder, Remembrancer, or Chro-
nicler ; in Hebrew, maxktr. Now it can scarcely
be a mere accidental coincidence that such an officer
is mentioned for the first time in David's rtign,
and that it is precisely for David's reign that a list
of public functionaries is for the first time trans-
mitted to us. On the second point, it cannot but be
observed what prominence is given to prophets in
the history, as compared with priests and Levites.
This prominence is so decided, that it undoubtedly
contributed towards the formation of the uncritical
.opinion that the Book of Samuel was the produc-
tion of the prophets Samuel, Nathan, and Gad.
This opinion Is unsupported by external evidence,
and is contrary to internal evidence ; but it is by
no means improbable that some writers among the
sens of the prophets recorded the actions of these
prophets. This would be peculiarly probable in
reference to Nathan's rebuke of David after the
murder of Uriah. Nathan here presents the image
of a prophet in its noblest and most attractive form.
Boldness, tenderness, inventiveness, and tact, were
combined in such admirable proportions, that a
prophet's functions, if always discharged in a similar
manner with equal discretion, would have bam
acknowledged by all to be purely beneficent. In
his interposition there is a kind of ideal moral
beauty. In the schools of the prophets he doubt-
leas held the place which St. Ambrose afterwards
held in the minds of priests for the exclusion of the
Emperor Theodotius from the church at Milan after
the massacre at Thessalonlca. It may be added,
that the following circumstances are in accordance
with the supposition that the compiler of the Book
of Samuel was connected with the schools of the
prophets. The designation of Jehovah as the " Lord
of Hosts," or God of Hosts, does not occur in the
| Pentateuch, or in Joshua, or in Judges; but if
| occurs in the Book of Samuel thirteen times. Ir
the Book of Kings it occurs only seven times ; and
I in the Book of Chronicles, as far as this is an ori-
ginal or independent work, it cannot be said to
occur at all, for although it is found in three
passages, all of these are evidently copied from the
Book of Samuel. (See 1 Chr. xi. 9 — in the original
precisely the same words aa in 2 Sam. v. 10 ; and
see 1 Chr. xvii. 7, 24, copied from 2 Sam. vii. 8, 26.)
Now this phrase, though occurring so rarely else-
where in prose, that It occurs nearly twice as often
in the Book of Samuel as in all the other historical
writings of the Old Testament put together, is a
very favourite phrase in some of the great pro*
phetical writings. In Isaiah it occurs sixty-two times
(six times only in the chapters xl.-lxvi.), and in Je-
remiah sixty-five times at least. Again, the predo-
minance of the idea of the prophetical office in
Samuel is shown by the very subordinate place
assigned in it to the Levites. The difference between
the Chronicles and the Book of Samuel in this
respect is even more striking than their difference
in the use of the expression " Lord of Hosts;"'
though in a reverse proportion. In the whole Book
of Samuel the Levites are mentioned only twios
1132 SAMUEL, BOOKS OF
(I Sun. Ti. 15; 2 Sam. it. 24>, while in Cbro-
aidet they are mentioned abore thirty times in the
First Book alcne, which ~»»t»in« the history of
David's reign.
In ooadaaion, it mar be oheerred that it is Terr
instructive to direct the attention to the passage* in
Samuel and the Chronicles which treat of the aune
•rent*, and, generally, to the manner in which the
• life at David is treated in the two historic*. A
I comparison of the two works tends to throw light
I on the state of the Hebrew mind al the time when
[ the Book of Samuel was written, compared w'ch the
, ideas prevalent among the Jews some hundred rears
later, at the time of the compilation of the Chro-
nicles. Some passage* correspond almost precisely
word for word ; others agree, with alight but signi-
ficant alterations. In some oases there are striking
omission*; in others there are m less remarkable
additions. Without attempting to exhaust the sub-
ject, some of the differences between the two histories
aril! be now briefly pointed out ; though at the same
tins it is to be borne in mind that, in drawing in-
ferences from them, it would be useful to review
likewise all the differences between the Chronicle*
and the Book of King*.
1. In 1 Sam. xxxi. 13, it is stated that the men
of Jabesh Gilead took the body of Saul and the
bodies of his eons from the wall of Beth-ehan, and
came to Jabesh and burnt them there. The com-
piler of the Chronicle* omits mention of the burning
of their bodies, and, as it would seem, designedly ;
for he says that the reliant men of Jabesh Gilead
buried the tones of Saul and his son* under the oak
in Jabesh ; whereas if there had bean no burning,
the natural expression would hare been to hare
spoken of burying their bodia, instead of their
bone*. Perhaps the chronicler objected so strongly
to the burning of bodies that he purposely refrained
from recording such a fact respecting the bodies of
Saul and his sons, eren under the peculiar circum-
stance* connected with that incident.*
2. In the Chronicles it is assigned as one of the
causes of Saul's defeat that be had asked counsel of
me that had a familiar spirit, and " had not en-
quired of Jehovah" (1 Chr. x. 13, 14); whereas in
Samuel it is expressly stated (1 Sam. xxriii. 6) that
Saul had inquired of Jehovah before he consulted the
witch of Endor, but that Jehovah had not answered
him either by dreams, or by (Trim, or by prophet*.
3. The Chronicles make no mention of the civil
war between David and Ishbosheth the son of Saul,
nor of Aimer's changing sides, nor his assassination
by Joab, nor of the assassination of Ishbosheth by
Kechab and Baanah (2 Sam. ii. 8-32. Hi., iv.).
4. David"* adultery with Bathsheba, the ex-
posure of Uiiah to certain death by David'* orders,
the solemn rebuke of Nathan, and the penitence of
David, are all passed over in absolute silence in the
Chronicles (2 Sam. xi., xii. 1-25).
5. In the account given in Samuel (2 Sam. vi.
2-11) of David's removing the Ark from Kirjath-
jcx-im, no special mention is made of the priests or
Levites. David's companions are said, generally,
to hare been "all the people that were with him,"
« Tadta* noordj it as a distinguishing custom of the
J ewe, "enroot* condere quamcremare, ex more Aagyptto"
(/Net. v. *). And it Is certain mat. In later times, inev
barfed dead bodies, and did not bom them ; though, nov
withstanding the Instance In Gen. L 3, they did not,
Ullrt'y speaking, embalm them, like the Kgyptlana.
And though It may be inspected. It oeanot be proved,
real (hey era burned their dead in early Umea. The
SAMUEL, BOOKS OV
and *al: the house of brad" are ami to mm
played before Jehovah on the occasion with al
manner of musical instrument*. In the correspond-
ing passage of the Chronicle* (1 Chr. xiii. 1-14*
David i* r e pr e sen ted a* having publicly propo se d to
send an invitation to the priest* and Lcvite* in
their cities and " suburbs," and this is said to have
been assented to by all the congregation. Again,
in the preparations which are made tor the tecepeJoej
of the Ark of the Covenant at Jerusalem, nothing
is said of the Levites in Samuel ; whereas in the
Chronicles David is introduced a* saying that none
ought to carry the Ark of God but the Levites ; the
special number* of the Levites and of the children
of Aaron are there given ; and name* of Levitea am
specified as having been appointed singers and player*
on musical instrument* in connexion with the Ark
(1 Chr. xv., xvi. 1-8).
6. The incident of David'* dancing in public with
all hi* might before Jehovah, when the Ark waa
brought into Jerusalem, the censorious remarks of
his wife Hichal on David's conduct, David's answer,
and Hichal'* punishment, are fully set forth in
Samuel (2 Sam. vi. 14-23); but the whole subject
is noticed in one verse only in Chronicle* (1 Chr,
xv. 29). On the other hand, no mention is made
in Samuel of David's baring composed a halm on
this great event ; whereas in Chronicle* a Psalm i*
act forth which David i* represented a* having deli-
vered into the hand of Asaph and hi* brethren on
that day (1 Chr. xvi. 7-36). Of this Psalm the
first fifteen vent* are almost precisely the same a*
in Pa. cv. 1-15. The next eleven versa era the
mine a* in Pa. xcvi. 1-11; and the next three con-
cluding verses are in Pa. cvi. 1, 47, 48. The last
verse but one of this Psalm (1 Chr. xri. 35) appear*
to hare been written at the time of the Captivity.
7. It is stated in Samuel that David in his con-
quest of Moab put to death two-third* either of the
inhabitant* or of the Moabibah army (2 Sam.
riH 2). This feet i* omitted in Chronicles (1 Chr.
xviii. 2), though the word* used therein in men*
tinning the conquest are so nearly identical with the
beginning and the end of the passage in Samuel,
that in the A. V. there ia no difference in the
translation of the two text*, " And he smote Moab :
and the Moabitea became David's servants, and
brought gifts.''
8. In 2 Sam. xxi. 19, it ia stated that "there was
a battle in Gob with the Philistines, where Elhanan
the son of Jaare-oregim, a Bethlebemite (in the ori-
ginal Brit halrlackmi), slew Goliath the Gittite, the
staff of whose spear waa like a weaver's beam." In
the parallel passage in the Chronicles (1 Chr. xx.
5) it is stated that " Elhanan the eon of Jair slew
Lachmi the brother of Goliath the Gittite." Thus
Laohmi, which in the former case la merely part at
an adjective describing Elhanan'* place of nativity,
seems in the Chronicle* to be the substantive name
of the man whom Elhanan slew, and is so translated
in the LXX. [Elhakan, i. 520; LAiim, H. 55.]
9. In Samuel (2 Sam. xxiv. 1) it b stated that,
the anger of Jehovah having been kindled against
Israel, Ht moved David against them to give orders
pseasgein Am. vL 10 h ambiguous. It may merely refer
to the burning of bodies, as a sanitary precaution in a
plaguei but It k> not undoubted that burning la anoded
to. see nbst, «. «. PflD. The burning /or Asa (1 Chr
•>lll)a liferent from the ouraing of tna body. Ouaacar*
Jar. xxxlr.t; 3 Chr. xxi. 19, 20 ; Joseph, Jatsv.S,tf
DeJRsU JW.L13.4t
BAMUEL. BOOKS OF
tar toning a cenm of the population. In the
Carooides (1 Chr. xxi. 1) it is mentiooed tint
Derid m provoked to take a cental of the popit-
ktion by Satan. ThU last is the first and the only
instance in which the name of Satan is introduced
into any historical book of the Old Testament. In
the Pentateajh Jehovah Himself is represented as
hardening Pharaoh's heart (Ex. vii. 13), as in this
(nag* of Samuel He is said to have incited David to
give orders tor a census.
10. In the incidents connected with the three
says' pestilence upon Israel on account of the cen.'ns,
aaae frets of a very remarkable character are nar-
rated in the Chronicles, which are est mentioned in
tbt earlier history. Thus in Chronicles it is siaUd
of the Angel of Jehovah, that he stood betwem the
earth and the heaven, baring a drawn sword in Ms
hud stretched oyer Jerusalem; that afterwards
Jehorah commanded the angel, and that the angel
pot up again his sword into its sheath k (1 Chr.
in. 15-27). It is further stated (tbt. 20) that
Oruaa and has four sons hid themselves when they
am the angel ; and that when David (ver. 26) had
built an altar to Jehovah, and offered burnt-offer-
ings to Him, Jehovah answered him from heaven by
tin upon the altar of burnt-offering. Regarding all
these circumstances there is absolute silence in the
corresponding chapter of Samuel.
) 1. The Chronicles make no mention of the hor-
rible (set mentioned in the Book of Samuel (2 Sam.
xxi. 3-9) that David permitted the Gibeonites to
sacrifice seven sons of Saul to Jehovah, as an atone-
ment far the injuries which the Gibeonites had
formerly received from Saul. This barbarous act
of superstition, which is not said to have been com-
enoded by Jehorah (ver. 1) is one of the most
puarbi incidents in the life of David, and can
sorcery be explained otherwise than by the suppori-
t»o either that David seized this opportunity to
rid himself of seven possible rivsl claimants to the
throne, or that he was, for a while at least, infected
by the baneful example of the Phoenicians, who en-
desromwl to avert the supposed wrath of their gods
l>y human sacrifice* [Phoenicia]. It was, per-
nios, wholly foreign to the ideas of the Jews at the
time when the Book of Chronicles was compiled.
It otily remains to add, that in the numerous
rastances wherein there is a close rerbal agreement
between psssngea in Samuel and in the Chronicles,
the sound conclusion seems to be that the Chro-
sjetes were copied from Samuel, and not that both
were copied from a common original. In a matter
•f tint kind, we must proceed upon recognised
principles of criticism. If a writer of the 3rd or
4tb century narrated events of Roman history almost
precisely in the words of Livy, no critic would be-
aut* to amy that all such narratives were copied
frcn Uvy. it would be regarded as a very impro-
bable hypotbeais that they were copied from docu-
ments to which Livy and the later historian had
equl access, especially when no proof whatever was
adduced that anv such original documents were in
existence at the tune of the later historian. The
am' principle applies to the relation in which the
Chrouides stand to the Book of Samuel. There is
sot s particle of proof that the original documents,
or any one of them, on which the Book of Snimiel
ens tended were in nutrm at the time when the
8ANBALLAT
1133
Chronicles were compiled ; and in the absence of
such proof, it must be taken for granted that, where
there is a close verbal oorrespsndencu between the
two works, the compiler at' the Chronicles copied
passages, more or leas closely, from the Book of
Samuel. At the same time it would be unreason-
able to deny, and it would be impossible to dis-
prove, that the compiler, in addition to the Book of
Samuel, nude use of other historical documents
which are no longer in existence.
Literature. — The following list of Commentaries
is given by De Wette: — Serrarii, Seb. Schmidii.
Jo. Clerici, Haur. Oommentt. ; Jo. Druail, -An-
notatt. m Locoe diffic. Jot,, Jud., et Sam. ; Vio-
torini, Strigelii, Comm. in Libr. 8am., Reg., et Pa-
ralipp., Lips. 1591, fol. ; Casp. Sanctii, Comm. m
TV. Lib. Reg. et Paralipp., 1624, fol. ; Hensler,
ErloMervngen det I. B. Sam. u. d. Sahm. Demi-
sprScke, Hamburg, 1795. The best modern Com-
mentary leems to be that of Thenius, Exegetucket
Handbuch, Leipzig, 1842. In this work there is
sn excellent Introduction, and an interesting de-
tailed comparison of the Hebrew text in the Bible
with the Translation of the Septuagint. There are
no Commentaries on Samuel in Roeenmuller's great
work, or in the Compendium of his Scholia.
The date of the composition of the Book of Samuel
and its authorship is discussed in all the ordinary
Introductions to the Old Testament — such ss those
of Home, Hlvemick, Keil, De Wette, which have
been frequently cited in thia work. To these may
be added the following works, which have ap-
peared since the first volume of this Dictionary was
printed : Bleak's Einleittmg in dot Alt* Testament,
Berlin, 1860, pp. 355-368; Stiihelin's Speciellt
Einleitvng hi die Kanonitchen BOcher dm Alten
Testaments, Elberfeld, 1862, pp. 83-105; David-
son's Introduction to the Old Tettament, London
and Edinburgh, 1862, pp. 491-536. [E. T.]
SANABAS'SAB (Xsjuu-dVo-apot ; Alex. 3ara-
/3do-e-iuMs : Salmanatarva). Sheshbazzax (1 Esd.
ii. 12, 15 ; comp. Ezr. i. 8, 11).
SANABAS'SABTJS (SaflasiWapo. ; Alex.
2ayfU3d<ro-aoor : Sahnanaunu). Sheshbazzab.
(1 Esd. vi. 18, 20 ; comp. Ezr. v. 14, 16).
SAN'ASIB Qtamtrip; Ala. 'Annifi: Eti-
atib). The sons of Jedidu, the son of Jesus, are
reckoned " among the sons of Sonaaib," as priests
who returned with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 24).
SANBALTAT (DtajD : XsKtfaAAdV : Sana-
ballot). Of uncertain etymology ; according to Geae-
nius after von Bohlen, meaning in Sanscrit " giving
strength to the army," but according to Fttrst " a
chestnut tree." A Moobite of Horouaim, as appears
by his designation " Sanballat the Horonite " (Nth.
ii. 10, 19, xiii. 28). All that we know of him
from Scripture is that he had apparently some evil
or military command in Samara, in the service of
Artaxerxes (Neh. ir. 2), and that, from the moment
of Nehemiah's arrival in Judaea, he set himself to
oppose every measure for the welfare of Jerusalem,
and was a constant adversary to the Tirshalha.
His eonpanions in this hostility were Tobiah the
Ammcs-ite, and Geshem the Arabian (Neh. u. 19,
iv. 7). For the details of their exposition Ins
reader j referred to the articles Nehemtah .ued
» Tat state* or mW srebsngel Michael on the top of the I ss 1m is supposed to be represented In the siatne. 1*. Is
■ sissslilllli of H-serlan at Rome It In accoidsiicr with Uk- | owing to this that the fortress subsequently bad the naoM
sua. aaaa la a srooaaaton to St. I'rter's. 4arbc a pus- | of the Castle of St. Ansrlu. See Murray's «oad*a»«/a»
a1eaBe,t»t*a»iryta«!«roat saw Ibe arcbanaeli » vW.ni. , 2~mt. o. «. elh edit ISSa
1134
SANBALLAT
Neremiab, Book or, ud to Neh. fi, wham tlis
snmlty between Sanballat ud the Jem is brought
eat in the strongest colours. The only other inci-
dent in hie life if his alliance with the nigh-priest's
family by the marriage of hie daughter with one
of the grandsons of Ettsshib, which, from the
similar mnnerion formed by Tobiah the Ammonite
(Neh. ziii. 4), appears to here been part of a
settled policy concerted between Eliashib and the
Samaritan faction. The expulsion from the priest-
hood of the guilty son of Joiada by Nehemiah
must hare still further widened the breech between
h'm and Sanhallat, and between the two parties in
the Jewish state. Here, however, the Scriptural
narrative ends — owing, probably, to Nehemiah's
return to Persia — and with it likewise our know-
ledge of Sanballat.
But on turning to the pages of Josephus a
wholly new set jf actions, in a totally different
time, is brought before us in connexion with San-
ballat, while his name is entirely omitted in the
account there given of the gov e rnm ent of Nehe-
miah, which is placed in the reign of Xerxes.
Josephus, after interposing the whole reign of
Artaxerxes Loogimanus between the death of Nehe-
miah and the transections in which Sanballat took
part, and utterly ignoring the Tory existence of Dsri us
Nothns, Artaxerxes Mnemoo, Ochus, Ac, jumps
at once to the reign of " Darins the last king,"
and telle us {Ant. si. 7, §3) that Sanballat was his
officer la Samaria, that he was a Cuthean, i, *. a
Ssmaritaa, by birth, and that he gave his danghter
Niesao in marriage to Manasseh, the brother of the
high-priest Jaddua, and consequently the fourth in
descent from Eliashib, who was high-priest in the
time of Nehemiah. He then relates that on the
threat of his brother Jsddua and the other Jews to
expel him from the priesthood unless he divorced
his wife, Menoisoh stated the ease to Sanballat,
who thereupon promised to use hi* influence with
king Darius, not only to gin him Sanballat s
government, but to sanction the building of a riral
tun pis on Mount Gerixim of which Manasseh
should be tlie hig h pri est. Mainwsih on this agreed
to retain hie wife and join Sanballat's faction,
which was farther strengthened by the s ece s sion
of all thorn priest* and Lents* (and they were
■any) who had taken strange wives. But just
at this time happened the invasion of Alexander
the Great ; and Sanballat, with 7000 men, joined
him, and renounced his allegiance to Darius (Ant.
xi. 8, §4). Being favourably received by the con-
queror, he took the opportunity of speaking to him
in behalf of Manasseh. He represented to him bow
much it was for his interest to divide the strength
of the Jewish nation, and how many there were who
wished for a temple in Samaria ; and so obtained
Alexanders permission to build the temple ou
Mount Gerixim, and make Manasseh the heredi-
tary Ugh-priest. Shortly after thie, Sanballat died;
• He ears that Alexander appointed Aadromaebua
aveamsr of Jades, and the nelihboarlng districts; that
lbs Samaritans uiui deied nun ; snd that Alexander on
his retain look Samaria In revenge, snd settM s colony
of m^i^u*. m it, and the toh s htt a nt s of Samaria
frilled to thUmu.
» Snob a tune, a. f>, as when the Book of Eccleslaatteos
•as written, hi which we read (ch. I. as. 36). - There be
two manner of nations which mine heart abborreth. and
las third Is no naoon : they that sit noon the mountain
at Samaria, and they that dwell among the Philistines,
and thai tod's* people that dwell m Sfcnam."
SANDAL
but the temple an Mount Gerixim
the Snechemites, as they were called, *■— frf 1
aim as a permanent schism, which was continually
fed by all the lawless and disaffected Jews. Saab
is Jcssphus s account. If there is any truth ■ H,
of coarse the Sanballat of whom be speaks is a
different person horn the Sanballat of Nehenriah,
who nourished fully one hundred Tsars earner;
but when we put together Josephus s sikoo* con-
cerning a Sanballat in Nehemiah's time, and the
many coincidences in the lives of the Sanhslhrt iA
Nehemiah and that of Josephus, together with the
inconsistencies in Josejihns's narrative (pointed oat
by Prideaux, Coimtct. I 466, 288, 290), and
its disagreement with what Euaebiua telle of the.
relations of Alexander with Samaria* (CAron. Co*.
lib. post. p. 346), and remember how apt Jose-
phus is to follow any narrative, no matter how
anachronistic and inoonaietent with Scripture, we
shall have no difficulty in concluding that his ac-
count of Sanballat is not historical. It is doubt-
less taken from tome apocryphal romance, now
lost, in which the writer, living under the em-
pire of the Greeks, snd at a time when the
enmity of the Jews and Samaritans was at it*
height,* chose the downfall of the Persian empire
for the epoch, and Sanballat for the ideal instru-
ment, of the consolidation of the S ama ri ta n Church
and the erection of the temple on Gerixim. To
borrow events from some Scripture narrative and
introduce some Scriptural personage, without any
regard to chronology or other propriety, was
the regular method of such apocryphal books.
See 1 Esdrss, apocryphal Esther, apocryphal addi-
tions to the Book of Daniel, and the articles oss
them, and the story inserted by the LXX. after
2 K. xii. 24, *c, with the observations on tt at
p. 91 of this volume. To receive as historical
Joarphus's narrative of the building of th* Sa-
maritan temple by Sanballat, ui i i ii ns t anri s l a* it
is in its account of Mammon's relationship to
Jaddua, and Sanballat's intercourse with both
Darins Codomanus and Alexander the Great, and
yet to transplant it, as Prideaux does, to the
tune of Darius Nothns (B.O. 409), seems scarcely
compatible with sound criticism. For a further
discussion of this subject, see the article Nshe-
nlah, Book of, p. 491 ; Prideaux, Cbaaeed. i.
395-6 ; Oaual. of oar lord, p. 323, etc; MOIs
Findic. of <mr Zero's OmiaL p. 165; Hales'a
Atiafyt. ii. 534. [A. C. H. j
SANDAL (^73: *»ooV», <wS«W). The
sandal appears to have been the article ordinarily
used by the Hebrews for protecting the feet. It
consisted simply of a sole attached to the foot by
thongs. The Hebrew term na'al • implies such an
article, it* proper sense bring that of amfmimg as-
shutting in the foot with thongs: we have also
express notice of th* thong 4 (ijnff ; hasb ; A. V.
• In the A V. Oris tera is mvsrlabty recaVaed -sassa."
There Is, however, little reason to think that the Jew*
rasny wore shoes, snd the expressions which Carets*
(Apparat. pp. T>1, ttt) quotas to prove that thsy dkt—
(vis. « put the blood of war In ha sbcee," 1 K. U. »; -maka
men go over In shoes," la xL IS), ate eqnaDy adapted to
the sandal— the Urn signifying that the Wood waeaprhddea:
on tte Ouma of the sandal, the second that men s h o a aa t
cross the river on /oof Instesd of In boats. The shoe*
found In Ksypt probably belonged to Greeks (WUMeaasa,
U.SM). j.
< The tanas applied to the removal of the eke* fJVra
SANDAL
*elk -Usenet") in several passages '3a. xrv. 13 ;
Kt. 27; Mark i. 7). The Greek term A*M«ua
a mp e ri y applies to the nodal exclusively, a* it
mia what ia bound tmdtr the foot ; hut no ttma
cut be laid od the »e of the term by the Alexan-
drine writers, a* it waa applied to any covering of
the foot, even to the military ealiga of the Roman*
(Joseph. B. J. Ti. 1, §8). A aimilar observation
lppliai to owSdAiar, which ia need in a general,
and not in it* atrietly claaaoal sense, and was adopted
M a Hehraiaed form by the Talmudista. We have
o> deacrintion ot tin sandal in the Bible iteelf, but
the deficiency can be supplied from collateral eourcn.
Thus we learn fron the Talmudista that the ma-
terials employed in the construction of the tide
were either leather, felt, doth, or wood (Mean.
J*am. IS, §1, 2), and that H waa ooeancntUy
abed with iron (fiott. 6. §2V In Egypt virions
Heroes substances, such aa palm leaves and p ipyrna
wafts, were used in addition to eather (Hrrod. ii.
57; WUkinaon, H. 882, 338), while in Assyria,
wand or leatner was employed (Layard, Nm. ii.
AtS, :i24>. In Egypt the sandals wen usually
turned up at the toe like our skates, though other
ferns, rounded and pointed, arc also exhibited. In
Assyria the heel and the side of the foot were en-
awed, and sometimes the sandal consisted of little
ah* than this. This does not appntr to hare been
SANDAL
1185
(fnm Lv—i, a. SK)
tat earn a Palestine, for a heel-strap waa nm uliiil
*> s proper sandal (Jtbam. 13, jl). Great atten-
boa was paid by the ladies to their sandals; they
■ere nude of the skin of an animal, named tackm
(K*. rri. 1C), whether a hyena or • seal (A. V.
•ba«fnr"V ia doubtful: the skins of a fish (a
' i of Halioore) are used for this purpose in the
on of Soai (Robinson, Bib. Bet. I. 116).
thong* wen handsomely embroidered (Cant.
vfi. 1 ; Jad. x. 4, rri. 9), aa won those of the
Uie«laCea(l>M.o/^iU.s.v. H SaodaUam'^. San-
sab were worn by all classes of society in Palestine,
ma by the Tery poor (Am. viii. 6), and both the san-
ds! tad the thong or shoe-latchet were so cheap and
teamen, float they pe n ned into a proverb for the most
•asifAifiaB* thing (Gen. av. 33 ; Koclua. xhri. 19).
They were not, however, worn at all periods ; they
**r* eaaanseed with in-doon, and were only put
an by persona about to undertake some business
swsy fron their homes ; such as a military expe-
*ti*a (Is. v. 27 ; Epb. vi. 15), or a journey (Ex.
4 11; Josh. ix. 5, 13; Acts xii. 8): ou such
•oaasoas persons carried an extra pair, a practice
which ear Lord objected to as far as the Apostles
:*■* aav. is; at n. 1; and "PP. Hath tv. ») haply
wan oooeerned (Matt. x. 10 ; comram Hark vi. »,
and the expression in Like x. 4, "do not carry,"
which harmonises the passages). An extra pair
might in certain cases be needed, as the satss were
liable to be soon wom out (Josh. ix. 5), or the
thongs to be broken (Is. r. 27). Daring meal-
times the feet were undoubtedly uncovered, as im-
plied in Luke vii. 38 ; John xiii. 5, 6, and in the
exception specially made in reference to the Pascha:
feast (Ex. xii. 11): the same custom must have
prevailed wherever reclining at meals was practised
(eotnp. Plato, Sympot. p. 213). It was a mark ot
reverence to cast off the shoes in approaching a place
or person of eminent sanctity:* hence the com-
mand to Moses at the bush (Ex. iii. 5) and to
Joshua in the presence of the angel (Josh. v. 15).
In deference to these injunctions the priests an said
to have conducted their ministrations in the Temple
barefoot (Theodoret, ad Ex. iii. quant. 7), and the
Talmudista even forbade any person to pass through
the Temple with shoes on (Miahn. Beraok. 9, §5).
This reverential act was not peculiar to the Jews :
in ancient times we hare instances of it in the
worship of Cybde at Roma (Prudent. Peris. 154),
in the worship of Iris as represented in a picture at
Herculaneura (Ant. tfSnol. n. 320), and ia the
practice of the Egyptian priests, according to Sil.
Ital. iii. 28. In modern times we may compare the
similar practice of the Mohammedans of Palestine
before entering a monk (Robinson's Betearelm, ii.
36), and particularly before entering the Kaaba at
Mecca (Burckhardt's Arabia, i. 270), of the Yeadis
of Mesopotamia before entering the tomb of then
patron saint (Layard's Sin. i. 282), and of the Sa-
maritans as they trend the summit of Mount Ge-
rixim (Robinson, ii. 278). The practice of the
modern Egyptians, who take off their shoes before
stepping on to the carpeted letvan, appears to be
dictated by a reeling of reverence rather than clean-
liness, that spot being devoted to prayer (Lane,
i. 85). It was also an indication of violent emotion,
or of mourning, if a person appeared barefoot in
public (2 Sam. xv. 30; Is. xx. 2; Ea. xxiv.
17, 23). This again was bald in common with
other nations, as instanced at the funeral of Au-
gustus (Suet. Aug. 100), and on the occasion of
fiie solemn prorsjsiinris which derived their name of
Nudipedalia from this feature (Tertull. Apol. 40).
To carry or to unloose a person's sandal was a me-
nial office betokening great inferiority on the part
of the parson performing it ; it was hence selected
by John the Baptist to express his relation to the
Messiah (Matt. Hi. 11; Mark i. 7; John i. 27;
Acts xiii. 25). The expression in Pa. Ix. 8, cviii.
9, - over Edom will I cast out my shoe," evidently
signifies the subjection of that country, but the
exact point of the comparison is obscure ; for it may
refer either to the custom of handing the sandal tc
a slave, or to that of claiming possession of a pro-
perty by planting the foot on it, or of acquiring it
by the symbolical action of casting the shot, et
again, Edom may be regarded in the still mora sub-
ordinate position of a abatf on which the randali
wen rested while their owner bathed his feet, The
use of the shoe ia the transfer of property is noticed
in Ruth iv. 7, 8, and a similar significaocy waa
attached to the act in connexion with the repudia-
tion of a Levirate marriage (Deut. xxv. 9). Shoe-
r tetanies' Ike (wot
* It Is worthy nl observation that the term nseri lot
■put ting off" the Inoa* or. these occasions Is pecnlla
OVi" sad envoys the notion of violence and basts.
1196
SANHKDKUf
■Hiring, or rather strap-making (I t.
straps ear the sandals;, was a recog n ise d trade among
Um Jew* (Mishn. Passe*. 4, §8). [W. L. B.1
rU!THKDBIM(aocnrat«lySanh«driii,pTrW
termed from tvritpiar : the attempt! of the Rab-
bins to find a Hebrew etymology are idle ; Buxtorf,
Ltx. Quid. ». t.)i called alao in the Talmud tit
gnat casaAaoj in, the supreme council of the Jewish
people in the tune of Christ and earlier. In the
Hiahna it is also styled p| JVS, Beth Dm, - hou*
of judgment."
1. The origin of this assembly fa) traced In the
MJshoa {Sonhtdr. I. 6) to the seventy elders
whom Moms was directed (Num. xi. 16, 17) to
aasocista with him in the go» eminent of the
Israelites. This body continued to exist, according
to the Rabbinical accounts, down to the close
of the Jewish commonwealth. Among Christian
writers Schickhard, Isaac Csaaubon, Salmasius,
Selden, and Grotiua hare held the same view.
Since the time of Vorstius, who took the ground
(Dt 8ynMrii$, §25-40) that the alleged identity
between the assembly of serenty elders mentioned
in Num. xi. 16, 17, and the Sanhedrim which
existed in the later period of the Jewish common-
wealth, was simply a conjecture of the Rabbins, and
that there are no traces of such a tribunal in Drat,
xvii. 8, 10, nor in the age of Joshua and the judges,
nor during the reign of the kings, it has been gener-
ally admitted that the tribunal established by Moses
was rrobably temporary, and did not continue to
exist after the Israelites had entered Palestine (Winer,
RmltctrUrb. art. " Synedrium ").
In the lack of definite historical information as j
to the establishment of the Sanhedrim, it can i
euly be said in general that the Greek etymology
of the name seems to point to a period subse-
quent to the Macedonian supremacy in Palestine.
Livy expressly states (xhr. 32), •• pronuntiatum
quod ad statum Macedonia* pertinebat, senatorea,
quos tynadrtm rocant, legendoa esse, quorum oon-
silio reapublioa administraretur." The fact that
Herod, when procurato r of Galilee, was sum-
moned before the Sanhedrim (BX. 47) on the
ground that in potting men to death he had
usurped the authority of the body (Joe. Ant. xrr.
9, §4) shows that it then possessed much power
and was not of very recent origin, if the ytfov-
o-/a t«V 'IimaaW, in 2 Mace 1. 10, rr. 44, xi. 27,
designates the Sanhedrim — as it probably does —
this is the earliest historical trace of its existence.
On these grounds the opinion of Vorstius, Witaius,
Winer, Keil, and others, may be regarded as pro-
table, that the Sanhedrim described in the Talmud
arose after the return of the Jews from Babylon,
and in the time of the Besraddae or of the Haamo-
neau princes.
In the silence of PhOe, Josephus, and the Mishna
respecting the constitution of the Sanhedrim, we
are obliged to depend upon the few incidental
aoticxa in the New Testament. From these we
gather that it consisted of aoxicpsii, chief
priests, or the beads of the twenty-four classes
into which the priests wer« divided (including,
probably, those who bad bear high-priests), voce--
vaVeev., elders, men of age and experience, and
vsastpartZs, sorts**, lawyers, or those learned in
the Jewish law (Matt. xxri. 57, 59 ; Mark xr. 1 ;
Luke xxii. 66 ; Acts r. 21).
3. The number Of mtmhtrt is usually given as
seventy-one, but this at a point on which there
SANHEDRIM
is not a perfect agreement among the lennaeoV
The nearly unanimous opinion of the Jews is gives
in the Mishna (Stmiedr. i. 6): "the great San-
hedrim consisted of seventy-one judges. How ie
this proved? Prom Num. xi. 16, where it is
said, ' gather unto me serenty men of the elders of
Israel.' To these add Moses, and we have seventy-
one. Nevertheless R. Judah says then were
seventy.'' The same difference made by the addi-
tion or exclusion of Moses, appears in the works
of Christian writers, which accounts for the varia-
tion in the books between seventy and srventy-
one. Baronius, however (Ad Ann. 31, $11. and
many other Roman Catholic writers, together with
not a few Protestants, as Drusius, Grotius, Pri-
deaux, John, Bretachneider, etc., hold that the true
number was seventy-two, en the ground that Bdad
and Medad, on whom it is expressly said the Spirit
rested (Num. xi. 26), remained in the camp, and
should be added to the seventy (see Hartmann,
Ytrbmiung dt* A. T. p. 182; SeMen, Dt Sgntdr.
lib. ii. cap. 4). Be tw een then three numbers,
that given by the prevalent Jewish tradition is
certainly to be preferred; hot if, as we have
seen, there is really no evidence for the identity
of the seventy elders summoned by Moses, and
the Sanhedrim existing after the Babylonish cap-
tivity, the argument from Num. xi. 16 in respect
to the number of members of which the latter
body consisted, has no force, and we are left, as
Keil maintains (Arcktobgit, ii. |259), without
any certain information on the point.
The president of this body was styled ITfeO,
Nasi, and, according to Maimonides and Lightfbot,
was chosen on account of his eminence in worth
and wisdom. Often, if not generally, this pre-
eminence was accorded to the high-priest. That
the high-priest presided at the condemnation of
Jesus (Matt. xxri. 62) is plain from the narra-
tive. The vice-president, called in the Talmud
H JV3 3M, " father of the house of judgment."
sat at the right hand of the president. Some writer
speak of a second vice-president, styled D3n
* wise," but this is not sufficiently confirmed ^ser
SeMen, Dt Syntdr. p. 156, teq.). The Babylonian
Gemara states that there were two scribes, one ot
whom registered the votes for acquittal, the other
those for condemnation. In Matt. xxri. 58;
Mark xiv. 54, fa:., the lictors or attendants ot
the Sanhedrim are referred to under the name •
ornpeVaj. While in session the Sanhedrim eat hi
the form of a half circle (Otm. Hitrtt. Const, vii.
ad Sanhtdr. L), with all which agrees the state-
ment of Maimonides (quoted by Vorstius): '< him
who excels all others in wisdom they appoint head
over them and head of the as s e mbly. And he it
is whom the wist everywhere call Nasi, and he is
in the place of our master Moses. Likewise him
who is the oldest among the seventy, they place
on the right hand, and him they call ' father of
the house of judgment.' The rest of the seventy
sit before these two, according to their dignity, in
the form of a semicircle, so that the president and
vice-president may have them all in sight."
3. The phot in which the s essions of the San-
hedrim were ordinarilv held was, according to the
Talmud, a hall called JVf 1, 0<u*Uk (Samktdr. i.\
supposed by Ligntfoot ( Works, i. 20u5) to have
been situated in the south-east corner of one tf the
•waits uear the Temple building. In ■
i
RANBANNAH
6AFUIB
1137
. bm», It seems to have met is the
i ct the high-priest (Mutt. xxvi. 3). Forty
i before the destruction of Jerusalem, and con-
seqttfntly while the Saviour was teaching in Pales-
tine, the setsvins of the Sanhedrim were removed
Son the hall Gazxith to a somewhat greater
i»tsncB from the temple building, although still
on Mt. Moriah (Abod. Zira i. Gem. Babyl. ad
&i»4*c(r. v.). After seven] other changes, its
to* was finally establUhed at Tiberias (Liglitfoot,
Hares, fi. 365).
Aa a judicial body the Sanhedrim constituted a
court, to which belonged in the first
■stance the trial of a tribe fallen into idolatry,
fck« prophets, and the high-priest (Mishna, San-
•aaV. L, ; aim the other priests (Miidoth, v.).
As an administratire council it deteimined other
asawtanl Battels. Jesus was arraigned before
taie body aa a false prophet (John xi. 47), and
PHer, John, Stephen, and Paul as teachers of
eiw and deceivers of the people. From Acts ix.
2 a appears that the Sanhedrim exercised a degree
m aethority beyond the limits of Palestine. Ac-
ts the Jerusalem Gemara (quoted by
lib. ii. e. 15, 11), the power of inflicting
capital punishment was taken away from this
Internal forty yean before the destruction of Jeru-
ssissa. With this agrees the answer of the Jews
ts Pilate (John xix. 31), « It is not lawful for us
t» put any man to death." Beyond the arrest,
trad, and condemnation of one convicted of vio-
iasa? tin ecclesiastical law, the jurisdiction of
ue ^ au lni i i i n at the time could not be extended ;
tie confirmation and execution of the sentence in
capital cans belonged to the Roman procurator.
The staning of Stephen (Acts vii. 56, tic.) is only
an apparent exception, for it was either a tu-
Bejtaoaa procedure, or, if done by order of the
."WJadrrm, was an illegal assumption of power,
at Jaa«phas (Ant. xx. 9, §1) expressly declares the
earation of the Apostle James during the absence
•f the procurator to hare been (Winer, Beaiwb.
art. "Syneaxioxo ").
The Tahnod also mentions a laser Sanhedrim of
"»tiit i -three members in every city in Palestine in
a 1 ** were not len than 120 householders; but
rapreosg these judicial bodies Joeephos is entirely
>ks*.
The leading work on the subject is Selden, De
Fjvdrm et Praefecturie Jaridicu vctcrum Ebrae-
trm. Load. 1650, Amst. 1670, 4to. It exhibits
waease learning, but introduces much irrelevant
sutler, and is written in a heavy and unattractive
wrla. The monographs of Vorstius and Witsius,
tH&uDsd in Ugolini's Thetaurus, vol. xxv. are able
sr.! jadicwos. The same volume of Ugolini con
una also the Jerusalem and Babv'nnian Gemaras,
alrec with the Mishna on the Sanhedrim, with
wxeo nay be compared Dm Tituli Talmudici
FoMdrix et Maoootk, ed. Jo. Coch, Amst. 1 6*29,
**"., and Maimonides, De Sanhedriit et Poenis,
ad. Ranting. Amst. 1695, 4to. Hartmann, Die
Trrimdmj da Alten Testament* mis' dem Neuen,
Hah. 18 ;|, tlvo., is worthy of consultation, and
IW a ronrptened exhibition of the subject, Winer,
aVnfs*. and Keu, Arckaeolojie. [G. D. E.]
8AS8A5TNAH (n»3D : SerWrfx ; Alex.
Jm s m a a 'i. One of the towns in the
laatrict ofJudao,named in Josh. xv. 31 only.
it* tans of this district are not distributed into
•an» groups, like these of the highlands or the
•-■i. Bt.
SheMah ; and as only vary few of them have been
yet identified, we have nothing to guide us to tin
position of Smunnnah. It can hardly have had on;
connexion with Kiiuath-Sannah (Kirjath^Sepher;
or Debir), which was probably near Hebron, man;
miles to the north of the most northern position,
possible for Sansaniiah. It does not appear to te
mentioned by any explorer, ancient or modern.
Gesenius (Tuee. 962) explains the name to mean
" palm branch ;" but this is contradicted by Fttrst
(//ir6. ii. 88), who derives it from a root which
signifies " writing." The two propositions are pro-
bably equally wide of the mark. The conjectuie
of Schwarx that it was at Simeim, on the valley o
the same name, is less feasible than usual.
The termination of the name is singular (comp.
Madmannah).
By comparing the list of Josh. xv. 26-32 with
those in xix. 2-7 and 1 Chr. iv. 28-33, it will be
seen that Beth-marcaboth and Hazar-sueim, or
-susah, occupy in the two last the place of Mad-
mannah and Sansaniiah respectively in the first.
In like manner Shilhim is exchanged for Sharuhen
and Shaaraim. It is difficult to believe that then
changes can have arisen from the mistakes of copy-
ists solely, but equally difficult to assign any other
satisfactory reason. Prof. Stanley has suggested
that Beth-marcaboth and Hazar-suitim are tokens
of the trade in chariots and horses which arose in
Solomon's time ; but, if so, how comes it that the
new names bear so close a resemblance in form to
the old ones? [G.]
SAFH (*|D: Xf<p; Alex. i«pi: Soph). One
of the sons of the giant ('Ptupd, Arapha) slain by
Sibbechai the Hushathite in the battle against the
Philistines at Gob or Gaxa (2 Sam. xxi. 18). In
1 Chr. xx. 4 he is called Sippai. The title of Ps.
cxliii. in the Peshito Syriac is, " Of David : when
he slew Asaph (Saph) the brother of Gulyad
(Goliath), and thanksgiving tor that he had con-
quered.
8ATHAT (JocpdV : om. in Vulg.). Shb-
phatiak 2 (1 Esd. v. 9 ; comp. Ear. ii. 4).
8APHATrAS(2o«v«Tfoi: Saphatias). She-
phatiah 2 (1 Esd. viii. 34; comp. Ear. viii. 8).
SATHETH (S«pvt; Alex. 3<upvS! : Saphui).
Suepbatiab (1 Esd. v. 33; comp. Ear. ii. 57).
BA'FHIB (TCP, ■'. e. Shaphir: koAws: put-
chra, but in Jerome's Comment. Saphir). One of
the villages addressed by the Prophet Micah (i. 11),
but not elsewhere mentioned. By Eusebius and
Jerome (Onomast. "Saphir") it is described as
"in the mountain district between Eleutheropolis
and Ascalon." In this direction a village called
es-Satcdfir still exists (or rather three of that name,
two with affixes), possibly the representative of
the ancient Saphir (Rob. B. B. ii. 34 note ; Van
de Velde, Syr. d- Pal. 159). EeSavdfir lies seven
or eight miles to the N.E. of Ascalon, and about
12 W. of Beit-Jibrm, to the right of the coast-road
from Gaza. Tobler prefers a village called Saber,
don to Satc&jir, containing a copious and apparently
very ancient well (3tte Wanderung, 47). In one im-
portant respect, however, the position of neither of
these agrees with the notice of the Onomasticon,
since it is not near the mountains, but on the open
plain of the Shefelnh. But as Beit-Jibrin, the
•ndent Eleutheropolis, stands on the western elopes
of the mountains of Judah. it is difficult to under
a n
U3H
8APPHIBA
stand how any place could be westward of it («. «.
xatween it and Aacalon), aud yet be itself in the
aoiintain district, unless that expreasiou may rrw I
to places which, though situated in the plain, *»««
for tome reason considered as belonging to the
towns of the mountains. We hare already seat
reason to suspect that the reverse was the case with
some others. [Kkilah ; Nezih, &c]
Schwarx, though aware of the existence of Si-
wtlfir (p. 116), suggests as a more feasible identili
cation the village of SaJirit/eA, a couple of mild
X.W. of Lydda (136). The drawback to this u,
that the places mentioned by Micah appear, as far an
we can trace them, to be mostly near Bnt-Jibrin,
anil in addition, that Safiriyeh is in clear contradic-
tion to the notice of Eusebius and Jerome. [li.~\
8APPHTBA (2«w«Wpi> = either "sapphire,"
from giwtptlpos, or " beautiful," from the Syriac
KTBt?). The wife of Ananias, and tbe participator
both in his guilt and in his punishment (Acts v.
1-10). The interval of three hours that elapsed
between the two deaths, Sapphiia's ignorance of
what had happened to her husband, and tbe pre-
dictive language of Si, Peter towards her, are de-
cisive evidences as to tbe supernatural character of
the whole transaction. The history of Sapphire's
death thus supplements that of Ananias's, which
might otherwise have been attributed to natural
[W. L. B.]
SAPPHIRE ("PSD, soxyCr: r>ro)«i*«t: tap-
phinu). A precious stone, apparently of a bright
blue colour, see Ex. xxir. 10, where the God of
Israel is represented as behig seen in vision by
Moses and the Elders with " a paved work of a
tappb- stone, and as it were the body of heaven in
its clearness" (comp. El. i. 26). The snopir wa»
the second stone in the second row of the high-
priest's breastplate (Ex. xxviii. 18) ; it was ex-
tremely precious (Job xxviii. 16); it was one of
the precious stones that ornamented the king of
Tyre (Ex. xxviii. 13). Notwithstanding the identity
of name between our sapphire and the vir4f*UMt,
and tnpphinu of the Greeks and Romans, it is ge-
nerally agreed that the sapphirm of the ancients
was not our gem of that name, viz., the azure or
indigo-blue, crystalline variety of Corundum, but
our Lapit-tazuli ( OTfro-marme) ; this point may
be reganled as established, for Pliny (N. H. xxxvii.
9) thus speaks of the Supplant, " It is refulgent
with spots of gold, of an azure colour sometimes,
but not often purple; the best kind coins from
Media; it is never transparent, and is not well
suited for engraving upon when intersect*.! with
hard crystalline particles." This description an-
swers exactly to the character of the Lapis-lazuli ;
the "crystalline particles" of Pliny are crystals of
•ron pyrites, which often occur with this mineral.
It is, however, not so certain that the Sappb- of
the Hebrew Bible is identical with the Lapis-lazuli ;
for the Scriptural requirements demand transpa-
rency, great value and good material for the en-
paver's art, all of which combined characters the
Lapis-kkuli does not possess in any great degree.
Mr. King (Antiqut Genu, p. 44) says that intagh
and canu-i of Roman times are frequent in the
material, bat rarely any works of much merit.
Again, the Sapptr was certainly pellucid, " saneapud
Judaea," says Braun (IM 1'est. .Sac. p. 660, ed.
1689), " saphircc pelluri las notes filiate manifesUs-
umura est, ad~> etiam ut flucidum illorum phi
8ABAH
(osophis dicatnr TDD, 8apJu>;' Bsckaaun {Him,
0/ /ntent. i. 472) is of opioie: '"at the &aj*> M
the Hebrews is the fame as the Lapis-lazuli ; Kuan.'
mitller and Biaun argue in favour of ha being 010
sapphire or precious Corundum. We are in c l in ed
to adopt this latter opinion, but are unable to com*
to any satisfactory conclusion. [W H.J
BA'BA (SdjMa: Sara). 1. Sarah, the wife
of Abraham (Heb. xi. 11 ; 1 Pet. iii. 6).
2. The daughter of Kaguel, in the apmrrphai
history of Tobit. As the story goes, she had been
married to seven husbands, who ware all slain on
the wedding night by Asmodeus the evil spirit, who
loved her (Tob. iii. 7). The bi caking of the speT
and the chasing away of the evil spirit by the
" fishy fume," when Sara was married to Tobias,
are told in chap. viii.
BABABI'AS (Zapafiias : Sarebiat). Shksju
biah ( 1 End. ix. 48 ; comp. Neh. viii. 7).
SA'BAH {TfiP. "prince.:" Jd#e: Sara-
originally Hfe> : Xipa : SatxS). 1. Tbe wife of
Abraham, and mother of Isaac
Of her birth and parentage we have no certain
accouut in Script 'ire. Her name is first introduced
in Gen. xi. 29, aa follows: " Abram and Nahor
took them wives : tbe name of Abram 's wile was
Sarai ; and the name of Sailor's wile was Mil-
cab, the daughter of Haran, the father of Milcah
and the father of Isuah." In Gen. xx. 1 2, Abraham
speaks of her a« •* his sister, the daughter of Uie
same father, but not the daughter of the same
mother." The oommon Jewish tradition, taken for
granted by Josephua (Ant. i. c. 6, §6) and by St.
Jerome (Quattt. Hebr. ad Genetm, vol. iii. p. 32:1,
ed. Ben. 1735), is that Sarai is the same as Iscah,
the daughter of Haran, and the sister of Lot, who
is called Abraham's " brother" in Gen. sir. 14, IS.
Judging from the fact that Rebekah, the grand-
daughter of Nahor, was the wife of Isaac the tut
of Abraham, there is reason to conjecture that
Abraham was the youngest brother, so that bis
wife might not improbably be younger than the
wife of Nahor. It is certainly strange, if the tra-
dition be true, that no direct mention of it is found
in Gen. xi. 29. But it is not improbable in itself;
it supplies the account of the descent of the mother
of the chosen race, the omission of which in such a
passage is most unlikely ; and there is no other to
set against it.
The change of her name from ■' Sarai " to"Ss-
rah " was made at the same time that Abram's
name was changed to Abiahsm, on the establish-
ment ot' the covenant of dicumdaioii between him
and God. That the name " Sai ah " signifies "prin-
cess" is universally acknowledged. But the mean-
ing of " Sarai " is still a subject of controversy.
The oliler interpreters (as, lor example, St. Jerome
m Utfiest. Hebr., and those who follow him) sup-
pose it to mean " my princess ;" and explain the
cnunge from Sarai to Sarah, as signifying that she
was no longer the quren of one family, bat the
royal ancestiita 01 " all families of the earth." They
alio suppose that the addition of tbe letter It, at
taken from the sacred Tetragrsmmaton Jehovah, to
the names of Abram and Sarai, mystically signified
their being received into covenant with the Lord,
Among modern Hebraists there is great diversity of
interpratiitioB. One opinion, keeping to the same
if-ixunl eviration as tJist referred to above, *> plaint
8ABAH
*fera"m ««a*»V'" nobility,' ie>., snerpW-
Mt> wkidt,evon more thnn the otaer, Uboura under
ap o>JKtwa of giving little force to the change.
Aatacr oBoita mppoaee Serai to be a contracted
baaf nnb (SeVwjett), and to signify - Jehovah
a rear." Bat this gives no force whatever to the
caactt, sad besides introducee the auae name JcA
■te i proper name too earl y in the history. A
land (r aV a iug Kwald) derives it from IT"**, a not
wkick » bond in Gen. zxxii. 28, Hoe. zii. 4, in the
•am rf "to fight," and explains it at " conten-
Uea" IdnitttcUig). This last seems to be
rfyewlopcelly tk» most probable, and differs from
RABAMKL
1139
v* oleea in giving great force and dignity to the
, ^ «f Bsme. (See Gee. Tha. vol. iii. p. 13386.)
Her history is, of course, that of Abraham. She
-<n* with aim from Cr to Hamn, from Hsrsn to
I'saa, and — »— » p»«-J him in all the wanderings
rf In fife. Her only Independent action is the de-
as*i thai Hagar and Iahmael should be cast out,
to nea all rivalry with her and Isaac; a demand,
rabalially applied in Gal. iv. 22-31, to the dis-
stnamt of the OM Covenant by the New. The
tan, a which she plays the most important
art a the history, are the times when Abraham
as ajanimg, first in Egypt, then in Gerar,
ad wan Sarah shared his deceit, towards Pha-
nu and towards Abimeleeh. On the first oc-
eaaa, stoat the middle of her life, her personal
teaty a dwelt upon as its cause (Gen. zii. 11-15) ;
a tat mod, just before the birth of Isaac, at a
teawha she was old (thirty-seven years before her
ton), bet when her vigour had been miracu-
wait mured, the same cause is alluded to, as
■asossl by Abraham, but not actually stated
a-t.ll). In both casta, especially the last, the
tnarahaa of the history is seen in the unfavour-
* oatrat, in which the conduct both of Abra-
sea sal Ssrth stands to that of Pharaoh and Abime-
aa. naaed at Hebron at the age of 127 years,
» yam before tar husband, and was buried by him
a tk ore rfMachpeah Her burial place, pur-
•adsfKnhron the Hittite, was the only pooses-
*a rfAtrasaa in the land of promise; it has re-
atai btOrwwd in the eyet of Jews, Christians,
■" smaaaanaa alike, to the present day ; and in
1 at "area of Saab" is pointed out opposite to
taeUbnlum, with those of Isaac andBebekah
" *t a» aide, sal those of Jacob and Leah on the
**{Sm8Ualnfi Zeef. on SewtM CSenrc*, app.
ljb.«M4M).
teoanear, like that of Abraham, it no ideal
*<*> rfimlknii, bat one thoroughly natural, in-
W to that of her husband, and truly feminine,
•*• a in eaaDenoes and its defects. She is the
•"■be-, era mere than the wife. Her natural
••ay sftcliea ie seen in her touching desire
a- catling, even from her bondmaid, and hi her
at^inaj jttleuty of that bondmaid, when she
•""a s aether ; in her rejoicing over her son
"a,adathejaiooay which reeented the slightest
*«B to an, and forbade Iahmael to share his son-
■*• hatha her cruel to othere as well at tender
:>MreeVaal is remarkably contrasted with the
*"*» rf Mturtl feeling on the part of Abraham
•Wicsamsal in the but case (Gen. xxi. 12).
an Isaacs manias* (Geo.
after bis mother's death."
baaed apparently on the
To tike same character Belong her ironies) laughter
at the promise of t. child, long desired, but now
beyend all hope; her trembling denial of that
laughter, and her change of it to the laughter of
thankful jov, which she commemorated in the name
of Isaac. )t is a character deeply and truly affec-
tionate, but impulsive, jealous, and imperious in
its affection. It is referred to in the N. T. as a
type of conjugal obedience in 1 Pet. iii. 6, and at
oneofthetypesoffeithuiHeb.zi.il. [A. B.|
2. (rnb> : Xdpa : Sara). Serah the daughter
of Aaher (Num. zzvi. 46).
8ABA1 (nb: 3a>o>: carat). The original
name of Sarah, the wife of Abraham. It is always
used in the history from Gen. zi. 29 to xvii. 15,
when it was changed to Sarah at the same time that
her husband's name from Abram became Abraham,
and the birth of Isaac was more distinctly foretold.
The meaning of the name appears to be, as Ewald
has suggested, " contentious. [Sarah.]
SABAI'AS (3apof« : om. in Tulg.). 1. Sk>
BAIAH the high-priett (1 Esd. v. 5).
2. ('Afaoaiaj ; Alex. 3apatas : Axariat, Ala-
rm.) SeBaiah the lather of Ezra (I Esd. viii. 1 ■
2 Esd. i. 1).
BAB'AHEL (:»oautcV ; Alez. Joon/icA ; othei
MSS. 'KaapafUX: Ataramat). The name of the
pace in which the assembly of the Jews was held
at which the high-priesthood was conferred upon
Simon Maocabaaus (1 Mac. ziv. 28). The feet that
the name is found only in this passage has led to
the conjecture that it is an imperfect version of a
word in the original Hebrew or Syrisc, from which
the prom t Greek text of the Maccabees is a trans-
lation. Some (as Castellio) have treated it as a
corruption of Jerusalem : but this k inadmissible,
since it is inconceivable that so well-known a name
should be corrupted. The other conjectures are
enumerated by Grimm in the Kwrxgef. exegttucha
Handb. on the passage. A few only need be named
here, but none seem perfectly satisfactory. AU
appear to adopt the reading Auramel. 1. Ha-
haUar Miiio, "the court of Millo," Milk) being
not improbably the citadel of Jerusalem [vol. ii.
367 a]. This is the conjecture of Grotius, and
hat at least the merit of ingenuity.' 2. Hahatsur
Am El, "the court of the people of God, that
is, the great court of the Temple." This it due
to EwaM (Gate*, iv. 387), who compares with
it the well-known SarbetA Sabanai El, given by
Euaebius as the title of the Maccabaean history.
[See Maccabees, vol. ii. 173 o.] 3. HasAaarAm
El, "the gate of the people of God" adopted by
Winer (Rtalwb.). 4. Honor Am El, " prince of
the people of God," as if not the name of a place,
but the title of Simon, the " in " having been in-
serted by puzzled copyists. This is adopted by
Grimm himself It hat in its favour the fact that
without it Simon is here styled high-priest only,
and hit second title, " captain and governor of the
Jews and priests" (ver. 47), is then omitted in the
solemn official record — the very place where it ought
to be found. It also seems to be countenanced by
the Peahito-Syriac version, which certainly omits the
title of " high-priett," but inserts if Mm do /sravA
aecrittea of laaao, that the shock of It killed ber, end thai
Abraham fraud Bar dead oo nil rocurn from Marian,
a Jontaa and Tremeuao render It by en atrl* mam
4 I) 3
1140
BARAPK
** leader of had." None of these explanations, liow-
«ver, coo be regarded an entirely satisfactory. [I !.]
BA'RAPH {t(-iP: SopdVp: Imxndens). Men-
tioned in 1 Chr. it. 23 among the descendants of
Sheiah the eon of Jadah. Burrington (Geneal.
i. 179) nukes Saraph a descendant of Jokim, whom
he regards a* the third son of Sheiah. In the
Targuro of K. Joseph, Joash and Saraph are iden-
tified with Mahlon and Chilion, " who muTied
(i^.^ffiMoab."
SAHOUETDONUS (Xax'pteris, 3»x«pooy:
Archedonassar, Acluvaaar, Sarcedonassar), a col-
lateral form of the name Esar-haddon [Esak-had-
DDNj. occurring Tob. i. 21. The form in A. V. for
Sacherdonus appears to be an oversight. [B. F. W.]
8ABDETJB (ZepoAiot ; Alex. ZapSatos : The-
> edicts). AZIZA ( 1 Esd. ix. 28 ; comp. Ear. x. 27).
SARDINE, SARDIUS (Dlk, idem: aip-
tu>y: sardius) is, according to the LXX. and
Josephus (Bell. Jud. v. 5, 87) the correct render-
ing of the Heb. term, which occurs in Ex. xxviii.
17 ; xxxix. 10, as the name of the stone which
occupied the first place in the first row of the high-
priest's breastplate ; it should, however, be noticed
that Josephus is not strictly consistent with him-
self, for in the Aniiq. iii. 7, §5, he says that the
sardonyx was the first stone in the breastplate ; still
as this latter named mineral is merely another
variety of agate, to which also the sard or sardius
belongs, there is no very great discrepancy in the
statements of the Jewish historian. The Sdem is
mentioned by Ezek. (xxviii. 13) as one of the orna-
ments of the king of Tyre. In Rev. iv. 3, St. John
declares that he whom he saw sitting on the
heavenly throne " was to look upon like a jasper
and a sardine stone." The sirth foundation of the
wall of the heavenly Jerusalem was a tardius (Rev.
xxi. 20). There can scarcely be a doubt that either
the sard or the sardonyx is the stone denoted by
idem. The authority of" Josephus in all that relates
to the high-priest's breastplate is of the greatest
value, for as Brauu (Zfe Vest. Sac. Heb. p. 635) has
remarked, Josephus was not only a Jew but a priest,
who might have seen the breastplate with the whole
sacerdotal vestments a hundred times, since in his
time the Temple was standing ; the Vulgate agrees
with his nomenclature ; in Jerome s time the breast-
plate was still to be inspected in the Temple of
Concord ; hence it will readily be acknowledged that
this agreement of the two is of great weight.
The sard, which is a superior variety of agate,
has long been a favourite atone for the engraver's
art ; •' ca *bia atone,'' says Mr. King (Antique
Gemt, p. 5), " all the finest works of the most
celebrated artists are to be 'bund ; and this not
without good cause, such is its toughness, facility
of working, beauty of colour, and the high polish
of which it is susceptible, and which Pliny states
the.: it retains longer than any other gem." Sards
diifei h colour ; there is a bright red variety which,
kt Pliny's time, was the most esteemed, and, per-
laps, the Heb. tdem, from a root which means " to
oe red," points to this kind ; there is also a paler or
aooey-coloured variety; but in all sards them is
always a shade of yellow mingling with ute red
(see King'r Ant. Gem, p. 6). The sardius, ac-
cording to rtiny (JIT. B. xxxvii. 7), derived its
Dame from Sardis in I.ydia, when it was first
f*arl; Babylonian specimens, however, we» the
SARDIS
smt esteemed. The Hebrews, in the U?*5 of McsM,
could easily have obtained their sard stones from
Arabia, in which country they were et the time tlie
breastplate was made ; other precious atones not ac-
quirable during their wanderings, may hare beta
brought with them from the land of their bondnge
when " they spoiled the Egyptians." [W. H. j
SARDIS (XtpJeis',. A city situated about two
miles to the south of the river Hermits, just below
the range of Tmolus {Bos Daghj, on a spur at
which its acropolis was built. It was the ancient
residence of the kings of Lydia. After its conquest
by Cyrus, the Persians always kept a garrison in the
citadel, on account of Ha natural strength, which
induced Alexander the Great, when it was surren-
dered to him in the sequel of the battle of the Grat-
nicus, similarly to occupy it. Sardis was in very
early times, both from the extremely fertile cha-
racter of the neighbouring region, and from its
convenient position, a commercial mart of import-
ance. Chestnuts were first produced in the neigh-
bourhood, which procured them the name of /9dXa»*o
2apiia»f. The ait of dyeing wool is said by Pliny
to hare been invented there ; and at any rate, Sardit
was the entrepot of the dyed woollen manufactures,
of which Phrygia with its vast flocks ( ToAnpoga-
Twrd-ni, Heiod. v. 49) furnished the raw material.
Hence we hear of the fotriiclSts ZkapXmrai, and
Sappho speaks of the iroiiclAoi fidaBX-ns AsVSiof
KaAbv tpyor, which was perhaps something like
the modem Turkish carpets. Some of the woollen
manufactures, of a peculiarly fine texture, weie
called r-iAorrfiriOfi . The hall, through which the
king of Persia passed from his itate apartments to
the gate where he mounted on his horse, was hud
with these, and no foot bnt that of the monarch
was allowed to trend on them. In the description
given of the habits of a young Cyprian exquisite of
great wealth, he is represented as reposing upon a
bed of which the feet were silver, and upon which
these diiAoraVioer lap&tami were laid asa mattraaa.
Sardis too was the place where the metal electrum
was procured (Soph. Antig. 1037); and it was
thither that the Spartans sent in the 6th century
B.C. to purchase gold for the purpose of gilding the
face of the Apollo at Amyclae. This was probably
furnished by the Auriferous sand of the Pactoliia, a
brook which came from Tmolus, and ran through
the agora of Sardis by the side of the great tempts
of Cybebe. But though its gold-washings may have
been celebrated in early times, the greatness of Sard i i
in it* best days was much more due to its genaral
commercial importance and its convenience as an
entrepot. This seems to follow from the state-
ment, that not only silver and gold coins were
there first minted, but there also the class of araV
mjAoi (stationary traders as contradistinguished
from the tuwopoi, or travelling merchants) first
arose. It was also, at any rate between the tall of
the Lydian and that of the Persian dynasty, a
slave-mart.
Sardis recovered the privilege of municipal go-
vernment (and, as was alleged several centuries
afterwards, the right of a sanctuary) upon its sur-
render to Alexander the Oreat, but its fortunes too
the next three hundred years are very obscure. It
changed hands more than once in the contewta
between the dynasties which arose after the death
of Alexander. In the year 214 B.C., it was taken
and sacked by the army of Antiochus the Great, what
besieged his cousin Achaeus in it for two years baCara
praeeling, as he st last did through treachery, fa
FAR DIB
sManritvg poueaiwu. of the person of the hitler.
After ikj ruin of Intiochus's fortunes, it paused,
with the rest of Asia on that side of Taurus, under
the dominion of the kings of Hergamus, whose in-
terests lad Uwm to divert the course of traffic
between Asia and Europe away from Sardis. Its
productive toil must always have continued a source
•f wealth; but its importance as a central mart
•(■pens to have diminished from the time of the
invasion of Asia by Alexander. Of the few inscrip-
tions which have been discovered, all, or nntrly all,
Hong to the time of the Roman empire. Yet there
•nil exist considerable remains of the earlier days.
The uassre temple of Cybebe still bears witness in
it> fragmentary remain* to the wealth and archi-
tectural skill of the people that raised it Mr.
iVrtereU, who visited it in 1812, found two columns
Handing; with their architrave, the stone of which
rt'rtched is a single block from the centre of one to
>h»t of the other. Thia atone, although it was not
•** I"!** of the architrave, he calculates must
SAUDIS H4i
have weighed 25 tons. The dU.ieters of the oe-
I lumns supporting it are feet 4} inches at about
35 feet below the capital. The present soil fapp-.i-
rentlv formed by the crumbling, away of the hill
which backs the temple on its eastern side) is mora
than 25 feet above the pavement. Such propor-
tions are not inferior to those of the columns in the
Heraeum at Samos, which divides, in the estimation
of Herodotus, with the Artemisium at Ephesus, the
palm of pre-eminence among all the works of Gives
ait. And as regards the derails, " the capitals ap-
peared," to Mr. Cockerell, " to surpass any specimen
of the Ionic lie had seen in perfection of design and
execution." On the north side of the acropolis,
overlooking the valley of the HeiTous, is a theatre
near 400 leet in diameter, attached to a stadium ol
about 1000. This probably was erected alter the
restoration of ISaid.s by Alexander. In the attac'i
of Sardis by Antiochus, described by Polybius (vii.
15-18;, it constituted one of the chief points on
which, after entering the city, the assaulting lore
Ruin* ol lumik
«■ 'Kreetel The temple belongs to the era of the
.viwn dynasty, and is nearly contemporaneous
"'tli the temple of Zeus Pnnhellenius in Aegina,
=9d that of Her* in Samos. To the same date may
t>- "signed the "Valley of Sweets" ly\vxvs o-y-
•*»', * pleasure ground, the fame of which Poly-
enes endeavoured to rival by the so-called Laura
*t Minos.
The modem name of the ruins at Sardis is Scrt-
Aiirssi. Travellers describe the appearance of the
Wity on approaching it from the N.W. as thnt
•f complete solitude. The Pactolus is a mere thread
''water, all but evanescent in summer time. The
WWw-fcfcii < Heimusj. in the neighbourhood of the
"•a. it between 50 and 60 yards wide, and nearly
3 lift deep, but its waters are turbid and diaagree-
•kle, aatl are not only avoiJed as unfit for drinking,
«* have the local reputation of generating the fever
ww» li the scourge C' the neighbouring plains.
I» the Van of the. emperor Tiberius, Sardis was
j desolated by an earthquake, together with eleven, or
as Kusebius says twelve, other important cities of
Asia. The whole face of the country ia said to have
been changed by this convulsion. In the case of
Saidis the calamity was incre&scd by a pestilential
lever which followed ; and so much compassion was
in consequence excited for the city at Rome, that its
tribute was remitted for live j'enrs, and it received
a benefaction from the privy purse of the emperor.
This was in the year 17 a.i>. Nine years after-
wards the Sardiaus are found among the competitors
for the honour of erecting, a» representatives ol
the Asiatic cities, a temple to their benefactor.
[Smyrna.] On this occasion they plead, not only
their ancient services to Rome in the time of the
Macedonian war, but their well-watered country,
their climate, and the richness of the neighbouring
soil : there is no allusion, however, to the important
manufactures and the commerce of the early times
In the time of Pliny it was included in the same
1142
BABDITE8. THE
MnamtM jwidiciu with Philadelphia, with th*
Cadueni, a Macedonian colony in the neighborhood,
with aome wttlementa of the old Maeonian popula-
skm, and a few other towns of lea* note. These
Maeonians still continued to call Sardis by its ancient
name Hyde, which it bore in the time of Omphale.
The only passage in which Sardls is mentioned
in the Bible, is Ber. iii. 1-6. There is nothing
in it which appears to hare any special reference
to the peculiar circumstances of the city, or to any-
thing else uua the moral and spiritual condition of
the Christian community existing there. This latter
was probably, in its secular relations, pretty nearly
identical with that at Philadelphia.
(Athenaeus ii. p. 48, ri. p. 231, xii. p. 514,
640 ; Arrian, i. 17 ; Pliny, N. B. v. 29. zr. 23 ;
Stephanos Byi. t. "TSn ; Pausaniaa, iii. 9, 5;
Diodorus Sic. xx. 107 ; Scholiast, Aristoph. Pac
1174; Boeckh, Inscriptiona Oraecae, No*. 3451-
3472 ; Herodotus, i. 69, 94, iii. 48, Tin. 105 ;
Strabo, xiii. §5 ; Tacitus, Atmal. ii. 47, iii. 63, ir. 55 ;
CockereU, in Leake's Asia Miliar, p. 343 ; Arundell,
DiMOtvria m Alia Minor, i. pp. 26-28; Tchi-
hatcheff, Ana Jfmeie-e, pp. 232-242.) [J. W. B.]
SABDITES, THE (»T]OiV. i XopSl: 8a-
reditae). TbedeasendanUofSendthesonofZebakn
(Num. xxri. 26).
8ABDOKYX(«rop»dn>{: tardonyx) is men-
tioned in the N. T. once only, vir., in Rev. xxi. 20,
as the stone which garnished the fifth foundation of
the wall of the heavenly Jerusalem. " By sardonyx,''
■ays Pliny (if. H. xxxvii. 6), who describes several
varieties, "was formerly understood, a* its name
implies, a sard with a white ground beneath it,
like the flesh under the finger-nail." The sardonyx
consists of " a white opaque layer, superimposed
upon a red transparent stratum of the true red
sard" {Antique Gam, p. 9) ; it is, like the sard,
merely a variety of agate, and is frequently em-
ployed by engravers for the purposes of a signet-
BABE'A (Sarea). One of the five scribes " ready
to write swiftly" whom Esdras was commanded to
take (2 Esd. xir. 24).
BABEPTA (SoWra: Sartpta : Syriac, Tnr-
patk). The Greek form of the name which in the
Hebrew text of the 0. T. appears as Zarkphath.
The place is designated by the same formula on it*
■tingle occurrence in the N. T. (Luke iv. 26) that
it is when first mentioned in the LXX. version of
1 K. xvii. 9, '« Sarepta of Sidonia." [G.]
BABOON (fllTO: "A«*8: Atom) was on*
of the greatest of the Assyrian kings. His name is
read in the native inscriptions as Sargina, while a
town which he built and called after himself (now
Khorsabad) was known as Sarghm to the Arabian
geographers. He is mentioned by name only once
in Scripture (Is. xx. 1), and then not in an historical
book, which formerly led historians and critics to
suspect that he was not really a king distinct from
those mentioned in Kings and Chronicles, but rather
one of those kings under another name. Vitringa,
Onerhaus, Eichhorn, and Hupfeld identified him
with Shahnaneser; Grotius, Lowth. and Keil with
Sennacherib ; Perisonius, Kalinsky. and Michaelis
■ There Is a pecuUnrltv of phraatoloer in 1 K- aviii.
», 10, which perhaps Indicates a knowledge on the part
of las wrilsi that gnslminwrir was not Uh
BABOON
with Smrhaddon. AU these oonjtaturas are now
shown to be wrong by the Assyrian
which prove Sargon to have Man
different from the several monarch* named, and lis
hi* pUce in the list — where it had bean already as-
signed by Rosenmoller, Gesenius, Bwald, and Winer
—between Sbalmaneser and Sennacherib. He war
certainly Sennacherib's father, and there is no reason
to doubt that he was his immediate predecessor
He ascended the throne of Assyria, as we gathn
from his annals, in the same year that Merodscb-
Baladan ascended the throne of Babylon, which,
according to Ptolemy's Canon, was B.0. 721. He
seems to have been an usurper, and not of royal
birth, for in his inscriptions he carefully avoids all
mention of his father. It has been conjectured that
he took advantage of Shalmaneser's absence at the
protracted siege of Samaria (2 K. xvit 5) to effect
a revolution at the seat of government, by which
that king was deposed, and he himself substituted
in his room. [ShaLKaNkbxb.] It is remarkable
that Sargon claims the conquest of Samaria, which
the narrathe in Kings appear* to assign to his)
predecessor. He places the event in his first year,
before any of his other expeditions. Perhaps, there-
fore, he is the " king of Assyria" intended in 2 K.
xvii. 6 and xviii. 11, who is not said to be Shal-
maneser, though we might naturally suppose so from
no other name being mentioned.* Or perhaps he
claimed the conquest as his own, though Shalmaneaer
really accomplished it, because the capture of the
city occurred after be had been acknowledged king
in the Assyrian capital. At any Tate, to him belong*
the settlement of the Samaritans (27,280 families,
according to his own statement) in Halah, sad on
the Habor (A**a4ow), th* river of Gotsn, and (at
a later period probably) in the cities of th* Modes.
Sargon was undoubtedly a great and successful
warrior. In his annals, which cover a space of
fifteen years (from B.C. 721 to B.C. 706), he Rives
an account of his warlike expeditions against Baby-
lonia and Susiana on the south, Media on the east,
Armenia and Cappadocia towards the north, Syria,
Palestine, Arabia, and Egypt towards the west and
the south-west. In Babylonia he deposed Merodach-
Bsiadan, and established a viceroy; in Media he
built a number of cities, which he peopled with
captives from other quarters ; in Armenia and the
neighbouring countries he gained many victories ;
while in the far west he reduced Philistia, penetratni
deep into the Arabian peninsula, and forced Egypt
to submit to his arms and consent to the payineu:
of a tribute. In this last direction he ssesnvs l«
have waged three wars — one in his second year
(b.0. 720), for the possession of Gaza; another isi
his sixth year (b.c. 715), when Egypt itself was
the object of attack; and a third in his ninth (b.c
712), when the special subject of conteutiou was
Ashdod, which Sargon took by one of his general*.
This is the event which causes the mention of Jar-
gon's name in Scripture. Isaiah was instructed at
the time of this expedition to " put off his shoe, anil
go naked and barefoot," for a sign that " the king
of Assyria should lead away the Egyptians pri-
soners, and the Ethiopians captives, young and old,
naked and barefoot, to the sham* of Egypt " r la,
xx. 2-4). We may gather from this, either thai
Ethiopians and Egyptians formed part of the garri-
" In the fourth jrearof Heaekua," he says. ' -"i-lmsrii —
king of Assyria came np tgslast Samaria and beascsjed It
ax) at the end of three year*, thxi look H."
KAKiO . SATAN 1149
ess of Aohdod and were cap»u>ed with the atj,
•r that the attack on the Philistine towu was ao
:&aipaam uy an invasion of Egypt ibell, which
was deautrous to the Kgyptians. The year of the
attack, bring B.C. 712, would fail into the reign
•f the first Ethiopian king, Sabaco I., who probably
raaquered Egypt in B.C. 714 (Rawlinsons Hero-
dotut, i. 386, note 7, 2nd ad.), and it u, in agree-
awnt with thia Saigon apeak* of Egypt as being at
■his tun* (object to Merog. Betides these expe-
dition* of Sargon, his monuments mention that he
rook Tyre, and rewired tribute from the Greeks of
Cyprus, against whom there is some reason to think
that he conducted an attack in person.*
It is not as a warrior only that Sargon desairoi
special mention among the Assyrian kings. He was
*U> the builder of useful works and of one of the
neat magnificent of the Assyrian palaces. He
mkues that be thoroughly repaired the walls of
Nineveh, which he seems to have elevated from a
pnmoeutl city of some importance to the first posi-
tioa in the empire ; and adds further, that in its
neighhourhflod he constructed the palace and town
which he made his principal residence. This was
the city now known as " the French Nineveh," or
** Khoreabad," from which the valuable series of
Assyrian monuments at present in the Louvre is
derived almost entirely. Traces of Saigon's buildings
hare been found also at Nimi fid and Koyuujik ; and
his time h> marked by a considerable advance in the
ajeful and ornamental arts, which seem to have
profited hy the connexion which he established be-
tnec Assyria and Egypt. He probably reigned
■meteor years, from u.c. 721 to B.C. 702, when
he left the throne to hi* son, the celebrated Sen-
nacherib. [6. a]
8A'BLT> (Vfe : ■RreJ.irywA.a*, SeSBofo ; Alex.
XssM, XxpiS : Sarid). A chief landmark of the
territory of Zebulun, apparently the pivot of the
•"•tern and southern boundaries (Josh. xix. 10, 12).
All that can be gathered of its position is that it
tar to toe west of Chisloth-Titbor. It was unknown
to Eiisebins and Jerome, and no trace of it seems to
hare been found by any traveller since their day
(Osawt-Sarith").
The ancient Syriac version, in each case, reads
Asaod. This may be only from the interchange,
so frequent in thia version, of K and D. At any
rate, the Aabdod of the Philistines cannot be in-
tmded. [G.j
8AIIO0T (tot SooaW; in some MSS. osva-
psnw, •". e. J^TB'n : Sarona). The district in which
Lydda stood (Acts ix. 35 only); the Sharon of
the O. T. The absence of the article from Lydda,
and its presence before Sanm, is noticeable, and
shows that the name denotes a district— as in
- The Sbefelah," and in our own " The Weald,"
- The Downs." [U.j
RAJROTHIB (Sojwtf -,.Alex. Sap«0i<f: Ca-
nmeth \. " The sons of Sarothie " are among the
sous of the aerrants of Solomon who returned with
Znrobebrl, according to the list in 1 Ead. v. 34.
There at nothing corresponding to it iu the Hebrew.
SAB'SEOHIH (Cap-Its': SarsocAra). One
of the grnerals of X'bucnaduezzar's army at the
» Tat statue of ttareon, now In the Berlin atexum, was | the expedition In pawn.
*^«sdii liaiom In Cyprus. It Vim very liketj that the • This bsrbarous wora Is obuuned by Joining to Sarld
tints*!* wontd have been set op wucss m bad made u> •,„ «.,„ of ft, f ouow)w , „«, rDJT),
wKing of Jerusalem (Jar xxxix. 8). He appnan
n> _«ve held the office of chief eunuch, for Bat-.
saris is probably a title and not a proper name.
In Jer. xxxix. 13 Nebushssban is called Bab-saris,
" chief eunuch," and the question arises whether
Nebusbasban and Sarsechim may not be names o(
the same person. In the LXX., verses 3 and 13
are mixed up together, and so hopelessly corrupt
thi.t it is impossible to infer anything from their
reading of Hs&ouadx'V f° r Sarsechim. In G.»e-
nius' Thetauw it is conjectnred that Sarsechim
sod Rab-nris may be identical, and both titles of
the same office.
BA'BUOH (Sopoox : Sang). SERtfa the son
of Ren (Luke iii. 35).
SA'TAN. The word itself; the Hebrew JOS?,
is simply an " adversary," and is so used in 1 Sum.
xxix. 4 ; 2 Sam. xii 22 ; 1 K. v. 4 (LXX. M-
/SovXor) ; in 1 K. si. 25 (LXX. asTwef/ieyor) ; in
Num. xxii. 22, 32, and Ps. cix. 8 (LXX. M0oAo»
and cognatt words); in 1 K. xi. 14, 23 (LXX.
aaritj. This original sense is still found in our
Lord's application of the name to St. Peter in Matt.
rvi. 23. It is used as a proper name or title only
four times in the 0. T., vix. (with the article) in
Job I. 6, 12, ii. 1, Zech. iii. 1, and (without the
article) in 1 Chr. xxi. 1. In each case the LXX.
has SidjSoAor, and the Vulgate Satan. In the N. T.
the word is o-ararar, followed by the Vulgate
Satanat, except in 2 Cor. xii. 7, where trarar is
used. It is found in twenty-five places (exclusive
of parallel passages), and the corresponding woid
t tiAfioXm in about the same number. The title
ipxuv rev koVuov roirov is used three times ;
i wornooj is used certainly six times, probably mora
frequently, and o mpdfay twice.
It is with the scriptural revelation on the subject
that we are here concerned, and it is clear, from
this simple enumeration of passages, that it is to be
sought in the New, rather than in the Old Testament.
It divides itself naturally into the consideration
of his existence, his nature, and his power and
action.
(A.) His Existence. — It would be a waste
time to prove, that, hi various degrees of clearness,
the personal existence of a Spirit of Evil is revealed
again and again in Scripture. Every quality, every
action, which can indicate personality, is attributed
to him in language which cannot be explained away.
It is not difficult to see why it should be thus re-
vealed. It is obvious, that the fact of his existence
is of spiritual importance, and it is also clear, from
the nature of the case, that it could not be discovered,
although it might be suspected, by human reason.
It is in the power of that reason to test any sup-
poised manifestations of supernatural power, and
any asserted principles of Divine action, whioh fall
within its sphere of experience (" the earthly things"
of John iii. 12) ; it may by such examination satisfy
itself of the truth and divinity of a Person cr a
book; but, having done this, it must then accept
and understand, without being able to test or to
explain, the disclosures of this Divine authority
upon subjects beyond this world (the "heavenly
things," of which it is said that none can see or
disclose them, save the "Son of Man who is in
Heaven ").
1144
SATAN
It i> true, that human thought can inert an
i priori probability 01 improbability in »uch state-
ments made, basal on the perception of a greater or
lea degree of accordance in principle between the
thinga teen and the things unseen, between the
« Sects, which are risible, and the causes, which are
revealed from the regions of mystery. But even
this power of weighing probability is applicable
rather to the feet and tendency, than to the method,
of supernatural action. This is true eren of natural
action beyond the sphere of human observation. In
the discussion of the Plurality of Worlds, for ex-
ample, it may be asserted without doubt, that in
all the orbs of the universe the Divine power, wis-
dom, and goodness must be exercised : but the in-
ference that the method of their exercise is found
there, as here, in the creation of sentient and rational
beings, is one at best of but moderate probability.
Still more is this the case in the spiritual world.
Whatever supernatural orders of beings may exist,
we can conclude that in their case, as in ours, the
Divine government most be carried on by the union
of individual freedom of action with the overruling
power of God, and must tend finally to that good
which is His central attribute. But beyond this
we can assert nothing to be certain, and can scarcely
even say of any part of the method of this govern-
ment, whether it is antecedently probable or im-
probable.
Thus, on our present subject, man can ascertain
by observation the existence of evil, that is, of facts
and thoughts contrary to the standard which con-
science asserts to be the true one, bringing with
them suffering and misery as their inevitable results.
If he attempts to trace them to their causes, he
finds them to arise, for each individual, partly from
the power of certain internal impulses which act
upon the will, partly from the influence of external
circumstances. These circumstances themselves arise,
either from the laws of nature and society, or by
the deliberate action of other men. He can con-
clude with certainty, that both series of causes must
exist by the permission of God, and must finally be
overruled to His will. But whether there exists
any superhuman but subordinate cause of the cir-
cumstances, and whether there be any similar in-
fluence acting in the origination of the impulses
which more the will, this is a question which he
eannot answer with certainty. Analogy from the
observation of the only ultimate cause which he can
discover in the visible world, viz. the free action of
a personal will, may lead him, and generally has
led him, to conjecture in the affirmative, but still
the inquiry remains unanswered by authority.
The tendency of the mind in its inquiry is gene-
rally towards one or other of two extremes. The first
!s to consider evil as a negative imperfection, aris-
ing, in some unknown and inexplicable way, from the
nature of matter, or from some disturbing influences
which limit the action of goodness on earth ; in
fact, to ignore as much of evil aa possible, and to
decline to refer the residuum to any positive cause
at all. The other is the old Persian or Manichaean
hypothesis, which traces the existence of evil to a
rival Creator, not subordinate to the Creator of
Good, though perhaps inferior to Him in power,
and destined to be overcome by Him at last. Be-
» Sea V lid. li. «. *«••» U iuiffikmi fcuwoc tio^Aftw
air tot Kovtuyr.
» For Una reason. If for no otner. It seems fmnoaafble Co
accent me interpretation of "AxuaL" given b? Spenser,
■ SATAS
| twaen these two extremes the mind lxiri, thr-ogl
many gradations of thought and countless forms oi
superstition. Each hypothesis had its arguments
of probability against the other. The first laboured
under the difficulty of being insufficient as as
account of the anomalous facts, and indeterminate
in its account of the disturbing causes ; the second
sinned against that belief in the Unity of God and
the natural supremacy of goodness, which is sup-
ported by the deepest instincts of the heart. But
both were laid in a sphere beyond human cogni-
zance; neither could be proved or disproved with
certainty.
The Revelation of Scripture, speaking with au-
thority, meets the truth, and removes the error,
inherent in both these hypotheses. It asserts in
the strongest terms the perfect supremacy of God,
so that under His permission alone, and for His
inscrutable purposes, evil is allowed to exist (sea
for example Prov. xvi. 4 ; Is. xlv. 7 ; Am. iii. 6 ;
comp. Rom. ix. 22, 23). It regards this evil as
an anomaly and corruption, to be taken away by a
new manifestation of Divine Love in the Incarnation
and Atonement. The conquest of it began virtually
in God's ordinance after the Fall itself, was effected
actually on the Cross, and shall be perfected in its
results at the Judgment Day. Still Scripture re-
cognises the existence of evil in the world, not only
as felt in outward circumstances (** the world "),
and as inborn in the soul of man (" the flesh **),
but also as proceeding from the influence of an
Evil Spirit, exercising that mysterious power of
free will, which God's rational creatures possess, te>
rebel against Him, and to draw others into the
name rebellion (" the devil ").
In accordance with the "economy" and pro-
gressiveness of God's revelation, the existence of
Satan is but gradually revealed. In the first en-
trance of evil into the world, the temptation is re-
ferred only to the serpent. It is true that the
whole narrative, and especially the spiritual nature
of the temptation (" to be as gods"), which was
united to the sensual motive, would force on any
thoughtful reader* the conclusion that something
more than a mere animal agency was at work ; bat
the time was not then come to reveal, what after-
wards was revealed, that " he who sinneth is of
the devil" (1 John iii. 8), that " the old serpent"
of Genesis was " called the devil and Satan, who
deceiveth the whole world" (Kev. xii. 9, n. 23).
Throughout the who)* period of the patriarchal
and Jewish dispensation, this vague and imperfect
revelation of the Source of Evil alone was given.
The Source of all Good is set forth In *ii His su-
preme and unapproachable Maj's-ty, evil ia known
negatively as the falling away from Him ; and the
"vanity of idols, rather than any positive evil
influence, is represented as the opposite to His
reality and goodness. The Law gives the " know-
ledge of sin in the soul, without referring to any
external influence of evil to foster it ; it denounces
idolatry, without even hinting, what the K. T.
declares plainly, that such evil implied a " power
of Satan."*
The Book of Job stands, in any ease, alone
(whether we refer it to an early or a later period )
on the basis of " natural religion," apart from the
Uengstenberg. and others, In Lev. xvt. >, aa a reference le
tile Spirit of Evil. Sncb a reference wouM not cnlj atantf
alone, bat would be entirely Inconsistent wtta tbe nanlr
tenur of Uw Mosaic revelation. See Iter u/ AT o a ra a ro rt
SATAN
■ralual and orderly evolutions of tile Momc revev 1
iation. In it, for the first time, we find a distinct
mention of " Satan," " the adversary " of Job.
But it is important to remark the emphatic stress
bud on ha subordinate position, on the absence of
all bat delegated power, of all terror, and all
grandeur in hu character. He comes among the
' axis of God " to present himself before the Lord ;
as malice and envy are permitted to have scope,
n awmmtion or in action, only for God's own pur-
posa; and it is especially remarkable that no power
of spiritual influence, but only a power oyer out-
ward circumstances, is attributed to him. All this
■ widely different from the clear and terrible reve-
lation of the N. T.
The Captivity brought the Israelites face to face
with the great dualism of the Persian mythology,
tht conflict of Ormuzd with Ahriman, the co-
srdiiau* Spirit of Evil. In the books written
ate the Captivity we have again the name of
' Satan " twice mentioned ; but it is confessed by
all that the Satan of Scripture bears no resemblance
to the Persian Ahriman. His subordination and
inferiority are as strongly marked as ever. In
1 Car.nl 1, when the name occurs without the
•rode (" an adversary," not " tht adversary "),
the comparison with 2 Sam. xxiv. 1 shows dis-
tinctly that, in the temptation of David, Satan's
maliee was overruled to work out the " anger of
the Lord" against Israel. In Zech. iii. 1, 2,
"Satan" is i oWttuoj (as in I Pet. v. 8), the
-rnsex of Joshua before the throne of God, re-
snied sad put to silence by Him (comp. Ps. di. 6).
la tit case, as of the good angels, so also of the
Evil One, the presence of fable and idolatry gave
sun to the manifestation of the truth. [Anokls,
f. 70 a.] It would have been impossible to guard
tto Israelites more distinctly from the fascination
of the great dualvtic theory of their conquerors.
It is perhaps not difficult to conjecture, that the
rasM of this reserve as to the disclosure of the ex-
istence sad nature of Satan is to be found in the in-
veterate tendency of the Israelites to idolatry, an
■Uatry based as usual, in great degree, on the sup-
posed power of their false gods to inflict evil. The
oistsnee of evil spirits is suggested to them in the
stem prohibition and punishment of witchcraft
' Kx. ni. 18 ; Dent, xviii. 10), and in the narra-
tm of the possession of men by an " evil " or
" lying spirit from the Lord " (1 Sam. xvi. 14 ;
I K. uh. 23) ; the tendency to seek their aid is
■hewn by the rebukes of the prophets (Is. viii.
19, sic). But this tendency would have been in-
creased tenfold by the revelation of the existence of
the great enemy, concentrating round himself all
thr powers of evil and enmity against God. There-
tare, it would seem, the revelation of the " strong
mm armed" was withheld until "the stronger
than he" should be nude manifest.
For in the New Test, this reserve suddenly
vtaishee. In the interval between the Old and
New Teat, the Jewish mind had pondered on the
aaaty revelations already given of evil spiritual
M.foce. But the Apocrypha) Books (as, for ex-
•aptc, Tobit and Judith), while dwelling on
" lemons" (taipina), have no notice of Satan.
Tut same may be observed of Josephus. The only
sshwwt to the contrary is the reference already
•avte to Wisd. ii. 24. It i» to be noticed also that
She Targnm* often introduce the name of Satan
•So the descriptions of sin and temptation found
* tae 0. T. ; as for eztmple in Ex. ixxii. 10, in
BATAtf
1145
«•"— lion with the worship of the gt'den ca"
(oomp. the tradition as to the body of Moses, Deut.
xxxiv. 5, 6 ; Jude 9, Michael). But, while •
mass of fable and superstition grew up on the
general subject of evil spiritual influence, still the
existence aud nature of Satan remained in tht back-
ground, felt, but not understood.
The N. T. first brings it plainly forward. From
the beginning of the Gospel, when he appears as the
personal tempter of our Lord, through all the
Gospels, Epistles, and Apocalypse, it is asserted or
implied, again and again, as a familiar and im-
portant truth. To refer this to mere " accommo-
dation" of the language of the Lord and His
Apostles to the ordinary Jewish belief, is to contra-
dict facts, and evade the meaning of words. The
subject is not one on which error could be tolerated
as unimportant ; but one important, practical, and
even awful. The language used respecting it is
either truth or falsehood ; and unless we impute
error or deceit to the writers of the N. T., we must
receive the doctrine of the existence of Satan as a
certain doctrine of Revelation. Without dwelling
on other passagps, the plain, solemn, and unmeta-
phorical words of John viii. 44, must be sufficient:
" Ye are of your father the devil. ... He was a
murderer from the beginning, and abides (?<m|it«y)
not in the truth. . . . When he speaketh a lie, he
speaketh of his own, for he is a liar and the father
of it." On this subject, see DEMONIACS, vol. i.
p. 4256.
(B.) His Nature. — Of the nature and original
state of Satan, little is revealed in Scripture. Most
of the common notions on the subject are drawn
from mere tradition, popularized in England by
Milton, but without even a vestige of Scriptural
authority. He is spoken of as a " spirit" in Eph.
ii. 2, as the prince or ruler of the "demons"
(SsupoVia) in Matt. xii. 24-26, and as having
" angels" subject to him iu Matt. xxv. 41 ; Rev.
xii. 7, 9. The whole description of his power
implies spiritual nature and spiritual influence
We conclude therefore thiit he was of angelic nature
[Angels], a rational and spiritual creature, super-
human in power, wisdom, and energy; and not
only so, but an archangel, one of the u princes " of
heaven. We cannot, of course, conceive that any-
thing essentially and originally evil was created by
God. We find by experience, that the will of a F.ee
and rational creature can, by His permission, oppose
His will ; that the very conception of freedom
implies capacity of temptation ; and that every
sin, unless arrested by God's fresh gift of grace,
strengthens the hold of evil on the spirit, till it
may fall into the hopeless state of reprobation. We
can only conjecture, therefore, that Satan is a fallen
angel, who once had a time of probation, but whose
condemnation is now irrevocably fixed.
But of the time, cause, and manner of his foil,
Scripture tells us scarcely anything. It iroiu its
disclosures, as always, to that which we need to
know. The passage on which all the fabric of tra-
dition aud poetry has been raised is Rev. xii. 7, 9,
which speaks of" Michael and his angels " as " fight-
ing against the dragon and his angels," till the
"great dragon, called the devil and Satan" wns
"cast out into the earth, and his angels cast out
with him." Whatever be the meaning of this pas-
sage, it is certain that it cannot refer to the original
fall of Satan. The only other passage which refers
to the fall of the angels is 2 Pet. ii. 4, " God spared
not the angels, when they hod sinned, but having
1148 SATAN
tweeu others, and "let them at rarlano:.* (see,
#. q.. Plat. 8:/mp. p. '.'22 e : tiojStUAcic e>» ko1
'AyAtwa) ; but common usage adds to this general
sense the special idea of " netting at variance by
rlander." In the X. T. the word SiafioKot is
need three times as an epithet (1 Tim. iii. 11;
2 Tim. iii. 3 ; Tit. ii. 8) ; and in each ease with
tometlung like the special meaning. In the appli-
cation of the title to Satan, both the general and
special senses should be kept in view. His general
object ii to break the bonds of communion betweeu
Cod and man, and the bonds of truth and love
which bind men to each other, to " set " each soul
"at variance" both with men and God, and so
reduce it to that state of self-will and selfishness
which is the seal-plot of sin. One special means, by
which he seeks to do this, is slander of God to man,
and of man to God.
The slander of God to man is seen best In the
words of Gen. iii. 4, 5 : " Ye shall not surely die:
for God doth know, that in the day that ye eat
thereof, your eyes shall be opened, and ye shall be
as gods, knowing good ami evil.'* These words
contain the germ of the false notions, which keep
men from God, or reduce their service to Him to a
hard and compulsory slavery, and which the hea-
then so often adopted in all their hideousness, when
they represented their gods as either careless of
n*tman weal and woe, or "envious" of human ex-
cellence and happiness. They attribute selfishness
and jealousy to the Giver of all good. This is
enough 'even without the imputation of falsehood
which is added) to pervert man's natural love of
freedom, till it rebels against that, which is made to
appear as a hard and arbitrary tyranny, and seeks
to set up, as it thinks, a freer and nobler standard
of its own. Such is the slander of God to man, by
which Satan and his agents still strive against His
reuniting grace.
The slander of man to God it illustrated by the
Book of Job (Job i. 9-11, ii. 4, 5). In reference
to it, Satan is called the "adversary" (oWISiKot;
of man in 1 Pet. v. 8, and represented in that cha-
racter in Zech. iii. 1,2; and more plainly still de-
signated in Rev. iii. 10, as " the accuser of our
brethren, who accused them before oar God day
and night." It is difficult for us to understand
what can be the need of accusation, or the power of
slander, under the all-xearching eye of God. The
mention of it is clearly an "accommodation" of
God's judgment to the analogy of our human expe-
rience: but we understand by it a practical and
awful truth, that every sin of life, and even the
admixture of lower ana evil motives which taints
the best actions of man, will rise up against us at
the judgment, to claim the soul as their own, and
rix for ever that separation from God, to which,
through them, we have yielded ourselves. In that
accusation Satan shall in some way bear a leading
part, pleading against man, with that worst of
slander which is based on perverted or isolated
tacts ; and shall be overcome, not by any counter-
claim cf human merit, but " by the blood of the
Lamb" received in true and stedfast faith.
But these points, important as thi>y are, are of
leas moment than the disclosure of the method of
Satanic action upon the heart itself. It may be
summed up in two words — Temptation and Pos-
session.
' flee the connexion between faith and love by which
K Is made perfect (ivcpymeilrn) In Osl. v. 6, aud between
8ATAW
The subject of temptation is illustrated, sot onlj
by abstract statements, but also ly the rewnl
of tne ♦-mptations of Adam and of our Lord. It
la expressly laid down (as in Jam. i. 2-4) that
" temptation," properly so called, •'. e. " trial "
(w«uHur/i^t), is essential to man, aud is accoid-
iugly ordained for him and sent to him by God
(as in Gen. xxii. 1). Man's nature is progressive;
his faculties, which exist at first only in capacity
(Swdfui), must be brought out to exist in actuai
efficiency (eVtpyefa) by free exercise.' His appe
cites uud passions tend to their objects, simply and
unreservedly, without respect to the nghtneas or
wrongness of their obtaining them ; they need to be
checked by the reason and conscience, and this
need constitutes a trial, in which, if the conscience
prevail, the spirit receives strength and growth ; if
it he overcome, the lower nature tends to predomi-
nate, and the man has fallen away. Besides this,
the will itself delights in independence of action.
Such independence of physical compulsion is its hip h
privilege ; but there is over it the Moial Power of
God's Law, which, by the very fact of its truth and
goodness, acknowledged as they are by the reason
and the conscience, should regulate the hnman will.
The need of giving up the individual will, freely
and by conviction, so as to be In harmony with the
will of God, is a still severer trial, with the rewaid
of still greater spiritual progress, if we sustain it,
with the punishment of a subtler and more dan-
gerous fall, if we succumb. In its struggle the
spirit of man can only gam and sustain its authority
by that constant grace of God, given through com-
munion of the Holy Spirit, which is the breath
of spiritual life.
It is this tentability of man, even in his original
nature, which is represented in Scripture as ginrig
scope to the evil action of Satan. He is called the
"tempter" (as in Matt. iv. 3; 1 These, iii. 5,.
He has power (as the record of Gen. iii. shows
clearly), first, to present to the appetites or pasticm
their objects iu vivid and captivating forms, so as
to indues man to seek these objects against the Law
of God " written in the heart ;" and next, to act
upon the false desire of the will tor independence,
the desire " to be as gods, knowing " (that is, prac-
tically, judging and determining) " good and evil."
It is a power which can be resisted, because it is
under the control and overruling power of God, as
is emphatically laid down in 1 Cor. z. 13 ; Jam. iv.
7, tic. ; but it can be so resisted only by yielding
to the grace of God, and by a struggle (sometimes
an " agony") in reliance on its strength.
It is exercised both negatively and positively.
Its negative exercise is referred to in the parabl* o
the sower, as taking away the word, the " engrafted
word" (James i. 21) of grace, i. «. as interpciut;
itself, by consent of man, between him and tin-
channels of God's grace. Iti positive exercise is set
forth in the parable of the wheat and the tares,
represented as sowing actual seed of evil in the in-
dividual heart or the world generally ; «nd it i* to
be noticed, that the consideiaaon of the true natuir
of the tares (fifdW) leads to the conclusion, wliu-h
is declared plainly in 2 Cor. xi. 14, vu. that evil U
introduced into the heart mostly a* the eountei frit
of good.
This exercise of the Tempter's power is powihle,
even against a sinless nature. We see this in i us
talih ami the rab by which tt is
laJaaiLS
pvfeotsd (mJiMVTw.;
SATAN
ffn.pu.oo of our I-orcl. The temptations pre-
sented u> Him appeal, first to the natural desire
in4 need ot° food, next to the desire of power, to
or used for good, which is inherent in the noblest
minds; and lastly, to the desire of testing and
milling God't special protection, which is the in-
•viLible tendency of human weakness, under a real
M imperfect faith. The objects contemplated in-
volved in no case positive sinfulness ; the temptation
wis to seek them by presumptuous or by unholy
means ; the answer to them ( given by the Lord as
the Son of Man, and therefore as one like ourselves
in all the weakness and finiteness of our nature)
tar in simple Faith, resting upon God, and on His
Moid, keeping to His way, and refusing to con-
template the issues of action, which belong to Him
"June. Such faith is a renunciation of all self-
coohdeote, and a simple dependence on the will and
on the grace of God.
But in the temptation of a fallen nature Satan
ass a greater power. Every sin committed makes
a man the " servant of sin " for the future (John
™. 34; Koto. vi. 16); it therefore creates in the
■pint of man a positive tendency to evil, which
irmpethixes with, and aids, the temptation of the
Kvil One. This is a fact recognized by experience ;
the doctrine of Scripture, inscrutably mysterious,
but uomistakeably declared, is that, since the Fall,
this eril tendency is bom in man in capacity, prior
to ail actual sins, and capable of being brought out
into active existence by such actual sins committed.
It is this which St. t'aul calls "a law," i.e. (ac-
cerdunT to his universal use of the word) an external
power " of sin " over man, bringing the inner man
(it* nit) into captivity (Rom. vii. 14-24). Its
power is broken by the Atonement and the gift of
the Spirit, but yet not completely cast out ; it still
" lusts against the spirit" so that men " cannot do
u> things, which they would" (Gal. v. 17). It is
St this spiritual power of evil, the tendency to false-
hood, cruelty, pride, and unbelief, independently of
in benefits to be derived from them, that Satan is
•ad to appeal in tempting us. If his temptations
be yielded to without repentance, it becomes the
"probate (aSoai/iOf) mind, which delights in evil
for its own sake ( Horn. i. 28, 32) and makes men
eaphstitrJIy "children of the devil" (John viii.
44; Acts xiii. 10; 1 John iii. 8, 10), and •' ac-
cused" (Matt. xxr. 41), fit for "the fire pre-
pared far the devil and his angels." If they be
roasted, as by God's grace they may be resisted,
Ikes the evil power (the "flesh" "or the "old
nan ") it gradually " crucified " or " mortified,"
mil the soul is prepared for that heaven, where
as evil cm enter.
This twofold power of temptation is frequently
■Barred to in Scripture, as exercised, chiefly by the
suggestion of evil thoughts, bat occasionally by the
delegated power of Satan over outward ciicum-
■tsnea. To this latter pow«- is to be traced
'*» bat been said) the trial of Job by temporal loss
ml bodily differing (Job 1., ii.), the remarkable
expteiajon, used by our Lord, as to the woman with
s " spirit of infirmity " (Luke xiii. 1 6), the " thom
a the flesh," which St. Paul calls the " messenger
i! Satan" to buffet him (2 Cor. xii. 7). Its lan-
jMge is plain, incapable of being explained as me-
taphor, or poetical personification of an abstract
rrodnle. Its general statements on illustrated
by ttampUaof temptation, ( See, bwidesthose already
swUMed, Luke xiii. 5; John xxiii. 27 (Judas);
Lake xiii. 31 (Peter. ; Acta v. 3 (Ananias and
SATYRS
1148
Snpphira); 1 Cor. rii. 5 ; 2 Cor. H. 11 ; 1 rotes,
iii. 5.; The subject itself is the most startling form
of the mystery of eril ; it is one, on which, from,
our ignorance of the connexion of the First Causa
with Second Causes in Mature, and of the process
of origination of human thought, experience can
hardly be held to be competent, either to confirm,
or to oppose, the testimony of Scripture.
Ou the subject of Possession see Dkmoniacs. It
is sufficient here to remark, that although widely
different in form, yet it is of the same intrinsic cha-
racter as the other power of Satan, including both
that external and internal influence to which refer-
ence has been made above. It is disclosed to us
only iu connexion with the revelation of that
redemption from sin, which destroys it, — a reve<
lation begun iu the first promise in Eden, and
manifested, in itself at the Atonement, in its effects
at the Great Day. Its end is seen in the Apoca-
lypse, where Satan is first " bound tor a thousand
years," then set free for a time for the Inst c-onftict,
and finally " cast into the lake of fire and brimstone
... for ever and ever " (xx. 2, 7-10). [A. B.]
SATHRABTJ'ZANES (laSp^ovCiyvs : So-
trabiuanes). ShethaRboznai (1 Esd. vi. 3, 7,
27 ; comp. Exr. v. 3, 6, vi. 6, 13).
SATYH8 (D'T^jP, siMn: oottufna: pfibti),
the rendering in the A. V. of the above-named
plural noun, which, having the meaning of " hairy "
or "rough," is frequently applied to "he-goats"
(comp. the Latin hircus, from hirtua, hirsutas); the
Siirtm, however, of Is. xiii. 21, and xxxiv. 14,
where the prophet predicts the desolation of Babylon,
have, probably, no allusion to any species of goat
whether wild or tame. According to the old ver-
sions, and nearly nil the commentators, our own
translation is correct, and Satyrs, that is, demons of
woods and desert places, half men and half gotta,
are intended. Comp. Jerome {Comment, ad It.
xiii.), " Seirim vel incubones vel sntyros vel sylves-
ties quosdam homines quos nnnnulli f'atuos ficniios
recant, nut daemonum genera intelligunt." This
explanation receives confirmation from n passage in
Lev. xvii. 7 ; " they shall no more offer their
sacrifices unto St trim," and from a similar one in
2 Chr. ii. 15. The Israelites, it is probable, hao.
become acquainted with a form of goat-worship
from the Egyptians (see Bochart. ffieroz. iii. 825 ;
Jablonski Pant. Aegypt. i. 273, et sqq.). To*
opinion held by Michaelis (Supp. p. 2342) and
Lichtenstoin (Commentat. da Simiarum, be, §4,
C fi iMphaius Ikfjpuu S«<
llftO
SAUL
p. 50, son,.), thai the SRrtm probably denote nmi
ataxies of ape, has been sanctioned by Hamilton
Sinith in Kitto'i Cyc. art. 4pe. From a few
passages in Pliny ( N. B. v. 8 ; to. 2 ; rUi. 54") it is
dear that bf Satyrs are sometimes to be node stood
some kind of ape or monkey ; Col. H. Smith has
iigured the Maeacut Arahiau as being the probable
utyr of Babylon. That some species of Cyno-
cephalta (dog-faced baboon) was an animal that
eutered into the theology of the ancient Egyptians,
is erident from the monuments and from what
Horapollo (i. 14-16) has told us. The other ex-
planation, however, has the sanction of Gesenius,
Bochart, Koseiimflller, Parkhurst, Maurer, Fan*,
And others. As to the "dancing'' satyrs, cotnp.
Virg. JSo/. t. 78,
- 8altantas satyms imttaHtnr Alpbssiboeos."
c ^ [W - H]
SAUL (We**, i. e. Shaftl : Saotk ; Joeerh.
iiouKot : Sail I, more accurately Shaul, in which
form it i» giver on several occasions in the Autlio-
. rized Version. Die name of various persons in the
Sacred History.
1. Saitl of Rehobotn by the Hirer was one of
the eeily kings of Edom, and successor of Samlah
'Gen. worn. 37, 38). In 1 Chr. i. 48 he is called
Shaitl. [G.]
SAITL
9. The first king of brad. The asm- hen
firs*, appears in the history of Israel, though focus!
before in the Kdomite prince already mentions; J;
and in a son of Simeon (Gen. xlri. 10; A. V.
Shaul). It also occurs among the Kohathites ia
the genealogy of Samuel (1 Chr. n. 24), and ia
Saul, like the king, of the tribe of Benjamin, better
known as the Apostle Paul (see below p. 1154).
Josephus (B. J. ii. 18, §4) mention- a Saul, father
of one Simon who distinguished himself at Seythe-
polis in the early part of the Jewish war.
In the following genealogy may be observed —
1. The repetition in two generations of the names
of Kish and Ner, of Nadab and Abi-nadab, and of
Mephibosheth. 2. The occurrence of the name of
Baal in three succeed re generations: possibly in
four, as there were two Mephibosheths. 3. The
constant shirtings of the names of God, as incor-
porated in the proper names: (a) Ab-ic\ = Jelxiei.
(4) JfafcAwhua =/e-«hua. (e) Esb-6oal=!sh-
boshtth. (d) Mephi- (or Men-) boat = Hephi-
boaheth. 4. The long continuance of the family
down to the times of Ess. 5. Is it possible
that Hmri (1 Chr. iz. 42) can be the usurper
of 1 K. xvi.— if so, the last attempt of the boose
of Saul to regain its ascendancy f The time weak!
agree.
Anna. (1 1
utul.)
Ian. (LXXJaad.)
AM, or JahM - sti.Hi.li.
(ISm.b.1.) I (I Car. to.)
(I Cor. nil SS.) '
aia. bLl Ms.
(i Car. b. ss.)
,L
AUaaaa -SAUL- Kb— a.
(I Cbr. Ix. ss.)
J II l IsLl. rfca J a m A t 1 , briaad. Marat, DarU-MkL. ThmltUt.
I (ISam. fcaSaa (fc--.il. laaVaaaa |
*rril > ■ I . irf. as.) Tl-S.1) laa,
" ■ (ICar.U.St).
I
i (Jana.ICkf.il. at).
r Qli|iil 1. 1 Cat. Ix. SS).
KUaaaat,
There is a contradiction between the pedigree In
I Sam. iz. 1, xiv. 51, which represents Saul and
Ahner as the grandsons of Abiel, and 1 Chr. riii .
SH. ix. 39, which represents them as his great -
rrandsons. If we adopt the more elaborate pnligreo
in the Chronicles, we must suppose either that a
link has been dropped between Abiel and Kuh, in
t Sam. ix. 1, or that the eider Kish, the son of
Abiel (1 Chr. ix. 36), has bean wmsmindrrl with
I the younger Kish, the son of Ner (1 Chr. iz. I *V).
' The pedigree in 1 Chr. riii. is not free from can*
fusion, as it omits amongst the sens of Abiel, Ner,
who in 1 Chr. ix. 36 is the fifth son, and won ia
both is made the father of Kish.
His character is in part illustrated by the fierce,
wayward, fitful nature of the tribe [Bbhj axtih^
and in part accounted for by the struggle bstwaass
the old and new syste ass in which be found Was-
ftrAtRj
a*" urroresd. To Uu* we man sda * faun, or
which broke oat la violent frenzy it
, lairing him with long lucid inter lis. Hit
sriections were strong, as appear* in M» lore both
tv Dtrid and his son Jonathan, but they were
.ueqoal to the wild aeomses of religieas senl or
inanity which ultimately led to his ruin. He was,
lit* the earlier Judges, of whom in one sense he
may be counted as the successor, remarkable for his
strength sod sctirity (2 Sam. i. 23), and he was,
ice the Homeric heroes, of gigantic stature, taller
k head and shoulders than the rest of the people,
aiaJ of that kind of beauty denoted by the Hebrew
mnl "good" (1 Sam. iz. 2), and which caused
bm to be compared to the gazelle, " the gazelle
•f Isnel." • It was probably these external quali-
ues which led to the epithet which is frequently
sttacbed to his name, " chosen " — " whom the Lord
'iid choose " — " Set y» (i. t. Look at) him whom
the Lord hath chosen 1" (1 Sam. iz. 17, z. 24;
2tsan.zzL6).
Tk* birthplsce of Saul is not expressly mentioned ;
bat as Zelah was the place of Kish's sepulchre
• Ssm. zxi.), it was probably his native village.
Then is no warrant for saying that it wss Gibeah, D
tosafh, from its subsequent connexion with him, it
'•> called often " Gibeah of Saul " [Gibeah]. Hia
■tier. Kith, was a powerful and wealthy chief,
thsujh the family to which he belonged was of
fittle importance (ix. 1,21). A portion of his pro-
perty —»**»■ < of a drove of eases. In search of
ttwe asses, gone astray on the mountains, he sent
ks an Saul, accompanied by a servant,* who acted
•he as a guide and guardian of the young man
,a. 3-10). After a three days' journey (iz. 20),
■kick it has hitherto proved impaesible to track,
tbniegh Ephrsim and Benjamin [Shalisha ; Sha-
ui; Zcph], they arrived at the foot of a hill sur-
rsooaid by a town, when Saul proposed to retum
sane, but wss deterred by the advice of the sen-ant,
<ri» snggested that before doing so they should
eswolt "a man of God," " a seer," as to the fate
it the sates— securing his oracle by a present
!<nchkuh) of a quarter of a silver shekel. They
ewe instructed by the maidens at the well outside
the city to catch the seer aa he came out of the
'it* to ascend to a sacred eminence, where a sacri-
iml least was waiting for his benediction (1 Sam.
u. 11-13). At the gate they met the seer for the
■>nt tow — it was Samuel. A divine intimation
M radicated to him the approach and the future
satbry of the youthful Benjamite. Surprised at
ha language, but still obeying his call, they ascended
to the high place, and in the inn or caravanserai at
nV top .t» caTttXvtta, LXX., iz. 27) found thirty
*r (LXX_ and Joseph. Ant. vi.4, §1) seventy guests
*»*niblel, amongst whom they took the chief place,
hi anticipation of some distinguished stranger,
Samuel bad bade the cook reserve a boiled shoulder,
•lam LI*, the word translated "beauty." but the
ease ma (»3£) to 2 Sam. IL 18 and elsewhere is
Mass** 'roe." The LXX. have confounded tt with a
«T aatUar word, and render it StiAasaor, "set up a
BAftti
1161
> wbmAhitLor/<*l«J(lCtw.THI.z9.rx.3t),ls
•a tutor s( -Olbeoo." tt prubabjy means loan
called
foeuider <f
* The ward k "TJO, • servant," not 133?. ' sisvo,"
* At Weak, or (LXX.) - leaping tor Jsy."
* MasncalsKtd la A. V. "pitta."
' as a. a, I «il— ft U-tbklm . in a. >«. aaj raMtaJr.
from wltrch Saul, as the chief guest, was bidden to
•ear off the first morsel (LXX., ix. 22-24). They
then descended to the city, and a bed wss prepared
for Saul on the housetop. At daybreak Sarnie!
roused him. They descended again to the skirts
of the town, and there (the servant having left them)
Samuel poured over Saul's head the consecrated oil,
and with a kiss of salutation announced to him that
he was to be the ruler and (LXX.) deliverer of th>
nation (ix. 25-x. 1). From that moment, as ht
turned on Samuel the huge shoulder which towered
•bore all the rest (x. 9, LXX.), a new life dawned
upon him. He returned by a route which, like
that of his search, it is impossible to make out
distinctly ; and at every step homeward it was con-
firmed by the incidents which, according to Samuel's
prediction awaited him (x. 9, 10). At Rachel's
sepulchre he met two men,* who announced to him
the recovery of the asses — his lower cares were to
cease. At the oak* of Tabor [Plain; Tabok,
Plain of] he met three men carrying gifts of kids
and bread, and a akin of wine, as sa offering to
Bethel. Two of the loaves were offered to him as
if to indicate his new dignity. At " the hill of
' God " (whatever may be meant thereby, possiblv
his own city, Gibeah), he met a band of prophets
descending with musical instruments, snd he caught
the inspiration from them, as a sign of his new life.'
This is what may be called the private, inner
view of bis call. The outer call, which is related
independently of the other, was as follows. An
assembly wss convened by Samuel at Mizpeh, and
lots (so often practised at that time) were cast to
find the tribe and the family which was to produce
the king. Saul was named — and, by a Divine inti-
mation, found hid in the circle of baggage which sur-
rounded the eniampment (z. 17-24). His stature
at once conciliated the public feeling, and for the
first time the shout was mined, afterwards so often
repeated in modern times, " Long live the king "
(x. 23-24), and he returned to his native Gibeah,
accompanied by the fighting part * of the people,
of whom he was now to be the especial head. The
murmurs of the worthless part of the community
who refused to salute him with the accustomed
presents were soon dispelled 1 by an occasion arising
to justify the selection of Saul. He was (having
apparently returned to his private life) on his way
home, driving his herd or* oxen, when he heard one
of those wild lamentations in the city of Gibeah,
such as mark in Eastern towns the arrival of a
great calamity. It was the tidings of the threat
issued by Nahssh king of Ammon against Jabesh
fiilead (see AUMON). The inhabitants of Jabesh
were connected with Benjamin, by the old adven-
ture recorded in Judg. xxi. It was as if tins one
spark was needed to awaken the dormant spirit of
the king. " The Spirit of the Lord came upon
him," as on the ancient Judges. The shy, re-
Jcaepb. (Ant. tL 4, }2) gives the name Oahstha, by which
he elsewhere designates Qibrah, Saul's dry.
s See for this EwaM OIL 28-30).
h ?¥int " Ik strength," the host, x. 26 ; comp. 2 Sam.
xxtv. 2. The word " band " is usually employed in the
A. V. for 1V1J, a very different term, with a strict
meaning of Its own. [Taoor. J
> The words which close 1 Sam. x. « are In the
Hebrew text "he waa as though be were deaf " la
Jixeph. Ant. vl. 5. ;i. and the LXX. (followed by Ewaht)
* sad it cams to psst liter a month tnat."
1182
SAUL
tiring u .ire which we hare observed, vanished
•Mver to return. He had recourse to the expedient
of the earlier ('.ays, and summoned the people by
the bone» of two of the oxen from the herd which
he was driving: three (or six, LXX.) hundred thou-
sand followed from Israel, and (perhaps not in due
proportion) thirty (or seventy, LXX.) thousand
from Judah : and Jabesh was rescued. The effect
was instantaneous on the people — the punishment
of the murmurers was demanded — but refused by
Saul, and tie monarchy was inaugurated anew at
Gilgal (xi. 1-15). It should be, however, observed
that, according to 1 Sara. xii. 12, the affair of
Xahash preceded and occasioned the election of
Saul. He becomes king of Israel. But he still
so far resembles tin earlier Judges, as to be vir-
tually king only of his own tribe, Benjamin, or of
the immediate neighbourhood. Almost all his ex-
ploits are confined to this circle of territory or
association*.
Samuel, who had up to this time been still named
as ruler with Saul (xi. 7, 12, 14), now withdrew,
and Saul became the acknowledged chief. k In the
2nd year' of his reign, he began to organise an
attempt to shake off' the Philistine yoke which
pressed on his country ; not least on his own tribe,
where a Philistine officer bad long been stationed
even in his own field (x. 5, xiii. 3). An army of
3000 was formed, which he soon afterwards gathered
together round him ; and Jonathan, apparently with
his sanction, rose against the officer m and sh w him
(xiii. 2-4). This roused the whole force of the
Philistine nation against him. The spirit of Israel
ww completely broken. Many concealed them-
selves in the caverns; many crossed the Jordan;
all were disarmed, except Saul and his son, with
their immediate retainers. In this crisis, Saul,
now on the very confines of his kingdom at
Gilgal, found himself in the position long before
described by Samuel ; longing to exercise his royal
right of sacrifice, yet deterred by his sense of obe-
dience to the Prophet.* At last on the 7th day, he
could wait no longer, but just after the sacrifice
was completed Samuel arrived, and pronounced the
first curse, on his impetuous xeal (xiii. 5-14).
Meanwhile the adventurous exploit of Jonathan at
Michmash brought on the crisis which ultimately
arove the Philistines back to their own territory
[Jonathan]. It was signalised by two remark-
able incidents in the life of Saul. One was the first
appearance of his madness in the rash vow which
all but cost the life of his son (1 Sam. xiv. 24, 44).
The other was the erection of his first altar, built
either to celebrate the victory, or to expiate the
savage feast of the famished people (xiv. 35).
The expulsion of the Philistines (although not
entirely completed, xiv. 52) at once placed Saul
in a position higher than that of any previous ruler
of Israel. Probably from this time was formed
the organisation of royal state, which contained
is germ some of the future institutions of the
monarchy. The host of 3000 has been already
mentioned (1 Sam. xiii., xxiv. 2, xxvi. 2; oomp.
» Also 2 Sam. x. It. LXX., for " Lord."
■ The expression, xUL 1, "8aul was one year old" (the
noli year) In his reigning, may be either, (I ) he
reigned one year; or (3), the word 30 may have dropped
Ml thence to sJIL 6, and It may have been " be was 31
*ben be began to reign."
« The word may be rendered either 'garrison" or
* officer ;" Its meaning is nnoenazx.
• IV con-mand or Mantel <a, a) bad sppsraaUy a
HAUU
1 1 Chr. xii. 20). Of this Aoner
(1 Sam. xiv. 50;. A body guar! was aiw I
runners and messengers (see 1 Sam. ivi. 15, 1}.
xxii. 14, 17, xxri. 22).« Of this David ww after.
wards made the chief. These two were the prin-
cipal officers of the court, and rate with Jonathan
at the king's table (1 Sam. u. 25). Another officer
is incidentally mentioned — the keeper of the royal
mules — the conies ttabvii, the "constable" of
the king — such as appears in the later monarchy
(1 Chr. xxvii. 30). He is the first instance of a
foreigner employed about the court— being an
Kdomite or (LXX.) Syrian, of the name of Dorg
(1 Sam. xxL 7, xxii. 9). According to Jewish
tradition ( Jer. Qu. Heb. ad loc.) he was the servant
who accompanied Saul in his pursuit of his father's
asses — who counselled him to send for David (ix^
xvi.), and whose son ultimately killed him (2 Sam.
i. 10). The high-priest of the house of Ithamar
(Ahimelech or Ahijoh) was in attendance upon him
with the ephod, when he desired it (xiv. 3), and
felt himself bound to assist his secret commissioner'
(xxi. 1-9, xxii. 14).
The king himself was distinguished by a state,
not before marked in the rulers. He bad a tall
spear, of the same kind as that described in the
hand of Goliath. [ARMS.] This never left him—
in repose (1 Sam. xviii. 10, xix. 9 ) ; at hi* meals
(xx. 33); at rest (xxii. 11), in battle (2 Sam.
i. 6). In battle he wore a diadem on his head
and a bracelet on his arm (2 Sam. i. 10). He
sate at meals on a seat of his own facing his son
(1 Sam. xx. 25 ; LXX.). He was received on bis
return fiom battle by the songs of the Israelite r
women ( 1 Sam. xviii. 6), amongst whom he was oa
such occasions specially known as bringing back
from the enemy scarlet robes, and golden orna-
ments for their apparel (2 Sam. i. 24).
The warlike character of his reign naturally still
predominated, and he was now able (not merely,
like his temporary predecessors, to act on the
defensive, but) to attack the neighbouring tribes of
Moab, Ammon, Edom, Zobah, and finally Amalek
(xiv. 47). The war with Amalek is twite re-
lated, first briefly (xiv. 48), and then at length
(xt. 1-9). Its chief connexion with Saul's history
lies in the disobedience to the prophetical command
of Samuel ; shown in the sparing of the king, and
the retention of the spoil.
The extermination of Amalek and the subsequent
execution of Agag belong to the general question
of the moral code of the O. T. There is no reason
to suppose that Saul spared the king for any other
reason than that for which he retained the spoil —
namely, to make a more splendid show at the
sacnriciai thanksgiving (xv. 21). Such was the
Jewish tradition preserved by Joaephus (Ant. vi.
7, §2), who expressly says that Agag was spared fm
his stature and beauty, and such is the general
impression left by the description of the celebration
of the victory. Saul rides to the southern Carmel
in a chariot (LXX.), never mentioned elsewhere,
and sets up a monument there (Heb. " a haai,"
perpetual obligation (xlli. 13). It had been Riven two
years before, and In toe Interval they bad both been at
Gilgal (xt 1»). N.B.-The words 'had appointed*
(xiii. a) are Inserted In A. V.
• They were Benjamltes (I Gam. axil. T; Jos, Mt
vll. 14), young, tall, and handsome (lUd. vL a, «*).
» Jos. {Ant. vl. 10, y i) makes the weans wag Of
praises of Saul, the auidms, at nevld.
SAUL
I am. nriH. 18), which in the Jewish tradition*
(Jews, Qu. Hth. ad loc.) was a triumphal arch
of ottves, myrtles, and palms. And in allusion to
his crowning triumph, Samuel applies to God the
l+ise, " The Victory ( Vnlg. trmmpkator) of Israel
•ill seither lie nor l-epent" (xv. 29; and comp.
1 Chr. nil. 1 1). This second act of disobedience
called down the second curse, and the first distinct
hstimttian of the transference of the kingdom to a
nni. The struggle between Samuel and Saul in
their final parting is indicated by the rent of
Samuel's robe of state, as he tears himself away
from Saul's grasp (for the gesture, see Joseph. Ant.
ri. 7, {5), and by the long mourning of Samuel
far the separation — " Samuel mourned for Saul."
" How long wilt thou mourn for Saul?" (xiv. 35,
ivi.1).
The rest of Saul's life is one long tragedy. The
frairr, which had given indications of itself before,
now it times took almost entire possession of him.
It is described in mixed phrases as " an evil spirit
rf God" (much as we might speak of "religious
madness"), which, when it came upon him, almost
choked or strangled him from its violence (xvi. 14,
UX. ; Joseph. Ant. ri. 8, §2).
In this crisis David was recommended to him by
one of the young men of his guard (in the Jewish
tradition groundleasly supposed to be DOEG. Jerome,
<fr. HA. ad loc.). From this time forward their
tins art blended together. [David.] In Saul's
letter moments he never lost the strong affection
which he had contracted for David. " He loved
him greatly" (xvi. 21). " Saul would let him go
m mere home to hit father's house" (zviii. 2).
" Whereases cotneth not the son of Jesse to meat ? "
fa 27). " Is this thy voice, my son David. . . .
Before, my son David; blessed be thou, my son
David " {air. 16, zxvi. 17, 25). Occasionally too
■is prophetical gift returned, blended with his
atsaosss. Be " prophesied " or " raved " in the
nndst of Us house — " he prophesied and lay down
aakal aO day and all night" at Raraah (xiz. 24).
But his seta of fierce, wild zeal increased. The
asasaere of the pr ie sts , with all their families*
I nil.) the massacre, perhaps at the same time,
«f the Gibaonrtes (2 Sam. xxi. 1), and the violent
et ai us i i a n of the necromancers (1 Sam. xxviii.
3, »>, arc ail of the same kind. At last the
araarehy itself, which he had raised up, broke
dews under the weakness of its head. The Philis-
tines re-entered the country, and with their chariots
sad bones occupied the plain of Esdraelon. Their
emrs was pitched on the southern slope of the
nap new called Little Hermon, by Shunem. On
tat opposite side, on Mount Gilboa, was the Israelite
sroiy, dinging as usual to the heights which were
their safety. It was near the spring of Gideon's
esuiifuasaut, hence called the spring of Harod or
"trembling'" — and now the name assumed an evil
•awa. and the heart of the king as he pitched his
amp there " trembled exceedingly " ( 1 Sam. xxviii.
}-. In the loss of all the usual means of con-
•atong the Divine Will, he determined, with that
nrwsrd mixture of superstition and religion which
narked his whole career, to apply' to one of the
who had escaped his persecution.
BAUL
1163
• rtailspamslby Josephns as the cUmsx of hu gnllt
sesaaUea by Ik* mtoxlesttsn of power (wins. VL 12, $7 J.
' His ■•anwiilwis were Aboer and Anuaa (.Seder
u<eav HVr-r. it]).
• \Ysea w* k»l beard of Samoel he was mourning lor,
VOL. ID.
She •>» a woman living at Endor, on the other
aide of Little Hermon ; she is called a woman of
" Ob," i. e. of the skin or bladder, and this the
LXX. has rendered by iyyatrrpinvtot or ventrilo-
quist, and the Vulgate by Pythoness. According
to the Hebrew tradition mentioned by Jerome,
she was the mother of Abner, and hence her
escape from the general massacre of the necro-
mancers (See Leo Allatiua De Engattrmutho,
cap. 6 in Critici Saeri ii.). Volumes have been
written on the question, whether in the scene
that follows we are to understand an imposture
or a real apparition of Samuel. Eustathius and
moat of the Fathers take the former view (repre-
senting it, however, as a figment of the Devil) ;
Origen, the latter view. Augustine wavers. (See
Leo Allatiua, ut supra, p. 1062-1114). The LXX.
of 1 Sam. xxvii. 7 (by the above translation)
and the A. V. (by its omission of " himself" in
xxviii. 14, and insertion of" when " in xxviii. 12)
lean to the former. Josephus (who pronounces a
glowing eulogy on the woman, Ant. vi. 14, §2, 3),
and the LXX. of 1 Chr. x. 13, to the latter. At
this distance of time it is impossible to determine
the relative amount of fraud or of reality, though
the obvious meaning of the narrative itself tends
to the hypothesis of some kind of apparition. She
recognises the disguised king first by the appear-
ance of Samuel, seemingly from his threatening
aspect or tone as towards hia enemy.' Saul appa-
rently saw nothing, but listened to her description
of a god-like figure of an aged man, wra p ped round
with the royal or sacred robe.*
On hearing the denunciation, which the apparition
conveyed, Saul fell the whole length of his gigantic
stature (see xxviii. 20, margin) ou the ground, and
remained motionless till the woman and his servants
forced him to eat.
The next day the battle came on, and according
to Josephus (Ant. vi. 14, §7), perhaps according to
the spirit of the sacred narrative, hia courage and
self-devotion returned. The Israelites were driven
up the side of Gilboa. The three sons of Saul
were slain (1 Sam. xxxi. 2). Saul himself with
his armour-bearer was pursued by the archers and
the charioteers of the enemy (1 Sam. xxxi. 3 ;
2 Sam. i. 6). He was wounded in the stomach
(LXX., 1 Sam. xxxi. 3). His shield was cast
away (2 Sam. i. 21). According to one account,
he fell upon hia own sword (1 Saui. xxxi. 4).
According to another account (which may be
reconciled with the former by supposing that it
describes a later incident), an A malekite* came up at
the moment of his death-wound (whether from
himself or the enemy), and found him " fallen,"
but leaning on his spear (2 Sam. i. 6, 10). The
dizziness of death was gathered over him (LXX.
2 Sam. i. 9), but he was still alive ; and he was
at his own request, put out of his pain by the
Amalekite, who took oft' his royal diadem and brace-
let, and carried the news to David (2 Sam. i. 7-10).
Mot till then, according to Josephus (Ant. vi. 14,
§7), did the faithful armour-bearer fall on his sword
and die with him (1 Sam. xxxi. 5). The body on
being found by the Philistines wa stripped, an!
decapitated. The armour was sent ntn the Philav
mit hating. 8auL Had the massacre of the priest* a&u
the f» retention of David (xiz. 18) alienated bun?
> usaruriii' surAetSa (Jos. Ant. vL 14, $2).
» Aocordinf to the Jswirn tradition (Jerooe, tyu. Bit
adlur-.), he was the son of Doer,
4 E
1164
RA VARAN
SAVIOUR
BAVIOUB. The following artie*. togalhir wttk
the one on the Son OP God, forms the comas' latent
to the hie of oar Lord jEsns Christ. [Mee voL L
p. 1039.] An explanation it first given of tka
word " Saviour," did then of His tcor* of tarrctiea,
as unfolded and taught in the New Testament. [See
also Messiah.]
I. The Wobi> Saviour. — The terms "Saviour."
as applied to our Lord Jesus Christ, represents tha
Greek titer (o-ttr^p), which in turn represent),
certain derivative* from the Hebrew root ydsa'a
(PBr>), particularly the participle of the Hiphil
form mithfa (JPB'to), which is usually rendered
"Saviour" in the A.V. {e.g. It. ilri. 15, ilix.
26). In considering the true import of " Saviour.''
it is essential for us to examine the original terms
answering to it, incloding in our view the um
of titer in the LXX., whence it was more immedi-
ately derived by the writers of the New Testament,
and further noticing the cognate terms " to save™
and " salvation," which express respective]}' the
action and the results of the Saviour's office. 1. The
first point to be observed is that the term titer is
of more frequent occurrence in the LXX. than the
term "Saviour" in the A. V. of the Old Testa-
ment. It represent! not only the word moWa
above-mentioned, but alto very frequently the
nouns yeth'a (S& 1 ) and j/itht'ih (iTWB^), which,
though properly expressive of the abstract notioo
" salvation, are yet sometimes used in a co n ur to
sense for " Saviour." We may die as an example
Is. bdi. 11, "Behold, thy salvation cometh. Ass
rewaid is with him," where evidently " aslvation "
= Saviour. So again in passages where these
terms a<* connected immediately with the person
of the Godhead, as in Pt. lxviii. 20, " the God our
Saviour" (A. V. " God of our salvation "). Not
only in such caset at these, but in many others
when the sense does not require it, the LXX. has
titer wiiere the A. V. has " salvation ;" and thus
the word " Saviour" was mora familiar to the ear
of the reader of the Old Testament in our Lord's
age than it is to us. 2. Toe same observation holds
good with regard to the verb aAQtur, and the sub-
stantive nrrnafo, a* used in the LXX. As ex-
amination of the passages in which they occur
shows that they stand as equivalents for words
conveying the notions of well-being, succour, potoe,
and the like. We have further to notice tarssta
in the sense of recovery of the bodily health (2 Macr.
iii. 32), together with the etymological counexirB
supposed to exist between the term* rtrHtp anc*
ratio, to which St. Paul evidently alludes in Kph.
T. 23; Phil. hi. 20, 21. 8. If we tan to the
Hebrew terms, we cannot fail to be struck with
their comprehensiveness. Our verb "to save"
implies, in its ordinary sense, the rescue of a person
from actual or impending danger. This at un-
doubtedly included in the Hebrew root yawVat, and
may be said to be ita ordinary sens*, as testified by
the frequent accompaniment of the prepotitioo rial.
(JO ; compare the atWn &ri which the angel gtrea
in explanation of the name Jesus, Matt. i. 21).
But yath'a, beyond this, expreaes ateittance and
protection of every kind — assistance in agjrreatri <r
measures, protection against attack; and, ia a
secondary sense, the results of such assista nce
• There are many other theories, one of which mar be | to t<*Ye heen a nickname given te the Apostle an smmsar
SMnUtmed ; that of Nlcaphonif \.HUL AceL IL Sty wao | of hit Inattuiflcaot •<*«■•* I
Imr Psalm at t eontraruoa of Putllloj, acd ■»■ mm i R I
line cities, a* if In retribution fa/ the tpoUuiw of
Goliath, and finally deposited in the temple of
Astarte, apparently in the neighbouring Canaan-
ilish city of Bethahan ; and over the walls of the
nine city was hung the naked headless corpse,
with those of hit three tons (ver. 9, 10). The
head was deposited (probably at Ashdod) in the
temple of Dngon (1 Cor. x. 10). The corpse was
removed from Bethahan by the gratitude of the
inhabitants of Jabeah-gilead, who came over the
Jordan by night, carried off the bodies, burnt them,
and buried them under the tamarisk at Jabeah
(1 Sam. mi. 13). Thence, after the lapse of
aeveral years, his ashes and those of Jonathan were
removed by David to thar ancestral sepulchre at
Zelah in Benjamin (2 Sam. xxi. 14). [Mephi-
BOBHETH, p. 325a.] [A. P. S.]
3. The Jewish name of St. Paul. This wax
the moat distinguished name in the genealogies of
the tribe of Benjamin, to which the Apostle felt
some pride in belonging (Rom. xi. 1 ; Phil. iii. 5).
He himself leads us to associate his name with that
of the Jewish king, by the marked way in which
he mentions Saul in hit address at the Pisidian
Antioch : " God gave unto them Sanl the ton of
Cis, a man of the tribe of Benjamin " (Acts xiii.
21). Thue indications are in harmony with the
intensely Jewish spirit of which the life of the
Apostle exhibits so many signs. [Paul.] The
early ecclesiastical writera did not fail to notice the
prominence thus given by St. Paul to his tribe.
Tertullian (son. Afore, v. 1) applies to him the
lying words of Jacob on Benjamin. And Jerome,
in hit Epitaphium Paulae (§8), alluding to the
preservation of the six hundred men of Benjamin
after the affair of Gibeah (Judg. xx. 49), speaks
of them as " trecento* (sic) vires propter Apostolum
retervatot." Compare the article on Benjamin
[vol.!. 1906].
Nothing certain it known about the change of
the Apostle's name from Saul to Paul (Act* xiii. 9),
to which reference hat been already made. [Paul,
p. 736 6.] Two chief conjectures * prevail concern-
ing trie change. (1.) That of Jerome and Augustine,
that the name was derived from SEitoiug Paulus,
the first of his Gentile convert*. (2.) That which
appears due to Lightfoot, that Paulus was the
Apostle's Roman name as a citixen of Tarsus, na-
turally adopted into common use by bit biographer
when hit labours among the heathen commenced.
The former of these it adopted by Ultbauaen and
Meyer. It ia also the view of Ewald ( G etch. vi. 419,
SO), who teems to consider it self-evident, and looks
on the absence of any explanation of the change at
a proof that it was to understood by all the readers
»! the Acts. However this may be, after Saul has
taken hit place definitively at the Apostle to the
Gentile world, hit Jewish name it entirely dropped.
Two diritMtu of hit life are well marked by the
use of the two names. [J. LL D.]
8AVAKAN (i SokoosV: fitim Antra, Aoa.
nan?), an erroneous form of the title Avarau,
bcrne by Kleaxar the ton of Mattathiaa, which is
found in the common texts in 1 Mace. vi. 43,
[Kleazer 8, voL i. p. 518.] [B. F. W.]
SAVI'AS (om. in Tat,; Alex. Soovta: om. in
Vulg.). Uzzi the ancestor of Exra (1 Ead. viii. 2 ;
romp. Ear. vii. 4).
SAVIOUR
stesery, many, nresperitv, and happiness. Wei
■a* cite as ax. rnstnno* of the aggrwme sense
L'eett. D. ♦, «" to fight for you against your amnio,
to save yw>;" of pr otecti on against attack Is. xxri.
1, ** aanatko will God appoint for walls and bul-
waifcaf of victory 3 Sara. viii. 6, "The Lord
p. i-i te d David," i. *. gave him victory ; of prot-
penty aan ktpptm*, la. Ii. 18, "Thou shalt call
thy wall* Salvation ;" b. Ixi. 10, " He hath clothed
■aw vita the garments of salvation." No better
jaaaaee of tins hat ante can be addneed than the
■ ■aaanliin « Hoaauia," meaning, " Save, I beseech
thee," which was ub>t as a prayer for God's
Wearing on any joyons occasion (Ps. cxviii. 25),
M at our Lard's entry into Jerusalem, when the
•tyosolagical connexion of the terms Hosanna and
lama eoJld not have been lost on the ear of the
Hebrew- (Matt. xxi. 9, 15). It thus appears that
•Jie Hebrew and Greek terms had their positive as
well as their negative side, in other words that they
u pi eas ed the presence of blessing as well as the
absence of danger, actual security as well as the re-
moval of insecurity. 1 4. The historical personages
to whom the terms sre applied further illustrate
this view. The judges are styled " saviours," as
having rescued their country from a state of bondage
'Jodg. Hi. 9, 15, A. V. " deliverer;" Neh. ix. 27) ;
s "saviour'" was subsequently raised up in the
person af Jeroboam II. to deliver Israel from the
Syrians (3 K. xiii. 5); and in the same sense Jo-
ssphaa styles the deliverance from Egypt a " salva-
tion " (J*t. Hi. 1, |1 ). Joshua on the other hand
termed tha promise contained in his name by his
■inquests over the Oanaanites: the Loid was his
Mper m an aggre s sive sense. Similarly the office
•f tha "saviours" promised in Obad. 21 was to
rsseute vengeance on Edora. The names Isaiah,
lamias, labs, Hasan, Hoshea, and lastly, Jenis, are
all iipiisafiii of the general idea of assistance- from
the Laid. The Greek alter was in a similar manner
aepM hi the doable sense of a deliverer from foreign
has as ia the ease of Ptolemy Soter, and a general
wetsetor, a* ia the numerous instances where it was
I asthe title of heathen deities. 5. There sre
i in the O. T. that the idea of a
ssiiiifi— I salvation, to be effected by God alone, was
by ae a— ins foreign to the mind of the pious He-
brew. Id the Psalms there are numerous petitions
la Gad to save from the effects of sin (v. g. xxxix.
H, borix. 9). Isaiah m particular appropriates the
t«m "saviour" to Jehovah (xhn. 11), and con-
nects kwHh the antiOM of justioi and righteousness
'shr.Sl, b. 16, 17): he adduces H as the special
ntaaner ia which Jehovah reveab Himself to man
ixhr. 19): he hints at the means to be adopted for
aflii laii, salvatiea ia pal g" whera be oonnecta the
farm "saviour** with "redeemer" (pacV), as in
aft. 14, xfau 26, Ix. 10, and again with " ransom,"
as ia xliii. S. Sjasjhr notices are scattered over the
eka («. g. Zech. ix. 9 ; Has. L 7), and
i ia many instances these notion admitted of
a issjisaie to proximate events of a temporal nature,
<s«r t<videatly looked to higher things, and thus fot-
t-ij m the mad of the Hebrew the idea of a
" ■v-isar* who should fiu- surpass in his achieve-
- The Lathi laasnuae piiasisij In the classical period
ae pneer equtiateat lur the Greek m»rw. This sppnars
frsss lbs BsDsrfacstoo of the Greek wort luwlftn a Utln-
l-as fane, sad tasa Castro's remark (<» lerr. Act. % It.
TO last thsnr was as one word which expressed the
•r**E-> j*t ssWess dmKL Taottas iAnu. xv. II) uses
r. sad Pliny ixxu. 5) tcraUor. Toe term soi-
BAVIOUB
llfifi
mentsthe "saviours" that had as yet appeared.
The mere sound of the word would conjure uf
before his imagination visions of deliverance, se-
curity, peace, and prosperity.
II. The Wobk op tub Saviour.— 1. Tht
three first Evangelists, as we know, agree in show-
ing that Jesus unfolded His message to ths disciples
by degrees. He wrought the miracles that were to
be the credentials of the Messiah ; He laid down tlie
great principles of the Gospel morality, until He
had established in the minds of the Twelve the con-
viction that He was the Christ of did. Then ar
the clouds of doom grew darker, and the malice of
the Jews became more intense. He tumed a new
page in His teaching. Drawing fi-om His disciples
the confession of their faith in Him as Christ, He
then passed abruptly, no to speak, to the truth that
remained to be learned in the last few months of
His ministry, that His work included suffering as
well as tenching (Matt. xvi. 20, 21). He was in-
stant in pressing this unpalatable doctrine home to
His disciples, from this time to the end. Four occa-
sions when He prophesied His bitter death are on
record, and they are probably only examples out of
many mora (Matt xvi. 21). we grant that in
none of these places does the won! " sacrifice" occur;
and that the mode of speaking is somewhat obscure,
as addressed to minds unprepared, even then, to
bear the full weight of a doctrine so repugnant to
their hopes. But that He must (8«i) go and meet
death; that the powers of sin and of this world are
let loose against Him for a time, so that He shall
be betrayed to the Jews, rejected, delivered by them
to the Gentiles, and by them be mocked and scourged,
crucified, and slain ; and that all this shall be done
to achieve a foreseen work, and accomplish all things
written of Him by the prophets — these we do cer-
tainly find. They invest the death of Jes~s with a
peculiar significance; they set the mind inquiring
what the mealing can be of this hard necessity that
is laid on Him. For the answer we look to other
places ; but at least there is here no contradiction
to the doctrine of sacrifice, though the Lord does
not yet say, " I bear the wrath of God against your
sins in your stead ; I become a curse for you." Of
the two sides of this mysterious doctrine, — that
Jesus dies for us willingly, and that he dies to beat
a doom laid on Him as of necessity, because some
one must bear it, — it is the latter side that is mad:
prominent. In all the passages it pleases Jesus tc
speak, not of His desire to die, but of the binder
laid on Him, and the power given to others against
Him.
2. Had the doctrine been explained no further,
there would have been much to wait for. But the
series of announcements in these passages leads ur:
to one mora definite and complete. It cannot be
denied that the words of the institution of the
Lord's Supper speak most distinctly of a sacrifice.
" Drink ye all of this, for this it My blood of the
new covenant," or, to follow St. Luke, " the new
covenant in My blood." We are carried back by
these words to the first covenant, to the altar with
twelve pillars, and the burnt-offerings and peace-
offerings of oxen, and the blood of the victim*
voter appears appended as s title of Jupiter in an in-
scription or tlie age uf Trajan (Grater, p. 19, Sv. 5). Thlt
was adopted by Christian writers ss the most adequate
equivalent for e-wrijp, though objections were evidently
raised against it (Augustln, Sena. 2t», V »V Anotaej
term, talutijicator, was occasionally used by Tefttl^at
< lie ItrtuiT. iara. <» • De cam. Ckr. UV
4 S 9
1156
8AVI0UB
sprinkled oa the altar ami on trio people, and the
words of Mines as he sprinkled it: "Behold the
blood of the covenant which the Lord hath made
with yon concerning all these words " (Ex. xxiv.).
No interpreter has ever railed to draw from these
passages the true meaning : " When My sacrifice is
aamnplished, My blood shall be the sanction of the
new coTenant." The word " sacrifice" is wanting ;
bat sacrifice and nothing else is described. And
the words are no mere figure used for illustration,
and laid aside when they hare served that turn,
u Do this in remembrance of He." They are the
words in which the Church is to interpret the act
3f Jesus to the end of time. They are reproduced
sxactiy by St. Paul (1 Cor. ri. 25). Then, as
now, Christians met together, and by a solemn act
declared that they counted the blood of Jesus as a
sacrifice wherein a new covenant was sealed ; and of
the blood of that sacrifice they partook by faith,
professing themselves thereby willing to enter the
covenant and be sprinkled with the blood.
3. So far we hare examined the three " synoptic"
Gospels. They follow a historical order. In the
early chapters of all three the doctrine of our Lord's
sacrifice is not found, because He will first answer
the question about Himself, " Who is this?" before
he shows them " What is His work?" But at
length the siinouncemt-'-t is made, enforced, re-
peated ; until, when the feet of the betrayer are
ready for their wicked errand, a command Is given
which secures that the death of Jesus shall be
described for ever as a sacrifice and nothing else,
sealing a new covenant, and carrying good to many.
Lest the doctrine of Atonement should seem to be
an afterthought, as indeed De Wette has tried to
represent it, St. John preserves the conversation
with Nioodemus, which took place early in tite mi-
nistry ; and there, under the figure of the brazen
serpent lifted up, the atoning virtue of the Lord's
death Is fully set forth. " A* Hoses lifted up tbo
serpent in the wilderness, even so must the Son of
Man be lifted up ; that whosoever believeth in Him
should not perish, but have eternal life " (John ill.
14, 15). As in this intercessory act, the image of
the deadly, hateful, and accursed (Gen. iii. 14, 15)
reptile became by God's decree the means of health
to all who looked on it earnestly, so does Jesus in
the form of sinful man, of a deceiver of the people
'Matt xxrii. 63), of Antichrist (Hatt. iii. 34;
John xviii. 33), of one accursed (Gal. iii. 13), be-
come the means of our salvation ; so that whoever
fastens the earnest gaze of faith on him shall not
|wrish, bat hare eternal life. There is even a sig-
nifirance in the word "lifted up;" the Lord used
probably the word tpT, which in older Hebrew
meant to lift up in the widest sense, but began in
the Aramaic to have the restricted meaning of lift-
Jig up fur punishment.* With Christ the lifting
up was a seeming disgrace, a true triumph and
elevation. But the context in which these verses
occur is as important as the verses themselves. Ni-
codemus comes as 'an inquirer; be is told that a man
must be born again, and then he is directed to the
dentil of Jesus as the means of that regeneration.
The earnest gaze of the wounded soul is to be the
condition of it* cure ; and that gaze is to be turned,
not to Jesus on the mountain, or in the Temple,
■ Si.Tliolock. •ndKnsppfOpuMJo.p.Jin. Tbe trea-
tise of If— |fl on Uns discourse Is valuable throughout.
' Stone, anittllmi t> iyit ttint, would read, " And my
»~ri ■ the bread ibu 1 will five hr the- Ufeof toe world."
3AVIOUH
but on the Crass. This, then, is no passion sih»
sion, but it is the substance of the Christian t«acnii|
addressed to an earnest seeker after troth.
Another passage claims a reverent attention
" If any man eat of this bread ha shall live for erac,
and the bread that I will give is My flesh, wMeh 1
will give for the life of the world " (John vi. 51).
He is the bread; and He will give the bread." V
His presence on earth were the expected food, it
was given already ; but would He apeak of " drink-
ing His blood " (ver. 53), which can only refer to
the dead? It is on the Cross that He will afford
this food to His disciples. We grant that this whole
passage has occasioned as much disputing among
Christian commentators aa it did among the Jews
who beard it ; and for tht same reason, — for the hard-
ness of the saying. But there stands the saying :
and no candid person can refuse to see a lufuiuie
in it to the death of Him that speaks.
In that discourse, which has well been called the
Prayer of Consecration offered by our High Priest,
there is another passage which cannot be alleged as
evidence to one who thinks that any word applied
by Jesus to His disciples and Himself must bear in
both cases precisely the same sense, but which is
really pertinent to this inquiry : — " Sanctify then
through Thy truth : Thy word is troth. Aa Than
hast sent Me into the world, even so have I also sent
them into the world. And for their sake* I sane
tify Myself, that they also might be sanctified
through the truth " (John xvii. 17.19). The word
iryti(tir, " sanctify," " consecrate^' is used in the
Septuagint for the ottering of sacrifice (Levis, ssii.
2), and for the dedication of a man to the Divine
service (Num. iii. 15). Here the pre s en t tease,
" I consecrate," used hi a discourse in which oar
Lord says He is « no more in the world,'' is con-
clusive against the interpretation " I dedicate Mv
life to thee r" for life is over. Mo self-dedication.
except that by death, can now be spoken of as pre-
sent. " I dedicate Myself to Thee, in Hy death,
that these may be a people consecrated to Thee;""
such is the great thought in this sublime paasaaje,
which suits well with His other declaration, that
the blood of His sacrifice sprinkles them for a new
covenant with God. To the great majority ef ex-
positors from Chrysostom and Cyril, the doctrine of
reconciliation through the death of Jesus is nan, it u.'
in these verses.
The Redeemer has already described Himself as
the Good Shepherd who lays down His life for the
sheep (John x. 11, 17, 18), taking care to distin-
guish His death from that of one who dies agaima
his will in striving to compass some other aim :
" Therefore doth my Father love Me, because I lay
down My life that I might take it again. No man
taketh it from Me, but I lay it down of Myself.
I have pewer to lay it down, and I have power to
take it again."
Other passages that relate to His death will orear
to the memory of any Bible reader. The con. of
wheat that dies in the ground to bear much fruit
(John X. 24), is explained by His own word* else-
where, where He says that He came " to minister,
and to give His life a ransom for many " (Mane,
xx. 28).
4. Thus, then, speaks Jesus of Himself. Wheat
So Tertnlltsn seems to have read " Psnlsqann e
pro salute mundl csro men ml" The sense Is the SBAa«
with the omtntnn ; bat Ine lecelved resdher XV* «j«
inusslruUr defended.
SAYI0UB
»j Bat ■■>!■!■ of Him ? '• Behold the Lamb of
God," say» tier Baptist, " which iaketh awav th*
tin of the waul" (John i. 29). Commeumtors
differ about too ellueiaa implied in that name. But
take any one of their opinion*, and a sacrifice is
implnd. Is it thi Paschal lamb that is referred
tor— bit the lamb of the daily sacrifice ? Either
way the death of the victim ia brought before us.
Hut the aJluaioa in all probability is to the well-
known prophecy of Ianiah (liii.), to the Lamb
Brought to the slaughter, who bore our grids and
earned oar sorrows. 4
6. The Apostles after the Resurrection preach no
anaral system, but a belief in and lore of Christ,
the crucified and risen Lord, through whom, if they
i shall obtain salvation. This was Peter s
t on the day of Pentecost (Acts ii.) ; and he
appeased boldly to the Prophets on the ground of
an expectation of a suffering Messiah (Acts iii. 18).
Philip traced out for the Eunuch, in that picture
of ondcrmg holiness in the well-known chapter of
the lineaments of Jesus of Nazareth (Acts
bod. liii.). The first sermon to a Gentile
proclaimed Christ slain and risen, and
• that through His name whosoever believeth
a Host shall receive remfesuu of t>u» " (Acta x.).
Paal at Antioch preaches " a Saviour Jesus " (Acts
on. 23); "through this Man ia preached unto you
the tagiisnisa of abn, and by Him all that believe
arc jaw US id from all things from which ye could rot
he justified by the Law of Moms " (Acts xih. 88, S9)
At Tlii—lmin all that wo learn of this Apostle's
preaching ia " that Christ must needs have suffered
sad risen again from the dead ; and that this Jesus,
whom i piiaa.li unto you, is Christ " (Ads xvii. 3).
bom* Agrippa he declared that he bad preached
always "that Christ should suffer, and that He
1 be the first that should rise from the deed "
ri. 29) ; and it was this declaration that
his royal hearer that he was a crazed
The sKSOunt of the first founding of the
(.oareb at th* Acta of the Apostles ia concise and
and sometimes we have hardly any
> of judging what place the sufferings of Jesus
held ia the teaching of the Apostles ; but when we
nod that they •• preached Jesus," or the like, it it
amy fiur to Infer from ether passages that the
Crews of Christ was never concealed, whether Jews,
«r Greeks, or barbarians were the listeners. And this
very anlinaiity shows how much weight they
at tscfaed to the facts of the life of our Lord. They
Ad not merely repeat in each new place the pure
na t al i ty of Jesus aa He uttered it in the Sermon on
the Mount: of such lessons we have no record.
They tosh in their hands, as the strongest weapon,
the tact that a certain Jew crucified afar off in Je-
i area the Son of Ood, who had died to save
their one; and they offered to all alike
through faith, in the resurrection from
the dead of this outcast of His own people. No
wonder that Jews and Greeks, judging in their
worldly way, thought this strain of preaching came
«s° fatty or madness, and turned from what they
vasaaat rannrerung jargon.
6. Wo are abas to complete from the Epistles out
aceonat of the teaching of the Apostles on the doc-
* fas tka) psssmw aucusvd fullj Id the note* or Merer,
Use* ( W ss l n erfce ), scd A 1 ford- Toe reference to the
> flods favour with Orotlite and other? ' the
■ to Isaiah Is approved by Chrysostom and many
The taking away of fin CalaMr) of the Baptist,
8AVIOOK
11C7
fine of Atoicmei.t " The Man Christ Josua " ii
the Mediator between God and man, fcr in Him the
human nature, in its sinless purity, is lifted up to
the Divine, so that He, exempt from guilt, can
plead for the guilty (1 Tim ii. o; 1 John ii. 1, 2;
Hob. rii. 25). Thus He is the second Adam that
shall redeem the sin of the first ; the interests of
men are bound up in Him, since He has power tc
take them all into Himself (Eph. v. 29, 30; Rom.
xii. 5; 1 Cor. xv. 22; Rom. v. 12, 17). This
sal ration waa provided by the Father, to " reconcile
us to Himself ' (2 Cor. v. 18), to whom the name
of " Saviour " thus belongs (Luke i. 47) ; and our
redemption is a signal proof of the love of God to
us (1 John iv. 10). Not leas is it a proof of the
lore of Jesus, since He freely lays down His life for
us — offers it aa a precious gift, capable of pur-
chasing all the lost (1 Tim. ii. 6; Tit. ii. 14; Eph.
i. 7. Comp. Matt. xx. 28). But there is another
side of the truth more painful to our natural reason.
How came this exhibition of Divine tone to lie
needed ? Because wrath had already gone out
against man. The clouds of God'a anger gathered
thick over the whole human race ; they discharged
themselves on Jesus only. God has made Him to
be sin for us who knew no sin (2 Cor. v. 21) ; He
is made " a curse " (a thing accursed) for us, tliat
the curse that hangs over us may be removed (Gal.
tt. 13) : He bore our sins in His own body on the
tree (1 Pet. ii. 24). There are those who would
M« on the page of the Bible only tlie sunshine of
the Divine love; but the muttering thunders of
Divine wrath against sin are heard there also ; and
He who alone was no child of wrath, meets the
shock of the thunderstorm, becomes a curse for us,
and a vessel of wrath; and the rays of love break
out of that thunder-gloom, and shine on the bowed
head of Him who hangs on the Cross, dead for our
sins.
We have spoken, and advisedly, as if the New
Teerament were, as to this doctrine, one book in
harmony with itself. That there are In the New
Testament different types of the one true destriue,
may be admitted without peril to the doctrine.
The jirindnal types are four in number.
7. In the Epistle of James there is a remarkable
absence of all explanations of the doctrine of the
Atonement ; but this admission deaf tot amount to
so much as may at first appear. True, the key-
note of the Epistle is Cit the Gospel is the Law
made perfect, and that it is a practical moral system,
in which man finds himself free to keep the Divint
law. But with him Christ is no mere Lawgiver
appointed to impart the Jewish system. He knows
that Eliaa is a man like himself, but of the Person
of Christ he speaks in a different spirit. He mils
himself " a servant of God and of the Lord Jesus
Christ," who is « the Lord of Glory." He speaks
of the Word of Truth, of which Jesus has been the
utterer. He knows that faith in the Lord of Glory
is inconsistent with time-serving and " respect of
persons" (James i. 1, ii. 1, i. 18). "There is one
Lawgiver," he says, " who is able to save and to
destroy " (James iv. 12); and this refers no doubt
to Jesus, whose second coming he holds up as a
motive to obedience (James r. 7-9). These and
and the bearing it (♦*«», Sept) of Isaiah, pave one
meaning, and answer to the Hebrew word MEO. To
take the eras on UinisuU la to remove them from the
sinners ; and bow can this be through His death except to
the war of expiation by that death Itself ?
1158
8AVIOUB
tike expressions remove this Epistle far out of the
iphere of Ebionitish tenching. The iiupired writer
■MS the San'ar, in the Father's glory, preparing
to rsturn tc judge the quick and dead. He pots
%rth Christ as Prophet and King, for he makes
Hhn Teacher and iudge of the world ; bat the
office of the Priest he doer not dwell on. Far be
it. from us tc say that he knows it not. Something
must have taken place before be could treat his
bearers with ooafidence, as free creatures, able to re-
sist temptations, and even to meet temptations with
joy. He treats " your faith " a* something founded
already, not to be prepared by this Epistle (James
i. 2, 3, 21). His purpose is a purely practical one.
There is no intention to unfold a Chriatology, such
as that which makes the Epistle to the Romans so
raluable. Assuming that Jesus has manifested
Himself, and begotten anew the human race, he
seeks to make them pray with undivided hearts,
and bo considerate to the poor, and strive with lusts,
for which they and not God are respouwble ; and
bridle their tongues, and show their fruits by their
works.*
8. In the teaching of St Peter the doctrine of
the Person of our Lord is connected strictly with
that of His work as Saviour and Messiah. The
frequent mention of His sufferings shows the pro-
minent place he would give them; and he puis
forward as the ground of his own right to teach,
that he was " a witness of the sufferings of Christ "
(1 Pet. v. L). The atoning virtue of those suf-
ferings he dwells on with peculiar emphasis ; and
not less so on the purifying influence of the Atone-
ment on the hearts of believers. He repeats again
and again that Christ died for us (1 Pet. ii. 21,
iii. 18, iv. 1) ; that He bare our sins in His own
body on the tree < (1 Pet. ii. 24). He ban them ;
and what does this phrase suggest, but the goat
that " shall bear " the iniquities of the people off
into the land that was not inhabited r (Lev. xvi.
22) or else the feeling the coatequencff of sin, ss
the word is used elsewhere (Lev. xx. 17, 19) ? We
hare to choose between the cognate ideas of sacri-
fice and substitution. Closely allied with these
statements are those which connect moral reforma-
tion with the death of Jesus. He bare our sins
that we might live unto righteousness. His death
is our life. We are not to be content with a self-
satisfied contemplation of our redeemed state, but
to live a life worthy of it (1 Pet. ii. 21-25, iii.
15-18). In these passages the whole Gospel is
contained ; we are justified by the death of Jesus,
who bore our sins that we might be sanctified and
renewed to a life of godliness. And from this
Apostle we hear again the name of " the Lamb,"
as well as from John the Baptist ; and the passage
cf taiah comes back upon us with unmistnkeable
clsarcen. Wa are redeemed " with the precious
blood of Cnrj*, as of a lamb without blemish and
without spot" (1 Pet. i. 18, 19, with Is. liii. 7).
Every woid carries us back to the Old Testament
and its sacrificial system : the spotless victim, the
release from sin by its blood (elsewhere, i. 2, by
ihe sprinkling of its blood), are here; not the type
and shudow, but the truth of them ; not a cere-
monial purgation, but an effectual reconcilement of
can and God.
• 8eeNeaniler.f>>taiui«a,b.vLe.s; ScbmkL rftasisp*
sVr.v. T, psitu.; and Doroer, CxHrtefcyfe. i. M.
• Utter* were any doubt mat "for us" (fartc «ur)
nets* " In usr abad "f m*»r »!). 'his 141k versa, which
assists* rbe former, would set it at nest.
4AVIO0X
«. In the inspired writings of John we uesiratk
at once with the emphatic statements as to the
Divine and human natures of Christ. A right betas'
in the incarnation is the test of a Christian man
(1 John iv. 2; John i. 14; 2 Jt-hn 7)? wc mast
believe that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, tad
that He is manifested to destroy the woks of the)
devil (1 John iii. 8). And, on the other hand.
Ho who has come m the flesh is the On* who alone
has been in the bosom of the Father, seen thai
things that human eyes have never seen, and has
come to declare them unto us (1 John i. 2, iv. 14 ;
John i. 14-18'. This Person, at once Divine and
human, is " the propitiation for our sins," oar
" Advocate with the Father," sent into the world
"that we might live through Him;" and the
means was His laying down His life for us, whack
should make us ready to lay down our live* fbr
the brethren (1 John ii. 1, 2, iv. 9, 10, v. 11-13,
iii. 18, v. 6, i. 7 ; John xi. 51). And the moral
effect of His redemption is, that » the Hood at
Jesus Christ cleanseth us from all sm" (1 Joba
i. 7). The intimate connexion between His work
sad our holiness is the main subject of hi* First
Epistle: "Whosoever is bora of God doth not
commit sin " (1 John iii. 9). As with St. Peter,
so with St. John ; every point of the doctrine of
the Atonement comes out with abundant cle a rn ess,
The substitution of another who can bear ear sms,
for us who cannot ; the sufferings and death as the
means of our redemption, our justification thereby,
and our progress in holiness as the result at on
justification.
10. To follow out as fully, in the more velum*,
nous writings of St. Paul, the passages that speak
of our salvation, would far tranegseas the limits of
our paper. Man, according to this Apostle, is a
transgressor of the Law. His conscience tells bin
that be cannot act up to that Law which, the same
conscience admits, is Divine, and binding upon him.
Through the old dispensations man remained in
this condition. Even the Law of Moses could not
justify him : it only by its strict behests held up a
mirror to conscience that its frailness might be
seen. Christ came, sent by the mercy of our
Father who had never forgotten us ; given to, not
deserved by us. He came to reconcile men and
God by dying on the Cross for them, and bearing
their punishment in their stead t (2 Cor. v. 14-21 ;
Rom. t. 6-8). He is "a propitiation through
faith in His blood'' (Rom. iii. 25. 26. Compare
Lev. xvL 15. 'lAavrtptor means -victisr fee.
expiation"): words which most people will fin*
unintelligible, except in reference to the OV ' esta-
ment and its sacrifices. He is the ransom, or price
paid, for toe redemption of man from all iniquity
(Titus ii. 14). The wrath of God was again*
man, but it did not fall on man. God made His
Son *■ to be sin for us " though He knew no sin,
and Jesus suffered though men had sinned, By
this act God and man were reconciled (Rom. r. 10;
2 Cor. v. 18-20; Eph. ii. 16; Col. i. 21). Oa
the side of man, trust and love and hope take Use
place of fear and of an evil conscience ; on the side
of God, that terrible wrath of His, which is re-
vealed fiom heaven against all ungodliness ana)
unrighteousness of men, is turned away ( Rom. i.
s Tbesa two passages are decisive ss Is toe (art of ash.
stltntlon : they mlgbt be fortlned with many others.
* Sua stronger in 1 Tan. as," ransom Instead of*
(axuvTpor). Also Kab. L I (aWaTaamt) ; 1 Cor. vi an
vt»
KAVKMJB
8AVI0UB
1169
,% v. #; I Thass. i. 10). The question whether
«> set iiieaiilid So God only, or God is alto re-
1 to as, aright be diacuind on deep mete-
but we purposely leave that on
t to ihow that at all event* the in-
kntisa of God to punish man i* averted by this
• BrepiusJioB " and " reconcilement."
11. Different viewa are held about the author-
dtp of the EpMle to the Hebrews, by modern
oitks; out iti numerous point* of contact with
du (tker Epistles ef St. Paul must be recognized.
la botli the incompleteness of Judaism I* dwelt on ;
■aim prion from ein and guilt is what religion ha*
to it far men, and thi* the Law failed to *ecore.
ii beta, nceodiution and forgiveness and a new
■end aower in the believers are the fruits of the
tark of Jama. la the Epistle to the Romans,
rail show* that the Law tailed to justify, and
test fait* ia the blood of Jesne must be the ground
sfjewHioarion. In the Epistle to the Hebrews the
esse naalt fellows from an argument rather dif-
ferent: aO that the Jewish system aimed to do it
aaaaaataWia Christ ia a tar more perfect manner.
TktGsspel has a better Priest, more effectual saeri-
sas, s sure profound peace. In the one Epistle
tat law stems set aside wholly for the system of
aits ; hi the other the Law ia exalted and glorified
a as Gospel shape ; but the aim is precisely the
■ a ss to shew the weakness of the Law and the
ef actssl (rait of tlie GospeL
12. We are now in a position to see how far the
eschiej of the New Testament on the effects of the
datfii of Jesns is continuous aud consistent. Are
a* oo aa r stioM of oar Lord about Himself the
«bh as those ef James and Peter, John and Haul?
ad an these of the Apostles coexistent with each
***? The several points of this mysterious trans-
■tae nay he thus roughly described : —
■• Gad east His Son into the world to redeem
*"« ssd rained man from sin and death, and the
Sas wubngly took upon Him the form of a servant
to tit. purpose ; and thus the Kather and the Son
assitotsd their love for as.
1 Get* the Kather hud upon His Son the weight
•f the as* of the whole world, so that He hare in
Ha ewa body the wrath which men must else have
**ie, bsauee there was no other way of escape for
'""a ; sod thas the Atonement was a manifestation
«"»»«» justice.
3. Tat eject ef the Atonement thus wrought is,
•est Baa is placed in a new position, freed from the
•"■Mien of tin, and able to follow holiness ; and
•tas the doctrine of the Atonement ought to work
a sB the aesrers a sense of love, of obedience, and
el exf-tamHoe.
I* •Barter words, the sacrifice of the death of
<*«* a a proof of Divine tore, and of Divine justice,
ad a for as a document of obedience.
'Jit* fear great writers of the New Testament,
tacr, rW, and John set forth every one of these
Pees, rater, the - witness of the sufferings of
< Vat," Wis a* that we are redeemed with the
"■d ef J ss ua , as of a lamb without blemish and
■'•toil spot; say* that Christ bare our sins in His
■*» aoay a the tree. If we " have tasted that
m L ** " p osi u m" (1 Pet. U. 3), we must not
"••asiSHI with a contemplation of our redeemed
•a**, but cost lire a life worthy of it No one
oa aeU doubt, who loads the two Epistles, that
a» **s of God and Christ, and the justice of God,
"d tor daties thereby bud on ns, all have their
rv«a a tttas ; but the love is less dwelt on titan
the justice, whilst the most prominent idea of all ii
the moral and practical working of the Cruel o*
Christ upon the lives of men.
With St. John, again, all three points find place.
That Jesus willingly laid down His life for us, and
is an advocate with the Father ; that He is also the
propitiation, the suffering sacrifice, for our o.ns ,
and that the blooa of Jesns Christ cleenseth us
from all sin, for tliat whoever is born of God doth
not commit sin ; all are put forward. The death
of Christ is both justice and lore, both a pro-
pitiation and an act of loving self-surrender ; but
the moral effect upon ns is more prominent e-e»
than these.
In the Kpistles of Paul the three element* aie all
present. In such expressions as a ransom, a pro-
pitiation, who was " made sin for us," the wrath
of God against sin, and the mode in which it was
turned away, are presented to us. Yet not wrath
alone. " The love of Christ constraineth us ; be-
cause we thus judge, that if one ditJ for all, then
were all dead : and that He died for all, that they
which lire should not henceforth live unto them-
selves, but unto Him which died for them, and
rose again" (2 Cor. v. 14, 15). Love in Him
begets love in us, and in our reconciled state the
holiness which we could not practise before becomes
easy.
The reasons for not finding from St. James similar
evidence, we hare spoken of already.
Mow in which of these points is there the sem-
blance of contradiction between the Apostles and
their Master ? In none of them. In the Gospels,
as in the Kpistles, Jesus is held up as the sacrifice
and victim, draining a cup from which His human
nature shrank, feeling in Himself a sense of desolatic
such ac we fail utterly to comprehend on a the..,/
of human motives. Vet no one takes from Him
His jrecious redeeming life; He lays it down of
Himself, out of His great love for men. But men
are to deny themselves, and take up their cross and
tread in His steps. They are His friends only if
they keep His commands and follow His footsteps.
We must consider it proved that these three
points or moment* are the doctrine of the whole
New Testament. What is there about this teaching
that has provoked in times past and present so
much disputation? Not the hardness of the doc-
trine, — for none of the theories put in its place
are any easier, — but its want of logical romtJeto-
ness. Sketched out for us in a few broad lines, it
tempts the fancy to fill it in and lend it colour;
and we do not always remember that the hands
that attempt this are trying to make a mjiUry
into a theory, an infinite truth into a finite cm,
and to reduce the great things of God into the
narrow limits of our little field of view. To whom
was the ransom paid ? What was Satan's jLire ol
the transaction ? How can one sutler for anotner ?
How oould the Redeemer be miserable when He
was conscious that His work was one which cuM
bring happiness to the whole human race? Yet
this condition of indefiniteuess is one which is im-
posed on us in the reception of every mystery:
prayer, the incarnation, the immortality of the srul,
are all subject* that pass far beyond our range of
thought. And here we see the wisdom of God in
connecting so closely our redemption with oui
reformation. If the object were to give us a com-
plete theory of salvation, no doubt there would be
in the Bible much to seek. The theory i« gathered
by fragments out of many an exhoruttiou aud warn-.
1160
b*w
lag ; nowhere don it stand oat entire, snd without
logical Haw. But if we assume that the New Tes-
tament U written for the guidance of sinful hearts,
Me find a wonderful aptness for that particular end.
Jesus is proclaimed as the solace of our fears, at
the founder of oar moral life, as the restorer of our
lost relation with our Father. If He had a cross,
there is a cross for us ; if He pleased not Himself,
let as deny ourselves ; if He suffered for sin, let us
hate sin. And the question ought not to be, What
do all these mysteries mean? but. Are these
thoughts really such ss will serve to guide our life
and to assuage our terrors in the hour cf death ?
The answer is twofold — one from history and one
from experience. The preaching of the Cross of
the Lord even in this simple fashion converted the
world. The same doctrine is now the ground of
any definite hope that we find in ourselves, of for-
giveness of sins and of everlasting life.
It would be out of place in a Dictionary of the
Bible to examine the History of the Doctrine or to
answer the modern objections urged against it. For
these subjects the reader is referred to the author's
Essay on the - Death of Christ," in Aids to Faith,
which also contains the substance of the present
article. [W. T.]
SAW.* Egyptian saws, so far as has yet
been discovered, were single-handed, though St.
Jerome has been thought to allude to circular saws.
As is the case in modern Oriental saws, the teeth
usually incline towards the handle, instead of away
from it like ours. They have, in most cases, bronze
blades, apparently attached to the handles by lea-
thern thongs, but some of those in the British
Museum have their blades let into them like our
knives. A double-handed iron saw has been found
at Nimrud ; and double saws strained with a cord,
such as modem carpenters use, were in use among
the Romans, in sawing wood the Egyptians placed
the wood perpendicularly in a sort of frame, and cot
it downwards. No evidence exists of the use of the
saw applied to stone in Egypt, nor without the
double-banded saw does it seem likely that this
should be the case; but we read of sawn stones
used in the Temple. ( 1 K. vii. 9 ; Ges. Thes. 305 ;
Wilkinson, Anc. Egyp. ii. 114, 119 ; Brit. Mus.
Egyp. Room, No. 6046 ; Layard, Am. and Bab.
p. 195 ; Jerome, Contra, in Is. xxviii. 27.) The
mws "under" or "in" b which David is said
to hare placed his captives were cf iron. The
repression in 2 Sam. xii. 3* , does &ot necessarily
mply torture, but the word "cat" in 1 Chr.
xx. 3, on hardly be understood otherwise. (Ges.
Tlits. p. 1326; Thenius on 2 Sam. xii. snd
1 Chr. xx.) A case of sawing asunder, by placing
the criminal between boards, snd then beginning
at the head, is mentioned by Shaw, Trav. p. 254.
(See Diet, of Antiq. " Sena.") [Handicraft ;
Pcnmmient]. [H.W. P.]
SCAPE-GOAT. [Atonement, Day of.]
SCARLET. [Couonng.]
8GEPTBE (02V). The Hebrew term shsbet,
like its Greek equivalent craiprrser, and our deri-
vative sceptre, originally meant a rod or staff. It
eras thence specifically applied to the shepherd's
crook (Lev. xxvii. 32 ; Mic. vii. 14), and to the
* L (TOO ; wafer ; from TU i only nssd n part |
Pul. 1 x'vn. *. I
SCIENCE
wand or sceptre of a ruler. . It has been admrtd
that the latter of these secondary senses is derived
from the former (Winer, Bealvl "Sceptre"); but
this appears doubtful from the circumstance that the
sceptre of the Egyptian kings, whence the idea ss*
a sceptre was probably borrowed by the early Jews,
resembled, not a shepherd's crook, but a plough
(Dwd. Sic. iii. 3). The use of the staff as a symbol
of authority was not confined to kings ; it might
be used by any leader, as instanced hi Judg. v. 14
where for " pen of the writer," as in the A. V., wi
should read " sceptre of the leader." Indeed, nc
instance of the sceptre being actually handled by ?
Jewish king occurs in the Bible ; the allusions to it
are all of a metaphorical character, and describe
it simply as one of the insignia of supreme powsi
(Gen. xlix. 10; Num. xxiv. 17;Ps. xlv. d;l* sir.
5; Am. i. 5; Zech. I. 11; Wisd. x. 14; Bar. vi.
14). We are cunseqnently unable to describe the
article from any Biblical notices; we may infer
from the term snebtt, that it was probably made of
wood; but we are not warranted in quoting Ex.
iix. 11 in support of this, ss done by Winer, for
the term rendered " rods " may better be rendered
" shoots," or " sprouts " as = offspring. The sceptre
of the Persian monarch* is described as " golden,"
•'. e. piobably of massive gold (Esth. iv. 11 ; Xen.
Cyrop. viii. 7, $13) ; the inclination of it towards
a subject by the monarch was a sign of favour, and
kissing it as act of homage (Esth. hr. II, v. 2j.
A carved ivory staff discovered at Nimrud is sup-
posed to have been a sceptre (Layard, Am. and
Bab. p. 195). The sceptre of the Egyptian
queens is represented in Wilkinson's Anc Eg.
i. 276. The term shebet is rendered in the A. V.
"rod" in two passages where sceptre should be
substituted, vix. in Ps. ii. 9, where "sceptre o4
iron" is an expression for strong authority, and in
PS.CXXT. 3. [W.L.B.]
SCETA (Xrcvos; Soma). A Jew residing
at Ephesns at the time of St. Paul'a second vast to
that town (Acts xix. 14-16). He is described as
a " high-priest " (4fX'«P«*»)> either as having
exercised the office at Jerusalem, or as being chief
of one of the twenty-four classes. His seven sous
attempted to exorcise spirits by using the name of
Jesus, and on one occasion severe injury was in
flicted by the demoniac on two of them (as implied
in the term knqxnipm*, the true reading in ver. lb
instead of a*rejr). [W. L. B.]
SCIENCE (JTTO: yimtra: seiintia). In tb»
A. V. this word occurs only in Dan. i. 4, and 1 Tim.
vi. 20. Elsewhere the rendering for the Hebrew or
Greek words and their cognates is " knowledge,"
while the Vnlg. has as uniformly tcimtia. Its use
in Dan. i. 4 is probably to be explained by tlie
number of synonymous words in the verse, fee clnjr
the translators to look out for diversified equivalents
in English. Why it should have been chosen for
I Tim. vi. 20 is not so obvious. Its effect is inju-
rious, as leading the reader to suppose that St. Paul
is speaking of something else than the " knowledge"
of which both the Judaixing and tbe mystic sects of
the Apostolic age continually boasted, against whfrb
he so urgently warns men (1 Cor. viii. 1, 7), lb*
counterfeit of the true knowledge which he prises
so highly (1 Cor. xii. 8, xiiL 2; Phil. i. 9t Col
I *wO; t|Mr; ssrra.
* iTtttSS •, «» rw rpum (t*a«); sermstt
SCORPION
ifi. 10% A natural perversion of th« meaning of tin
tot has followed from this translation. Men have
■an in it a warning, i« against a spurious theo-
•syhy— of which 8wedt«borgianism is, perhaps, the
Merest modern analogue — but against that which
M sot come within St Paul's horizon, and which,
if it had, we may bauere ha would have welcomed—
tat stady of the works of God, the recognition of
His Will working by laws in nature. It has been
barled anecaselTefy at the heads of astronomers and
geologists, whenever men bare been alarmed at
what they hare deemed the antagonism of physical
" saaace to religion. It would be interesting to
a s p a rtate , whether this ware at all the ntmu of the
translators of the A. V- — whether they were be-
ghuuag to look with alarm at the union ot scepticism
sad stscnoe, of which toe common proverb, " ubi
tra mtdiaidtm aVui," was a witness. As it is, we
most una t e nt ourservee with noting a few facts in
the Biblical history of the English word.
(1.) In Wsctsf's translation, it appears leas fre-
quently than ought have been expected in a version
bated nam the Vulgate. For the " knowledge of
" of the A. V. in Luke i. 77, we hare the
! of health." In Christ are hid " the trea-
sures of wisdom and of science " (Col. ii. 3). In
1 Tim. vi. 20, however, Wiclif baa " kunnynge."
(2.) Tindal, rejecting " science'' as a rendering
elara-bere, introduces it here; and is followed by
Coninar's and the Genera Bibles, and by the A. V.*
(3.) The Rhemish translators, in this instance ad-
docdy to the Vulg. than the Protestant
, gire " knowledge."
It would obriouaiy be out of place to enter here
into the wide question what were the bvriiivtis
rjt irat mr ipow yr<t<ttms of which St. Paul speaks.
A dis a eita tion on the Gnosticism of the Apostolic
•ge would require a Tolume. What is necessary
far a Dictionary will be found under Timothy,
Erarxa to. [£- H. P.]
8O0BPION(aTj5»,'airdo: et^rrlo,: Korpio).
The weB-known animal of that name, belonging to
the class Arachnids and order Pulmonaria, which is
nice mentioned in the 0. T. and four times in the
X. T. The wilderness of Sinai is especially allnded
to ss oong inhabited by scorpions at the time of
the exodus (Deut. riii. 15), and to this day these
annneli are common in the same district, as well
ss in same parts of Palestine. Ebrenberg (Symb.
fact,) enumerates five species as occurring near Mt.
Snsi, some of which are found also in the Lebanon.
Katie! (ii. 6) is told to be in no fear of the rebel-
bom Israelites, here compared to scorpions. The
Apostle* were endued with power to resist the
Kings of serpent* and scorpions (Luke x. 19). In
the rbion of St. John (Rev. ix. 3, 10) the locusts that
cams out of the smoke of the bottomless pit are
said to hare had " tails like unto scorpions," while
the pain resulting from this creature's sting is al-
rndad to in verse 5. A scorpion for an egg (Luke
xi. 12) was probably a proverbial expression. Ao-
800BPIOK
1161
' Tat tauowmf quotation from Thviti Is decisive ss to
lac sta* la which he nsed the word. It shows that be
awOHspkioa ao form of ecteuee (In the modern sense of
ib> tma), aufltrmadcal or physical, but the very oppo-
■V «f Oat,— the attempt to brine; all spiritual or divine
l-ua>«aasr<to<armo)M<^tbelo0oslnnderitai>dliig. He
asMssef tat dweates of Bomlah tlaealoa>ans ss the " eoo-
awwafcwe of wsasa Paul warned Tlmothjr. calttng them
o» •fsnrttaas of a Wse-oamed edence, for that their
~a frihiia/ asttasffy arcs', make objections against any
cording to Erasmus the Greeks had a eimilar proverb
(is-rl -tttpitns o-a-opr'or). Scorpions are generally
found in dry and in dark places, under stones and
in ruins, chiefly in warm climates. They are car-
nivorous in their habits, and more along in a
threatening attitude with the tail elrvnted. The
sting, which is situated at the extremity of the tail,
has at its base a gland that secretes a poisonous
fluid, which is discharged into the wound by two
minute orifice* at its extremity. In hot climates
the sting often occasions much suffering, and
sometimes alarming symptoms. The fallowing
are the species of scorpions mentioned by Eb-
renberg : — Scorpio macrocenrnu, S. paimatus,
S. bicohr, S. leptochelis, S. funtstu*, all found at
lit. Sinai; S. nigrodncttu, S. melanophya, 8.
paJmatia, Mt. Lebanon.* Besides these Palestine
and Sinai kinds, five others are recorded as oc
curring in Egypt.
The " scorpions" ofl K. xii. 1 1, 14, 2 Chr. x. 11
14, have clearly no allusion whatever to the animal,
but to some instrument of scourging — unless
indeed the expression is a mere figure. Celsius
(ffienb. ii. 45) thinks the " scorpion " scourge was
the spiny stem of what the Arabs call Hedek
(t5«Xa»)> the Solomon mttongena, var. nouUntum,
egg-plant, because, according to Abul Fadli, this
plant, from the resemblance of its spines to the
sting of a scorpion, war sometimes called the
" scorpion thorn ;" bnt in all probability this in-
strument of punishment was in the form of a whip
armed with iron points " Virga — si nodosa vei
rculeaU, scorpio rectissimo nomine vacatur, qii
arcuato vulnere in corpus infigitur." (Isidorux
Orig. Lot. 5, 27 ; and see Jahn, Sib. AM. p. 287.)
lb the Greek of 1 Mace. vi. 51, some kind of war
missile is mentioned under the name o-aeewitiof ;
but we want information both a* to its form and
the reason of its name. (See Did. of Antiquities
art. " Tormentum.") [W. H.]
troth, be It never so plain, with pro and amira " (Supper
(ftht Lord, M. 184. Parker 8oc Edition). Tlndal's use
and spptlcat£on of the word accounts. It may be remarked,
for the cboios of a different word by the Rhemish trans-
lators. Those of the A. V. stay have nsed It with a dtf-
*» Modem naturalist* restrict tne genus Scorpio tc
those kinds which have six eyes, Bosthne to ihoat
which have eight, and Androcbmus to ttaos* wblrh bar*
twelve,
1162
8COUBGLNG
SCOURGING.* The punishment of acourgtng
was prescribed by the Law in the caw of a betrothed
bondwoman guilty of unchastity, and perhaps in
the ease of both the guilty persons (Lev. xix. 20).
V omen win subject to scourging in Egypt, as they
ftttl ure by the law of the Koran, for incontinence
(Sale, Koran, chap. xxiv. and chap. iv. note ;
Lane, Mod. Egyp. i. 147 ; Wilkinson, Anc. Egyp.
abridgm. ii. 211). The instrument of punishment
in ancient Egypt, as it is also in modem times
generally in the East, was usually the stick, applied
to the soles of the feet — bastinado (Wilkinson, I. c. ;
Chardin, vi. 114 } Lane, Jfod. Egyp. i. 146). A
mere severe scourge is possibly implied in the
term "scorpions," whips armed with pointed
baUs of lead, the " horribile flagellum" of Horace,
though it is more probably merely a vivid figure,
I 'tuler the Roman method the culprit was stripped,
stretched with cords or thongs on a frame (Jaxiri-
catio), and beaten with rods. After the Porcian
law (B.C. 300), Koman citizens were exempted from
scourging, but slaves and fordgnca were liable
to be beaten, even to death (Gesso. T/m. p. 1062;
laid. Oriq. V. 27, ap. Scheller; Lex. Lot. Scorpio;
Hor. I Sat. ii. 41, Ui. 119; Prov. xxvi. 3 ; Acts
xvi. 22, and Grotius, ad 1., xxii. 24, 25; IK. xii.
11; Cic. Ver. iii. 28, 29 ; pro Sab. 4 ; Liv.x.9;
Sail. Cat. 51). [H. W. P.]
SCREECH-OWL. [Owl.]
SCKIBE8 (Dnoto : ypoiifurrtit : tcribae).
The prominent position occupied by the Scribes in
the Gospel history would of itself make a know-
ledge of their lite and teaching essential to any
clear conception of our Lord's work. It was by
their influence that the later form of Judaism had
been determined. Such as it was when the "new
doctrine" was first proclaimed, it had become
through them. Kar more than priests or Levi tea
they represented the religious life of the people.
On the one liand we must know what they wer*
in order to understand the innumerable points of
contrast presented by oar Lord's acts and words.
On the other, we must not forget that there were
nlso, inevitably, points of resemblance. Opposed
n* His teaching was, in its deepest principles, to
theirs, He was yet, in the eyes of men, as one of
their order, a Scribe among Scribes, a Rabbi among
Knbbis (John i. 49, iii. 2, ri. 25, &c. ; Schoettgen,
Ilor. Hcb. ii. Chrittiu Sabbinorum Summut).
I. Same. — (1.) Three meanings are connected
with the verb tipkar (TDD), the root of Sopherim
— (1) to write, (2) to set in order, (3) to count.
The explanation of the word has been referred to
eiwh of these. The Sopherim were so called because
they wrote out the Law, or because they classified
and arranged its precepts, or because they counted
with scrupulous minuteness every clause and letter
it contained. The traditions of the Scribes, glorying
iu their own achievements,* weie iu favour ot the
• 1. To scourge. 1MB', the scourge, B^ff; »»»«{•,
fiageUum; also In A. V. H whip.
1. OCfe' ; 4Xm ; ofmdiculum ; only In Josh. xxtti. 13.
Bluer isohrt or the inf. In Plel. (Uee. 1379).
* They had ascertained that ute central letter of the
whole law va the u of JtflJ In Lev. xi. 41 and wrote
It accordingly In a larger character. (AVdaaat. In Light-
loot. <m Luke x.) Tbejr counted up In like manner the
arecxHs of the Law that answered to the number of
4 t-lhanVs servant* or Jacob's descendants.
i Ushtfeot'ssiraneemeiit, though onalrruireL ts worth
SOUIBES
list of these etvnwiogies (cMahtn, 5 ; Carueve
App. Crit. ii. 135). The second nts in best'wUa
the military functions connected with the word n
the earlier stages of its history (infra). The au-
thority of most Hebrew scholars is with the first
(Gesenius, t. e.). The Greek equivalent answers
to the derived rather than the original meaning of
the word. The yfapiurrthi of a Greek state was
not the mere writer, but the keeper and registrar
of public documents (Thuc iv. 118, vii. 10; so ir
Acts xix. 35). The Scribes of Jerusalem were, ir.
like manner, the custodians and interpreters of taa
ypifufiara upon which the polity of the nation
rested. Other words applied to the same data am
found in the N. T. Nofiurol appears in Matt. xxii.
35, Luke vii. 30, x. 25, xiv. 3; reawtiSdViraAot
in Luke v. 17 ; Acts v. 34. Attempts have been
made, but not very successfully, to reduce to*
several terms to a classification.* All that can be
said is that ypaf^uiTtvs appears the most generic
term ; that in Luke xi. 45 it is contrasted with
ro/UKOf ; that roauSiooVaaAot, as in Acts v. 34,
seems the highest of the three. Josephus (AnL.
xvii. 6, §2) paraphrases the technical word by
Hrrvral »ipmr.
(2.) The name of Kuuath-Sephee (viVo
ypaftfiArmti, LXX., Josh. xv. 15; Judg. i. 12; may
possibly connect itself with some early use of the
title. In the Song of Deborah (Judg. v. 14? th»
word appears to point to military functions of some
kind. The " pen of the writer " of the A. V.
(LXX. ir f>i$K<r 8nry*>tsrs ypatipartrnt) is pro-
bably the rod or sceptre of the commander num-
bering or marshalling his troops.' The title appear*
with more distinctness in the early history of the
monarchy. Three men are mentioned as successively
tilling the office of Scribe under David and Solomon
(2 Sam. viii. 17, xx. 25; 1 K. iv. 3, in this in-
stance two simultaneously). Their functions air
not specified, but the high place assigned to them,
side by side with the high-priest and the captain
of the* host, implies power and honour. We may
think of them as the king's secretaries, writing
his letters, drawing up h'+ decrees, managing I"*
Hnauces (comp. the work of the scribe under Juesh,
2 K. xii. 10). At a later period the woid again
connects itself with the act of numbering the mili-
tary forces of the country ( Jer. Iii. 25, and probably
Is. xxxiii. 13). Other associations, however, begin
to gather round it about the same period. The
zeal of Hezekinh led him to foster the growth of a
body of men whose work it was to transcribe oU
records, or to put in writing what had been banded
down orally (Prov. xxr. 1;. To this period ac-
cordingly belongs the new significance of the title.
It no longer designates only an officer of the king's
court, but n class, students and interpreters of the
Law, boasting of their wisdom (Jer. viii. 8).
(3.) The seventy years of the Captivity gave a
fresh glory to the name. The exiles would be
giving (//arm. $ 17). The " Scribes," as rod), were tboas
ubu occupied themselves with the JfOoa. Next above
them were the " Lawyers," •rodents of the J h rtao. acting
as aaarmnnr though not voting m the Sanhedrim. The
" Doctors of the Law ** were expounders of the Gtmen*,
and actual members of the Sanhedrim. (Camp. Carpsx .
App. frit. 1. 7 ; Leusden, Pkii. Btbr. CM; Lsyrer. la
Henog's Uncyctcp. " Schrtrigelebrte.")
< Ewald, however (Mist. B0A. L 1S*X takes *Y)b u
equivalent to DBS'- "a Jade*"
SCRIBES
astnsa above al! things to preserve the
basks, the raws, the hymns, the prophecies of the
pest, Te know what was worth p r es ei i i ng, to
trams* the elder Hebrew document* accurately,
whea the spoken language of the people waa parang
into Arssneie, to explain what m hard and o£
One— Una waa what the necessities of the time
I ' 1 The man who met them became em-
taetsexSy Em the Scribe, the priestly function*
allreg into the background, a* the priestly order
itself *d before the Scribal a* a clan. The word*
of Ear. vS. 10 describe the Ugh ideal of the new
aloe. The Scribe is - to aeek (VTt) the law of
the Lord and to do it, and to teach in Israel statute*
nd jnagmenta." This, far more than hi* priest-
hood, was the true glory of Ezra. In the eye*
eves of the Persian king he waa " a Scribe of
tW Law of the God of Heaven" (rii. 12). He
n* Hasted in hi* work by others, chiefly Levitas.
rubfjely they read and expounded the Law,
Bsrbaps abo translated it from the already obso-
Bseast Hebrew into the Aramaic of the people'
Tea. Tin. 8-13).
(4.) Of the time that followed we hare but
scsaty records. The ScribeV office apparently be-
none more and more prominent. Traces are found
at ths bier rannniral books of their work and in-
taeaee. Already they are recognised as " masters
sf aBemfaues," act jg under '• one shepherd," hav-
esr, that is, something of a corporate life (Keel, xii.
11 ; Jest, Jvdentk. i. 42). As such they set their
beo steadily to maintain the authority of the Law
zed the Prophets, to exclude from all equality with
thaw the ** many books " of which " there is no
ead* (End. xii. IS). They appear a* a distinct
daa, "the ramifies of the Scribes," with a local
Mlrialiiai (1 Chr. ii. 55). They compile, as in
6* two Books of Chronicle*, txcerpta and epitomes
■' teger rastories { 1 Chr. xxix. 29 ; 2 Chr. ii. 29).
"V o ccurrenc e of the word milrash (<* the story
-■ aigls , 'the eommentary' — of the Prophet
"Ho *), sfhn w auls so memorable, in 2 Chr. zjii. 22,
ssows that the work of commenting and expounding
aad baron already.
IL Dtttkpment <f Doctrine.— (I.) It is charac-
antkof the Scribe* of thi* period that, with the
CKeptasa of Ezra and Zadok (N'eh. xiii. 13), we
*w* as record of their names. A later age
■Mini them collectively as the men of the Great
Synagogue, the true successor* of the Prophets
'Frit AAott, L 1), but the men themselves by
«*■■* agency the Scriptures of the O. T. were
written m their present characters,' compiled in
'Jar pteseot form, limited to their present number,
psnsui oaknowo to us. Never, perhaps, waa so
spartsat a work done so silently. It ha* been
•all argued (Jost, Jwdswttavn, i. 42) that it was so
* "et purpose. The one aim of those early Scribes
*a> tt promote reverence for the Law, to make it
t* rrrsndwork of the 'people's life. They would
ar.t* nothiag of their own, lest less worthy words
8CBJBES
1163
* If tats were so (and most commentators adopt this
<*• i ■» asoakl have In this history the sUrtlng-po'.nt of
*« tKzm*. It haa, however, been questioned. (Camp.
taper, le,)
' Jas (,%saaH. L tz) draws attention to the sroxslar,
saw*, aateaa assshhzadana of Una period. The Jewish
waskes assets Ike old Hebrew, hot nsed Aramaic chanc-
er*. Tea laaasillnisi spoke Aramaic, bat retained the
asw ll iti i wrttaaa.
' T*» ttxarlala of an anwriliea taacfansx was asaln
ahonld be raised to a level with those of the oraila
of God. If interpretation were needed, their Warn-
ing should be oral only. No pneepta should l»
perpetuated as resting on their authority S In the
words of later Judaism, they devoted themselves to
the Miira (i".«. recitation, reading, as in Nek. viii. 8 ,,
the careful study of the text, and laid down rules fid
transcribing it with the most scrupulous precisicu
(comp. the tract Sopherim in the Jerusalem Gemara).
(2.) A saying is ascribed to Simon the Just
(B.C. 300-290), the last of the succession of the
men of the Great Synagogue, which embodies tin
principle on which they had acted, and enables ui
to trace the next stage of the growth of their sys-
tem. " Our fathers have taught us," he said, " three
things, to be cautious in judging, to train many
scholar*, and to set a fence about the Law " (Pfrii
Aboth, i. 1 ; Jost, i. 95). They wished to make
the Law of Hoses the wale of life for the whole
nation and for individual men. But it lies in the
nature of evey such law, of every informal, halt-
systematic code, that it raises questions which it
does not solve. Circumstances change, while the
Law remains the same. The infinite variety of life
presents eases which it has not contemplated. A
Roman or Greek jurist would have dealt with
these on general principles of equity or polity.
The Jewish teacher could recognise no principle*
beyond the precepts of the Law. To him they all
stood on the same footing, were all equally divine.
All uossible cases must be brought within their
range, decided by their authority.
(3.) The result showed that, in this as in other
instances, the idolatry of the letter was destructive
of the very reverence in which it had originated.
Step by step the Scribes were led to conclusions at
which we may believe the earlier representatives of
the order would have started hack with horror.
Decisions on fresh questions were accumulated into
a complex system of casuistry. The new precepts,
still transmitted orally, more precisely fitting in to
the circumstances of men's lives than the old, came
practically to take their place. The " Words of the
Scribes" (Dnoto n"f", now used as a technical
phrase for these'decisions) were honoured above the
Law (Lightfoot, Harm. i. §77 ; Jost, Jvdadh. i.
93). It was a greater crime to offend against them
than against the Law. They were as wine, while
the precepts of the Law were as water. The first
step was taken towards annulling the command-
ments of God for the sake of their own traditions.
The casuistry became at once subtle and prurient,' 1
evading the plainest duties, tampering with con-
science (Matt. xv. 1-6, xxiii. 16-23). The right
relation of moral and ceremonial lawa was not only
forgotten, but absolutely inverted. This wa* the
result of the profound reverence for the lettei
which gave no heed to the " word abiding in them *
(John v. 38).
(4.) The history of the full development of these
tendencies will be found elsewhere. [Targuhs.]
talned among the Rabbis of Palestine op to the daatrocUon
of the Temple (Jost, L ST, S8T).
h It would be profitless to accumulate proofs of tots.
Those who care for them may nod them In Buxtorf
SynagofaJudaita; IfCaul, Old Polk*. Bevolung as li
I*, we must remember that It rose out of the principle
toat tnefw can be no indifferent action, that there must
be a right or a wrong even for the commonest necessities
the merest aataial hux-Uons of man's life, that it was Uw
work of the tearhar to lormnlate that principle te*> r.ilea
1164
SCRIBES
Men It will be enough to notice in what way til*
teaching of the Scribes in onr Lord's time wee
nuking to that result. Their first work wu to
report the decisions of previous Rabbis. These were
the ffaiacfah (that which goes, the current pre-
cept* of the schools) — precepts binding on the con-
science. As they accumulated they had to be com-
piled and classified. A new code, a second Carpus
/arte, the Mishna ($«vr«paVti»), grew out of
them, to become in its tain the subject of fresh
questions and commentaries. Here ultimately the
spirit of the commentators took a wider range. The
soeodotss of the schools or court* of law, the
setter dicta of Rabbis, the wildest fables of Jewish
superstition (Tit. i. 14), were brought in, with or
without any relation to the contest, and the Oemara
(completeness) filled np the measure of the Insti-
tutes of Rabbibic Law. The Mishna and the Gemara
together were known as the Talmud (instruction),
the " necessary doctrine and erudition " of every
learned Jew (Jost, Judmtk. ii. 202-232).
(5.) Side by side with this was a development
in another direction. The sacred books were not
studied as a code of laws only. To search into
their meaning had from the first belonged to the
ideal office of the Scribe. He who so searched was
secure, in the language of the Scribes themselves,
of everlasting life (John v. 39; PirkeAboth,n. 8).
But here also the book suggested thoughts which
could not logically be deduoed from it. Men came
to it with new beliefs, new in form if not in essence,
and, not finding any ground for them in a literal
interpretation, were compelled to have recourse to
sn interpretation which was the reverse of literal. 1
The fruit of this effort to find what was not there
appears in the MUrathim (searching*, investiga-
tions) on the several books of the 0. T. The
process by which the meaning, moral or mystical,
was elicited, was known as Hagada (saving,
opinion). There was obviously no assignable limit
to such a process. It became s proverb that no one
ought to spend a day in the Beth-ham-Midraah
(" the house of the interpreter") without lighting
on something new. Bat there lay a stage higher
even than the Hagada. The mystical school of in-
terpretation culminated in the Kabbah (reception,
the received doctrine). Every letter, every number,
became pregnant with mysteries. With the strangest
possible disto'tion of its original meaning, the Greek
word which had been the representative of the most
exact of all sciences was chosen for the wildest of
all interpretation*. The Gematria (=ytmfirrpta)
showed to what depths the wrong path could lead
men. The mind of the interpreter, obstinately
shutting out the light of day, moved in its self-
chosen darkness amid a world of fantastic Kidola
'corop. Carpsov, App. Crit. i. 7 ; Schoettgen, /fur.
Heb. de Mess. i. 4 : Zunx, Gottesdienstl. VortrSge,
pp. 42-61 ; Jost, Judtnth. iii. 05-81).
HI. History. — (1.) The names of the earlier
scribe* passed away, as has been said, unrecorded.
Simon the Just (circ B.C. 300-290) appears as
the last of the men of the Great Synagogue, the
beginner of a new period. The memorable names
of the time* that followed — Antigonus of Socho,
■ Coeop. e.-g. the exposition which round m Laban and
Balaam "folng to tbelr own place ''(Oen.xzzl. 56; Nam.
xalv.lt) as Intimation of their being sentenced to Ge-
henna (GUI. Comm. en Acts, 1. as).
' A striking Instance of this is Men In the history of
(oka Hyiranue. A Sadden* came to him with proofs of
Manillas
Zsdok, Boothos — connect themselves With the n*
of the first opposition to the traditional st e a m
which was growing up. (SADDUCKE8 ] The ten*
of the Ssdducees, however, never coalman, lad ths
adhesion of more than a email minority. It landed,
by maintaining the sufficiency of the lettea of ths
Law, to destroy the very occupation of a Scribe,
and the chut, as such, belonged to the party of let
opponents. The words " Scribes " and " Pharisees '
were bound together by the chant possible alliance
(Matt.xxni.poum»; Luke v. 30). [PHARISEES.]
Within that party there were shade* and sub-
divisions, and to understand their relation to each
other in Our Lord's time, or their connexion with
His life and teaching, we must look back to what
is known of the five pairs (IYIMD) of teachers who
represented the scribal succession. Why two, and
two only, are named in each case we can only
conjecture, but the Rabbinic tradition that one we*
always the Nasi or President of the Sanhedrim as
a council, the other the Ab-beth-din (father at
the House of Judgment), presiding in the supreme
court, or in the Sanhedrim when it ut as such, is
not improbable (Jost, Jvdentk. i. 160).
'2.) The two names that stand first in order
are Joses ben-Joeser, a priest, and Joses ben-
Jochanan (circ. B.C. 140-180). The precept*
ascribed to them indicate a tendency to a greater
elaboration of all rule* connected with ceremonial
defilement. Their desire to separate themeelve*
and their disciple* from all occasion* of defilement
may have furnished the starting-point tor the
name of Pharisee. The brave struggle with the
Syrian kings hail turned chiefly on questions of
this nature, and it was the wish of the two
teacher* to prepare the people for any future con-
flict by founding a fraternity (the CMerim, or
associates) bound to the strictest observance of
the Law. Every member of the order on his
admission pledged himself to this in the presence
of three Chaberim. They looked on each other aa
brothers. The rest of the nation they looked on
a* "the people of the earth." The spirit ol
Scrikedom was growing. The precept assodntod
with the name of Jose ben-Joeier, " Let thy house
be the assembly-place for the wise; dust thyself
with the dust of their feet ; driuk eagerly of their
words," pointed to a further growth {first Abotk,
i. 1 ; Jost, I. 233). It was hardly checked by the
taunt of the Ssdducees that " these Pharisees would
purify the sun itself" (Jost, i. 217).
(3.) Joshua ben-Perachiah and Nifhat of Arw
bela were contemporary with John Hyrcanus (circ
B.C. 135-108), and enjoyed his favour till towards
the close of his reign, when caprice or interest led
him to pass over to the camp of the Sedducees.
The saying ascribed to Joshua, "Take to thyself »
teacher (.Rao), get to thyself an aKocinte (Chabtr)
judge every man on his better side" (Pirke Abotk,
i. 1), while it* last clause attracts us by its
candour, shows how easily even a fairminded man
might come to recognise no bonds of fellowship
outside the limit* of his sect or order (Jost, i.
227-233).
(4.) The secession of Hyrccau* involved tim
ths direction of the Pharisees. The king asked, -Wham
then am I to dor" -Crash them.'' was the answer. -Bt»
what then will become of the teaching of the law r-
" The Iaw is sow In the hand* of wnrj saw. Thar
and tbey only, would keep It in a corner "{.'ost, J
tzat).
6CRIBBS
H wri M W , and therefore the Scr'.bes u a class, in
seGcaltio, ad a period of confusion followed.
The ■ wrings of the Sanhedrim were suspended or
i pr e dom inantly Sadducean. Under hie euc-
itsrsrirler Jannai, the influence of Simon
over the queen-mother Salome re-
■ahfchej for a time the ascendancy of the Scribes.
The Sanheirna once again assembled, with none to
ay e the dominant Pharisaic party. The day
M amtag waa observed afterwards a* a festival
enly leas solemn than those of Purim and the
OstestJ ao . The return of Alexander from his
sssspaign against Gaza again turned the tables.
£ght hmadred Pharisees took refuge in a fortress,
•en b esiege d, taken, and put to death. Joshua
■ra f*>ii hiah. toe venerable head of the order, was
anvaa Into exile. Simon ben-Shetach, his suoeesbor,
tad to earn his liveuhood by spinning flax. The
"adduces failed, bowerer, to win the confidence
si nsi people. Having no body of oral traditions
Is fall back on, they began to compile a cods.
They were accused by their opponents of wishing
la set an new laws on a level with those of Moses,
sad had to abandon the attempt. On the denth
sf Jannai the influence of his »id;v Alexandra
■as altogether en the side of the Scribes, and Simon
aae-Snetach and Judah ben-Tabbai entered on their
srark as joint teachers. Under them the juristic
use of the Scribe's fractions became prominent.
Their rules tarn chiefly on the laws of evidence
i/Vii sleofA. LI). In two memorable instances
Ihry showed what sacrifices they were prepared to
■asse re support of those laws. Judah had, on
•at eeeassna, condemned false witnesses to death.
Ha and against the guilt led him to neglect the
rats which only permitted that penalty when it
«*oM hare been the consequence of the original
eocasstioa- His colleague did not shrink from
lakakmg kin, " Thoa hast shed innocent blood."
Frssa that daj Judah resolved never to give judg-
a<wt without consulting Simon, and every day
(brew himself on toe grave of the man he had
ssnih natal, imploring pardon. Simon, in his turn,
•hewed a like sense of the supreme authority of
the tsar. His own eon was brought before him
as an ofiender, and be sentfimert him to death.
On the way to eseeution the witnesses confessed
that they had spoken falsely; but the son, more
ss r ises that they should suffer than that he him-
arii shoaU escape, turned round and entreated bis
father n"4 to (top the completion of the sen-
aaue. The character of such a roan could not
toil to impress itself upon his followers. To its
■sUnmce any probably be traced the indomitable
owrage in defence of the Temple, which won the
fclnmisxioo even of the Soman generals (Jost, i.
2H-247).
5.) The two that followed, Shemsiah and
JUalioa (toe names also appear under the form
ef "ameas, Jos. Ant . xiv. 9, §4, and Pollio, Jos.
•<lat UT. 1, §1), were conspicuous for another
oasaa. Now, far the first time, the teachers
**» set in Moses' seat were not even of the
4nUrea ef Abraham. Proselytes themselves, or
SCRIBES
1165
• Ttessssasft ■uncertain. Tbs story of Hillel Cut/rj)
vsRssds H ss half a stater, bat it Is doubtful wnetuer
*"• wear asm h> «e.wl to twlcs tbs didracaau or to balf
^Ows>Oetow. Ds Mltdt at SkaaaMSf, fai Ugoltni. Acs.
nil It was, at ear/ rats, half the days wsees of a
• TV sis— Si s treatise ov ttelfter In Uxollnl 7V».
ul sasst to SBsadcned as aa excrptkm
the sons of proselytes, their pre-eminence in the
knowledge of the Law raised Ibem to this :(&*,
The jealousy of the high-priest wis excited. As
the people flocked round their favourite Rabbis
when it was his function to pronounce the blessing,
he looked round and, turning his benediction into
a sarcasm, said, with a marked emphasis, " May
the sons of the ahen walk in peace 1" The answer
of the two teachers expressed the feeling of scorn
with which the one order was beginning to look
upon the other: " Tes, the sons of the alien shall
indeed walk in peace, for they do the work of
peace. Not so the son of Aaron who follows tot
in the footsteps of his father." Here also we hare
soma significant sayings. The growing love of
titles of honour was checked by Shemaiah by the
counsel that " man should love the work, but hate
the Rabbiship." The tendency to new opinions
(the fruits, probably, of the freer exposition of the
ffagada) was rebuked by Ahtalion in a precept
which enwraps a parable, " Take good heed to thy
words, hat, if thou wander, thou light upon a
place where the wells are poisoned, and thy scholars
who come after thee drink deep thereof and die"
(Pirkt Aboth, i. 1). The lot of these two ah*
was cast upon evil days. They hs>l courage to
attempt to check the rising power of Herod in his
bold defiance of the Sanhedrim I Jos. Ant. xiv. 9,
§8). When be showed himself to be irresistible
they had the wisdom to submit, and were suffered
to continue their work in peace. Its glory was,
however, in great measure, gone. The doors ol
their school were no longer thrown open to all
comers so that crowds might listen to the teacher.
A 4xed fee" had to be paid on entrance. The
regulation was probably intended to discourage the
attendance of the young men of Jerusalem at the
Scribes' classes ; and apparently it had that effect
(Jost; i. 248-253). On the death of Shemaiah and
Abtalion there were no qualified successors to take
their place. Two sons of Bethera, otherwise un-
known, for a time occupied it. but they were them-
selves conscious of their incompetence. A question
was brought before them which neither they noi
any of the other £*cribes could answer. At last
they asked, in their perplexity, " Was there none
present who had been a disciple of the two who
bad been so honoured ? " The question was
answered by Hillel the Babylonian, known also,
then or afterwards, as the son of David. He
solved the difficulty, appealed to principles, and,
when they demanded authority as well as argu-
ment, ended by saying, " So hare I heard from
my masters Shemaiah and Abtalion." This was
decisive. The sons of Bethera withdrew. Hillel
was invited by acclamation to euter on his high
office. His alleged descent from the house of
David may have added to his popularity.
(6.; The name of Hillel (born circ B.C. 112) has
hardly received the notice due to it from students
of the Gospel history.* The noblest and most
genial representative of bis order, we may see in
him the best fruit which the system of the Scribes
was capable of producing.* It is instructive to
• The reverence of later Jews for HlUel Is shown la
■oms curious forms. To him it wss given to under-
stand the speech of annuals ss well ss of men. Ha who
hearkened not to the words of Hillel was worthy of destb.
(Uelger.vt raprcO Of him too It was said that the l.<lvlne
Shechlnsh Jested on him : If the heavens wrre parchment,
end all toe trees of the earth pens, and all the ma ink. It
would ia% be enotarh to writ* down bis wbtU m (vVtup
1160
BORISES
nuc at once how for he prepared the way for the
higher touching whicn n to follow, how Mr he
.Heritably fell ehott of it. The starting-point of
his oner is told in a tale which, though deformed
by liabbinic exaggerations, is yet fresh and genial
suough. The young student had come from Golah
in Babylonia to study under Shemaiah and Abta-
lion. He was poor and had no money. The new
rule requiring payment was in force For the
most part he worked for his livelihood, kept him-
self with half his earnings, and paid the rest as the
fee to the college-porter. On one day, however,
he had failed to find employment. The door-
keeper refused him entrance; but his teal for
knowledge was not to be baffled. He stationed
himself outside, under a window, to catch what
he could of the words of the Scribes within. It
was winter, and the snow began to fall, but he
remained there still. It fell till it lay upon him
six cubits high (!) and the window was darkened
and blocked up. At last the two teachers noticed
it, sent out to see what caused it, and when they
found out, received the eager scholar without pay-
ment. "For such a man," said Shemaiah, "one
migiit even break the Sabbath " (Geiger, tit tvpra ;
Jost, i. 254). In the earlier days of his activity
Hillel had as his colleague Menahem, probably
the same as the Essene Hansen of Joseph™ (Ant.
zv. 10, $5). He, however, was tempted by the
growing power of Herod, and, with a large number
(eighty in the Rabbinic tiadition) of his follow-
ers, entered the king's service and abandoned at
mice their calling as Scribes and their habits of
devotion. They appeared publicly in the gorgeous
apparel, glittering with gold, which was incon-
sistent with both » (Jost, i. 359). The place thus
vacant was soon filled by Shammai. The two were
held in nearly equal honour. One, in Jewish lan-
guage, was the Nasi, the other the Ab-beth-din of
the Sanhedrim. They did not tench, however, as
their predecessors had done, in entile harmony with
each other. Within the party of the Pharisees,
within the order of the Scribes, there came for the
first time to be two schools with distinctly opposed
tendencies, one vehemently, rigidly orthodox, the
other orthodox also, but with an orthodoxy which,
in the language of modem politics, might be
classed as Liberal Conservative. The points on
which they diliered were almost innumerable (comp.
Geiger, ul supra i. In moat of them, questions as
to the causes and decrees of uncleanness, as to the
law of contracts or of wills, we can find little or
no interest. On the former class of subjects the
school of Shammai represented the extremes! deve-
lopment of the Pharisaic spirit. Everything that
could possibly have been touched by a heathen or
JohnxxJLU). (See Henbner, Be Moitmiit Wianins,
mUspUDl.Tfct.xxI.)
r We may perhaps dud In this fact an explanation which
fives a special force to words that have hitherto been in-
terpreted somewhat vaguely. When our Lord contrasted
•Jk- stedfastiwss and austerity of the Baptist with the lives
•f those wbo wore soft clothing, were g-irsvously appa-
relled, and lived delicately In kings' nausea (Matt. zi. 3 ;
Luke vU. 34), those win, beard Him may at once nave
ncugnised the picture. In the multitude of uncertain
tuners as to the Herodtausef tbe Gospels (Matt xxll. 16)
we easy be permitted to Irani the conjecture that they
any be Identified with the party, perhaps rather with the
clique, of Menahem and bis Mlower* (Geiger, nc tup.i
(too, BitL Inctorum Miimcorum, in Ugollni, ftta. xxl.).
Ita» tact that the stern, sharp « -onts of a divine scorn
whkn have bean quoted above, meet us lust alter tba
an unclean Israelite, became itself traixenr. " P»
tilement " was as a contagiots iliaww which it waa
hardly possible to avoid even wnn tot eareiu'
scrupulosity described in Mark vii. 1-4. They
were, in like manner, rigidly Sabbatarian. It was
unlawful to do anything before the Sabbath which
would, in any sense, be in operation during it, e. jf.
to put cloth into a dye-vat, or neta into the sea.
It was unlawful on the Sabbath itself to gi«t
money to the poor, or to teach children, or to visit
the sick. They maintained the marriage law in
its strictness, and held that nothing but the adul-
tery of the wife could justify rapudiatjpc (Jost, i.
257-269). We must not think of them, However,
as rigid and austere in their lives. The religious
world of Judaism presented the incoaststrnae*
wh.'ch it has often presented since. The " aliai tes t,
tect " wax also the most secular. Shanruuri him-
self was said to be rich, luxurious, self-indnlgeni.
Hillel remained to the day of hit death as poor as
in his youth (Geiger, /. c).
(7.) The teaching of Hillel showed some capacity
for wider thoughts. Hie personal c ha iatter was
more loveable and attractive. While on the one aide
he taught as from a mind well stored with the tra-
ditions of the elders, he was, on the other, anythina
but a slavish follower of those traditions. He waa
the first to lay down principles for an equitable
construction of the Law with a dialectic precision
which seems almost to imply a Greek culture (Jest,
i. 257). When the letter of a law, as *.g. that
of the year of release, was no longer suited to the
times, and was working, so far as it was kept at all.
only for evil, he suggested an interpretation which
met the difficulty or practically set it aside. Hie
teaching as to divorce was in like manner an adapta-
tion to the temper of the age. It was lawful for a
man to put away his wife for any cause of dns-
favour, even for so slight an offence as that of spoil-
ing his dinner by her bad cooking* (Geiger, i.c).
The genial character of the man comes out in some
of his sayings, which remind us of the tone of Jesus
the fon of Sirach, and present some faint approxima-
tions to a higher teaching: "Trust not thyself to
the day of thy death." " Judge not thy neighbour
till thou art in his place." ■* Leave nothing dark awi
obscure, saying to thyself, I will explain it when I
have time ; for how knowert thou whether the time
will come?" (comp. James iv. 13-15). " He who
gains n good name gains it for himself, but he who
gains a knowledge of the Law gains everlasting life "
(comp. John v. 39 ; Pirke Abotk, ii. 54). In oae
memorable rule we find the nearest approach that
had as yet been made to the great eommandment of
the Gospel: "Do nothing to thy neighbour that
thou wouldcst net that he should do to thee."'
tost eombLiauon of HerocUana and Pharisees, gives It •
strong confirmation (comp. Mare: 111 •; Lake v«. 11.
vU.lv).
4 It la fair to add that a great Rabbmic scholar mean,
tarns that this "spoiling the dinner " was a stst llama
figurative phrase for conduct which braoaU (heme or
discredit on the husband (Jost, I. 364).
' Toe history connected with this saying is too charae-
ingty characterleUc to be passed over. A proselyte craw
to Shammai and begged for some Instruction In the law
if It were only for as long as be. the learner, mora stent
on one foot. The Scribe waa angry, and drove Mm
away harsnly. He went to RlIM with the tease r*>
quest. He received the Inquirer btnlanaaOy and rave
htm tee precept above rooted, adding—' ft> tale, at*
tbou hast fulfilled toe Law and the Pronbeta Otlget
tumoral
SOHIBMS
( J.) Ths contrast showed itself 1 1 the omdoct of |
the faUov/ers not less than in the teachers. The
iisciptee of Shtormai were conspicuous for their
fatness, appealed to popular passions, used the
sword to decide their controversies. Out of that
school grew the party of the Zealots, fierce, fana-
tical, 1 indietive, the Orangemen of Pharisaism ( Jost,
i. 207-269). Those of Hillel were, like their
ouster (oomp. *. g. the advice of Gamaliel, Acts v.
34-43 ), caotioas, gentle, tolerant, unwilling to make
enemies, content to let things take their course.
One school resisted, the other was disposed to foster
the study of Greek literature. One sought to im-
pose opoa the proselyte from heathenism the full
tirden of the Law, the other that he should be
treated with some sympathy and indulgence.
PwjatXYTK.] One subject of debate between
r!« schools exhibits the contrast as going deeper
than these questions, touching upon the great pro-
blems of the universe. " Was the state of man so
full of misery that it would have been better for
ahn never to have been? Or was this life, with
all its safltring, still the gift of God, to be valued
and need as & training for someMiing higher than
rNetf'7" The school of Shammai look, as might
be expected, the darker, that of Hillel the brighter
and the wiser view (Jost, i. p. 364).
(*.) Outwardly the teaching of our Lord must
bare appeared to men different in many ways from
both- While they repeated the traditions of the
eiders, He " spake as one having authority," " not
at the Scribes "* (Matt. vii. 29 ; eomp. the constantly
recurring " I aay unto yon "). While they confined
their teaching to the class of scholars, He"hadoom-
Pfaoioi on the multitudes" (Matt. ix. 36). While
they were to be found only in the council or in their
stboces, He journeyed through the cities and vii.
litre*. (Matt. iv. 23, ix. 33, 4c., Ac.). While they
•rake of the kingdom of God vaguely, as a thing
far of, He proclaimed that it had already come nigh
to men (Matt. iv. 17 «. Bat in most of the points
at tane between the two parties, He must have
in direct antagonism to the school of
li, in sympathy with that of Hillel. In
that gathered round* the law of the
(Matt. xii. 1-14, and 2 John v. 1-16,
4c), sad the idea of purity (Matt. xv. 1-11, and
its parallels), this was obviously the case. Even in
the controversy' about divorce, while Hu chief work
was to assert the truth which the disputants on
both sides were losing sight of, He recognised, it
■rust be remembered, the rule of Hillel as being a
true interpretation of the Law (Matt. xix. 8). When
He suumi e d np the great commandment in which
the Uv and the Prophet* were fulfilled. He repro-
daeed and ennobled the precept which had been given
by that teacher to his disciples (Matt vii. 12, xxii.
M-40). So mr, on the other hand, as the temper of
Lb* Hillel school was one of mere adaptation to the
dvtitf of* the people, cleaving to tradition, wanting in
Urn attadtJaa of* higher life, the teaching of Christ
felt as unsparingly condemning it.
'10.) It adds to the interest of this inquiry to
nemuer that Hillel himself lived, according to* the
SCBIBE8
1197
the
, (be son of Gamaliel, came between
ally for a abort time only. The quae-
aoa wh»ia « i be U to br Identified with toe Simeon of
Uast n. H. Is one which •» have not lumclent data to
His* commentators aniwer it In the nega-
Tavr» seesa, however, some pmbabCtties on the
•**> One trained bi the school of HUM uiant not
tradition of the Rabbis, to the great age of HO,
and may theretbre hi ve been present among th»
doctors of Luke ii. 46, and that Gamaliel, his grand-
son and successor,* was at the head of this schooi
during the whole cf the ministry of Christ, as well
as in the enrly portion of rlie history of the Acts.
We are thus able to explain the tact , which so many
passages in the Gospels lead us to infer, the existence
all along of a party among the Scribes themselves,
more or lest disposed to recognise Jesus of Kazareth
as a teacher (John iii. 1 ; Mark x. 17), not Sir from
the kingdom of God (Mark xii. 84), advocates of
a policy of toleration (John vii. 51), but, on the
other hand, timid and time-serving, unable to
confess even their half-belief (John xii. 42), afraid
to take their stand against the strange alliance
of extremes which brought together the Sndducean
section of the priesthood and the u'tra-Pharisnic
followers of Shammai. When the last great crisis
came, they apparently contented themselves with a
policy of absence (Luke xiiii. 50, 51), possibly
were not even summoned, and thus the Council
which condemned our Lord was a packed meeting
of the confederate parties, not a formally consti-
tuted Sanhedrim. Al'i its proceedings, the hasty
investigation, the immediate sentence, were vitiated
by inegularity (Jost, i. pp. 407-409). Afterwards,
when the fear of virience was once over, and po-
pular feeling had turned, we find Gamaliel winmon-
ine courage to maintain openly the policy af a
tol«r.<nt expectation (Acta v. 34).
IV. Education and Life. — (1.) The special
training for a Scribe's office began, probably, about
the age of thirteen. According to the Pirke Aboth
(v. 24) the child began to read the Mikra at five
and the Mishna at ten. Three years later every
Israelite became a child of the Law (Bar-Mitscah),
and was bound to study and obey it. The great mass
of men rested in the scanty teaching of their syna-
gogues, in knowing and repeating their Tephillim,
the texts inscribed on their phylacteries. For the
boy who was destined by his parents, or who
devoted himself, to the calling of a Scribe, some-
thing more was required. He made his way to
Jerusalem, and applied for admission to the school
of some famous Kabbi. If he were poor, it was
the duty of the synagogue of his town or village
to provide for the payment of his fees, and in
part also for bis maintenance. His power to learn
was tested by an examination on entrance. If
he passed it he became a "chosen one" pirQ,
oomp. John xv. 16), and entered on his work
as a disciple (Carpzov, App. Crit. i. 7). The
master and his scholars met, the former sitting
on a high chair, the elder pupils (DH*D"?n) on a
lower bench, the younger (O'JDp) on the ground,
both literally " at his feet." The class-room might
be the chamber of the Temple set apart for this
purpose, or the private school of the Rabbi. In
addition to the Kabbi, or head master, there wen
assistant teachers, and one interpreter, or crier,
whose function it was to proclaim alonj to the
whole school what the Rabbi had spoken in a whisper
unnaturally be Unking for the "consolation of Israel."
Flmwlf or the house and lineage of David, be would
leaillly accept the Inward witness which pointed to a
chilli of that bouse as " the Lord's Christ.'* There u>
something significant, too, In toe stWnce of Rabomtr
literature. In the Pirke Aboth be Is not c too naurA
•>>nm, Otho, HitL. Voct. Mum. hi Ucotlal axL
U68
aCKIBEB
t e0mp. Mall. x. 27 \. The education was cnteftv
i-ateuhetical, lite pupil submitting cities and asking
questions, the testifier examining the pupil (Luke
ii.). The questions might be ethical, " What was
the great commandment of all? What must •
nun do to inherit eternal life ? " or casuistic, " Wba»
might a man do or leave undone on the Sabbath 7"
or ceremonial, " What did or did not render him
unclean ?" * In due time the pupil passed on to
the laws of property, of contracts, and of evidence.
So far he was within the circle of the Halachah, the
simple exposition of the traditional " Words of the
Scribes.'' He might remain content with this,- or
might pass on to the higher knowledge of the Beth-
ham-Midrash, with its inexhaustible stores of mys-
tical interpretation. In both esses, pre-eminently
m the latter, parables entered largely into the method
of instruction. The teacher uttered the similitude,
and left it to his hearers to interpret for themselves.
[Parables.] That the relation between the two
was often one of genial and kindly feeling, wo may
infer from the saying of one famous Scribe, " I
hare learnt much from the Rabbis my teachers, I
hare learnt more from the Rabbis my colleagues,
I hare learnt most of all from my disciples "
(Cerpxov, Jfp. Crit. i. 7).
(2.) After a sufficient period of training, pro-
bably at the age of thirty,' the probationer was
solemnly admitted to his office. The presiding
Rabbi pronounced the formula, " I admit thee, and
thou art admitted to the Chair of the Scribe," so-
lemnly ordained him by the imposition of bands
(the rD'DO = x«f»B«o-f<0, E and gave to him, as
the symbol of his work, tablets on which be was to
note down the sayings of the wise, and the " key
of knowledge" (comp. Luke xi. 52), with which
he was to open or to shut the treasures of Divine
wisdom. So admitted, be took his place as a
Chdber, or member of the fraternity, was no longer
iryp&Htucros koI loisrrnt (Acts ir. IS), was sepa-
rated entirely from the multitude, the brute herd
that knew not the Law, the "cursed'* "people of
the earth " (John vii. 15, 49)7
(3.) There still remained for the disciple after
his admission the choice of s variety of functions,
Vie dunces of failure and success. He might give
himself to any one of the branches of study, or com-
bine two or more of them. He might rise to high
places, become a doctor of the law, an arbitrator in
family litigations (Luke xii. 14), the head of a
school, a member of the Sanhedrim. He might
have to content himself with the humbler work of a
transcriber, copying the Law and the Prophets for
the use of synagogues, or Tephillim for that of the
devout (Otho, Ltxie. Bobbin, s. v. Phylactaria),
or a notary writing out contracts of sale, covenants
of espousals, bills of repudiation. The position of
the more fortunate was of course attractive enoui
BCBIBEK
Theoretically, indeed, the office el the Serine »'j
not to be a source of wealth. It is douVtrul turn
far the fees paid by the pupils were aprroptiated
by the teachir (Buxtorf, SyrvtJ. Jttdirio. cap. 46>
The gnat Hillel worked as a day-labourer. St.
Paul's work as a tentmaker, our Lord's work aa a
carpenter, were quite compatible with the popular
conception of the most honoured Rabbi. The in-
direct payments were, however, ronsidomble enough.
Scholars brought gifts. Rich and devout widows
maintained a Rabbi aa an act of piety, often to
the injury of their own kindred (Matt, xxiii 14).
Each act of the notary's office, or the arbitration at
the jurist, would be attended by an honorarium.
(4.) In regard to social position there wass like
contradiction between theory and practice. The
older Scribes had had no titles [Rabbi] ; Shrmaiah,
as we have seen, warned his disciples against then.
In our Lord's time the passion for distinction was
insatiable. The ascending scale of Rab, Rabbi.
Rabban (we are reminded of our own Reverend,
Very Reverend, Right Reverend), p re s en te d so
many steps on the ladder of ambition (Srrupiua,
oV tit. Rabbi, in Ugolinl xxii.). Other forms pi
worldliness were not far off.' The salutations in
the market-place (Matt, xxiii. 7), the reverential
kiss offered by the scholars to their master, o-
by Rabbis to each other, the greeting of Abu,
father (Matt, xxiii. 9, and Lightfoot, Bar. Beb.
in lea), the long rroXaL as contrasted with the
simple x' T * r ""d f/iaVuir of our Lord and His dis-
ciples, with the broad blue Zhrith or fringe (the
KodVreSor of Matt, xxiii. 5), the Tephillim of
ostentatious size, all these go to make np the picture
of a Scribe's life. Lfcawfog to themselves, as they
did, Dearly all the energy and thought of Judaism,
the close hereditary caste of the priesthood was
powerless to compete with them. Unless the priest
became a Scribe also, he remained in obscurity
The order, as such, became contemptible and base.*
For the Scribes there were the best places at feasts,
the chief seats in synagogues (.Matt, xxiii. 6 ; Luke
xir. 7).
(5.) The character of the order was marked
under these influences by a deep, incurable hypo-
crisy, all the more perilous because, in most cases,
it was unconscious. We must not infer from this
that all were alike tainted, or that the work which
they had done, and the worth of their office, were
not recognised by Him who rebuked them for their
eriL Some there were not far from the kingdom
of God, taking their place side by side with p rop hets
and wise men, among the instruments by which the
wisdom of God was teaching men (Matt, xxiii. 34>
The name was still honourable. The Apostles them-
selves were to be Scribes in the kingdom uC God
(Matt. xiii. 52). The Lord himself did not refuse
the salutations which hailed Him as a Rabbi. la
■ We are left to wonder what were the questions and
answers of the school-room or Luke IL AS, bat those pro-
posed to our Lord by bis own disciples, or by the Scribes,
ss tests jf bis proficiency, may fairly be taken as types of
what was commonly discussed. Tbe Apocryphal Gospels,
ss nsusU mock our curiosity with the moat Irritating
puerilities. (Comp. Snmgti. Irtftmt. c. at. In Tfacbendorf,
Calm Afoc. I/. T.)
• This is Inferred by Schoettgen (Jfcr. fleb.L c) from
the analogy of the Levtte'a offlor, and from we fact thai
ibe Baptist and our Lord both colored on their ministry
St this sge.
' .". was asld of Hllle! that be placed a limit on this
•tactic*. It had been exercised by any Scribe, Afja
his time It was reserved for the Nasi or PrasMeat of tt»
Sanhedrim (Qelger, «< mora).
» For all the details in the above section, and many
others, comp. the elaborate treatises by U reins*. ■J w l i fe.
J7eo., and Hrubner, 0$ Arattmiit lU bram sea. In Ucslml
Ass. xxi
• The Ister Rabbinic saying that " the disciples of Ike
wise nave a right to a goodly bouse, a fair wile, and a soft
coach," reflected probably the luxury of an earlier one
(Drain), Axliqq. Ueb. cap. >, at lupra.)
* The feeling la curiously prominent in the IUbUf k
scale of precedence. The Wise Man. us the Babta. la
higher than the High Priest hlnuetf. pJexa, Siena
ArstAlM
8CEIP
'Zsua the sawyer" (ropurds. Tie. lu. 13) and
ApsUos "mighty in the Scriptures," sent appar-
eetly for the facial purpose of dealing with the
ji %m , nal w hidi prevailed at Crete (Tit. HI.
9), we may recognise the work which members of
the orderwere capable of doing for the edifying ofthe
Church of Christ (comp. Winer, Raalicb., and Her-
ugs Encycbp. " Schrittgelehrte "). [E. H. P.]
SCRIP (KNfh* : miWoyi, n)pi : pera). The
Hebrew word * thus translated appears in 1 Sam.
irii. 40, as a synonjme for CJTIfl *73 (re icdoW
re ewfieruteV), the bag in which the shepherds of
Palestine carried their food or other necessaries. In
Sramachos and the Vulg. ptra, and in the mar-
ginal nading of A. V. " oerip," appear ••» 2 K. ir.
42, (or the fhpi. which in the text of the A. V. is
Dmshted hrak (comp. Gesen. s. v.). The *ipa of
tke S. T. appears in our Lord's command to his
Hi-ripta as distinguished from the («>»■» (Matt. x. 10;
Mark ri. 8) and the jBaAAdWior (Luke x. 4, xxii. 35,
3*> », and its nature and use are su fiiciently defined by
the lexicographers. The scrip of the Galilean pea-
nut* was of leather, used especially to carry their
food on a journey (i vtyrh rate iprmv, Suid. ;
leave ti ifrifopor, Ammon.), and slung over
their shoulders. In the Talmudic writers the word
Win is used ss denoting the same thing, and is
earned as part of the equipment both of shepherds
is their ■»»■■»■«». lite and of proselytes coming on a
pUpnnage to Jerusalem (Lightfuot, Her. Heb. on
Matt x. 10). The (Ami, on the other hand, was
las loose girdle, in the folds of which money was
"ilea kept for the sake of safety [Girdle] ; the
AaUsVner (soccx/us, Vulg.), the smaller bag
wed esdosively for money (Luke xii. 33). The
«—«•"■' given to the Twelve tint, and afterwards
b> the Seventy, involved therefore an absolute de-
peadaace upon God for each day's wants. They
•we to appear in every town or village, as men un-
like all ether travellers, freely doing without that
"tire others looked on as essential. The fresh rule
gives ia Lake wriL 35, 36, perhaps also the tacts
tart Judas was the bearer of the bag (yAaesvoVouor,
Mn xii. 6), and that when the disciples were with-
•at bread they were ashamed of their forgetfulness
'Hark vii. 14-16), show that the command was not
Beaded to be permanent.
The English word has a meaning precisely equi-
nhnt to that of the Greek. Connected, as it pro-
sabiy is, with scrape, scrap, the scrip wss used for
•rides of food. It belonged especially to shep-
bant) (A, Ym Like It, act iii. sc. 2). It was
oade of leather (Milton, Corntu, 626). A similar
article is still used by the Syrian shepherds (Porter's
f l a s MKiis , it 109). The later sense of scrip as a
wntUn certificate, is, it aeed hardly be said, of dif-
aaeatorighj or meaning; the word, on its first use in
fatjiaa, was written " script" (Chaucer). [B. fl. P.]
8CEIPTOBB (ana, Dan. x. 21 : yftuf^,
Traaswre, 2 Tim. iii. 16: Sytpfcsra). The chief
aiess lefatmj to the books to which, individually
sal oailectively, this title has been applied, will he
bud under Bible and Cmtost. It will fall within
•V stops of this article to trace the history of the
fXTKlPTURE
1166
- latest, u* scrip, U lb* quaint title of some >f the
*w te read of the fUbbtakal treatises: for Instance, the
Wat H i a wi .1 aajaestaweoos coUectton of fragmentary
ws nt the whole of the Of. eooutlng of extracts
••l. HL
word, and to determine its exact meaning tn the
language of the 0. and N. T.
(1.) It is not till the return from the Captivity
that the word meets us with any distinctive force.
In the earlier books we read of the Law, the Book
of the Law. In Ex. xxxii. 16, the Commandments
written on the tables of testimony are said to be
" the writing of God " (ypafb f eev), but there
ia no special sense in the word taken by itself. In
the passage from Dan. x. 21 («V ypwfrfj aA»-
eVfot), where the A. V. has " the Scripture of
Truth," the words do not probably mean mora than
"a true writing." The thought of the Scripture
as a whole is hardly to be found in them. This
first appears in 2 Chr. xxx. 5, 18 (311132, Kara
tV ypaipir, LXX, " as it was written," A. V.),
and is probably connected with the profound reve-
rence for the Sacred Books which led the earlier
Scribes to confine their own teaching to oral tradi-
tion, and gave therefore to " the Writing" a distinc-
tive pie-eminence. [Scribes.] The same feeling
showed itself in the constant formula of quotation,
" It is written," often without the addition of any
words defining the passage quoted (Matt. iv. 4, 6,
xxi. 13, xxvi. 24). The Greek word, as will be
seen, kept its ground in this sense. A slight change
passed over that of the Hebrew, and led to the
substitution of another. The LV31T13 (clthihtm
= writings), in the Jewish arrangement of the
0. T., was used for a part and not the whole of
the 0. T. (the Hagiographa; comp. Bible), while
another form of the same root (cithtb) came to
hare a technical significance as applied to the text,
which, though written in the MSS. of the Hebrew
Scriptures, might or might not be recognised as
Uri, the right intelligible reading to be read in the
congregation. Another word was therefore wanted,
ana it was found in the Mitra' (tOjJO, Neh. viii. 8),
or " reading," the thing read or recited, recitation.*
This accordingly we iind as the equivalent for the
collective ypapal. The boy at the age of five
begins the study of the Miira, at ten passes on to
the JfisAna (Ptrvie Aboth, v. 24). The old word
has not however disappeared, and '3411311, " the
Writing," is used with the same connotation (ibid.
iii. 10).
(2.) With this meaning the word ypapf) passed
into the language of the N. T. Used in the singular
it is applied chiefly to this or that passage quoted
from the 0. T. (Mark xii. 10 ; John vii. 38, nil.
18, xii. 37 ; Luke ir. 21 ; Rom. ix. 17 ; Gal. iii. 8,
at at.). In Acts viii. 82 (4 weeiojrt r S> yf^V')
it takes a somewhat larger extension, as denoting
the writing of Isaiah; but in ver. 35 the more
limited meaning reappears. In two paaaagea of
some difficulty, some have seen the wider, some the
narrower sense. (1.) niffa rpespi) SfoVrevoror
(2 Tim. iii. 16) has been translated in the A. V.
" All Scripture is given by inspiration of God," as
though 7poe>4. though without the article, were
taken as equivalent to the 0. T. as a whole 0-oinp.
a-Sra elsteSoeivJt a>P°' "• 21 ; sraVu 'lepee-oAv/ia,
Matt. ii. 3), and ffesVrewrros, the predicate as-
serted of it. Retaining the narrower meaning,
however, we might still take sWa-reterres as the
from more than fifty older Jewish works (Zona, OcUnA
Vortrdoe, cap, 18),
» The same root, it may be noticed. Is fount in Uu
title of the Sacred Book of Islam (Koran = ractuuluu}.
4 9
1170
6CMPTUBE
predicate. " Every Scripture — k. evry separate
poruon— ii divinely inspired." It has bean urged,
however, that thi» assertion of a truth, which
both St . Paul and Timothy hekl in common, would
be lets writable to the context than toe assigning
that truth la a ground tor the further infeience
drawn from it ; and so there is a preponderance of
authority in favour of the rendering, " Every
■ysxvpti, being inspired, it alio profitable, . . .
(comp. Meyer, Alford, Wordsworth, Ellicott,
Wi&inger, in loc.). There does not seem any
ground tor making the meaning of ypatpii depen-
dent on the adjective BtAmwrrat ("every in <pired
writing "), as though we recognised a ypa^W] not
inspired. The usus loquendi of the N. T. is uni-
form in this respect ; and the woid fptupi] a never
used of any common or secular writing.
(2.) The meaning of the genitive in waVa
wfHxprrrtla Tpaayqt (2 Pet. i. 20) seems at first
sight, anarthrous though it be, distinctly collective.
" Every prophecy of, i. e. contained in, the 0. T.
Sciipture." A closer examination of the passage
will perhaps lead to a different conclusion. The
Apostle, alter speaking of the vision on the holy
mount, goes on, " We have as something vet firmer,
the prophetic word " (here, piobably, including the
utterances of N. T. ayoipiJTai, as well as the
writings of the O. T.<). Men did well to give heed
to that word. They needed one caution in dealing
with it. They were to remember that no wpodnrvefa
ypaQijs, no such prophetic utterance Ktnrting from,
retting on a ypatf,* came from the ISla iwlKuvu,
the individual power ol interpretation of the speaker,
but was, like the ypatyh itself, inspired. It was the
law of woae>ifr«la, of the later as well as the earlier,
that men of God spake. " borne along by the Holy
Spirit."
(3.) In the plural, a* might be expected, the
collective meaning is prominent. Sometimes we
have simply al yfcupal (Matt. xii. 42, xxii. 29 ;
John t. 39 ; Acts xvii. 11 ; 1 Cor. xv. 3). Some-
times waacu el yoafat (Luke xxiv. 27). The
epithets 87101 (liom. i. 2), weodnrruuu' (Sam.
xvi. 26 1, are sometimes joined with it. In 2 Pet.
lii. 16, we tiud an extension of the term to the
Epistles of St. Paul; but it remains uncertain
whether ol Aonrai ypaQtu are the Scriptures of
the 0. T. exclusively, or include other writings,
then extant, dealing with the same topics. There
seem* little doubt that such writings did eiist
A comparison of Rom. xvi. 26 with Eph. iiL 5,
might even suggest the conclusion, that in both
there is the same assertion, that what had not been
revealed before was now manifested by the Spirit
to the apostles and prophets of the Church ; and so
that the " prophetic writings " to which St. Paul
refers, are, like the spoken words of N. T. pnpbets,
those that reveal things not made known before, the
knowledge of the mystery of Christ.
It is noticeable, that in the 2nd Epistle of Clement
ct Roma (c xi.) we hare a long citation of this
Lature, not from the 0. T., quoted as a s-podnp-urii
AaV* (comp. 2 Pet. i. 19), and that in the 1st
Epistle <c xxiii.) the same is quoted as 4 Tpo^4.
' & e p oyj eru rai Aoyot Is used by Pbllo or the words of
aVses (Uf. JJkg. 111. 14, vol. L p. at, ed. slang.). He,
of om.i»x «mU recognise no prophet* but ttiose of the 0. T.
Clement of Rome (U. U> uses it of s prupbecy not included
la the Canons.
a So in Ux> only other Instance In «Mch the genitive Is
tmad (Kom. xv. 4), * npuAwv vie ysudiW Is lbs
SCYTHOPOLIS
Looking to the special fulness cf the preya.Ui
gifts in the Church of Corinth (1 Cor. i. 5, xiv. 1 »
it is obviously probable that some of the spos.ee
prophecies would be committed to writing ; and it
is a striking coincidence, that both the apostolic snJ
the post-apostolic references are connected, first will
that Church, and next with that of Rome, which
was so largely influenced by it.
(4.) In one passage, ra Itpa ypiwurrm. (2 Tiro.
Hi. 15) answers to "The Holy Scriptures" oftli-
A. V. Taken by itrelf, the word might, as in johu
vii. 15, Acts xxvi. 24, have a wider range, including
the whole circle of Rabbinic education. As deter-
mined, however, by the use of other H< ''voistu
writers, Philo (Leg. ad Caium, vol. ii. p. 574, ed.
Mang.), Josephus (jlnf.prooem. 3,x.l0,§4;e. jlpic*.
i. 26), there tan be no doubt that it is accurately
translated with this special meaning. [K. H. P.]
BCYTH'IAN (*rfft»i: &j«a) occurs in
Col. iii. 11 as a generalised term tor rude, ignorant,
degraded. In the Gospel, says Paul, "there is
neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor uncurum-
cision, barbarian, Scythian, bond ljt free; but
Christ is all and in all." The same view of Scythian
barbarism appears in 2 Mace. iv. 47, and 3 Mace,
vii. 5. For the geographical and ethnographical
relations of the term, see Vict, of Qeog. ii. pp. 91*-
945. The Scythians dwelt mostly on the north ol
the Black Sea and the Caspian, stretching thenar
indefinitely into inner Asia, and were regarded by
the ancients as standing extremely low in point ol
intelligence and civilisation. Josephus (c. Apim.
ii. 37 1 says, Xaroftu Si tfxtrois xaiporrti iartfimt
Kal 0pax* rwr fts/plttr iiaaWoorrt s ; and I'ar-
nienio dip. A then. v. p. 221), 4»|p yif lAcwr
ohov, it SSwp rsrot SkvOistI dtewfi, e»M
ndirwa ytyviioKttr. Kor other similar testimooiei
see Wetstein, Aoo. Tat. vol. ii. p. 292. Perhtpt
it may be inferred from Col. iii. 11 that then
were Scythians also among the early converts to
Christianity. Many of this people lived in Greek
and Roman lands, and could have heard the Gosprl
there, even if some of the first preachers had e~
already penetrated into Scythia itself.
Herodotus states (i. 103105) that the Scythians
made an incursion through Palestine into Egypt,
under Psammetichus, the contemporary of JouaK
In this way some would account for the tiiwk
name of bethshean, Scytfiopolit. [H. B. H. |
SCYTHOF'OLIS (Suvftwr «•*>«: Peshito-
Syriac, Bairn : ciritai Scytharum), that is, " the
city of the Scythians," occurs in the A. V. of J id.
iii. 10 and 2 Mace xii. 29 only. In the i.X.X.
of Judg. i. 27, however, it la inserted (in both 1 1«
great MSS.) as the synonym of BkthsheaX, ai <l
this identification is confirmed by the narrativ el
1 Mace v. 52. a parallel account to that of 2 Jlsc<\
xii. 29, as well as by the repeated statements i.i
Josephus (Ant. v. 1, §22, vi. 14, §8, xii. 8, §o\ He
onitormly gives the name in the contracted shape
(Sa-i/OoxoAir) in which it is also given by Eusrbios
( Unom. passim), Pliny ( H . If. r. 1 S ), Strabo i ivi. ,.
ic. tx., and which is inaccvrately followed in the
A. V. Polvbius(v. 70, 4) employs the fuller form of
counsel, admonition, drawn from the.Snrtpturea. Ao-yct
npuAirnuf appears In Acu xt«. IS ss fee tve er ted it m
for socli an address, theSrmnH of the ^veagusnie. n«^»-
sAsvk Itself was so closely alVsd villi yf ( u U (ciauf.
Barnabas = vist vosdwntac <n vitt seaaaAijevM). uW
the exprmssons of the two Ayosttat a«V et regarded *
sabt Untlslly MentlcaL
80YTHOFOU3
do IXX. Bethshean has now, like so many other
phots ia thr Holy Land, regained its ancient name,
iuI is known as Beisdn only. A mound close to it
» the west ia called Tell Sh&k, in which it is perhaps
just f oatible that a trace of Scythopolis may linger.
But although there ia no doubt whatever of the
identity of the plan, there is considerable difference
of opinion as to the origin cf the 'name. The LXX.
(as is evident from the fo-rj in which they present it)
ad Pliny (If. U. t. 16 ») attribute it to the
Scythians, who in the words of the Byzantine his-
torian George Synoallus, "overran Palestine, and
look possession of Baisan, which from them is called
Scythopolis." This has beet in modem times gene-
rally r efe rr ed to the invasion recorded by Herodotus
J. 104-6), when the Scythians, after their occupation
sf Media, passed through Palestine on their road to
Egypt (about u.c. tUX>— a few years before the taking
*f Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar), a statement now
recognised as a real tact, though some of the details
assy be open to question (Diet, of Qeogr. ii. 9406;
Kawiinson 's Herod, i. 246). It is not at all im-
probable that either on their passage thiough, or on
their return after being repulsed by Psammetichux
(Herod, i. 105), some Scythians may have settled in
tne country (Ewajd, Qesch. iii. 694, note) ; and no
place would be more likely to attract them than
Btittm — fertile, most abundantly watered, and in an
eicellent military position. In the then state of the
Holy Land they would hardly meet with much
SKA
1171
Reland, however (apparently incited thereto by
his doubts of the truth of Herodotus' account), dis-
carded this explanation, and suggested that Scytho-
polis was a corruption of Succothopolis — the chief
town of the district of Succoth. In this he is sup-
ported by Gesenitu (A'otes to Burckhardt, 1058)
sad by Grimm (Exeg. Handbuch on 1 Mace. v. 52).
Saee, however, the objection of Keland to the his-
torical truth of Herodotus is now removed, the
aeu as ity for this suggestion (certainly most in-
genious) seems not to exist. The distance if Suc-
cotb from Staan, if we identify it with Sak&t, is
1''' miles, while if the argnmeuts of Mr. Beke are
valid ft would be nearly double as fer. And it is
sorely gratuitous to suppose that so large, inde-
pendent, and important a town as Bethshean was
ra the earlier history, and as the remains show it
to hare been in the Greek period, should have taken
it> same from a comparatively insignificant place
at a loot; distance from it. Dr. Robinson (Bib. Bet.
fi. 330) remarks with justice, that had the Greeks
derived the name from Succoth they would have
employed that name in its translated form as in-nvsi,
and the compound would have been Scenopolis.
hViaad'a derivatks: is also dismissed without hesi-
tation by F.wald, on the ground that the two names
!■ westb. and Scythes have nothing in common
Wese*. iii. 694, note). Dr. Robinson suggests
• The "modern Greeks" are said to derive it from
mm, a hide (Williams, in Oct. 0/ Geogr.). This la,
issafrUeae, another app e a r ance of the legend so well known
m eaxacahn with the foundation of Byria (Csrthsge).
rsse ancfa bms beeo mentioned In reference to Hebron
adrr M acso-suui (p. Isn).
» Taw stnerabn- name Mvsa, mentioned In this passage
m • tsrsBST appellation of Scvtbopolls. is Identified by
ftwakt {eVoxa. Iv. 463) with Jveosa, an Inversion of (Beth-)
£M mm . actssUlr fount on coma.
• Q\ Co. KS\ Dan. vll. a, S, MAaovo, mare, from
JIC*, svst senl, L q, DOH. or DSil, " roar," ,-| and »
that, after all, City of the Soythiam may be riglt ;
the word Soythia being used as in the N. T. as
equivalent to a barbarian or savage. In this senst
he thinks it may have been applied to the wild
Arabs, wno then, as now, inhabited the Ghir, and at
times may have had possession of Bethshean.
The Canaanites were neve * expelled from Beth-
shean, and the heathen appear to have always main-
tained a footing there. It is named in the Molina
as the seat of idolatry (Mishtia, Aboda Zara, 1. 4),
and as containing a double population of lews and
heathens. At the beginning of the Roman war
(a.d. 65) the heathen rose against the Jews and
massacred a large number, according to Josephut
( B. J. ii. 18, §3) no lea than 13,000, in a wood or
grove close to the town. Scythopolis was the largest
city of the Decapolis, and the only one of the ten
which lay west ol Jordan. By Eusebius and Jerome
((Mom. "Bethsan") it ia characterised as w6\i$
iwiSruutt and urbi Hobilis. It was surrounded by a
district of its own of the most abundant fertility. It
became the seat of a Christian bishop, and its name is
found in the lists of signatures as late as the Council
of Constantinople, A.D. 53t. The latest mention
of it under the title of Scythopolis is probably that
of William of Tyre (xxii. 16 and 26;. He men-
tions it as if it was then actually so called, carefully '
explaining that it was formerly Bethshan. [G.j
SKA. The Sea, yam,' is used in Scripture to
denote— 1. The " gathering of the waters" (y&mm),
encompassing the land, or what we call in a mora
or less definite tense " the Ocean." 2. Some portion
' of this, as the Mediterranean Sea. 3. Inland lakes,
I whether of salt or fiesh water. 4. Any great col-
lection of water, as the rivers Nile or Euphrates,
especially in a stale of overflow.
I 1. In the first sense it is used in Gen. i. 2, 10, and
elsewhere, as Dent. xxx. 13 ; 1 K. x, 22 ; Ps. xxiv.
2 ; Job xxvi. 8, 12, xxxviii. 8 ; see Horn. It. xiv.
301, 302, and Hes. Tkeog. 107, 109 ; and 2 Pet.
iii. 5.
2. In the second, it is used, with the article, (a) of
the Mediterranean Sea, called the " hinder," " the
" western," and the "utmost" sea (Deut. xi. 24,
xxxiv. 2; Joel ii. 20); "sea of the Philistines"
(Ex. xxiii. 31) ; " the great sea * (Num. xxxiv. 6, 7 ;
Josh. xv. 47); " the sea " (Gen. xlix. 13; Ps. lxxx.
11, cvii. 23; IK. iv. 20, Ac.). (6) Also fre-
quently of the Red Sea (Ex. xv. 4 ; Josh. xxiv. 6\
or one of its gulfs (Num. xi. 31 ; Is. xi. 15), and
perhaps (1 K. x. 22) the sea traversed by Solomon's
fleet. [Red Sea.]
3. The inland lakes termed seas, as the Salt or
Dead Sea, (See the special articles.)
4. The term ydm, like the Arabic Bahr, ia also
applied to great rivers, as the Nile (Is. xix. 5 ; Arr.
viii. 8, A. V. "flood;" Nah. iii. 8; Ex. xxxii. "?;,
the Euphrates (Jer. Ii. 36). (See Stanley, S. f P.
A pp. p. 533.)
being interchanged. Connected wiUr this Is OHIFI,
Sfiwmt, abyuut, " the deep " (Gen. 1. 1 ; Jon. 11. 6 ; ties
p. 371). It also means the west (Oca. pp. 360, 69«).
When used for the sea, it very often, but not always
takes the article.
Other words for the sea (in A.V. "deep") are:—
1. rWVD, H/iYD (only in plur.). or mVt.ifivmnt.
0<i0of, abyuut, profundus*. 2. 7430, KavasAWfivs,
diluvium, - water-flood " (Ps. late, 10).
' P^W Vi\aaira i) foxarn, (more) novistimum.
IFt.
1172
SKA. MOLTEN
The qualities or characteristic* of the tea and
iea-eoart mentioned in Scripture are, 1. The sand,*
who* abun lance on the Least both of Palestine and
Egypt furnishes so many illustrations (Gen. xzii.
17, xli. 49; Jndg. vii. 12 ; 1 Sam. xiii. 5; IK.
rr. 20, 29; Is. x, 22 ; Matt. vii. 26 ; Strabo, lib.
xri. p. 768, 759 ; Rftumer, Pal. p. 45 ; Robinson,
ii. 34-38. 434 ; Shaw, Trav. p. 280 ; Haeselquist,
Trot. p. 1 19 ; Stanley, S. d- P. pp. 255, 260, 264).
2. The shore.' 3. Creeks t or inlets. 4. Har-
bours. 1 5. Wares' or billows.
It may be remarked that almost all the figures
of speech taken from the sea in Scripture, refer
either to its power or its danger, and among the
woes threatened in punishment of disobedience, one
may be remarked as significant of the dread of the
sea entertained by a non-seafaring people, the being
brought back into Egypt " in ships" (Dent, xxriii.
08). The national feeling on this subject may be
contrasted with that of die Greeks in reference to
the tea, [Commerce.] It may be remarked, that,
at is natural, no mention of the tide is found in
Scripture.
The place "where two seas met"* (Acts xrvii.
41) is explained by Conybeare and Howson, as a
place where the island Salmonetta off the coast of
Malta in St Paul's Ray, so intercepts the passage
from the sea without to the bay within as to give
the appearance of two seas, just as Strabo represents
the appearance of the entrance from the Bosphorus
into the Euxine ; but it seems quite as likely that
by the " place of the double sea," is meant one
where two currents, caused by the intervention of the
island, met and produced an eddy, which made it
desirable at once to ground the ship (Conybeare and
Howson, ii. p. 423 ; Strabo, ii. p. 124). [H. W. P.]
SEA, MOLTEN- The name given to the
great brazen ■ laver of the Mosaic ritual. [Later.]
In the place of the laver of the tabernacle, Solo-
mon cuus«rl a laver to be cast for a similar purpose,
which from its size was called a sea. It was made
partly or wholly of the brass, or rather copper,
which had been raptured by David from " Tibhath
and Chun, cities of Hadarezer king of Zobah"
1 K. rii. 23-26 ; 1 Chr. xriii. 8). Its dimen-
sions were as follows: — Height, 5 cubits ; diameter,
10 cubits; circumference, 30 cubits; thickness, 1
handbreadth ; and it is said to have been capable of
containing 2000, or according to 2 Chr. ir. 5, 3000
baths. Below the brim* there was a double row
of " kcops." 1 10 (i. «. 5+5) in each cubit These
were probably a running border or double fillet of
tendrils, and fruits, said to be gourds, of an :val
shape (Celsius, Hicnb. i. 397, and Jewish authori-
ties quoted by him). The brim itself, or lip, was
wrought " like the brim of a cup, with floweret of
1 ffVl *"«<> »!"> D'; nsaXia T»S *>*»*• InGen,
anx. 13, • haven;" Acta xxvtl. S». miyiaket.
*fTa?0, from pB, " break," only In Jodg. v. 17 In
flnr.i Wont; jwrtus; A. 7. - breaches."
'TinO, a place of retreat; Ai*uj>-; tortus; A. V.
•haven.-'
• I. /|, lit a heap, In phtr. waves; aSpa; fvrgita,
•un/ucteoiu. %. "V*. or HM ; mrptaw; jtaetui;
only In Ps. xdlL 3. i. "IMS'? ; jsmapurpfc ; gurga.
•ToMo; «a breaker." 4. PID3 (Job Is 8);/«cru«» lit
a hl(b plan (Ks. ». »9).
SKA, MOLTEN
Blies," i.e. curved outwards like a lily or iotas
flower. The laver stood on twelve oxen, three to-
wards each quarter of the heavens, and all lsokin|
outwards. It was mutilated by Abas, If bong
removed from its basis of oxen and placed on a
stone base, and was finally broken up by the Assy-
rians (2 K. xri. 14, 17, xxv. 13).
Josephus says that the form of the sen was semi-
spherical, and that it held 3000 baths ; and he eke-
where tells us that the bath was equal to 72 Attic
{('oral, or 1 prrpirrigt = 8 gallons 5*12 pinto
(Joseph. Ant. viii. 2, §9, and 3, §5). The question
arises, which occurred to the Jewish writers them-
selves, how the contents of the laver, at they are
given in the sacred text, are to be reconciled with
its dimensions. At the rate of 1 bath = 8 gallons
5'12 pints, 2000 baths would amount to about
17,250 gallons, and 3000 (the more precisely stated
reading of 2 Chr. iv. 5) would amount to 25,920
gallons. Now supposing the vessel to be hemi-
spherical, as Josephus says it was, the cubit to be
a 20* inches (20*6250), and the palm or hend-
l.readth = 3 inches (2*9464, Wilkinson, Anc. Eg;ip
ii. 258), we find the following proportions : — From
the height (5 cubits = 10*2 J inches) subtract the
thickuess (3 inches), the axis of the hemisphere
would be 99} inches, and its contents in gallons, st
277} cubic inches to the gallon, would be about
7500 gallons ; or taking the cubit at 22 inches, the
contents would reach 10,045 gallons — an anwnat
still far below the required quantity. On the other
hand, a hemispherical vessel, to contain 17,250
gallons, must have a depth of 11 feet nearly, or
rather more than 6 cubits, at the highest estimate
of 22 inches to the cubit, exclusive of the thickness
of the veuel. To meet the difficulty, we may ima-
gine — 1. an erroneous reading of the numbers.
2. We may imagine the laver, like its prototype in
the tabernacle, to have had a - foot," which may
have been a basin which received the water as it
was drawn out by taps from the laver, so that the
priests might be said to wash "at"' not "in" it
(Ex. xxx. 18, 19; 2 Chr. ir. 6). 3. We mj
suppose the laver to have had another shape than
the hemisphere of Josephus. The Jewish writers
supposed that it had a square hollow base for II
cubits of its height, and 2 cubits of the circular
form above (Lightfoot, Dtxr. Tempi, vol. i. p.
647). A far more probable suggestion is thatoi
Theniua, in which tteil agrees, that it was if a
bulging form below, but contracted at the mouth
to the dimensions named in 1 K. vii. 23. 4. A
fourth supposition is perhaps tenable, that who
it is said the laver contained 2000 or 3000 hatha,
the meaning is that the supply of water required
for its use amounted, at its utmost to that quan-
tity. The quantity itself of water is n* sur-
* nS*or (ifaAaovet ; lean a W m lmm
-P»O; X vri,;/«»0&
• nCTTO ; xt-Ax-foc; mrmu.
■ MBB' : xf&hoc; iaoraM.
r D'JTjJB : Mwr-spiYrutra ;
" gonrda."
s IBnE? rT*}B; 0Ua-r*t -ts&ev ; /ett-Jis
The passage literally Is. " and Its Up(was) On
m) a cap's Up, a lily-flower."
'MOD*, it a-M; A.V. " thereat "(Ka.
->3; <V «.vrj (x Chr. Iv t\
proput)
IB
SKA. THE SALT
araiag, when we remember the quantity mention-? I
t> (he supply of * private home fur purification, vil I
6 mphoree of 2 or 3 firkins (ptrptirat) each, •'. e.
from 16 to 2-1 gallons each (John it 6).
The later is aid to have been supplied in earlier
div» by the Giheonites, bat afterwards by a conduit
from the pools of Bethlehem. Ben-Katin made
twtlTe cocks (epistomia) for drawing off the water,
and invented a contrivance for keeping it pure daring
the night (Joins, iii. 10 ; Tamid, iii. 8 ; Middoth, iii.
6 ; Ught&ot, I. c). Mr. Layard mentions some
areolar vessels found at Nineveh, of 6 feet in dia-
■rter and 2 feet in depth, which seemed to answer,
in point of use, to the Molten Sea, though far
inferior in rise ; and on the bas-reliefs it is remark-
able that cauldron* are represented supported by
oca (Lavard, Sin. ami Bab. p. 180 ; see Thenius
en I K.'vii.: and Keil, Arch. BM. i. 127, and
fUnfri.). [H. W.P.I
SEA. THE SALT
117S
HiHiill—l MrtoradoQ at *m Lmr. VramKtll.
BEA. THE SALT (nksrl 0*: « ftfAoo-o-o
- r - t
moAar; S. i aXvidi. and r^s aAwriji; O.aXit:
in flea, mart salts, elsewhere m. talsutuiwm, except
Ml. in. qmod nunc roaitur mortwan). The usual,
ssd perhaps the most ancient, name, for the remait-
•Me lake, which to the Western world is now gene-
rally known a* the Dead Sea.
1. 1. It is found only, and but rarely, in the
Poitxteoch (Gen. zir. 3; Num. xxxiv. 3, 12;
i*.t. iii. 17*). and in the Book of Joshua (iii. 16,
a>. 3. it. 2, 5, xviii. 19).
-. Another, and possibly a later name, is the
>u or the Arabah (natgn ty : fdAoo-o-a
AM0a; J) ftaA. 'Apaffa; i V«A. <rqt "Apojfe:
wre xktwtinit, or dexrti ; A. V. " sea of the
Hsb"), which is found in Dent. iv. 49, and 2 K.
ii'. *i>; and oombined with the former—" the sea
<* th. Ambsb, the salt sea"— in Dent. iii. 17;
JA m. IS, lit 3.
■1. In the prophets (Joel it 20 ; Exek. ilrii. 18 j
Wl iii. %) it is mentioned by the title of the
*E«rr Sea (iftOTgn D*n : in Ex. rijr 9iXaa<ru
rV »»•» sWeAaut •♦oururiivoi ; in Joel and Zech.
"\> ti\. rip vpJrrnr : mare orientals).
♦• In Ex. ilvii. 8, it is styled, without rrevioos
"'•race, thb sea (DTI), and distinguished from
'• the treat sea "— the Mediterranean (ver. 10).
5- Its connexion with Sodom is tint suggested iu
nVB-bte in the hook of 2 Esdrns (v. 7) by the nam*
" Momitiah sea " (mm Sodomiticum).
renialeaeh alas tn iv. it.
Ms saoawtak and Joel, ss aa antttheatt to " the hinder
*V I & tat MeAterranean; whence the U,scnre renuer-
W >* the A. V,- tamer son."
' TtKnraVnortlieLXX. is remarkable, as Introducing
*>«■■* <*rWnld» in both ver. la and 1*. This may
* <Kbw as sasovaleat of Enaedt. erlataslly llatanm-
6. In the Talmudical books it is called both tin
"Sea of Salt" (Vffbo"\ KD»), and " Sea of Sodom -
(DHD ?D VXy). See quotations from Talmud and
Midrssh TehiUim, by Reland {Pal. 237).
7. Josephus, and before him Diodorus Siculus
(ii. 48, xix. 98), names it the Asphaltic Lake—
4 'Ao-«\aATlVi» Mfirn (Ant. i. 9; iv. 5, §1 ; ii
10, §1 ; B. J. i. 33, §5; iii. 10, §7; iv. 8, §2,
4), and once A. $ bripa\Ttxpipos \Ant. xvii 6, §5).
Also (Ant. v. 1, §22) i) Soooitfru Alujn).
8. The name " Dead Sea" appeal* to havs
been first used in Greek (ViXaaaa. rtitpi) by
Pausaniaa (v. 7) and Galen (iv. 9), and in tat it.
(mure mortiam) by Justin (xxxvi. 3, §6), oi
rather by the older historian, Tragus Pomneiiiu
(dr. B.C. 10), whose work he epitomized. It is
employed also oj Eusebius (Onom. liSofia). The
expressions of Pausanias and Galen imply that the
name was in use in the country. And thu is corre-
borated by the expression of Jerome ( Comm. on
Dan. xi. 45), " mare .... quod nunc appellatur
mortuum." The Jewish writers appear never to
have used it, and it has become established in mo-
dern literature, from the belief in the very exag-
gerated stories of its deadly character and gloomy
aspect, which themselves probably arose out of the
name, and were due to the preconceived notions ol
the travellers who visited its shores, or to the implicit
faith with which they received the statements of
their guides. Thus Mnunderille (chap, ix.) says it is
called the Di-ad Sea because it moveth not, but is ever
still — the diet being that it is frequently agitated,
and that when in motion its wares have great force.
Hence also the fable that no birds could ay across ii
alive, a notion which the experience of almost every
modern traveller to Palestine would contradict.
9. The Arabic name is Bohr Lit, the •• Sea ol
Lot." The name of Lot is also specially connectei
with a small piece of land, sometimes island some-
times peninsula, at the north end of the lake.
II. 1. The so-called Dead Sea is the final re-
ceptacle of the river Jordan, the lowest and largest
of the three lakes which interrupt the rush of its
downward course. It is the deepest portion of that
very deep natural fissure which runs lib. i. furrow
from the Gulf of Akaba to the range of Lebanon,
and from the range of Lebanon to the extreme
north of Syria. It is in fact a pool left by the
Ocean, in its retreat from what there is reason
to believe was at a very remote period a channel
connecting the Mediterranean with the Red Sen.
As the most enduring result of the great geological
operation which determined the present form ot 'he
country it may be called without exaggeration the
key to the physical geography of the Holy Land
It is therefore in every way an object of extreme
interest. The probable conditions of the fbrmntioB
of the lake will be alluded to in the course of this
article : we shall uow attempt to describe its dimen-
sions, appearance, and natural features.
2. Viewed ou the map, the lake is of an oblong
form, of tolerably regular contour, interrupted only
by a large and long peninsula which projects from
the eastern shore, near its southern end, and vir-
tually divides the expanse of th* water into two
tamsr, tec "City of Palm-trees" (^oirucwf); or may
arise out of a corrcption of Kadmoni into Kanaan, whirl
In this version Is occasionally rendered by Phoenicia
The only warrant for it in the existing Heb. text is UM
name Tsmar (= " a palm." and rendsred tVuiiit rai ♦•».
rutMi-oc) In vsr 19.
1174
SEA, THE SALT.
£%• nd Louglmdlnal ttocdon (from Norm to sootaj, of IM DUD Su, from Ow Uborj-raUao*. Survora, ■
moo* De Raulcy. Van a* VeMe, and otban, drawn andor tho mparinlaDdanoi of Mr. Qroro by 1
•ufraTCd by J. It. Coopar.
I ^mn- 1. Jorkbo. 1 Ford of Jordan. X Wady Oonmran. 4 Wady Zttrka Main. & Ru *1 Feahkbtb.
Monad. 9. Wady Mollb. ». Ala Jldy.
" " - U. Wady Fiiroh. ■- —
Drank. IL Ha Ftnlanula.
Tba dorard anas aroratnaj and
wady zorka Main. & Kan *I FMhkbak. & Ala Teraben 7. R»,
la Dbfcot al KhollL 11. gobbak. 11 Wad? Zowatrak. IX Urn XofbaJ. 14. Kkaabra
Wady al Jnlb. 17. Wadjr Tunleb. 18. Obor m Sanaa. UL Flala al Baobab. SO. Wad; rf
Jt. Tba Lagoon. U. The Frank Mountain. 14. BottUabaB ». Habron.
a« tba Lab* abow tba plana of tba t
portions, connected by a long, narrow, and some-
what devious, passage, lb longest axis is situated
nearly North and South. It lies between 31° 6'
20" an-! 31 ' 46' N. lat., nearly ; and thus its water
surface is from N. to S. as nearly at possible 40
geographical, or 46 English miles long. On the
other hand, it lies between 35° 24' and 35° 37'
East long., 4 nearly ; and its greatest width (some
3 miles S. of Am Jidy) is about 9* geogr. miles,
or 101 ^ng- miles. The ordinary area of the upper
portion is about 174 square geogr. miles ; of the
channel 29 ; and of the lower portion, hereafter
styled " the lagoon," 46 ; in all about 260 square
geographical miles. These dimensions are not very
« The longitudes and latitudes are given with can by
Van do Velde {Mem. 66), but they can none of them be
tapHdUy trusted.
• Lynch says » to ft ; Dr. Robinson says 9 (L «**)■
The ancient writers, as Is but natural, estimated Its
dimensions very Inaccurately. Moderns states the length
as HO stadia, or about 60 miles, and breadth 60, or I
•nlles. Josepbus extends "bo length is 680 stadia, and tin
dissimilar to those of the Lake of Geneva. They ai*>
however, as will be seen further on, subject to con
siderable variation according to the time of the year
At its northern end the lake receives the stream
of the Jordan : on its Eastern side the ZSrka Jli'ua
(the ancient CallirrhoS, and possibly the more ancient
en-Eglaim), the Majib (the Anion of the Bible,, and
the Beni-Hemid. On the South the KurAhy or el-
Ahsy ; and on the West that of Am Jidy. These
are probably all perennial, though variable, streams;
but, in addition, the beds of the torrents which leu]
through the mountains East and West, and over the
flat shelving plains on both North and South of
the lake, show that in the winter a very Isu^e
breadth to 160. It Is not necessary to accuse bun, oo tba*
account, of wilful exaggeration. Nothing Is more difficult
to estimate accurately than the extent of a sheet of water.
especially one wbtch varies so much In appearance aa> the
Dead Sea. As regards the length. It Is not hopossibW
that at the time of Josephrjs the water extended over ti*
southern plain, which would make the entire lensrt>
over 60 geogr. miles.
BKA, THK SALT
I. Fror* Ala Frabtbab to E. «1k»»
BKA, THK SALT
1176
4 Frara Ato Terfcbob Bo Wadjr Mojito.
i —
& Krouj Ala Jklj ID W.djr Mojlb.
T. »*•»» ll» W aaata K> Ox K. point of Poala--. H.
Nl l i/
to ^ | /
• a
Aiaatat lagan fmaSktW.
■ h lw CTrnas Wmc to aaal) of :ht Dead sea i plotted
bar Oat An* uom. tna lb* Sotwdlng? *rren by 10-nch in tbo
Map bi M* A-rro*(o» */ fk t7. X. grpuHtum. a*, London, MM.
"fa* a«> «K whleb fa* B oor V n i* wan lakan an indicated on
•at Ha* (aaaai) by tb* oeuad Baw- Tbo depth* ar j |fvan
% SL— Far ra* ■aba of rlearoeta, th* noriacmial and vortical
nsbn far was** aaeuoa* ba*» boon enlarged from tiicae adopted
v ato ■**> and 1 aaajaailaal ok1md on ta* opiKaU* atga.
riuantitj of water must be poured into it There
are also all along the western side a consnlomUc
number of springs, some fresh, some warm, some
milt and fetid — which appear to run continually,
nnd all find their way, more or leas absorbed l>jt
the sand and shingle of the beach, into it* waters*
The lake has no visible' outlet.
3. Excepting the last circumstance, nothing hat
yet been stated about the Dead Sea that may no.
be stated of numerous other inland lakes. The
depression of its surface, however, and the depth
-.'.'hich it attains below that surface, combined with
the absence of any outlet, render it one of the most
remarkable spots on the globe. According to the
observations of Lieut. Lynch, the surface of the lake
in May 1848, was 1316-7K feet below the level of
f Nor can there be any invisible one : the distance of
the surface below that of the ocean alone renders It Im-
possible; and there I.h no motive for supposing it, becausti
Ibe evaporation (see note to 44) U amply tufUdeut tv
carry off the supply from without
■ This figure was obtained by running levels from Mk
Ter&bA up the Wady Hat tl-tlkuwcir and Wady en-.V<tr
to Jerusalem, and thence by Rumleh to Jaffa, It seeins
to have been usually assumed as accurate, and as settling
the question. The elements of error In levelling scruss
such a country are very great, and even practised sur-
veyors would be liable to mistake, unless by the adoption
of a series of checks which it is Inconceivable that Lynch*
party can have adopted. The very fact that no datom on
the beach Is mentioned, and that they appear to have
levelled from the then surface of the water, shews that
the party was not directed by a practised leveller, and
casts suspicion over all the observations. Lynch'* observa-
tion with the barometer (p. 12) gave 1234-689 feet— 82 feet
IcssdepTeaion than that mentioned above. The existence
of the depression was for a long time unknown. Kven
Seetxen (i. 425) believed that It lay higher than the ocean.
Marmont ( royaoe, 111. 61) calculates the Mount of Olives
at 747 metres above the Mediterranean, and then estimates
the Dead Sea at 600 metres below the mount The fact
was first ascertained by Moore and fieek In March 1 837 by
boiling water ; but they were unable to arrive at a figure.
It may be well here to give a list of the various observations
on toe level of the lake made by different travellers : —
Apr. 1837
1836
1P38
1841
1846
May, 1848
do.
Nov. I860
Oct 27. 1866
Apr. (?) 1867
Von Schubert . .
De Bertou . . .
Ruasegger . . .
Symonds ....
Von WUdenbruch
Lynch
I)o
Rev. O.W. Bridges
little
Both
Barorn*.
l)o.
Do.
Trignrnn,
BaroLw
1)0.
I*vel
Aneroid
l)o.
Barom.
En,, ft
637-
1374-7
1426-2
1312-3
•U4S-3
1234-6
1316-7
1367-
1313-5
1374-6
-See IVtermann, in 6'eopr. Journal, xvltl. 90; for Rotb,
■Vermann'n MiUheilmgm, 1858, p. 3 ; for IV.Ie, Otxr,
Joum. xxvl 58. Mr. Bridges has kindly communicated
to the writer the results of his observations. Captain
Syinonds's operations are briefly described by Mr. Ha-
milton In his addresses to the Royal Qeogr. Society In
1842 and '43. He carried levels across from Jsffa to Jeru-
salem by two routes, and thence to the Dead Sea by one
route : the ultimate difference between the two observa-
tions was less than 12 feet (Ceoor. Journal, xil. p. Ix. ; x'.'.l.
p. Izxlv.). One of the seta, ending in 1312-2 ft. Is giveu
In Van de Velde's Memoir, 76-81.
Widely as the results in the table differ, there Is yet
enough agreement among them, and with Lynch* level-
observation, to warrant the statement In the text Those
or Symonds, Lynch, and IViole, are remarkably close, when
the great difficulties of the case are considered ; but It meal
be admitted that those of De Bertou, Roth, and Rrldmt- n-s
equally close. The time of year must not be overlooved.
Lyucu'* level was taken about midway between the winun
1176
SEA, THE SALT
the Mediterranean at Jaffa {Report of Secretary of
JHaty, &c, tiro. p. 23), and although we cannot
absolutely rely on the accuracy of that dimension,
still there is reason to believe that it is not very
far from the fact. The measurements of the depth
of the lake taken by the same party are probably
more trustworthy. The expedition cousisted of
sailors, who were here in their element, and to
whom taking soundings was a matter of every day
occurrence. In the upper portion of the lake,
north of the peninsula, seven cross section* were
obtained, six of which are exhibited on the pre-
ceding p«ge. k They shew this portion to be
a perfect basin, descending rapidly till it attains,
at about one-third of its length from the north
end, a depth of 1308' feet. Immediately west
of the upper extremity of the peninsula, however,
this depth decreases suddenly to 336 feet, then to
114, and by the time the west point of the penin-
sula is reached, to 18 feet. Below this the southern
portion is a mere lagoon of almost, even bottom,
varying in depth from 12 feet in the middle to 3 at
the edges. It will be convenient to use the term
"lagoon" 1 in speaking of the southern portion.
The depression of the lake, both of its surface and
its bottom, below that of the ocean is at present
quite without parallel. The lake Assal, on the
Somali coast of Eastern Africa opposite Aden,
furnishes the nearest approach to it. Its surface is
said to be 570 feet below that of the ocean.
4. The level of the lake is liable to variation
according to the season of the year. Since it has
uo outlet, its Wei is a balance struck between the
amount of water poured into it, and the amount
given off by* evaporation. If more water is sup-
plied than the evaporation can carry off, the lake
will rise until the evaporating surface is so much
i ncr e ased as to restore the balance. On the other
hand, should the evaporation drive off a larger
quantity than the supply, the lake will descend
until the surface becomes so small as again to restore
the balance. This fluctuation Is increased by the
net that the winter is at once the time when the
joints and streams supply most water, and when
the evaporation is least ; while in summer on the
sther hand, when the evaporation goes on most
furiously, the supply is at its minimum. The
extreme differences in level resulting from these
causes • have not yet been carefully observed.
rsinssndu^soUimnsl drought, and therefore is conaatrnt
with that of Poole, taken t> months later, at the very end
of the dry season.
s The map in Lyneh's private narrative (London, 1 MS)
from which these sections have, for the first tune, been
plotted. Is to a much larger scale, contains more details,
and is amove valuable document, than that In bis Official
Report. 410. (Baltimore, 1859), or his Report, avo. (Senate
Papers, 30th Congr, 2nd Session, No. 3t).
1 Three other attempts have been made toobtaln sound-
ings, bat In neither esse with any very practical result.
1. By Messrs. Moore and Berk In March, 1837. They re-
cord a maximum depth of MOO ft. between Am Icrste*
and W.ZtLktL. and a little north of the asms 3JJ0 ft. (Sea
Pslmer's Mop, to which these observations were contri-
buted by Mr. Beek himself: also Cesar. Jatrn. rtl. 446).
Lyneh's soundings at nearly the same spots give 1170 and
1308 ft. respectively, at once reversing sod greatly dimi-
nishing the deptha a. Captain Symouds, H.E., is said to
have been upon the lake and to have obtained soundings,
the deepest of which was 1100 ft. But for this the writer
■an find no authority bryond the statement of Bitter
(a Trdh as de , Jordan, 704), who does not name the source of
bat Information. 3. Dent. Molyneux, RJI, In Sept 1847,
look three sounding* The first of time vein* to have
SEA, THE SALT
Dr. Robinson in Hay 1838, from the Hues of drift
wood which he found beyond the then brink of th»
water in the southern part of the lake, judged that
the level must be sometimes from 10 to 15 feet higher
than it then was (A. R. i. 515, ii. 115) ; bat thU
was only the commencement of the summer, autl
by the end of September the water would probably
have fallen much lower. The writer, in the be-
ginning of Sept. 1858, after a very bet stunner,
estimated the line of driftwood along the steep
beach of the north end at from 10 to 12 feet above
the then level of the water. Robinson (i. 506)
mentions a bank of shingle at Am Jidy 6 or 8 net
above the then (May 10) level of the water, bat
which bore marks of having been covered. Lynch.
(Aflrr. 289) says that the marks on the shore near
the same place indicated that the lake had already
(April 22) fallen 7 feet that season.
Possibly a more permanent rise has lately taken
place, since Mr. Poole (60) saw many dead trees
standing in the lake for some distance frail tha
shore opposite Khashm Uxtum. This too was at the
end of October, when the water must have been at
its lowest (for that year).
5. The change in level necessarily causes a change
in the dimensions of the lake. This will chiefly
affect the southern end. The shore of that part
slopes up from the water with an extremely gradual
incline. Over so flat a beach a very slight rise in
the lake would send the water a considerable
distance. This was found to be actually the cue.
The line of drift-wood mentioned by Dr. Robinson
(ii. 115) was about 3 miles from the brink of the
lagoon. Dr. Anderson, the geologist of the American
expedition, conjectured that the water occasionally
extended as much as 8 or 10 miles south of its then
position {Official Report, 4to. p. 182). On the
peninsula, the acclivity of which is much greater
than that of the southern shores of the lagoon, and
in the early part of the summer (June 2), Irby
and Mangles found the " high-water mark a mile
distant from the waters edge. ' At the northern end
the shore being steeper, the water-line probably re-
mains tolerably constant. The variation in breadth
will not be so much. At the N.W. and N.E. corners
there are seme flats which must be often overflowed.
Along the lower part of the western shore, where
the beach widens, as at Btrket el-KhuW, it is occa-
sionally covered in portions, but they are probably
been about opposite Aim Jidy, sad gave 13*0 ft, thcaatjh
without certainly reaching the bottom. The other two were
farther north, and gave 1088 and 10(8 ft (Cesar. Jcmrm.
xvuL 137, 8). The greatest of these appears to be about
coincident with Lyneh's 1104 feet; bat there Is so conch
vagueness sboat the spots at which they were taken, that
no see can be made of toe results. Lynch and Beek agree
to representing the west side ss more eredoaltn slope then
the east, which has a depth of more man 800 ft dose to
the brink.
» Irby and Mangles always term this part - the back-
water,*' and reserve the name "Dead Sea" far the
northern snd deeper portion.
1 Murchlson In Oeogr. Journal, aiv. p. cxvt A briel
description of tills lake Is given in an Interesting paper by
Dr. Bulst on the principal depressions of the g'obe, re-
printed in the Edinb. K. PkO. Journal April, IMS.
■ This subject bss been sbty and carefully Investigated
by the late Professor Man-hand, the eminent chemist of
Halle, In his paper on the Dead Sea In the Journal/**
prald. Passu*. Lelpilg, 1848, 371-4. The result of ok
calculations, founded on the observations of Shaw, A. veo
Humboldt, and Balard, Is that while the average quantity
supplied cannot exceed 20,000,000 cub. ft, the evasoracoB
may be taken at 14,000000 cab. ft per dlesa.
SEA. THE SALT
t*t enough to make any great variation in the width
of the lit. Of the eastern side hardly anything U
known, bol the beach there appears to be only partial,
-i>l confined to the northern end.
6. The mountains which form the walls of the
jrast fissure in whose depths the lake Is contained,
'ontinue a nearly parallel course throughout its
«n're length. Viewed from the beach at the
northern end of the lake — the only view wituin
the reach of most travellers — there is little per-
ceptible difference betwxn the two ranges. Kach
* es, sally bare and stem to the eye. On the left
lie eastern mountains stretch their long, hazy, hori-
aactal line, till they are lost in the dim distance.
The western mountains on the other hand do not
odor the same appearance of continuity, since the
headland of Sag el-Fethkhah projects so &r in front
«f the general line as to conceal the southern portion
of the range when viewed from most points. The
bsfison is formed by the water-line of the lake
it>el£ often lost in a thick mist which dwells on
the anr&ce, the result of the rapid evaporation
shveys going on. In the centre of the horizon,
•hen the hue permits it, may be discovered the
aysterioos peninsula.
7. Of the eastern side bnt little is known. One
traveller in modern times (Seetzen) has succeeded
in forcing his way along its whole length. The
American P»fty landed at the W. Mojib and other
points. A few others have rounded the southern
«d of the lake, and advanced for 10 or 12 miles
•long its eastern shores. But the larger portion
of those shores— the flanks of the mountains which
stretch from the peninsula to the north end of the
hie — have been approached by travellers from the
'•'eat only oo very rare occasions nearer than the
ststera shore.
Both Dr. Robinson from Ain Jidy (i. 502), and
Unit. Moiyneux (127) from the surface of the lake,
moid their impression that the eastern mountains
«e much more lofty than the western, and much
■lore broken by clefts and ravines than those on the
•eat. In colour they are brown, or red, — a great
mrtat to the grey ana white tones of the western
wrataiiis. Both sides of the lake, however, are
as'kf m the absence of vegetation — almost entirely
barren and scorched, except where here and there
a >priLg, bursting up at the foot of the mountains,
"even thi beach with a bright green jungle of reeds
■*i tborovboshea, or gives life to a clump of stunted
fshna ; or where, aw at Am Jidy or the Wady Mojib,
i Domain] stream betrays its presence, and breaks
'hi long monotony of the precipice by filling the rift
*ith acacias, or nourishing a Little oasis of verdure
at its embouchure.
8. Seetzen 's journey, just mentioned, was acooro-
aiiahail in 1807. He started in January from the
ferd of the Jordan through the upper country, by
Jftaar, Attarrut, and the ravin* of the Wady Mojib
to the peninsula ; returning immediately after by
the lower level, as near the lake as it was possible
to go. He was on toot with but a single guide.
U< represents the general structure of the moun-
tain* as limestone, capped in many places by
Wit, sad having at its foot a red ferruginous
aaakVme, which fotms the immediate margin of
•*» hie." The ordinary path lies high up on the
her of the mountains, and the lower track, which
"•roam planned, is extremely rough, and often all
BEA, THK BALT
1177
I by Aaatenon (las, 190) the nnderetUt
" a rase «Jew of late nnboadmre of the former or these
Lut impassable. The rocks lie in a succession oi
enormous terraces, apparently more vertical in form
than those on the west. On the lower one of these,
but still far above the water, lies the path, if path
it can be called, where the traveller has to s.ramblc
through and over a chaos of encrmous blocks of
limestone, sandstone, and basalt, or basalt conglo-
merate, the debris of the slopes above, or is brought
abruptly to a stand by wild clefts in the solid rock
of the precipice. The streams of the Majib and
Z&rka issue trota portals at dark i ed sandstone oi
romantic beauty, the overhanging sides of which
no ray of aun ever enters.* The deltas of then
streams, and that portion of the shore between
them, where several smaller rivulets* flow into
the lake, abound in vegetation, and form a truly
grateful relief to the rugged desolation of the re-
mainder. Palms in particular are numerous (An-
derson, 192; Lynch, Narr. 369), and in Seetzen 's
opinion bear marks of being the relics of an ancient
cultivation ; but except near the streams, there is
no vegetation. It was, says he, the greatest possible
rarity to see a plant. The north-east corner of the
lake is occupied by a plain of some extent left by
the retiring mountains, probably often overflowed
by the lake, mostly salt and unproductive, and
called the Ohdr ei-Belka.
9. One remarkable feature of the northern por-
tion of the eastern heights is a plateau which divides
the mountains halfway up, apparently forming a
gigantic landing-place in the slope, and stretching
northwards from the Wady ZSrka Main. It is
very plainly to be seen from Jerusalem, especially
at sunset, when many of the pciuts of these fasci
Dating mountains come out into unexpected relief.
This plateau appears to be on the same general level
with a similar plateau on the Western side opposite
it (Poole, 68), with the top of the rock of Sebbeh,
and perhaps with the Mediterranean.
10. The western shores of the lake have been more
investigated than the eastern, although they cannot
be said to have been yet more than very partially
explored. Two travellers have passed over theii
entire length : — De Saulcy in January 1851, from
North to South, Voyage dam la Syrie, &c., 1853 ,
and Narrative of a Journey, be., London, 1854; and
Poole in Nov. 1855, from South to North {Geogr.
Journal, xxvi. 55). Others have passed over con-
siderable portions of it, and have recorded observa-
tions both with pen and pencil. Dr. Robinson on his
first journey in 1838 visited Am Jidy, and proceeded
from thence to the Jordan and Jericho : — Wolcott
and Tipping, in 1842, scaled the rock of Hasada
(probably the first travellers from the Western
world to do so), and from thence journeyed
to Am Jidy along the shore. The views which
illustrate this article have been, through the kind-
ness of Hr. Tipping, selected from those which he
took during this journey. Lieut. Van de Velde in
1852, also visited Manada, and then went south as
far as the south end ofJebel Vtdum, after which he
turned up to the right into 'he western mountains.
Lieut. Lynch'* party, in 1848, landed and travelled
over the greater part of the shore from Ain FethMhak
to Utdum. Mr. Holman Hunt, in 1854, with the
Messrs. Bearaont, resided at Utdum for several day»,
and afterwards went over the entire length from
Utdum to the Jordan. Of this Journey one of the
ultimate fruits was Mr. Huut's pictura of tin
Is erven by Lynch f Narratit*, 368).
r Conjectured by Seetaen lobe the" springs of Pta|»ii'
1178
SEA, THE SALT.
TUK D&ut 8BA— TWw from dm Jut* looking South. Frooi ft Drmwins ■
■ em aw k** Hi UU, by ». TtSffcas, Bm>
Dead Sea at sunset, known u ** The Scapegoat."
Miss Emily Beaufort and her sister, in December
I860, accomplished the ascent of Mnsada, and the
journey from thence to Ain Jidy ; and the same
thing, including Usdwn, was done in April 1863
by a party consisting of Mr. G. Clowes, jun.,
Mr. Straton, and others.
II. The western range presei-ves for the greater
part of its length a course hardly lens regular than
the eastern. That it does not appear so regular
when viewed from the north-westei it end of the lnke
is owing to the projection of a mass of the moun-
tain eastward from the line sufficiently far to shut
out from view the range to the south of it. It is
Dr. Robinson's opinion (B. R. i. 510, 11) that the
projection consists of the JSas el Feshkhah and its
"adjacent cliffs" only, and that from that head-
land the western range runs in a tolerably direct
course as for as CfaZum, at the S.W. corner of the lake.
The Jtca el Fesfikhah stands some six miles below
the head of the Like, and forms the northern side of
'St gorge by which the Wudy en Nar (the Kidron)
debouches into the lake. Dr. Kobinson is such an
accurate observer, that it is difficult to question his
opinion, but it seems probable that the projection
really commences further south, at the Ra$ Meraed,
north of Am Jidy. At any rate no traveller *
appem-s to hare l«en able to pass along the beach
between Ain Jidy and liaa Fes/ikhah, and the great
« Poole appears to have tried his utmost to keep tbe
■bore, and tn have accomplished nmre than others, bat
with only small success. De Saulcy was obliged to take
to the heights at Ain TeriUh, and keep to them till be
fetched Ain J nil/,
* It Is a pity thftl travellers should so often Indulge In
Uie use of such terms as " vertical," ** perpendicular,"
■ overhanging/ Ac, to descrile acclivities which prove
bo be only umdtTaiely steep slopes. Even I>r. Bobinson —
Arab road, which adheres to the shore from the
south a* far a* Ain Jidy, leaves it at that point, «k'
mounts to the summit. It is much to be regietted
that Lynch'* party, who had encampment* of several
days duration at Am Fesitkhah^ Am 7'rrdocA, and
Ain Jidy, did nnt make such observations as would
have decided the configuration of the shore*.,
12. The accompanying woodcut represents the
view looking southward from the spring o( Ain Jidy,
a point about 700 feet above the water (Poolr, tk>).
It is taken from a drawing Uy the accurate pencil
of Mr, Tipping, and gives a good idea of the course
of that portion of the western heights, slid of their
ordinary character, except at a few such except>ual
spots as the headlands just mentioned, or the isolated
rock ofSebbeh, the ancient Masada. In their present
aspect they can hardly be termed *' vertical " or
** perpendicular,*' or even *• cliffs"' (the tarourite
term for them), though from a distant point on
the surface of the lake they probably look verttcnl
enough (Molyneui, 127). Their ttructure was ori-
ginally in huge steps or offsets, but the horizontal
portion of each offset is now concealed by the slopes
ofdeoris, which have in the lapse of ages rolled dow»
from the vertical cliff above.*
13. The portion actually represented in this view
is described by Dr. Anderson (p. 175) aw** Tarr-
ing from 1200 to 1500 feet in height, bold w"«J
steep, admitting nowhere of the ascent or descent
usually so moderate — on more than one occasion sp*ilo
ol a mountain-side as "perpendicular," and Unroedta.tr-:?
afterwards describes tbe ascent or descent of it by Lis
party 1
■ Lynch's view of Ain Jidy (yarr, 390% ibongh rough.
Is probably not inaccurate In general effect. It mh»i
with Mr. Tipping'* as Jo the structure of tbe height*.
That In l>e Saulcy by H. Belly, which purports to be (nar
the same spot on ihe latter. Is very pour
SKA. THE SALT
•f beasts of burden, and oracticable only hew
end there to the most intrepid climber. . . . The
narked divisions of the great escarpment, reckon-
ing fan (bore, are: — I. Horizontal lavers of lime-
stone from 200 to 300 feet in depth. 2. A series
if tent-shaped embankments of debris, brought
down through the Mnnll ratines intersecting the
upper division, and lodged on the projecting ter-
race below. 3. A sharply defined well marked
i less perfectly stratified than No. 1, and
Dinting by its unbroken continuity a zone of
need rock, probably 150 feet in depth, running
like a east frieze along the lace of the cliff, awl so
preoptions that the detritus pushed over the edge
of that shelf-like ledge finds no lodgment anywhere
sb its almost vertical face. Above this zone is an
BUrrrupted bed of yellow limestone 40 feet thick.
4. A broad and boldly sloping talus of limestone, —
partly bare, partly covered bv dibris from above —
descends nearly to the base of the cliff. 5. A breast*
work of tallen fragments, sometimes swept clean
away, separates the upper edge of the beach from
the ground line of the escarpment. 6. A beach of
variable width and structure — sometimes sandy,
so m et im es gravelly or shingly, sometimes made up
•f loose and scattered patches of a coarse travertine or
eserl— fails gradually to the border of the Dead .Sea."
14. Further south the mountain sides assume a
■are abrupt and savage aspect, and in the Wad;/
ZssrsvuA, and still more at Sebbeh — the ancient Ma-
sada< — reach a pitch of rugged and repulsive, though
at the aame time impressive, desolation, which per-
haps cannot be exceeded anywhere o. the face of the
earth. Beyond Utdurn the mountains continue their
general line, but the dUtrict at their feet is occupied
Iit a mass of lower eminences, which, advancing in-
wards, gradually encroach on the plain at the south
red of the lake, and finally shut it in completely,
at about 8 miles below Jebet Owdnm.
1 5. The region which lies on the top of the western
heights was probably at one time a wide tabie-land,
raing gradually towards the high lands which from
the central line of the countiv — Hebron, Beru-naim,
est. It is now cut up by deep snd difficult ravines,
T s rs xed by steep and inaccessible summits ; but
portions of the table-lands still remain in many
piaees to testify to the original conformation. The
nuterisj is a soft cretaceous limestone, bright white
'•a colour, and containing a good deal of sulphur.
rhe surface is entirely desert, with no sign of cul-
nvatioo : here and there a shrub of Retem, or some
ether desert-plant, but only enough to make the
■a n a iunuua desolation of the scene more frightful.
" U existe an nvnde," says one of the most intelli-
eeat of modern travellers, " pen de regions plus
eawjeses, plos ahandonnees de Dieu, plua fermees a la
vie, sue La petite rocailleuae qui forme le bord occi-
dental de la Her Morte" (Moan, Vie de Jetut,
eh, vfc,.
Id. Of the elevation of this region we hitherto
Teas was the fortress In which the last remnant of the
MtJeel party of the Jews, defended tnem-
Stva, the Roman general, In a.d. 71, arid
net pot usemselvea to dealb to escape capture. The
4 b aVscribcd and the tragedy related in a very graphic
f uufiaj T? manner by Dean Mllman (Hut. o/OuJwt,
lasn.lL3as-t).
' Iw Sealer undone Una aa a small rocky table-land,
e*ftn* above the Dead Sea. But this was evidently
the scans! srjnmut, aa be speaks of the sbetkL ocenpy-
a swat a few bandred yards above the level of that
ens tanker wot llfmrr. L 1«*>
8EA. THE SALT
1179
CM
but scanty observations. Between Ain Jilt
and .din Terabeh the summit is a table-land 74C
feet above the lake (Poole, 67, .» Further north,
above Ain Terabeh, the summ.t of the pats is
1305-75 feet above the lake (Lynch, Off. Sep. 4.V,,
within a tew feet the height of the plain between tne
Wady en-A'ar and Gownrun, which is given by Mr.
Poole (p. 6a) at 1340 feet. This appears also to be
about the height of the rock of Sebbeh, and of the
table-land, already mentioned, on the eastern moun-
tains north of the Wady Zirka. It is also nearly
coincident with that of the ocean. In ascending
from the lake to Nebi Mma Mr. Poole (58) passed
over what he " thought might be the original leve
of the old plain, 532} feet above the Dead Sea."
That these are the remains of ancient sea margins,
chronicling steps in the history of the lake (Allen,
in Geegr. Journ. xxiii. 103), may leasooably be
conjectured, but can only be determined by the
observation of a competent geologist on the spot.
17. A beach of varying width skirts the foot
of the mountains on the western side. Above
Ain Jidy it consists mainly of the deltas of the
torrents — fan-shaped banks of cUbris* of all sizes,
at a steep slope, spreading from the outlet of the
torrent like those which become so familiar to tra-
vellers, in Northern Italy for example. In one
or two places — as at the mouth of the Kidron and
at Ain Tcrdbeh— the beach may be 1000 to 1400
yards wide, but usually it is much narrower, aud
often is reduced to almost nothing by the advance
of the headlands. For its major part, as already
remarked, it is impassable. Below .din Jidy, how-
ever, a marked change occurs in the character of
the beach. Alternating with the shingle, solid de-
posits of a new material, soft friable chalk, marl, and
gypsum, with salt, begin to make their appearance.
These are gradually developed towards the south,
till at Sebbeh and below it they form a terrace 80
feet or more in height, at the back, though sloping
off gradually to the lake. This new material is a
greenish white in colour, and is ploughed up by the
cataracts from the heights behind into very strange
forms : — here, hundreds of small mamelons, covering
the plain like an eruption ; theie, long rows of huge
cones, looking like an encampment of enormous
tents; or, again, rectangular blocks and pillars, ex-
actly resembling the streets of a town, with rows
of houses and other edifices, all as if constructed
of white marble ,w These appear to be the remains
of strata of late- or post-teitinry date, deposited at
a time when the water of the lake stood much
higher, and covered a much larger area, than it
does at present. The fact that they are strongly im-
pregnated with the salts of the "lake, is itself pre-
sumptive evidence of this. In many places they have
completely disappeared, doubtless washed into the
lake by the action of torrents from the hills behind,
similar to, though more violent than those which
have played the strange freaks just described : but
▼ Lynch remarks that at A in ri-FuhtAah there was a
" total absence of round pebbles ; the shore was covered
with small angular fragments of flint " (Adrr. 214). The
aame at Ain Jidy (290).
* De Saulcy, Sorr. Ibid. ; Anderson, 116. See also a
striking description of the " resemblance of a great city "
at the foot of SebbA, in Bemnont'a Mary, &c, 11. bS.
» A specimen brouabi by Mr. Clowes ."rom the foot of
Stbbek has been examined for the writer by Dr. Price, and
proves to contain no less than 6" 88 pit cent of salts soluble
In wr.ter, vis. chlur. eorilnm, 4-Mt, color, oalduin, I'M
color. tnaBEei'ssn, •• 241 . Bromine was ■'laUnctly Kant*
1160
SKA, THE SALT
they itill linger on this put of the (bore, on the
peninsular opposite, at the southern and western
outskirts of the plain south of the lake, and pro
bably in a few spots at the northern aad noi-tii-
western end, to testily to the rendition which once
existed all round the edge of the deep basin of the
lake. The width of the beach thus formed is con-
siderably greater than that above Am Jidy. From
the Birket el-Khilil to the wady south of Sebbeh,
a distance of six miles, it is from one to two miles
wide, and is passable for the whole distance. The
Birket et-KWU just alluded to is a shallow de-
pression on the shore, which is tilled by the water
of the lake when at its greatest height, and forms a
natural salt-pan. After the lake retires the water
evaporates from the hollow, and the salt remains
for the use of the Arabs. They also collect it from
similar though smaller spots further * south, and on
the peninsula (irby, June 2). One feature of the
beach is too characteristic to escape mention — the
)ine of driftwood which encircles the lake, and marks
the highest, or the ordinary high, level of the water.
It consists of branches of brushwood, and of the
limbs of trees, some of consideiable size, brought
down by the Jordan and other streams, and in
course of tine cast up on the beach. They stand
up out of the sand and shingle in curiously fantastic
shapes, all signs of life gone from them, and with a
charred though blanched look very desolate to be-
hold. Amongst them are said to be great numbers
of palm trunks (Poole, 69) ; some doubtless floated
over from the palm groves on the eastern shore
already spoken of, and others brought down by tbe
Jordan in the distant days when the palm flourished
along its banks. The driftwood is saturated with salt,
and much of it is probably of a very great age.
A remarkable feature of the western shore has
been mentioned to the writer by the members of
Mr. Clowes'* party. This is a set of 8 parallel
beaches one above the other, the highest about 50 ft.
above the water ; which though often interrupted
by ravines, and by dibrie, lie., can be traced during
the whole distance from Wady Zuweirah to Am
Jidy. These terraces are possibly alluded to by
Anderson when speaking of the " several descents
necessary to reach the floor of Wady Seyal (177).
18. At the south-west corner of the lake, below
where the wadys Zuweirah and Mahamcat break
down through the enclosing heights, the beach is
encroached on by the salt mountain or ridge of
KKahm Vtdvm. This remarkable object is hitherto
but imperfectly known. It is said to be quite
independent of the western mountains, lying in
fiont of and separated from them, by a considerable
tract filled up with conical hills and snort ridges
of tbe soft chalky marly deposit just described. It
is a long level ridge or dyke, of several miles long.*
I Tbey are Hen lined by Dr. Anderson.
■ Tbe salt of the Dead Sea was anciently much tn
eqoest for use In tbe Temple service. It was preferred I
■afore atl other Unas fur its reputed effect In hastening i
lbs combustion or tbe sacrifice, while It diminished tbe i
onpteasant smell of the burning flesh. Its deliquescent I
character (das to tbe chlorides of alkaline earths It contains)
Is alto noUced in tbe Talmud (Afenaost* xxi. 1 ; JaUcrU). !
It vis called " Sodom salt," but also went by the name of '
tba - salt that does not rest" (finals' J3NB> rbo\
because it was made on tbe Sabbath as on other days.
Oka tbe - Sunday salt " of the Kogllsh salt-works. It la
still much esteemed In Jerusalem.
• fbere Is great uncertainty about lu length. Dr. Ito-
bhison states It at i miles and " a consideruble distance '
SKA, THE SALT
Its northern portion runs S.I-.E. , but ifter nore
than half its length it makea a sudden and drri-Ul
bend -j the right, and then runs S.W. It is from
3 to 400 feet in height, of inconsiderable width,'
conflating of a body of crystallized rock-salt, moit
or less solid, covered with a capping of chalky lime-
stone and gypsum. The lower portion, the salt rock,
rises abruptly from the glossy plain ut its eastern
base, sloping back at an angle of not moie than 45°,
often less, it has a strangely dislocated, shattered
look, and is all funowed and worn Into huge
angular buttresses and ridges, from the face of
which great fragments are occasionally detached by
the action of the rains, and appear as " pillars of
salt," advanced in front of the geneial mass. At
the foot the ground is strewed with lumps and
masses of salt, salt streams drain continually from
it into the lake, and the whole of the beach is
covered with salt— soft and sloppy, sud of a pinkish
hue in winter and spring, though during the heat
of summer dried up into a shining brilliant crust.
An occasional patch of the Kali plant (Saliconuae,
be.) is the only vegetation to vary the monotony of
this most monotonous spot.
Between the north end of A*. Utdim and tbe
lake is a mound covered with stones and bearing
tbe name of um-Zoyhal.' It is about 60 feet iu
diameter and 1 or 1 2 high, evidently artificial, and
not improbably the remains of on ancient structure.
A view of it, engraved from a photograph by
Mr. James Graham, is given in Iran*'* Dead Sea
(p. 21 ). This heap M. De Sanlcy maintained to be a
portion of the remains of Sodom. Its name is more
suggestive of Zoar, but theie are great obstacles to
either identification. fSonou ; Zoar.]
19. It follows from the fact tliat the lake oc-
cupies a portion of a longitudinal depression, that
its northern and southern ends aie not enclosed by
highland, as its east and west sides are. The floor
of tbe Ghor or Jordan Valley has been already
described. [Palestine, p. 675.] As it approaches
the northern shore of the lake it breaks down by
two onsets or terraces, tolerably regular in figure
and level. At the outside edge of the second of these,
a range of driftwood marks the highest level of the
waters — and from this point the beach slopes mote
rapidly into the clear light-green water of the lake.
20. A email piece of land lies off the shore about
hallway betweeu the entrance of the Jordan and the
western side of the lake. It is nearly rircuhu in
form. Its sides are sloping, and therefore its size
varies with the height of the water. When the
writer went to it in Sept. 1858, it was about K«>
yards in diameter, 10 or 12 feet out of the water,
and connected with the shme by a narrow n«k or
isthmus of about 100 yards in length. The isthmus
is concealed when the water is at its full height.
further"" (il. 10T, 112). Van da Velds nukes it 10 miles
(ft. IIS), or Si boms (lis). Hut when these auy -a rtui ai
are applied to the map they are much too large, cat It Is
difficult to believe that it ecu t» more than t miles 9 all.
s Dr. Anderson (181) says It is shoal 2| miles wfete
But this appears to contradict Xlr. KobtiiMKi', expressions
(IL lot). Tbe latter are corroborated r.> Mr. CJowm'a
party. Tbey also noticed salt In large quantities among
tlie rocks tn regular strata some ouoakVralile aattaiao*
back from the lake.
* iJ-*5 J (•' C* 001 "" 00 . »- ««*>• ■» *• &T «•»»
name Is given Redjom el-Hesorrshl (tie eh and tv auw
both attempts to represent the o/uui.). Tin - PUartaa *
la A&nuewm. Apr. 2, 1864, expressly uau* that Ms
guide tailed II .Vurfjetm u-Xo-Jieir.
SEA. THE SALT
mi then the little peninsula become! an island.
H. De Saulcy attributes to it the name Redjim Lit
—the ceim of Lot.* It is covered with stones, and
dead wood washed up by the wares. The stones
an large, and though much weather-worn, appear
fc hare been originally rectangular. At any rate
they are very different from any natural fragments
on the adjacent shores.
21. Beyond the island the north-wettem comer
of the lake is bordered by a low plain, extending up
to the foot of the mountains of Neb'i Wusa, and
with at far as Rai FeshAhah. This plain must be
owiderably lower than the general level of the
had north of the lake, since its appearance implies
that it is often covered with water. It is described
as sloping geutly upwards from the lake ; flat and
barren, except rare patches of reeds round a spring.
It U soft and slimy to the trend, or in the summer
covered with s white film of salt formed by the
evaporation of the surface water. The upper sur-
face appears to be only a crust, covering a soft
and deep substratum, aud often not strong enough
'o hear the weight of the traveller.* In all these
jarticulars it agrees with the plain at the south of
the lake, which is undoubtedly covered when the
waters rise. It further agrees with it in exhibiting
at the back remains of the late tertiary deposits
already mentioned, cut out, like those about Scbbeh,
into fantastic shapes by the rush ei the torrents
from behind.
A similar plain (the QMr el-Belka, or Qhtr
Sftsoona) appears to exist on the N.E. comer of the
lake between the embouchure of the Jordan and the
•lopes of the mountains of Moab. Beyond, bow-
ever, the Terr brief notice of Seetien (ii. 373),
establishing the fact that it is " salt and stony,"
Bathing is known of it.'
22. The southern end is like the northern, a wide
plain, and Bke it retains among the Arabs the name of
BOktrf It has been visited by but few travellers.
Sretoen crossed it from E. to W. in April, 1806
(friara, i. 426-9), Irby and Mangles in May, 1818,
IV Saalcy in Jan. 1851, and Poole in Nov. 1855,
ill crossed it in the opposite direction at a moderate
finance from the lake. Dr. Robinson, on his way
f"»ii Hebron to Petxa in May, 1888, descended the
Wadi Zwceirah, passed between K. Utdtan and
•W lake, and went along the western aide of the
(ton to the Wady el-Jeib. The same route was
aarbally followed by M. Van de Velde. The
plain b bounded on the west aide, below the
Alaska Utdam, by s tract thickly studded with '>
sarfaed mass of unimportant eminences, " low cliffs
and conical hills," of chalky indurated marl (Rob. ii.
116 , apparently of the some late formation as that
already mentioned further north. These eminences
intervene brtween the lofty mountains of Judah
and the plain, and thus diminish the width of the
OUr from what it is at Ai» Jidy. Their present
forms are due to the fierce rush of the winter
torrents from the elevated tr-icts behind them. In
i*fjkt they vary from 50 to 150 feet. In colour
■key are brilliant white (Poole, 61). Ail along
SEA, THE SALT
1181
" Tarn Wand was shram to Manntren (March 30, ie»7)
■ aaHatohar, or bavins; near It, tbe M monument of Lot's
"at" It farms s u iuuilu c iit f auure in the view of " the
Mad tea from Ms northern shore," No. «2» of Ftlta's
■»a nan us, views hi the Holy Land.
• Taa was eapedajrr mentioned to the writer by Mr.
tarftfl Roberta, RJL. who was nearly tost in such a bole
as ukt way from the Jordan to Mar Sain.
*Vj insismii of the ancient traveller Thletmar
their base are springs, generally of brackish, though
occasional I v of fresh water, the overflow from which
forms a tract of marshland, overgrown with canes,
tamarisks, retem, ghurkud, thorn, anil other shrubs.
Here and there a stunted palm is to be seen Severa!
principal wadys, such as the Wady Ernaz, and the
Wady fikrth, descend into the Qhor through these
hills from the higher mountains behind, and their
wide beds, strewed with great stones and deeplj
furrowed, show what vast bodies of water they must
discharge in the rainy season. The hills themselves
bend gradually round to the eastward, and at last
close the valley in to the south. In plan they form
" an irregular curve, sweeping across the Qhor in
something like the segment of a. circle, the chord
of which would be 6 or 7 gcogr. miles in length,
extending obliquely from N.W. to S.E." (Bob. ii.
120). Their apparent' height remains about what
it was on the west, but, though still insignificant in
themselves, they occupy here an important position
as the boundary-line between the districts of the
Qhor and the Arabah — the central and southern
compartments of the great longitudinal valley men-
tioned in the outset of this article. The Arabah
is higher in level than the Qhor. The valley takes
at this point a sudden rise or step of about 100 ft.
in height, and from thence continues rising gra-
dually to a point about 35 miles north of Ahabeh,
where it reaches an elevation of 1800 ft. above the
Dead Sea, or very nearly 500 ft. above the 'ocean.
23. Thus the waters of two-thirds of the Arabah
drain northwards into the plain at the south of the
lake, and thence into the lake itself. The Wady
el Jeib— the principal channel by which this vast
drainage is discharged on to the plain — is very
large, " a huge channel," " not far from half a mile
wide," " bearing traces of an immense volume of
water, rushing along with violence, and covering
tho whole breadth of the valley." The body of de-
tritus discharged by such a river must be enormous.
We hare no measure of the elevation of the plain
at the foot of the southern line of mounds, but
there can be no doubt that the rise from the lake
upwards is, as the torrents are approached, consi-
derable, and it seems hardly possible to avoid the
conclusion that the silting up of the lagoon which
forms the southern portion of the lake itself is due
to the materials brought down by this great torrent
and by those, hardly inferior to it, which, as already
mentioned, discharge the waters of the extensive
highlands both on the east and west.
24. Of the eastern boundary of the plain we possess
hardly any information. We know that it is formed
by the mountains of Moab, and we can just discern
that, adjacent to the lake, they consist of sandstone,
red and yellow, with conglomerate containing por-
phyry aud granite, fragments of which have rolled
down and seem to occupy the position which on
the western side is occupied by the tertiary hills.
We know also that the wadvs Qhunmdel and Ifo-
filth, which drain a district of the mountains N. of
Petra, enter at the S.E. comer of the plain — but
beyond this all is uncertain.
(X.D. Hit), who crossed the Jordan at the ordinary ford,
and at a mile from thence was shewn the " salt pillar "
of Lot's wife, aeema to Imply that there are masses
of rock-salt at this spot, of the same nature as thai
at Ctehraa, though doubtless less extensive (Thletmar
Pangr. xt «»).
• Ruhr In the epelling adopted by De Saalcy.
» See the section given by retsuneaa m Om/r. JOurn
xviil.se.
1182
BEA. THE SALT
25. Of the plain itself hardly rjoie is known
ban of its boundaries. Ik greatest w : dth from W.
to E. is esti nutted at from 5 to 6 miles, while its
length from the cave in the salt mountain to the
range of heights on the south, appears to be about 8.
Thus the breadth of the Ghir seems to be here con-
siderably less than it is anywhere north of the lake,
or across the lake itself. That part of it which more
immediately adjoins the lake consists of two very
distinct sections, divided by a line running nearly
K. and S. Of these the western is a region of salt
and barrenness, bounded by the salt mountain of
Khashm Usdum, and fed by the liquefied salt from
its caverns and surface, or by the drainage from the
salt springs beyond it — and overflowed periodically
by the brine of trie lake itself. Near the lake it
bears the name of a Sabkah, i. e. the plain of salt
mud (De Saulcy, 262). Its width from W. to E.—
from the foot of K. Usdnm to the belt of reeds which
separates it from the Ghir es Safieh — is from 3 to 4
miles. 1 Of its extent to the south nothing is known,
but it is probable that the muddy district, the
S.ibkah proper, does not extend more at most than
3 miles from the lake. It is a naked marshy plain,
often so boggy as to be impassable for camels (Rob.
1 1 ft), destitute of every species of vegetation, scored
at frequent intervals* by the channels of salt streams
from the Jebel Usdum, or the salt springs along the
base of the hills to the south thereof. As the southern
boundary is approached the plain appears to rise, and
its surface is covered with a "countless number"
of those conical mamelons (Poole, til), the remains
of late aqueous deposits, which are so characteristic
of the whole of this region. At a distance from
the lake a partial vegetation is found (Rob. ii. 103),
dumps of reeds surrounding and choking the springs,
and spreading out as the water runs off.
2li. To this curious and repulsive picture the
eastern section of the plain is an entire contrast. A
dense thicket of reeds, almost impenetrable, divides
it from the Sabkah. This past, the aspect of the
land completely changes. It is a thick copse of
shrubs similar to that around Jericho ( Rob. ii. 113),
and, like that, cleared here and there in patches
where the GhttwartnehJ or Arabs of the Ghir,
cultivate their wheat and dnrra, and set up their
wretched villages. The variety of trees appears to
be remarkable. Irby and Mangles (108 *) speak
of " an infinity of plants that they knew net
ho*~ to name or describe." De Saulcy expresses
nimself in the same terms — " une riche moisson
botanique." The plants which these travellers
name are dwarf mimosa, tamarisk, dom, osher,
Asclepias procera, nubk, arek, indigo. Seetzen
(i. 427) names also th» Thija aphylii. Here, ss
it Jericho, the secrei of this vegetation is an
abundance of fresh water acting on a soil of ex-
treme richness (Seetzeu, ii. 355). Besides the
• Irby, ltboor; De Saulcy. 1 or. 18 mln.-f 800 metres;
Poole, 1 hr. 6 mm. Seetzen, 3 boors (L «»»>
k Irby and Mangles repurt the number of these " drains "
between J«bd C'sUum and tbe edge of the Ohor n-Safieh
at sU ; I We at eleven ; De Saulcy st three, but be evi-
dently names only tbe most formidable tines.
1 The Giiorneys of lrby and Mangles ; the Rhaouaroas
of De .Saulcy.
■ Probably the Wady H-Tufhh.
• &~ I* Saulcy, Xarr. 1. 4*3.
• Larger than the Wady Mtjib (Seetzen, I. 427).
• Seetsrn (II.3SS) stales that the atn-am, whit h he calls
il'flCrta, is condm-ted In arlracta. channels (Xemdfc*.'
Utroogt (he fields (also I 417). Poole names their. Jim
Uhlca.
SEA. THE BAIT
watercourse. 1 " in which the belt of reeds 3ouriscot
(like those north of the Lake of Huleh m th
marshes which bound the upper Jordan 1 '), tint
Wadij Kttrahy (or el May), a cousidcraUe stream '
from the eastern mountains, runs through it, an!
Mr. Poole mentions having passed three swift biooks,
either branches of the same,* or independent streams
But this would hardly be sufficient to account tot
its fertility, unless this portion of the plain were
too high to be overflowed by the lake ; and altiiough
no mention is made of any such change of level, it
is probably safe to assume it. Perhaps also some-
thing is due to the nature of the soil brought down
by the Wady el-Ahiy, of which it is virtually tbe
delta. This district, so well wooded and watered,
is called the Ghir es-Safieh.* Its width is leas than
that of the Sabkah. ho traveller has traversed it
from W. to E., for the only road through it is ap-
parently that to Ktrak, which takes a N.E. direc-
tion immediately after passing tbe reeds. De Ssmlcy
made the nearest approach to such a traverse ot>
his return from Ktrak (A'«rra(tr«, i. 492), and on
his detailed map 'feuille 6) it appears about 2} miles
in width. Its length is still more uncertain, a*
we are absolutely without record of any exploration
of its southern portion. Seetzeu (ii. 355) specifies
it (at second hand) as extending to the month of the
Wady el-fftssa (i. t. the el-Ahsy). On the other
hand, De Snnlcy, when crossing the Sabkah for tfce
tint time from W. to E. (Nan-, i. 263), remarked
that there waa no intermission in the wood before
him. between the Ghor es-Safieh and the foot of the
hills at the extreme south of the plain. It is pos-
sible that both are right — and that the wood extends
over the whole east of the Ghor, though it bears
the name of os-SaJich only as far as the month, of
the el-Ahsy.
27. The eastern mountains which form the back-
ground to this district of woodland, are no ten
naked and rugged than those on the opposite side
of the valley. They consist, according U, the re-
ports of Seetzen (ii. 354), Poole, and Lynch, of a
red sandstone, with limestone above it — tlie sand-
stone in horizontal strata with vertical cleavage
( Lynch, ivorr. 311,313). To judge from the frag-
ments at their feet, they must also contain vei y
Hue brecciae and conglomerates, of granite, jasuer,
greenstone, and felspar of varied colour. Irby and
Mangles mention also porphyry, serpentine, and
basalt ; but Seetzen expressly declares that of basalt
he there found no trace.
Of their height nothing is known, but all travel-
lers concur in estimating them as higher than those
on the west, and as preserving a more horizontal
line to the south.
After passing from the Ghir es-Safieh to the
north, a salt plain is encountered resembling; the
Sabkah, and like it overflowed by the lake when
a Mr. Tristram found even at the foot of taw <■*••
mountain of Usdum that about 3 feet below thai aw!"
surface there was a splendid alluvial sol) ; and b*> bar
suggested to the writer that there Is an analogy betwen.
this plain and certain districts In North Africa, wlifcr*
though fertile and cultivated In Rvman times, are m>«
barren and covered with efflorescence of natron. Th*
rsses are also to a certain degree parallel, Inasnnach ...
ibe African plains (also callrd Stbkha) have their sa'i
mountain (like tbe Khaskm Vrdusn. M isolated trues taw
mountain range behind," and flunked by small mameicen
bearlng stuntt-d herbage), tbe streams from which aarpply
them with salt (The tircat Sahara, tl.Jtc). They an
also, like the Sabkah of Syria, overflowed ■•try water bj
tl>e arljo'nlng lake.
SEA, THE SALT.
1183
f«« UUL Hl^llR
VnaiOnirhi
«S tfto wtdo bMch on Um Wmmch ■
da OB las apot by W. Tippiof, Bao,
high Seetxen, ii. 355). With this exception the
mountains come down abruptly on the warer dur-
ing the whole length of the eastern side of the
■cwm. In two places only is there a projecting
uracil, apparently due to the deltas caused by the
Wslys m-Seintirah and Uhtimir.
28. We hare dow arrived at the peninsula which
proju-ts from the eastern shore and forms the noith
adwure of the lagoon. It is too remarkable an
'''.kJ, and too characteristic of the southern portion
s.1 the lake, to be passed over without description.
It has been visited and described by three ez-
r !irm -Irby and Mangles in June 1818; Mi.
I't*<te m Not. 1855; and the American expedition
in April 1848. Among the Arabs it appears to
t»ar the names Ohor tl Mezra'ah and Ohor et-
'w. The lattar -aune — " the Tongue—"' recals
the similar Hebrew word fasten, \W7, which is
employed three times in relation to the lake in the
unification of the boundaries o f Judah and Ben-
pmm contained in the Book of Joshua But in its
'•"<* occurrences the word is applied to two different
I bees — one at the north (Josh. xv. 5, xviii. 19),
ml one at the south (xv. 2); and it is probable
' TMs appeuatSoo Is Justified by the new at the top
•flUaaafe.
' Fran tbe expression being In the first two cases
" tongue of the tea, 1 " and In the third simply " tongue,"
H. ie jWoIct oonjrctares that In tbe Last case a tongue of
•W la intended : oat there is nothing to warrant this.
U it by do means certain whether the two Arabic names
ss*i mentioned apply to different parts of tbe peninsula,
<* are rlren indUcriminately to the whole. Ohor d Ma-
»aaa Is the only name which Seetzen mentions, and he
stuxlxs it to the whole. It Is also the only one mentioned
r f W. Antkrscti, but he restricts il to the depression on
tat **st side jf the peninsula, which runs X. and S., and
louTTcnes between the main body and the foot of the
tsvtb mountains (And. 194), af.de Saulcy is apparently
*» <sruest traveller to mention the name Litin. Be
J«a- U) ascribes it ie the whole peninsula, though be
that it signifies in both cases a tongue of water
— a bay — instead of a tougue • of land.
29. Its entire length from north to south is about
10 geogr. miles — and its breadth- from 5 to 6 —
though these dimensions are subject to sorr* varia-
•ion according to the time of year. It appears to ba
formej entirely of recent aqueous deposits, late <r
post-tertiary, very similar, if not identical, wits
those which face it on the western shore, and with
the " mounds " which skirt the plains at the soutn
and N.W. of the lake. It consists of a friable
carbonate of lime intermixed with sand or sandy
marls, and with frequent masses of sulphate of lime
(gypsum). The whole is impregnated strongly
with aulphur, lumps of which are found, as on the
plain at the north end of the lake, and also with
salt, existing in the form of lumps or packs ot
rock-salt (And. 187). Nitre is reported by Irby
(139), hut neither Poole nor Andeiaon succeeded
in meeting with it. The stratification is almost
horizontal, with a slight dip to the east (Poole,
63). At the north it is worn into a sharp ridge or
mane, with very steep sides and serrated top. To-
wards the south the hip widens into a table-laud,
which Poole (ib.) reports as about ' 230 ft. above
appears to attach it more particularly to Its southern
portion — " le Lican actuel des Arabes, e'est-a-dire la
pointe sud do la preaqu'-lle " ( Voyage, 1. i»0). And this
is supported by the practice of Van de Vetde, who on his
map marks the north portion of the peninsula as Ghor-cl*
Mexra'ah, and the south Ghor-tl-Lit&n. M. de Saulcy
also specifies with much detail the position of the former
of these two as at the opening of the Wady ed Dra'a
(Jan. 15). The point Is well worth the carelul attention
of future travellers, for if the name l.is&n is actually
restricted to the south side, a curious confirmation of the
accuracy of tbe ancient survey recorded In Josh. xv. 7,
would be furnished, as welt as a remarkable proof ot the
tenacity of an old name.
i This dimension, which Mr. lWe took with his ano-
roid. Is strangely at variance with the estimate of Lynch's
party. Lynch himself, on approaching It at the norlb
1183 a
SEA, THE SALT
the level of the lake «t its southern end. It breaks
down on the W., S., and N.E. tides by steep decli-
vities to the shore, furrowed by the rains which ar»
gradually washing it into the lake, into cones and
other fantastic forms, like those already described
on the western beach near SMek. It presents a
brilliant white appearance when lit up by the bias-
ing sun, and contrasted with the deep blue of the
lake (Beaufort, 104). A scanty growth of rhruht
(Poole, 64) — so scanty as to be almost in via I. If
(Irby, 1396)— is found over the table-land. On
the east the highland descends to a depression of
1^ or 2 miles wide, which from the description of
Dr. Anderson (184) appears to ran across the neck
from S. to N., at a level hardly above that of the
lake. It will donbtlsa be ultimately worn down
quite to the level of the water, and then the
|*nintula will become an island (Anders n, 184,
189). Into this valley lead the torrents from the
ravines of the mountains on the east. The principal
of these is the Wady ed-Dra'a or W- Kerak,
which leads up to the city of that name. It ii here
that the few inhabitants of the Peninsula reside, in
a wretched village called Mtzra'ah. The soil is of
the most unbounded fertility, and only requires
water to burst into riotous prodigality of vegetation
(SeeUen, ii. 351, 2).
30. There seems no reason to doubt that this
peninsula is the remnant of a bed of late aqueous
strata which were deposited at a prrind when
the water of the lake stood very much higher
than it now does, but which, since it attained its
present level, and thus exposed them to the action
of the winter torrents, are gradually being disin-
tegrated and carried down into the depths of the
lake. It is in fact an intrusion upon the form of
the lake, as originally determined by the rocky
walls of the great fissure of the Ohir. Its presence
here, so long after the great bulk of the same for-
mation has been washed away, is an interesting and
fortunate circumstance, since it furnishes distinct
evidence of a stage in the existence of the lake,
which in its absence might have been inferred from
analogy, but could never hare been affirmed as
certain. It may have been deposited either by the
general action of the lake, or by the special action
of a river, possibly in the direction of Wady Kerak,
whieh in that case formed this extensive deposit at
its mouth, just as the Jordan is now forming a
similar bank at its embouchure. If a change were
to take place which either lowered the water, or ele-
vated the bottom, of the lake, the bank at the mouth
of the Jordan would be laid bare, as the Lilan now
is, and would immediately begiu to undergo the
process of disintegration which that is undergoing.
31. The extraordinary difference between the
depth of the two portions of the lake — north and
sooth of the peninsula — has been already alluded
to, and may be seen at a glance on the section
given on page 1174. The former is a bowl, which
at one place attains the depth of more than 1 300 feet,
while the average depth along its axis mny be taken
potat (.Vorr. nfl\ states It at tram 40 to so ft. high, wlm a
sharp sngolar central rklge some as ft. above that. This
last feature Is mentioned sin by lrby (Jane a). Anderson
tmesis the dimension of ms chief to SO or so ft. (Of.
Its*. I as); bat even thta falls short or Poole. Tbe penin-
sula probably slopes off considerably Inwards ihe north
sod. st which Lynch and Anderson made their estimate.
• TTben ■otmded by Lynch, lis drplb over the greater
r-rt of the area was It feat
• K« ti"» the ford st 1 an hoar north of the N. end of
bKA, THE SALT
at not far short of 1000. On the other hand Ok
■-outhern portion is a flat plain, with the greates
part of its ana nearly level, a very few feet* only
below the surface, shoaling gradually at the edges
till the brink is reached. So shallow is tins lagooa
that K is sometimes possible to ford rignt across from
the west to the east side tSeetzen, i. 428,* ii. 368 ;
Rob. i. 521 ; Lynch, Aon-. 304).
The channel connecting the two portions, on the
western side of the peninsula, is very gradual in
its slope from S. to N.,» increasing in depth frnnj
3 fathoms to 13, and from 13 to 19, 32 and ho,
when it suddenly drops to 107 (642 feet), and
joins the upper portion.
32. Thus the circular portion below the pen>n-
sola, and a part of the channel, form a mere lagoon,
entirely distinct and separate from the basin of the
lake proper. This portion, and the plain at the
south as far as the rise or offset at which the
Arabah commences — a district in all of some 16
miles by 81 — would appear to have been left by
the last great change in the form of the ground
at a level not far below its present one, and
consequently much higher than the bottom of the
lake itself. But surrounded as it is on three
sides by highlands, the waters of which have oc
other outlet, it has become the delta into which
those wateis discharge themselves. On its south
side are the immense torrents of the Jeib, the
Ohurmdel, and the Fikrtk. On the east the
somewhat less important Et Ahty, Numrimh,
Humeir and td-Dra'ah. . On the west the Z*.
vtiraA, Mubughghik,' and Senm. These stream*
are the drains of a district not less than 6O0C
square miles in area, very uneven in form, ani
composed of materials more or less friable. They
must therefore bring down enormous quantities 01
silt and shingle. There con be little doulit that the*
have already filled up the southern part of this
estuary as far as the present brink of the water
and the silting up of the rest is merely a woi k ot
time. It is the same process which is going on,
on a larger and more rapid scale, in the Sea of Azov,
the upper portion of which is fast filling up with
the detritus of the river Don. Indeed the two por-
tions of the Dead Sea present several points of ana-
logy to the Sea of Azov and the Black Sea.
It is difficult to speak with confidence on any of
the geological features of the Like, in the absence o<
reports by competent obsrrvets. But the theory
that the lagoon was lowered by a recent change,
and overflowed (Robinson, B. B. ii. 189), seems
directly contrary to the natural inference from the
fact that such large torrents discharge themselves
into that spot. There is nothing in the appearance
of the ground to suggest jny violent change in
recent (•'. e. historical) tiroes, or that anything has
taken place but the gradual accumulation ot" the
deposits of the torrents all over the delta.
S3. The water of the lake is not less remarkable
than its other features. Its most obvious pecn-
j liaritv is its great weight.* Its specific gravity
7 Ai-rosr this, too, there Is a ford, described to. some
detail by lrby and Mangles (Jane J). The water mart
have been vnsuelly low. since they not only state taae
dmikeys wept sole to cross, but sJso that the width dsd
noi exceed a oHe, a matter fn which the keen eye of a
praulcal tailor '■ not likely to have been deceived. Ly&t-t
could rind no tmce of either ford, end his map shews the
chsninl as fully 'wo miles wide st its narrowest spoc
■ Pronounced Hoburrlk ; the Embsrreg of TV Sax: -y
* Of the salt-axes In Northern Persia (Prasatw*
&c0 nollunc: v yel known. Wnewfi arcoosu. la vco
* BRA . THE SALT
Hoi feara (band to be aa much as 12-28 ; that is
to nay, a gallon of it would weigh over 12} lbs.
instead of 10 lbs., the weight of distilled water.
Water so heavy most not only be extremely
buoyant, but most possess great inertia. Its buoy-
ancy Is a common theme of remark by the travel-
lers who hare been upon it or in it. Josephos
(£. /. ir. 8, §4) relates some experiments made by
Vespasian by throwing bound criminals into it ; and
Lynch, bathing on the eastern shore near the mouth
of the Wady Zkrka, says (Nan-. S71), in words
curiously parallel to those of the old historian,
" With great difficulty I kept my feet down, and
when I laid upon my hack, and, drawing up my
knees, placed my hands upon them, I rolled imme-
diately over." In the bay on the north side of the
prnirmila " a horse could with difficulty keep him-
self npngnt. Two fresh hens' eggs floated up one
third of their length," •'. e. with one-third exposed ;
" they would have sunk in the water of the Medi-
Vrranean or Atlantic " {Narr. 342). " A muscular
man floated nearly breast-high without the least
exertion " (ft. 325). One of the few things recol-
lected by the Maltese servant of Mr. Coetigan —
who lost his life from exposure on the lake — was
that the boat " floated a palm higher than before "
(Stephens, Incidents, ch. xxxii). Dr. Bobinson
"could never swim before, either in fresh or salt
water," yet here he " could sit, stand, lie, or swim
without difficulty" (B. R. i. 506).
34. So much for its buoyancy. Of Its weight
and inertia the American expedition had also prac-
tical experience. In the gale in which the party
were caught on their first day on the lake, between
♦he month of the Jordan and Ai» Feshkhah, " it
seemed a* if the bows of the boats were encoun-
tering the sledge-hammers of the Titans." When,
however, "the wind abated, the sea rapidly fell;
the water, from its ponderous quality, settling as
soon as the agitating cause had ceased to act"
(Narr. 268, 9). At ordinary times there is
nothing remarkable in the action of the surface of
the lake. Its waves rise and fall, and surf beats on
the shore, just like the ocean. Nor is its colour,
(SsahBilar to that of the Sea. The water has a
grsuy feel, owing possibly to the saponification of
the bine and other earthy salts with the perspiration
of the skin, and this seems to have led some observers
U> attribute to it a greasy look. But such a look
exists in imagination only. It is quite transparent,
of aa opalescent green tint, and is compared by
Lynch (Narr. 337) to diluted absinthe. Lynch
(Nrr. 296) distinctly contradicts the assertion
that H has any smell, noxious or not So do the
chemists * who have analysed it.
35. One or two phenomena of the surface may be
mentioned. Many of the old travellers, and some
modern ones (at Osbnrn, Pal. Past and Present,
443, and Churton, Lead of the Morning, 149),
mention that the turbid yellow stream of the
Jordan is distinguishable for a long distance in
the lake. Molyneux (129) speaks of a " curious
broad strip of white foam which appeared to lie in
ragna. Those tn Southern Russia have been fully Inns-
dcatal by Ooebel (Bdttn *c Dorpat, IBM). The
baeviest water Is that of lbs " tied Sea," near Perekop
a> ibe Crimea (solid contents 31-32 per cent ; sp. gr.
•Jrtl% The others. Including the Ielunskoe* or Elton,
ratlin from 34 to 3* per cent of solid matter In solution,
and range to sp. gr- from 13-01 to 12-S8.
» Wish the single exception of Jloidenbsuer, who wbta
e Brat opened the speenxtec he analysed, found It to
vaunt.
SEA. THE 8ALT
1183 t
a straight line nearly N. and S. throughout the
whole length of the sea some miles W,
of the mouth of the Jordan" (comp. Lynch, Narr.
279, 295). " It seemed to be constantly bubbling
and in motion, like a stream that runs rapidly
through still water ; while nearly over this track
during both nights we observed in the sky a white
streak like a cloud extending also N. and S. and as
far as the eye could reach." Lines of foam on the
surface are mentioned by others : as Robinson
f i. 503) ; Borrer (Journey, be., 479) -, Lynch
(Narr. 288, 9). From Ain Jidy a current was
observed by Mr. Clowes's party running steadily
to the N. not far from the shore (comp. Lynch,
Narr. 291). It is possibly an eddy caused by the
influx of the Jordan. Both De Saulcy (Narr.
Jan. 8) and Robinson (i. 504) speak of spots and
belts of water remaining smooth and calm while
the rest of the surface was rippled, and presenting
a strong resemblance to Islands (comp. Lyncb, 288,
Irby, June 5). The haze or mist which perpetually
broods over the water has been already mentioned.
It is the result of the prodigious evaporation.
Lynch continually mentions it. Irby (June 1) saw
it in broad transparent columns, like water-spouts,
only very much larger. Extraordinary effects oi
mirage due to the unequal refraction produced by
the heat and moisture are occasionally seen (Lynch,
Narr. 320).
36. The remarkable weight of this water is dne
to the very large quantity of mineral salts which L
holds in solution. The details of the various analyses
are given overleaf in a tabular form, accompanied
by that of sea-water for comparison. From that
of the O. S. expedition ' it appears that each gallon
of the water, weighing 12J lbs., contains nearly
3J lbs. (3-319) of matter in solution — an immense
quantity when we recollect that sea-water, weighing
10) lbs. per gallon, contains less than ) a lb. Of
this 3} lbs. nearly 1 lb. is common salt (chloride of
sodium) ; about 2 lbs. chloride of magnesium, and
less than J a lb. chloride of calcium (or muriate ot
lime). The most unusual ingredient is bromide o'
magnesium, which exists in truly extraordinary
d quantity. To its presence it doe the therapeutic
reputation enjoyed by the lake when its water was sent
to Rome for wealthy invalids (Galen, in Reland, Pa,'.
242) or lepers flocked to its shores (Ant. Mart. §x.).
Boussingnult (Ann. de Chimie, 1856, xlviii. 168)
remarks that if ever bromine should become an
article of commerce the Dead Sea will be the natural
source for it. It is the magnesian compounds which
impart so nauseous and bitter a flavour to the
water. The quantity of common salt in solution
is very large. Lynch found (Narr. 877) that while
distilled water would dissolve 5-17tha of its weight
of salt, and the water of the Atlantic l-6th, the
water of the Dead Sea was so nearly saturated as
only to be able to take up 1-1 lth.
37. The sources of the components of the water
may be named generally without difficulty. The lime
and magnesia proceed from the dolomitic limestone ol
the surrounding mountains ; from the gypsum whicL
smell strongly of sulphur.
• This Is chosen because the water was taken from s
considerable depth In the centre of the lake, and there-
fore probably more fcirly represents the avenge coin-
position than the others.
* Adopting M&rchand's analysis. It appears that tut
quantity of this salt In the Dead Sea Is 138 times as great
sa In the Ocean and 74 times as great as tn the Kreuxobcy
water, where Its strength fa) considered remarkable.
4 *•
1188 c
SEA, THE SALT
OOKPABATTVK TARE
S OF ANALYSES OF THE WATER OF THE BEAD SKA.
1.
at
n. iiii,
UH.
Aareoal-
onlatadto
Mairiianfl
S.
Ajjjjn.
S.
4.
H-jgtt,
5.
Booth,
afFhOe-
■as*
e.
Chariard
and
Haarj.
7.
Eg**
&
atohhnj
nm
«o» Ink
»
160.
ChlmMa of Ungues! um ,
, , Sodium . .
■ , XhJctam . .
,, Potassium . .
,, Manganese. .
, , Ammonium .
, , Aluminium •
U1M
7-039
8-338
1-088
•181
•007
•143
7-370
T-838
3-438
-892
-006
10-643
8-678
3-804
1-308
•oia
T-833
12-100
2-466
V217
■008
•008
-066
-003
•068
•361
•082
14-680
T'866
•3-107
-668
•070
■137
1-888
11-003
■680
■188
■333
trace
0-300
0-8S3
13-061
7-338
3-708
•671
•108
-080
8-831
2-967
1-471
3-3*1
-082
-183
■31
3-n
: oi
'•u
•*
*
»
M Lime . . .
Bmmde of Magnesium
■083
•443
•on
•301
•088
-311
IC
m
Sides
OrtwmHiofLune , . .
•
* *
■003
-003
Loan -OSS
Total sand contents . . .
14-436
76-665
18-180
81-330
31 -MS
78-227
24.066
76-846
26-418
73-684
14-837
86-073
24-833
76-168
13-«86
86-106
I'M
•8-4T0
100-000
100-000
100-000
100-000
100-000
100-000
100-000
100-000
100-000
Specific gravity .
Rolling Point ....
Water obtained ....
l-joa
1-1*3
331"
imOo
Jordan,
UH
•aaaon.
1-1841
at68"F.
butr,
allha
north end.
1-112
327-76
In March,
inula
K.W. of
mourn of
Jordan.
1-227
atSO-F.
Hot 5, 'IS
USfalh.
"of
A-Tortbah
1-080
Apr. I,
u t boon
from tha
Jordan."
1-210
ateo-F.
lalandnt
N. end,
H>teMl,
1-116
to Jane,
UN.
1-OWO
Na 1. The figures In the Table are the recalculations
of Man-hand (Journal, sa, 358) on the bull of the im-
proved cliemtcal science of his time. The origins! analysis
Is In Katurwit. AbhandL. Tubtnren, i. 0827) 333.
No. 2. See TV Atkamm, June 16, 1838.
No. 3. Journal fur yro**. Chant, fee, Uspsfc, slrtt.
,1810), 386.
No. 4. Quarterly Journal of Cham. Sec IL C1860) 336.
No. 6. Off. BtporiofU. 8. .Bepedttto*, 4to.. p. 304.
Na 8. Journal it PkarmaeU at de Chimit, Mart 1852.
No. T. Calculated by the writer from the proportional*
table of salts given In Stewart's Ttmt and Khan, 381.
Na 8. Liebix sod Waaler's Ananias dor Oumie, zML
(1866) 367 ; zlTilL (1868) 129-170.
Na 6. Regnsult's Court Mm. dt Chimit, H. 100.
The older analyses bsTe not been reprinted, the methods
employed having been imperfect end the results uncertain
as compared with the more modern ones quoted. Tbeyare
as follows : — 1. Macquer, Lavoisier, and Lessge (JMk. de
('.dead, des SGjaxa. 1778) ; 2. atareet (HWJ. Irons., 1807,
p. 298, Sic.) j 3. KJaproth (Mag- dor GatXU. natwfor.
Frtunde n Berlin. 1U. 139); 4. Gay hcammt (is*, dt
CMatie, zL (1810). p- 197); a. Hermbstadt (Schweiggere
Journal, xxidv. 183).
Want of space compels (he omission of the analysis of
Bouaungault of water collected In spring 1866 (Ann. dt
CMeui, xlvilL (1866), 128-170), which corresponds very
closely with that of Gmelln (via, op. gr. 1-194 ; salts,
33-786 per cent), aa well as that of Oommtnes (quoted In
tie aame paper) of water eolleeted In Jose 1863, showing
sp. gr. 1-196 and salts 18-38 per cent Another analysts
by Prof. W. Gregory, firing 19-26 per cent of salts, is
quoted by Kltto (P»»«. Gtogr. 374).
The witter has been fkroured with specimens of water
collected 13th Nor, I860, by the Rev. O. W. Bridget, and
7th April, 1883, by Mr. R. D. Wilson. Both were taken
from the north end. The former, which had been care-
felly sealed op until examination, exhibited sp. gr. 1-1812,
solid contents, 21 -686 per cent ; the latter, sp. gr. | • 1*4,
solid contents, 32-188; the boiling point in both cases
226° 4 Fahr. ;— a singular agreement, when it is reraem-
bered that one specimen wss obtained at the end, the other
at the begmning, of summer. For this hrvestJsallori, and
much more valuable assistance In this part of hat article,
the writer is indebted to his friend Dr. David Stanuaon
Price, F.C&
The Inferiority In the quantity of the salts la Horn. 3,
8, and 8 la very remarkable, and most be due to the fact
(acknowledged In the 2 first) that the water was obtained
during the rainy season, or from near the entrance of one
Jordan or other fresh water. Nob. 7 and 8 were collected
within two months of each other. The preceding winter.
1863-4, was one of the wettest end coldest remembered
in Syria, and yet the earlier of the two analyses shown a
largely preponderating quantity of salts. There Is snfB-
dent discrepancy in the whole of the results to render It
desirable that a fresh set of analyses should be made, of
water obtained from various defined spots sad depths, at
different times of the year, and Investigated by the asms
analyst. The variable density of the water was observed
sa early as by Galen (see quotations In Reland, Pal. 242).
The best papers on this Interesting subject are those of
Gmelln, Man-hand. Herapath, and BouasmgauH (nee the
inferences given above). The second of these contains
aa exponent review of farmer analyses, sad moat fen.
structlre observatlooa on matters more or leas cnaaaeesd
wltk the subject.
The absence of Iodine Is remarkable. It mm p art n f
larly searched for by both Herapath and Marcband. but
without effect In Sept 1868 the writer obtained a lata*
quantity of water from the Island at the north end of the
lake, which he reduced by boiling on the spot. Tha
concentrated salts were afterwards tested by Dr. D. 8.
Price by his nitrate of potash test (see OSanv ant Jour.
nal tor 1861), with the express view of detecting Iodine,
but not a trace could be di sc o ve re d .
» Catalan in (O/. aha. n»9 Sevan) that In wnu, fnse "another nart" of the lane ho found aa i
latdSaaieaat at ahht
SEA, THE SALT
•ristx oaths shores, nearly pare, in large ;uantltiaa;
tad from the carbonate of lima and carbonate of mag-
nesia found on the peninsoala and elsewhere (Au-
dertoa, 185). The chloride of sodium ia supplied
from Kltnin Utdum, and the copioua brine springs
on both shores. Balls of nearly pore aolphar (pro-
bably tha depoait of aome enlphnroua stream) are
band in the neighbourhood of the lake, on the
Bwnwnla (Anderson, 187), on the western beach
and the north-western heights (Ibid. 176, 180,
160), and on the plain S. of Jericho (Rev. O. W.
Bridges). Nitre may exist, bnt the specimens
mentioned by Irby and others ase more probably
picas of rock salt, since no trace of nitric acid
hu been found in the water or soil (Marehand,
370).* Manganese, iron, and alumina hare been
found on the peninsula (Anderson, 185, 7), and the
other constituents are the product of the numerous
mineral springs which surround the lake,' and the
washings of the aqueous deposits on the ahorea
(see §17), which are gradually restoring to the
lake the salts they received from it ages back
when corerad by its waters. The strength of
these ingredients ia heightened by the continual
evaporation, which (aa already stated) is sufficient
to carry off the whole amount of the water
applied, leaving, of course, the salts in the lake ;
sad which in the Dead Sea, aa in every other lake
which has affluents but no outlets, is gradually con-
centrating the mineral constituents of the water,
ss ia the alembic of the chemist. When the water
becomes saturated with salt, or eren before, deposi-
tion will take place, and salt-beds be formed on the
bottom of the lake.* If, then, at a future epoch
a convulsion should take place which should up-
heave the bottom of tha lake, a salt mountain
would be formed similar to the Khashm Usdum ;
and this is not improbably the manner in which
that singular mountain was formed. It appears to
bnt ham the bad of an ancient salt lake, which
during the ootrrulaion which depressed the bed of the
proanil Islii, or some other remote change, was forced
sp to its present position. Thus this spot may have
ban from the earliest ages the home of Dead Sea;
and the present lake but one of a numerous series.
18. It has been long supposed that no life what-
**» existed in the lake. But recent facta show that
sane inferior organizations can and do find a home
era in these) salt and acrid waters. The Cabinet
s*Hat- Katurelle at Paris contains a fine specimen of
t ml called Stjdophora ptttOlata, which is stated
to ban bam brought from the lake in 1837 by the
Man], de l'Eacalopier, and has every appearance of
• Oaths ■abject of the bitumen or toe lake the niter
ass snfstag to add to what ia aatd under FAuarna,
eat. tad sums, i3ss. «,
* lbs t ew auu a baa not yet been astlsfaotoruy traced.
Tbtstfcof Baasasa Pa*aa> hat been analysed for Its dls-
wwrr (Bab. B. 1«> bat In vain, aUrchand examined
"O fl a w otton trom t "MH-pUtn called Zeph" i an
saw V. «f lbs lake, and found It to contain "an appre-
deancjsnatJty of bromine- (JowrnsI/eV fntt. Chemie,
•Mi.asa.te).
utdemonioiba obvious sources named m the text,
•"»*•» doubtless others lest risible. Tbs remarkable
wslslluu as tha proportions of tbs eoosUtnents of the
■aw la the s pn ti i wM obtained by different travellers
f>*e *» taairw) leads to the huererjee tbet to the bed
st tat lake there am masses of mineral matter, or
saaanl asrtngs, which may modify the constltauon of
6» water ta tbdr Immediate neighbourhood.
■ TMt is already oocantasj, for Lyocb't sonrjdhsr-lead
newel uaatt laj was j tt up coblcsl crystals of salt, some-
SEA, THE SALT 1183«
having been a resident there, and not an ancient or
foreign specimen.* Ehrenberg discovered 11 species
of Polygaster, 2 cf Polythalamiae, and 5 of Phyto-
lithariae, in mud and water brought home by Lepaius
(ifonalso. cf. Eon. Pr. Akad. June 1840). The
mud was taken from the north end of the lake,
1 hour N.W. of the Jordan, and far from the shore.
Some of the specimens of Polygaster exhibited
ovaries, and it is worthy of remark that all the
species were found in the water of the Jordan also.
The copious phosphorescence mentioned by Lynch
(Narr. 280) is also a token of the existence of lift
in the waters In a warm salt stream which rose
at the foot of the Jtbel Usdum, at a few yards only
from the lake, Mr. Poole (Nov. 4) caught small fiih
(Cyprinodon hammonu) 1} inch long. He is of
opinion, though he did not ascertain the fact, that
they are denizens of the lake. The melanopsis
shells found by Poole (67) at the fresh springs
(? iin Teriben), and which other travellers hare
brought from the shore at Am Jidy, belong to the
spring and not to the lake. Fucua and ulva are
spoken of by some of the travellers, but nothing
certain is known of them. The ducks seen diving
by Poole must surely have been in search of some
form of life, either animal or vegetable.
39. The statements of ancient travellers and geo-
graphera to the effect that no living creature could
exist on the ahorea of the lake, or bird fly across
its surface, are amply disproved by later travellers.
It is one of the first things mentioned by Maundrell
(March 30) ; and in our own days almost every tra-
veller has noticed the foble to contradict it. The
cane brakes at Am Fethkhah, and the other springs
on the margin of the lake, harbour snipe, partridges,
ducks, nightingales, and other birds, as well as frogs ;
hawks, doves, and hares are found along the shore
(Lynch, 274, 277, 279, 287, 294, S71, 6) ; and the
thickets of Am Jidy contain " innumerable birds,"
among which were the lark, quail, and partridge,
aa well aa birds of prey (B. S. i. 524). Lynch
mentions the curious fact that " all the birds, and
most of the insects and animals" which he saw on
the western side were of a stone colour so as to be
almost invisible on the rocks of the shore (Narr.
279, 291, 294). Tan de Velde (ST. «? P. ii. 119),
Lynch (Sarr. 279, 287, 308), and Poole (Nor. 2,
3, and 7), even mention having seen ducks and other
birds, single and in flocks, swimming and diving in
the water.
40. Of the temperature of the water more ob-
servations are necessary before any inferences can be
drawn. Lynch {Report, May 5) states that a stratum
times with mod, sometimes alone (Aorr. 381, 297 ; corns.
Molynenx, MT> Tbe lake of Ataal, on tbe K. coast ot
Africa, which bat neither affluent nor outlet. Is said to
be concentrated to (or nearly to) the point of saturation
(Attn. ». PkU. Am Apr. 1895, MB).
k This interesting act Is mentioned by Humboldt
(Finos o/ Hot. 170); bnt the writer is Indebted to tbe
kind courtesy of M. Valenciennes, keeper of the Cabinet,
for confirmation of It Humboldt aires the coral the
name of Ptrtia dongata, but tbe writer has the authority
of Dr. F. Martin Duncan for saying that Its true designa-
tion la BtylofAorapist. Unfortunately nothing whatever
is known of the place or manner of Its discovery ■ and it
Is remarkable that after 28 years no second rptcrmes
should bars been acquired. It la quite possible for the
coral in question to grow under tbe conditions presentee
By the Dead Baa, and It la true that it abounds alto In tha
Bed Set j bnt It will not be safe to draw any dedwtloa
from these facta till other specimens of It bare been
brought from the lake.
VIM
SEA, THE SALT
at 99° Kahr. is almost invariably found at 10 fathoms
below the surface. Between Wady Zttrha and Am
TerAbeh the temp, at surface was 76°, gradually de-
creasing to 6S° at 1044 ft. deep, with the exception
just named (Narr. 374). At other times, and in
the lagoon, the temp, ranged from 82° to 90°, and
from 5° to 10° below that of the air (lb. SI 0-20.
Comp. Poole, Nor. 3). Dr. Stewart (Tent and
Khan, 381), on 11th March, 1854, found the
Jordan 60° Fahr,and the Dead Sea (N.end) 73° ;
the temperature of the air being 83° in the former
caw, and 78° in the latter.
41. Nor does there appear to be anything inimical
to life in the atmosphere of the lake or *» shores,
except what naturally proceeds from the treat heat
of the climate. The GhawArineh and Rathatdeh
Arabs, who inhabit the southern and western sides
and the peninsula, are described as a poor stunted
race; but this is easily accounted for by the heat
and relaxing nature of the climate, and by their
meagre way of life, without inferring anything spe-
cially unwholesome in the »«ti«l««nn« of the lake.
They do not appear to be more stunted or meagre
than the natives of Jericho, or, if more, not more
than would be due to the fact that they inhabit a
spot 500 to 600 feet further below the surface of the
ocean and more effectually enclosed. Considering the
hard work which the American party accomplished
in the tremendous heat (the thermometer on one
occasion 106°, after sunset. Narr. 314), and that the
sounding and working the boats ne ce s sa rily brought
them a great deal into actual contact with the
water of the lake, their general good health is a
proof that there is nothing pernicious in the prox-
imity of the lake itself. A strong smell of sulphur
pervades some parts of the western shore, proceed-
ing from springs or streams impregnated with sul-
phuretted hydrogen (Da Saulcy, Narr. i. 192 ; Tan
de Velde, 1 ii. 109 ; Beaufort, ii. 113). It accom-
panied the north wind which blew in the evenings
(Lynch, 292, 294). But this odour, though un-
pleasant, is not noxious, and in fast M. de Saulcy
compares it to the baths of Bareges. The Sabkak
ha* in summer a " strong marshy smell," from
the partial desiccation of the ditches which con-
vey the drainage of the salt springs and salt rocks
into the lagoon ; but this smell can hardly be
stronger or more unhealthy than it is in the marshes
above the Lake ei-ffuleh, or in many other places
where marshy ground exists under a sun of equal
rower ; such, for example, as the marshes at Itkan-
dertn, quoted by Mr. Porter (Handbook, 201 a).
42. Of the Botany of the Dead Sea little or
nothing can be said. Dr. Hooker, in his portion
of the article PiXESTrjfx, has spoken (pp. 687, 8)
of the vegetation of the Qhtr in general, and of
that of Am Jidy and the N.W. shore of the lake
in particular. Beyond these, the only parts of the
lake which he explored, nothing accrote is known.
A few plants are named by Seetua as inhabit-
ing the Ghtr et-Sqfieh and the peninsula. These,
such as they are, have been already mentioned.
In addition, the following are enumerated in the
lists k which accompany the Official Report (4to.)
of Lynch, and the Voyage of De Saulcy {Allot
da Planches, fe.) At Ain Jidy, Reseda fatal,
SEA, THE SALT
Malm syhestris, lotus loMdes, Sedsm refkxnm.
SOeritis syriaca, Enpa tor kan syr i aomn, and W*
Mania somuifera. On the south eastern and earless
shore of the lake, at the Qhtr esSafith, and on the
peninsula, they name Zilla myagrotdes, Zygophrjtta
aoecinta. Rata braeteoea, Zuyphus spina ohrtsti
Indigofera, Tamarix, Assoc* oanariense, Saha-
dora pertiea, Ifoga fm tanetii , Picriditm ting*
tantan, Solomon viUoevm, Euphorbia pephss, Ery
throetictutpunctaius,Car^stenophyUa,saABeHo-
tropum aBridum. At Am ftshkhak, Ain Qkmccir,
Asa Teribeh, and other spots on the western shore,
they name, in addition to those given by Dr. Hooker,
Sida asiatioa, Knautia areentie, Scabtooa pappooa,
Echtum Oalicum and eretieum, Stratico stnuata,
AnattaUea hitrochmtina, Httiotropum rotund*
folium, and Phragmites oommunu. At other places
not specified along the shores, Kakile and Crasnbe
marUtma, Arenaria maritma, Chenopodvm man-
ctnum, Anabatis aphylla, Anemone coronaria.
Ranunculus atiaticut, Fumaria micrantha, Sisym-
brum Ho, Cloont trineroia, Anagyris foetida.
Chrysanthemum coronaria, Rhagadkuus ttrllatn,
Anagaliit arvensis. Convolvulus tiosha, Onotmm
syriaca, IMoepermum tenm'jhrm, Hyoscyamvss
aureus, Euphorbia heUoKopa, Trie cawxaica,
Morea sisyrtnehhan, Romuiea buJbocoduan and
grandifiora. The mouth of the Wady Ztuatiron
contains large quantities of oleanders.
43. Of the Zoology of the shores, it is hardly too
much to say that nothing ia known. The bird* and
animals mentioned by Lynch and Robinson have
been already named, but their accurate jdentirkatio*
must await the visit of a traveller versed in natural
history. On the question of the existence of life ia
the lake itself, the writer has already said all that
occurs to him.
44. The appearance of the lake doe* not fulfil th*
idea conveyed by it* popular name. "The Dead
Sea," says a recent traveller, 1 "did not strike me
with that sense of desolation and dreariness which
I suppose it ought. I thought it a pretty, smiling
lake— a nice ripple on its surface." Lord Nugent
(Land) fc., ii. ch. 5) eipi ease s himself in similar
terms. Schubert came to it from the Gulf of
Akabeh, and he contrasts the " desert look " of that
with the remarkable beauties of this, " the most
glorious spot be had ever seen" (Bitter, 557). This
was the view from its northern end. The same of
the southern portion. " I expected a seme of un-
equalled horror," says Mr. Van de Velde Qi. 1 17^,
" instead of which I found a lake calm and glassy,
blue and transparent, with an unclouded heaven, a
smooth beach, and surrounded by mountain* wheat
blue tints were of rare beauty. ... It bear* a re-
markable resemblance to Loch Awe." — "It remissded
me of the beautiful lake of Nice " (Paxton, in Kites,
Phyi. Oeogr. 383). " Nothing of gloom and deso-
lation," says another traveller, "... even the shore
was richly studded with bright" yellow flowers
growing to the edge of the rippling waters." Of the
view from Maaada, Miss Beaufort (ii. 110) thus
speaks — "Some one says there is no beauty ia
it . . . but this view is beyond all others for the
splendour of its savage and yet beautiful wilrlnmt "
Seetzen, in a lengthened and unusually enthu
' M. Van de VekkVs watch turned black with the sul-
phur in the sir of the hills and valleys sooth of hUaada.
Hiss Beaufort (at Birht A EksKC) aays It was " very
strong, hntmnselr more nauseous than that or the springs
•rfTainor."
• l.wh'i Bats wore drawn up by Dr. R. EgteafteM
Urlfflth ; and De Sanky's by the Abbe Micbon, who tag
himself collected the bulk of the specimen*.
1 Kev. W. Lea (l*> » \ who haa kindly allow ad tb» writs
the use of ha MS. journal. See very nearly the sauut
remark* by Dr. Stewart (rent and Asm;
■ Probably /aula crOkmoUa.
8EA, THE SALT
ain» (L, S64, 5) extols the beauties of the new
Rnm'the delta at the month of the Wady Mojib,
and the advantages of that situation for a per-
lasnent residence. These testimonies might be
multiplied at pleasure, and they contrast strangely
with the statements of some of the mediaeval pil-
grims (on whose accounts the ordinary conceptions
ot the lake are based), and even those of some modem
travellers," of the perpetnsl gloom which broods
over the lake, and the thick vapours which roll from
its watts like the smoke of some infernal furnace,
filling the whole neighbourhood with a miasma
which has destroyed all life within its reach.
4$. The troth lies, as usual, somewhere between
then two extremes. On the one hand the lake
certainly is not a gloomy, deadly, smoking, gulf.
In this respect it does not at all fulfil the promise
of its* name. The name is more suggestive of the
dead solitude of the mountain tarns of Wales or
Scotland, the perpetual twilight and undisturbed
Bnpring decay of the Great Dismal Swamp, or the
wetting miasma ot* the Putrid Sea of the Crimea.
Death can never be associated with the wonderful
brightness of the sun of Syria, with the cheerful re-
neusaof the calm bosom of the lake at some periods
•f the day, or with the regular alternation of the
breeus which raffle its surface at others. At snnrise
sad sunset the scene most be astonishingly beau-
tiful. Every one who has been in the West of
Sutler*! knows what extraordinary pictures are
•onetimes seen mirrored in the sea-water lochs
when they lie unruffled in the calm of early mont-
hs; or of sunset. The reflexions from the bosom
at* the Dead Sea are said to surpass those, as far as
the hues of the mountains which encircle it, when
lit up by the gorgeous rising and setting suns
of Syria, surpass in brilliancy and richness those
sf the hills around Loch Fyne and Loch Goyle.
One such aspect may be seen — and it is said by
camprtent judges to be no exaggerated representation
— in "The Scapegoat" of Mr. Holman Hunt, which
is a view of the MoeJ> mountains at sunset, painted
fines the foot of Jebel Utdvm, looking across the
kmr part of the Lagoon.* But on the other hand,
with all the brilliancy of its illumination, its fre-
queot beauty of colouring, the fantastic grandeur of
as «nrlnrfng mountains, and the tranquil charm
afforded by the reflexion of that unequalled sky on
the no less unequalled mirror of the surface — with
all thest there is something in the prevalent sterility
sad the dry. burnt, look of the shores, the over-
powering beat, thai occasional smell of sulphur, the
dreary salt marsh at the southern end, and the
fringe of dead driftwood round (he margin, which
anst go far to excuse the title which so many ages
have attached to the lake, and which we may be
sen it will
SKA, THE SALT
1185
■ As, far Instance, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, quoted by
a Vsce n tsa (aj>. lz*0).and the terrlfte description given by
Q mwuK si (H. TM ex.). as If from Brocsrdns, though It Is
ssl ta lbs Received Test of bis works (AmiL ltll): Sir H.
e*rtfanle(*j«.lM«):8ebwars(A.D.lS4tX It Is, however,
sersrssaf bow free (be beat of tbs old travellers si* from
■eafeMss. Tbs descriptions of the Boordesu Pilgrim, of
aicanas, ■TsniisTavD.le. THetmsr. Doubdsn, ManndreU,
ssnasja Halo essgajsratton of the boovsney of the water
»ni*rttafepaudon to lift, sre sober, snd,ssfsrss they go,
•eants. bat to be lamented thsttte popular conception
•f IhsVifcs was net bonded on these accounts, instead of
aw a lark i» iVariliirtnrn of other! at secondhand.
• - It la not asvom bat ossola ton that Is Its prevaO-
k* chsrsearrlade." Is tbs remark if Prat Stsnley, In bis
> tbs lake 'c Sinai tmd PalmtiMt
vol. in.
44. It does not appear probable that the condition
or aspect of the lake in biblical times was mate-
rially different from what it is at present. Other
parts of Syria may have deteriorated in climate stm!
appearance owing to the destruction of the wood
which once covered them, but there -are no traces
either of the ancient existence of wood in the neigh-
bourhood of the lake, or of anything which wculd
account for its destruction supposing it to have
existed. A few spots, such as Ain July, the mouth
of the Wady Zuaeirah, and that of the Wady ed
Dra'a, were more cultivated, and consequently more
populous, than they are under the discouraging in-
fluences of Mohammedanism. But such attempts
must always have been partial, confined to the imme-
diate neighbourhood of the fresh springs and to a
certain degree of elevation, and ceasing directly irri-
gation was neglected. In fact the climate of the
shores of the lake is too sultry and trying to allow
of any considerable amount of civilized occupation
being conducted there. Nothing will grow without
irrigation, and artificial irrigation is too laborious
for such a situation. The plain of Jericho we know
was cultivated like a garden, but the plain of Jeri-
cho is very nearly on a level with the spring of
Am Jidy, some 600 feet above the Ohor el-Lisdn,
the Qhor a Safieh, or other cultivable portions ot
the beach of the Dead Sea. Of course, as far as
the capabilities of the ground axe concerned, pro-
vided there is plenty of water, the hotter the
climate the better, and it is not too much to my
that, if some system of irrigation could be earned out
and maintained, the plain of Jericho, and still more
the shores of the lake (such as the peninsula and
the southern plain), might be the most productive
spots in the world. But this is not possible, and the
difficulty of communication with the external world
would alone be (as it must always have been) a
serious bar to any great agricultural efforts in this
district.
When Machaerus and CallirrhoS were inhabited
(if indeed the former was ever more than a fortress,
and the latter a bathing establishment occasionally
resorted to), and when the plain of Jericho was
occupied with the crowded population necessary
for the cultivation of its balsam-gardens, vineyards,
sugar-plantations, and palm-groves, there may have
been a little more life on the shores. But this can
never have materially affected the lake. The track
along the western shore and over Ain Jidy was then,
as now, used for secret marauding expeditions, net for
peaceable or ooiinnercial traffic. What transport
there may have been between Idnmaea and Jericho
came by some other channel. A doubtful passage
in < Joseph us, and a reference by Edrisi (Ed. Jau-
bert, in Bitter, Jordan, 700) to an occasional ven»
tare by the people of "Zara and Dara" in the 12th
(chap. vtL). " So mournful a lsndscspc, for one hsvlng
real beauty, I bad never seen " (Miss Msrtlneau, Batltm
Lift, PL III. en. 4).
» The remarks In the text refer to the mountains which
form the background to this remarkable painting. The
title of the picture and the accidents of the foreground
give the key to the sentiment which It conveys, which Is
certainly that of loneliness snd death. But tbemountalna
would form sn sppropriate background to a scene of a
very different description.
« Quoted by Beland {Pal »a) as '• liber v. de bell,
cap. a." But this— If It can be verified, which the writer
has not yet succeeded to doing— only shows that the
Rnmsns on one occasion, sooner than let their fugitives
escape them, got some boats over snd put them on the
lake. It does not rrdkate any cor.tln.ned navigation
4a
1186
BEA, TUB SALT
century, are vl the allusions known to exist to
the navigatioi. of the lake, until Englishmen and
Americans ' launched their boats on it within the
last twenty years for purposes of scientific inves-
tigation. The temptation to the dweller* in the
environs must always hare been to ascend to the
fresher air of the height*, rather than descend to
the sultry climate of the shores.
47. The connexion between this singular lake and
the Biblical history is very slight. In the topogra-
phical records of the Pentateuch and 'the Book of
Joshua, it forms one among the landmarks of the
boundaries of the whole country, as well as of the
inferior divisions of Judah and Benjamin ; and atten-
tion has been already drawn to the minute accuracy
with which, according to the frequent custom cf
these remarkable records, one of the salient features
of the lake is singled out for mention. As a land-
mark it la once named in what appears to be a
quotation from a lost work of the prophet Jonah
(2 K. xiv. 25), itself apparently a reminiscence of
the old Mosaic statement (Num. xxiiv. 8, 12).
Beside* this the name occurs once or twice in the
Imagery of the Propbeta.' In the New Testament
there is not even an allusion to it. There is, how-
ever, one passage in which the " Salt Sea " is men-
tioned in a different manner to any of those already
S noted, viz., a* having been in the time of Abraham
le Vale of Siddim (Gen. xiv. 3). The narrative in
which this occurs is now generally acknowledged to
be one of the most ancient of those venerable docu-
ments, from which the early part of the Book of
Genesis was compiled. But a careful examination
shows that it contains a number of explanatory
statements which cannot, from the very nature of
the case, have come from the pen of its original
author. The sentences, " Bela which* is Zoer"
(2 and 8) ; "En-Mishpat which is Kadesh" (7) ;
" the Valley of Shaven which is the King's Valley "
(17) ; and the one in question, " the Vale of Siddim
which is the Salt Sea (3), are evidently explana-
tions added by a later haul at a time when the
ancient names had become obsolete. These remarks
(or, as they may be termed, " annotations") stand
on a perfectly different footing to the word* of the
original record which they are intended to elucidate,
and whose antiquity they enhance. It bears every
mark of being contemporary with the event* it nar-
rates. They merely embody the opinion of a later
person, and must stand or fall by their own merits.
48. Now the evidence of the spot is sufficient to
show that no material change has taken place in the
upper and deeper portion of the lake lor a period
very long anterior to the time of Abraham. In tho
lower portion — the lagoon and the plain below it —
if any change has occurred, it appears to have been
rather one of reclamation than of submersion — the
gradual silting np of the district by the torrents
which discharge their contents into it (see §23).
' Oosllgan In 183*, Moore sod Beak to 1831, grmonds
In 1841, Morynetut tn 184?, LjDcb in 1818.
• See the quotations at the head of the article.
• One of then fEe. xlvti.) Is remarkable for the manner
m which the characteristics of the lake and Its environs—
the dry ravines of the westers mountains; the noxious
waters; the want of Sen; the southern lagoon — are
brought out See Prof. Stanley's notice (S. •* P. tn}.
• TjftrK'n JP3: such to the formula adopted to each
of tne instances quoted. I' Is the same which Is need tn the
otedselY parallel esse, "Hasaxon-Tamar, which la Engedl "
tl Gar. xx. 2). In other :asea, where the remark seems
to lM>«*ro***ded ban tk» original writer, another (una
BEA. THE SALT
We hare seen that, owing to the gentle dope of thf
plain, temporary fluctuations in the level of the bin
would affect this portion very materially ; and it ii
quite allowable to believe that a few wet winters fol-
lowed by cold summers, would raise the level of the
lake sufficiently to lay the whole of the district south
of the lagoon under water, and convert it for the tin?
into a part of the " Salt Sea," A rise of 20 feet be-
yond the ordinary high-water point would probably
do this, and it would take some years to bring thing*
back to their former condition. Soch an exceptional
state of things the writer of the words in Gen. xiv. 3
may have witnessed and placed on record.
49. This is merely stated as a possible explanation ;
and it assumes the Vale of Siddim to have bees the
plain at the south end of the lake, for which then
is no evidence. But it seems to the writer mot*
natural to believe that the author of this note en
a document which even in his time was probably
of great antiquity, believed that the present lakw
covered a district which in historic times had bn*
permanently habitable dry land. Such was the im-
plicit belief of the whole modern world — with tho
exception perhaps of * Reland — till within less than
half a century. Even so lately is 1830 the for-
mation of the Dead Sea was described by a divim
of our Church, remarkable alike for learning and
discernment, in the following terms : —
" The Valley of the Jordan, in which the cities
of Sodom, Gomorrah, Adma, and Taebohn, were
situated, was rich and highly cultivated. It is
most probable that the river then flowed in a deep
and uninterrupted channel down a regular descent,
and discharged itself into the eastern gulf of the
Red Sea. The cities stood on a soil broken and
undermined with veins of bitumen and sulphur.
These inflammable substances set on fire by light-
ning caused a terrible convulsion ; the water-
courses — both the river and the canals by which the
land was extensively irrigated — burst their banks ;
the cities, the walls of which were perhaps built
from the combustible materials of tne soil, were
entirely swallowed up by the fiery inundation, and
the whole valley, which had been compared to Pa-
radise and the well-watered cornfields of the Nile,
became a dead and fetid lake" (Mfljoan, Hat. «/
the Jem, 2nd ed. i. 15).
In similar language does the usually caution* Dr.
Robinson express himself, writing on the spot, before
the researches of his countrymen had revealed the
depth and nature of the chasm, and the coaseqnent
remote date of the formation of the lake : — " Shat-
tered mountains and the deep chasms of the rent
earth are here tokens of the wrath of God, and of
hie vengeance upon the guilty inhabitants of the
plain " (5». .»». i. 525)."
Now if these explanations — ao entirely ground-
less, when it is recollected that the identity of the
Vale of Siddim with the Plain of Jordan, and the
to used— TB^K— as to " el Paran. which Is by the Wflatar-
ness" flS),"" Hobab, which Is on the left hind of Ita-
ma*ca* n (ls>
• 8ee Ms chapter De laeu MfhaltiU In raUmtima, lib.
L cap. xxxviiL— truly admirable, considering the runty
materials at his disposal. He teems to bare two the
Aral to disprove the Idea that the dties of the plan, wrr*
submerged.
' Even Lieut. Lynch can pause between the casts <4
the lead to apostrophise the " unhallowed sea ... the
record of God's wrath," or to notice the "sepulchral
light " cut around by the phosphoresce, fee, 4c i.»Wv
184. lag, 180).
SKA, THE SALT
i of the cities, find i> warrant whatever
o ScnjAiirs *n promulgated by persons of learn-
a* sad expericoee in the 19tk century after Christ,
aeraly it need oetarion no surprise to find a similar
visw sat forward at a time when the contradic-
tions involved n the statement that the Salt Sea
hu enm been the Vale af Sddhn eonld not haw
pwaaul thaaaerna to the ancient commentator
we* adaad that explanatory note to the original re-
owdaf QcaLKtr. At the aame time it must not be
•nriaabd that lie passage in qneation i» the only
•m u tat whole Bible— Old Testament, ATwcrypb*,
er Kew Teatament— to countenance the notion that
ts*oxwrfta»plam were submerged; a notion which
the an ea t writer has eardeuvoared elsewhere* to
shew da* sat dace earlier than the Christian era.
50. The writer has there also attempted to
arm that the belief whijh prompted the etate-
amo> jast aaatal fresn modem writers, vie. that
las Drad Sea was formed by the catastrophe which
overthrew the "Cities of ths Plain"— is a mere
aawinptno. It is not only unsupported by Scripture,
bat a directly ia the teeth of the evidence of the
tree** itself. Of the situation of those cities we only
taaw that, being in the " Plain of the Jordan," they
■art hare bean to the north of the lake. Ofthecata-
etropbe which des tr oye d them, we only know that it
n described as s shower af ignited sulphur descending
Was the skies. Its date is uncertain, bnt we shall
be ane fa placing it within the limit of 2000 years
**■* Christ. New, how the chasm in which the
Jsrdsa and its lakes were contained was produced
sat ef (be fisneatone block which forms the main
Uey ef Syria, we are not at present sufficiently ra-
reness to know. It may hare been the effect of a
cJdca fissure* of dislocation, or of gradual 'erosion,
er el a iiiiliimii jn of both. But there can be no
dwst that, hDwerer the operation was performed,
>l aw of far older date than the time of Abraham,
w say ether historic* event. And not only this, bat
tteeranaeftheccolcgy.aomr as we can at present
'sin a three, all point in a direction opposite to
tar popular hypothesis. That hypothesis" is to the
efret that the valley was once dry, and at a certain
•Hone period was covered with water and con-
8EA, THE 8ALT
1X91
• Cseer the heads of Sodom, Stodik, Zoax.
i tw Oat «ub of Sir R. Murchlson berare the B.
los rsrn es (as JOnoom it Sept. 1st*).
• Tad ■ the optnfcm or Dr. Anderson.
• Br. Anderson la compelled to infer from tee featares of
fas—la saw las l nvOlwrgiUSfd "before the tertiary
«•»' 0* ;ssals»v ass mtarasteacreauiks on 1M, a).
' Jsti Basart is the only doeaasent watch purports to
»w» s a-wallfi aocomt of the geology or the Dead Sea.
rte aoansr was formerly Professor at Columbia College,
'-.'. 1 ll fanes a part of bis Geological Beammaistance of
- se pardons of the Holy Land which were visited by
Or aiaerieao Expedition. Tbe writer is not qualified to
?w JsAgmaat on Its adentjfic merits, but be can speak
l as rehaaa sad etearnes a, and to tbe modesty with
•tab see ssjaner menus his eondwaons, and which
■i r aaanjim j a ssw a enbtf ■ lib ths loose bombkat In which
tasasaTaf am ««> i anion is too prone to indulge. Its
avMaaa would be greatly increased by the addition of
aii'eaas, atsMtaaj the order of sneeevston of the strata, sod
iennsai of vane of ths more remarkable phenomena.
ax* of the loose manner in which these ex.
• are aa*d is found In Lyncfc'i Jtarratirt (283),
• characterises aa •-seethed by fire " a rack near
'» saaatb af tbe Kidron. which in the same sentence he
*■*•» aaa In rapid prog ns s of disintegration, with a
•atasssa; hiU of half Its own height " at I u base formed
1 the east of U> dally decay.
• lease Is a augM rarreapsadence, though probably hat
verted into a lake. The evidence of the sptt gees
to show that the very reverse was the case ; the
plateaus and terraces traceable round its sides, the
aqueous deposits of the peninsula and the wasterv
and southern shores, saturated with the salts of their
ancient immersion, speak of a depth at one time
far greater than it ia at present, and of a gradual
subsidence, ultil the present level (the balance, as
already explained, between supply and evaporation)
was reached.
Beyond then and similar tokens of the action of
water, there are no marks of any geological action
nearly so recent as the date of Abraham. Inexpe-
rienced and enthusiastic travellers have repotted
craters, lava, pumice, scoriae, as marks of modern
volcanic action, at every step. But *taese things are
not so easily recognized by mexpe.- uced observers,
nor, if seen, is the deduction from them so obvious.
The very few competent geologists who hare
visited the spot — both these who have published
their obse rva tions (as Dr. Anderson, geologist to
the American "eapediuion), and those who have
not, concur in slating that no certain indications
exist in or about the lake, ef volcanic action
within the historical or human period, no volcanic
craters, and no couiiet of lava traceable to say
vent. The igneous rocks described as lava are more
probably basalt of great antiquity ; the bitumen of
the lake has nothing necessarily to do with volcanic
action. The scorched, calcined look of the rocks
in the immediate neighbourhood, of which so many
travellers have *spoken as aa evident token of
the coimagraeioa of the cities, ia due to natural
causes— to the gradual action of the atmosphere on
the constituents of the stone.
The destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah nay
have, been by volcanic action, hat it may be safely
asserted that no traces of it ham yet been disco-
vered, and that, whatever it was, it can have had
no connexion with that tar vaster and far more
ancient event which opened the great valley of the
Jordan end the Dead Sea, and at some subsequent
time cat it off from communication with the Red
Sea by forcing up between them the tract of the
Wady JrakakA [6.]
a superficial one, between the Dead Sea at the apex of the
<!ulf of Akabeh and the Bitter Lakes at tbe apex of the
Gulf of Sues. Each waa probably at one tune a portion ol
tbe sea, and each has been cut off by some change In tbe
elevsfion of the Isnd, and left to concentrate Its waters at a
distance from tbe parent branch of the ocean. The change
In tbe latter owe was probably tar mere recent than in the
tonnes, sod may even have occurred since the Exodus,
The parallel between the Euxlne and the Dead Sea baa
been already spoken of. If by some geological cuangn
the strait of the Bosphorns should ever be closed, and *t*
outlet thus stopped, the parallel would In some respei's
be very dees— the Danube and the Dnieper would cor-
respond to the Jordan and the Zurfca : tho Sea of Ascv
with -tbe SIvaah would answer to the Lagoon and the
Sabkak— the river Don to tbe Wady el JMb. The process
of adjustment between anpply and evaporation would at
onos oonunenevend from the day the straits were closed
the saltoess of the water would begin to concentrate. If
farther, tbe evaporation should be greater than the present
supply, the water wonld sink and sink until tbe great
Euxlne became a little lake in a deep hollow far below
ths level of tbe Mediterranean ; and the parallel would
then be complete.
Hie Hkeness between tbe Jordan with Its lakes and the
river of Utah baa been so often alluded to, that It need
not be more than mentioned here. See Dr. Buist In
sain. H. fkH. Journal, April 18*4 ; Burton's City o/oV
Sai*U,3H.
• 01
1188
SEAL
SEAL' The importance attached to sab m
the East u ao great that without one no document
■ regarded at authentic (Layard, irrn. $ Bab. p.
608 ; Chardin, Voy. v. 454). The oat of aome
vetbod of sealing ia obviously, therefore, of remote
antiquity. Among such methods used in Egypt
at a very early period were engraved atones, pierced
through their length and hung by a string or
chain from the arm or neck, or set in rings for
the finger. The moat ancient form used for this
purpose was the scarabaeua, formed of precious
or common atone, or even of blue pottery or
porcelain, on the flat side of which the inscription
or device was engraved. Cylinders of atone or
S)ttery bearing devices were also used as signets,
ne in the Alnwick Museum bears the date of
Oairtasen I., or between 2000 and 3000 bc.
Besids finger-rings, the Egyptians, and also the
Assyrians and Babybnians, made use of cylinders
of precious stone or terra-cotta, which were pro-
bably set in a frame and rolled over the document
which was to be sealed. The document, especially
among the two latter nations, was itself often made
of baked clay, sealed while it was wet sod burnt
afterwards. But in many cases the seal consisted
of a lump of clay, impressed with the seal and
attached to the document, whether of papyrus or
ether material, by strings. These clay lumps often
bear the impress of the finger, and also the remains
of the strings by which they had been fastened.
One such found at Nimroud was the seal of Sabaco
king of Egypt, B.C. 711, and another ia believed
by Mr. Layard to have been the seal of Sennacherib,
of nearly the same date (Birch, But. of Pottery,
i. 101, 118; Wilkinson, Ana. Eg. ii. 341, 364;
Layard, Nin. d- Bab. 154-160). In a somewhat
similar manner doors of tombs or other places
intended to be closed were sealed with lumps of
clay. The custom prevalent among the Ba-
bylonians of carrying seals is mentioned by
Herodotus i. 195, who also notices the seals on
tombs, ii. 121 ; Wilkinson, i. 15, ii. 364 ; Matt,
xxvil. 66; Dan. vi. 17. The use of clay in sealing
is noticed in the Book of Job xzxvlii. 14, and the
signet-ring as an ordinary part of a man's equip-
ment in the case of Judah (Gen. xxxviii. 18), who
probably, like many modem Arabs, wore it sus-
pended by a string* from his neck or arm. (See
Cant viii. 6; Ges. pp. 538, 1140; Robinson, i.
36 ; Miebuhr, Dncr. At TAr. p. 90 ; Chardin, /. c.
Olearios, lram. p. 317 ; Knobel on Gen. xxxviii. in
Exeg. Bdb.) The ring or the seal as an emblem
of authority both in Egypt, in Persia, and else-
where, is mentioned in the cases cf Pharaoh with
Joseph, Gen. xli. 42; of Ahab, 1 K. xxi. 8; of
Ahasuerua, Esth. liL 10, 12, viii. 2 ; of Darius,
Dan. /. c, also 1 Macs. vi. 15; Joseph. Ant. xx.
2, §2 ; Her. iii. 128 ; Curtius, iii. 6, 7, x. 5, 4 ;
Sandys, Irav. p. 62; Chardin, ii. 291, v. 451,
462; and as an evidence of a contort In Jer.
xxxii. 10, 54; Neh. ix. 38, x. 1 ; Hag. ii 23.
Its general importance is denoted by the meta-
phorical use of the word. Rev. v. 1, Ix. 4. Rings
with seals are mentioned in the MiAn*, Shabb.
vi. 3, and earth or day * as used for seals of bags,
BEBA
viii. 5. S*als of four aorta need in the Temple, si
well aa special guardians of them, are mexsneaat a
Sktal. v. 1.
Among modem Orientals the site awl flan
of the seal vary according to the im po rta nce koih
of the sender of a letter and of the person to
whom it is sent. In sealing, the seal itself, not
the paper, ia smeared with the aealing-eubetince
Thus illiterate persons sometimes use the object
nearest at hand — their own finger, or a stick
notched for the purpose — and, daubing it with
ink, smear the paper therewith (Chardin, v. 454,
ix. 347 ; Arvieux, Trav. p. 161 ; Rauwolff, Titap.
in Ray, ii. 61 ; Niebuhr, 1. c; Robinson, i. p. 36>
Engraved signets were in use among the Hebrews
in early time, as is evident in the descriptioE cf
the high-priest's breastplate, Ex. xxviii. 11, 36,
xxxix. 6, and the work of the engra v er as a distinct
occupation ia mentioned in Ecclua. xxxv'riL 27.
[Clat, i. 337.] [H.W. »'
BE'BA(K3D: S«M *••>■: Saba: gent. n.
pi. D'lUp: kojsWp, Za&amlp.: Sabaim: A. V.
incorrectly rendered Sabkahs, a name there given
with more probability to the D'KSB?, Jod iii. 8
[Heb. text, iv. 8] ; and to Sbeba, used' for the people.
Job i. 15 ; but it would have been better had ths
original orthography been followed in both esses by
such renderings as " people of Sena," "people si
Sheba," where the gent, nouns occur). Saba heads
the list of the sons of Cash. If Seba be of Hebrew,
or cognate, origin, it may be connected with the root
SCO, " he or it drank, drank to excess," which wosU
T T
not be inappropriate to a nation seated, at we shall
see was that of Seba, in a well-watered country :
but the comparison of two other similar names of
Cushites, Sabuh (HFQD) and Sabtechah (K3B?t?),
does not favour this supposition, as they were pro-
bably seated in Arabia, like the Cuahite Sheba
(K2!P), " hich b not Rmote tma Seh » (K?PV tk »
two letters being not unfrequently mterchanged.
Gesenius has suggested the Ethiopic lYftA:
tabiay, " a man," at the origin ef both Seba aavl
Sheba, but this seems unlikely. The ancient
Egyptian names of nations or tribes, p oss i b ly coun-
tries, of Ethiopia, probably mainly, if not wholly,
of Nigritian race, SAHABA, SABAKA (Brorech,
Qeogr. Insehr. ii. p. 9, Uv. xii. K. I.), arc more to
the point; and it is needless to cite later geoa^aptneal
names of cities, though that of one of the upper <
fluent* of the Mile, Astasobas, compared with ."
boras, and Astapus, seems worthy of notice, aa per-
haps indicating the name of a nation. The piot*r
names of the first and second kings of ths Ethi-
opian xxvth dynasty of Egypt, SHEBEK (tAO;
and SHEBETEK, may also be compared. Oeseains
was led, by an error of the Egyptologists, to con-
nect Sevechtu, a Greek transcription of SHEBETEK.
with SABK or SBAK, the crocodile-headed divinity
of Ombos ( Lex. a. v. KID).
The list of the sons of Cush seems to Indicate the
position of the Cnshita nation or country Seba.
8- -
• 1. Drtrt(Ars! p^J; 4w4, *swr*»*V«>«;
a iaii lm (Gen xxxviii. 9a). JlDnh/. ; AutvAuc ; sst-
awtes; from DniT. •close" or -seal." Ch. DJVI ;
«a)s»)if»>i«i ; ngmtm impimtn, lignan.
X. Bine or aujnrwinc njDD.
3. etjJ$,Ch.; SuntAut;
» V'nB , taaiemc; a rwfll a; A. T.
BEBA
► k a*wtfcae£ •>. the ciue ot the list,
nU at first a. liabrlotria, and apparently after-
wards a Assyria: of the una enumerated be-
tween Seba and Kimrod, it is highly probable that
•tew Mont; to Arabia, We thus may conjecture a
<*r»* afQadufe settlements, <we extremity of which
■ too* placed in Babylonia, the other, if prolonged
fu enough in acoordance with the mention of the
Afrna Cadi, in Ethiopia. The more exact position
efSaee will be later discussed.
Besides the mention of Seba in the lint of the
ana of Caah (Gen. a. 7; 1 Chr. i. 9), then are
not three, or, aa aome hold, four, notices of the
aaoan. in halm lxni., which has evidently a
tint nfuiua i to the reign of Solomon, Seba is thus
•pates of among the distant nations which should do
bawur to the bag: — " The kings of Tarshish and
U the isles shall bring presents : the kings of Sheba
ad ixba shall offer gifts " (10). This mention of
Sheas aad Seba together is to be compared with
fl» muui e uc e of a abet* among the descendants of
Caw (Gen. x. 7), and Ha fulfilment is found in the
fan) of Sheba's coming to Solomon. There can
W Hak doubt that the Arabian kingdom of Sheba
eat Ctubjte aa well as Joktanite ; and this occur-
■ease af Sheba aad Seba together certainly lends
, to this view. On the other hand,
i of Seba with an Asiatic kingdom is
in reference to the race of its people,
whi ch , or at least the ruling dees, was, no doubt,
sat Ihiillaii In Isaiah xttii., Seba is spoken of
•ah Egypt, aad more particularly with Cuah,
saaweatly with aome reference to the Exodus,
where we read : ** 1 gave Egypt [for] thy ransom,
Lata and Seba for thee* (3). Here, to render Cnsh
by Ethiopia, as in the A. v., is perhaps to miss the
■eat af the passage, which does not allow us to
hew, though it » by no means impossible, that
Guh, as a geographical designation, includes Seba,
at si would do if here meaning Ethiopia. Later in
sat hook: there is a passage parallel in its indica-
tsas: "The labour of Egypt, and merchandize of
C-jfc, and of the people of Seba, men of stature,
•sail came over onto thee, and they shall be thine"
'ah-. 14). Here there is the same mention to-
ewaer of the three nation.-, aad the same special
of Caah aad Seba. The great stature
of the Ethiopians is mentioned by
who speaks of them as by report the
I lni»h»»im>f men in the world (iii. 20 ;
•nap. 114); aad in the present day some of the
tnses of the dark rates of a type intermediate be-
*wea> the Nigricans and the Egyptians, as well
■ the 0- aaeka Abyaanians, are remarkable for
tarn fine form, and certain of the former for their
harht. The doubtful notice is in Ecekiel, in a
Mil ult passage: ** and with men of the multi-
tsatsf Adsaa [ware] brought drunkards [D'rOID,
eat me Kerf reads 0*K3p, ' people of Seba']
mas the wuVkrness, which put bracelets upon their
haili, aad beautiful crowns upon their heads " *
{ma. 43V The first dense would seem to favour
w* ties that a nation ia meant, but the reading of
•■ tot (a rather supported by what follows the
aasboo of the " drunkards." Nor is it dear why
pwle of Seba should come from the wilderness.
Tat passages we bare examined thus seem to show
V we omit the hut) that Seba was a nation of
8E0A0AH
1189
* IWataawajof the A. V. m the teat la, " wtib the men
etaaaaaanaeirt," and to the margin. * with the awn
Africa, bordering on or included in Cuah, and la
Solomon's time independent and of political knport-
snee. We are thua able to conjecture the posi-
tion of Seba. Mo ancient Ethiopian k.rgdom of
importance could hare excluded the island of MeroB,
and therefore this one of Solomon's time may be
identified with that which must hare arisen in
the period of weakness and division of Egypt that
followed the Empire, and have laid tLe basis of
that power that made SHEBEK, or Sabaco, able to
conquer Egypt, and found the Ethiopian dynasty
which ruled that country as well ss Ethiopia.
Joeephua says that Saba (2a£a) was the ancient
name of the Ethiopian island and dty of MeroB
(A. J. ii. 10, §2), but he writes Seba, in thi notice
of the Noachian settlements, Sabas (Id. 1. 6, §2).
Certainly the kingdom of MeroB succeeded that ot
Seba ; and the ancient dty of the same name may
bare been the capital, or one of the capitals, of
Seba, though we do not find any of its monuments
to be even as early as the xxvth dynasty. There
can be no connection between the two names.
According to Josephus and others, Meroe wan
named after a sister of Cambyses ; but this is ex-
tremely unlikely, and we prefer taking it from the
ancient Egyptian MERIT, an island, which occurs
in the name of a part of Ethiopia that can only be
this or a similar tract, HERD-PET, •• the island of
PET [Phut?] the bow," where the bow may hare
a geographical reference to a bend of the river, and
the word island, to the country endoaed by that
bend and a tributary [Phut].
As Meroe, from its fertility, must hare been
the most important portion of any Ethiopian king-
dom in the dominions of which it was inducted,
it may be well here to mention the chief foots re-
specting it which are known. It may be remarked
that it seems certain that, from a remote time,
Ethiopia below MeroB could never hare formed a
separate powerful kingdom, and was probably
always dependent upon either MeroB or Egypt.
The island of Meroi lay between the Astaboras, the
Atbara, the most northern tributary of the Nile, ana
the Astspus, the Bshr el-Airak or " Blue River,''
the eastern rf its two great confluents: it is also
described ss bounded by the Astaboras, the Astapus,
and the Astasobas, the utter two uniting to form the
Blue River (Str. xrii. p. 821), but this is essentially
the same thing. It was in the time of the kingdom
rich and productive. The chief dty was MeroB,
where was an orada of Jupiter Amnion. Modem
research confirms these particulars. The country
is capable of being rendered very wealthy, though
its neighbourhood to Abyssinia has checked its com-
merce in that direction, from the natural dread that
the Abyssinians have of their country being absorbed
like Kurdufan, Darfoor, and Faysoglu, by their
powerful neighbour Egypt. The remains of the dty
Meroe hare not been identified with certainty, bu
between N. lat, 16° and 17°, temples, one of them
dedicated to the ram-headed Nam, confounded with
Ammon by the Greeks, and pyramids, indicate that
there must have been a great population, and at
least one important dty. When andent writers
speak of sovereigns of MeroB, they may either mean
rulers of MeroB alone, or, in addition, of Ethiopia to
the north nearly as far or as for aa Egypt. [R. S. P.]
SJE'BAT. [Month.]
SEC'ACAH (rOSD : Af o X idf« ; Alex. lox»X«~-
Schacha, or Sachacha). One of the six dties of
Jndah which wure situated in the Miibv I" wilder.
1190
BECHENIAS
mb"), that is the trait bordering on the Demi Sea
'Josh. zt. 91). It occurs in the list between
Mkldin and han-Kibshan. It m not known to
Xusebiu* and Jerome, nor h*e the name been yet
encountered in that direction in more modern times.
Prom Sinjil, among the highlands of Kphraim, near
Seitia, Dr. Robinson saw a place called SMattaa
\/t. «.ii. 267, note). [G.]
8ECHENI'A8(3.xerfax: SoeciKas). I.She-
cn am iaii (1 E»d. Tiii. 29 j comp. Ezr. viii. 3).
2. {JecUmiat.) Shechahiak (1 Ksd. nil. 32;
lomp. Ext. viii. 5).
SE'CHU(«iyn, with the artCJe: eVvelSed*!;
Alex, cV 2o*x*>: Soocko). A place mentioned
once only (1 Sam. xix. 22), apparently as lying
on the route between Saul's residence, Gibeah, and
liamah (KamVkaim Zophim), that of Samuel. It
was notorious for " the great well " (or rather cis-
tern, T13) which it contained. The nam* is derivable
from a root signifying deration, thus perhaps imply-
ing that the place was situated on an eminence.
Assuming that Saul started from Gibeah (TWrtf
d-F«l), and that Neby Samwil is liamah, then Btr
NebaUa (the well of Neballa), alleged by a modern
traveller (Schwan, 127) to contain a large pit,
would be in a suitable position for the great well
of Sechu. Schwarx would identify it with AnJtar,
on the S.E. end of Mount Ebal, and the well with
Jacob's Well in the plain below ; and Van de Velds
(& «*• P. ii. 53, 4) hesitatingly places it at 8m,
in the mountains of Judah N.E. of Hebron; bat
this they are forced into by their respective theories
as to the position of Kamathaim Zophim.
The Vat. LXX. alters the passage, and has " the
well of the threshing-floor that is in Sephei," sub-
stituting, in the first case, p] for Vl), or <A»
for ixrydXov, and in the latter 'DC* fiw 13B». The
Alex. MS., as usual, adheres more closely to the
Hebrew. [G.]
SECCNDUS (2««o5rJo»: Secundu,) was one
of the party who went with the Apostle Paul from
Corinth as far as Asia (fixpi rqs 'Aaias), prolubly
tu Troas or Miletus (all of them so far, tome fur-
ther), on his return to Jerusalem from his third
missionary tour (see Acts xx. 4). He and Ari-
ttarchus are there said to hare been Thessalonian*.
H ; is otherwise unknown. [H. B. H.]
8EDECTAS (Seoraei: 8*kciu). the Greek
form of Zedekiah. 1. A man mentioned in Bar.
i. 1 as the father of Mjaseiah, himself the grand-
father of Baruch, and a|iparantly identical with the
liilse prophet in Jer. xxix. 21, 22.
S. The " son of Josbh, king of Judah'' (Bar.
1.6). [ZBDEIUAH.] [B. F.W.I
SEER. [Pbophet.]
BB'OUB (3'» j Kri, aUb: Xtyotfi: Btgub).
1. The youngest "son of Hid' the Bethellte, who
rebuilt Jericho (1 K. xTi. 34). According to Rab-
binical tradition he died when his ftther had set up
the gates of the city. One story says that his
fether slew him as a sacrifice on the same occasion.
2. (Xtpoix ; Alex. Ityoip.) Son of Hexron, by
the daughter of Machir the father of Gilead (1 Chr.
j. 21, 22). v
8Em, MOUNT n»pfe», "rengh" or "rugged:"
Intto: Seir). We have both TJJB' pK, " land
»f Se.r" (Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxn. 30), and'-ppfe* in,
"M~mtSfir"(Gai.xnr.6). 1. The original* naine
)f 'JA mountain ridge extending alonj th«- pact sMe .■!
8EIB. MOUNT
toe valley of Arabah, from the Dead Saa to mt Ba»
itic Gulf. The name may either hare barn dental
from Seir the Herite, who appears to have Wraths
chief of the aboriginal inhabitants (G**v xxxri. 20 »
or, what is perhaps more probable, from the root*
aspect of the whole country. The view inn
Aaron's tomb on Hor, in the centre of Mount Seir,
is enough to show the appropriateness of the appel-
lation. The sharp and serrated ridges, tar. jigpi
rocks and cliffs, toe straggling lsxshes and atuatM
trees, gin the whole scene a sternness aad rugged-
ness almost unparalleled. In the Samaritan Petta-
teuch, instead of TPE*, the name 1TCU ie need ;
and in the Jerusalem Targum, in place of " Mount
Seir" we find ttSan KTK3, Ifotosf «sHx The
word Oabia signifies " mountain,*' and is thus eV
scriptive of the region (Reland, Pal. p. IS'u The
name GebaJa, or Gebalene, was applied to this pro-
vince by Josephus, and also by Eusebius and Jems*
(Joseph. Ant. ii. 1, §2; Onomat. "ld niuaia ".
The northern section of Mount Seir, as far as IVtra,
is still called JehfU, the Arabic form of GebaL The
Mount Seir of the Bible extended much farther
south than the modem province, as is shown by the
words of Deut. ii. 1-8. In fact its boundaries are
there defined with tolerable exactness. It had the
Arabah on the west (vers. 1 and 8) ; it extended as
far south as the head of the Gulf of Akabah(ver.8 ;
its eastern border ran along the base of the moon-
tain range where the plateau of Arabia begin*. Its
northern border is not so accurately detainined.
The land of Israel, as described by Joshua, extended
from « the Mount Halak that goeth up to Seir,
even unto Baal Gad" (Josh. xi. 17). As no part of
Edom was given to Israel, Mount Halak most bare
been upon its northern border. Now there is a hue
of "naked" (halai signified "naked") white hBU
or cliffs which runs across the great Taller about
eight miles south of the Dead Sea, farming the div*.
sion between the Arabah proper and the deep Choi
north of it The view of these dins, from the shmt
of the Dead Sea, is very striking. They appear a*
a line of hills shutting in the valley, and extendi
up to the mountains of Seir. ' The impression left
by them on the mind of the writer was that this is the
very «' Mount Halak, that goeth op to Seir " (Robin-
son, B. S. H. 113. 4sc. ; see Kei] on Josh. xi. 17 ;.
The northern border of the modern district of Jetatt
is Wady el-Ahsy, which falls into the Ghor a few
mil« farther north (Burckhardt, Syr. p. 401^.
In Deut. xxxiii. 2, Seir appears to be connected
with Sinai and Paran ; but a careful oonsideratian
of that difficult passage proves that the connexina
is not a geographical one. Moses there only sums
up the several glorious manifestations of the Dinr^
Majesty to the Israelites, without regard either to
time or place (comp. Judg. t. 4, 5).
Mount Seir was originally inhabited her the
Horites, or " troglodytes," who were doobttess the
excavators of those singular rock-dwellings found
in such numbers in the ravines and difia around
Petra. They were disp ossess ed, and apparently
an n ih il ated, by the posterity of Esau, who » dwHt
in thdr stead*' (Dent. ii. 12). The history of Sea
thus early merges into that of Edom. Though the
country was afterwards called Edom, yet the older
name, Sdr, did not pass away: it is frequent!)
mentioned in the subsequent history of the Israelite*
(1 Chr. iv. 42; 2 Chr. xx. 10). Mount Seir a
the subject of a terrible prophetic curse prouounc^
by Erekid (chap, xxxr.), which seem* now la h.
literally fulrillnl :— " Thus saith the Uel »;jd
8EIBATU
, Mon*t Seir. I am against thee, awl I trill
■■fee (hat Dual desolate. I will lay thj citiea
■arte, . . . when the whole earth rcjoiceth I wiil
soke thee dentate. ... I will make thee perpetual
deviations, and thy citiea ahall not return, and ye
dull know that I am the Lord." [J. L. P.]
3. fPPJP *W : h»* Ao-o-«l» ;• Alex. o. Swats :
Mens Seir). An entirely different place from the
f wegwag; one of tha landmarks on the north
boundary of the territory of Judah (Joeh. xt. 10
cerf). H lay westward of Kirjath-jearim, and
jelween it and Betb-abemeah. If Kuriet ti Enab
te the former, and Am-thema the latter of these
two, then Moaut Seir cannot fail to be the ridge
which lies between the Wady Aiy and the Wad i/
OAaros {Bob. Hi. 155). A Tillage called Sorts*
studs en the southern site of this ridge, which
Tooler (3tt« Wandenmg, 203) and Schwarx (97)
would identify with Seir. The obstacle to this is
thai the names are radically "different. ThecVfroA
(jjaJU.) on the south of the Wady Surar (Rob,
B. B. 1st edit. ii. 364^, is) nearer in orthography,
bat not so suitable in position.
How the nunc of Seir came to be located so for
to the north of the main seats of the Sprites we
km no mesne of knowing. Perhaps, like other
nana occurring in the tribe of Benjamin, it is a
mon um en t of an incursion by the Edomites which
has escaped record. [Oram, eVc] But it is more
probable that it derived its name from some pecu-
liarity in the form or appearance of the spot. Dr.
Robinson (155), apparently without intending any
allusion to the Dame of Seir, speaks of the " rugged
points which composed the main ridge" of the
ammtain in question. Such is the meaning of the
Hebrew wo/d Seir. Whether there is any connec-
ts between this mountain and Seibath or hat-
Wal (see the nut article) is doubtful. The name is
not s common one, and it is not unlikely that it may
tun been attached to the more northern continua-
tion of Ih* hilis of Judah which ran up into Benjamin
—or, as it was then called, Mount Ephraim. [G.]
BET BATH (fTTJ>B>ri, with the definite article :
' imifwti ; Alex. 2m laatfa : Seiraih). The place
to which Ehud tied after his murder of Eglon
Jong. in. 26), and whither, by blasts of his cow-
aorn, he collected his countrymen for the attack of
the Moabitea in Jericho (27). It was in " Mount
fyhrthn " (27), a continuation, perhaps, of the same
winded shaggy hilU (such seems to be the sigaifi-
ouioo of Seir, and Seiraih) which stretched even
» ub; aonth as to enter the territory of Judah
'M. xr. 10). The definite article prefixed to
the name in the original shows that it was a well-
known spot hi its day. It has, howerer, hitherto
snspsd obserration in modern times. [G.]
BETA and SE'LAH QTPD, or J^Di] : s-erpo,
« * ****■), 2 K. xir. 7;" is. xri 1:" rendered
-tb» rack" in the A. V., in Judg. i. 36, 2 Ghr.
* '*»•>. Tola looks aa If lbs Hob, name bad once
tad the article prefixed.
» IWWr the Safafi wMcfa,ln the Alex. MS, la one of
n» eltveoiasmes ineerted by the LXJL In loth. xr. 68. The
esl t hbu ai l a g names agree. In the Vat MS. it fc 'E»0«>.
' ^fmfAtm la the orthography of .Starts (lists of Dr.
Swub tauted. of BobuMon.IU.App. m), containing no
«a aid a duplicates.
* Teas la toe radios of the Vat Codex according to
H»l If actsaat e. It furolahes an Instance of the V being
•ronBamod by r, which Is of the greatest rarity, and Is
SELA-HAM MAHLEKOTH 1J91
xxt. 12, Obad. 3. ProUbly the city later known
as Petra, 500 Roman miles from Gaza (Plin. vi
32), the ruins of which are found about two days'
journey N. of the top of the gulf of Akaba, and
three or four S. from Jericho. It was in thi
midst of Mount Seir, in the neighbourhood of
Mount Hor (Joseph. Ant. iv. 4, §7), and thtrefoie
Edomite territory, taken by Amaiiah, and called
Joktheel (not therefore to be confounded with
Joktheel, Josh. xr. 38, which pertained to Judah
in the time of Joshua), c it seems a have after-
wards come under the dominion of Moab. In the
end of the fourth century B.O. it appears as the
head-quarters of the Nabatnaeans, who successfully
resisted the attacks of Antigonus (Died. Sic xix.
731, od. Hanov. 1604), and under them became
one of the greatest stations for the approach of
Eastern commerce to Rome (ib. 94 ; Strabo, xri.
799 ; Apul. Fior. 1. 6). About 70 B.C. Petra ap-
pears as the residence of the Arab princes named
Aretas (Joseph. Ant. xir. 1, §4, and 5, §1 : B.J.
i. 6, §2, and 29, §3). It was by Trajan reduced to
subjection to the Roman empire (Dion Cass, lxriii.
14), and from the next emperor received the name
of Hadriana,* as appears from the legend of a coin.
Joeephua (Ant. iv. 4, §7) gives the name of Arce
("Aprs) aa au earlier synonym for Petra, where,
however, it is probable that 'Apsrfot pr "Asu^u*
(alleged by Euseb. Onom., as found in Josephus)
should be read. The city Petra lay, though at a
high level,! in a hollow shut in by mountsiti-cliffs,
and approached only by a narrow ravine through
which, and across the city's site, the river winds
(Plin. vi. 32 ; Strabo, xri. 779). The principal
ruins are — 1. el Khwnchi 2. tile theatre: 3. n
tomb with three rows of columns; 4. a tomb with
a Latin inscription ; 5. ruined bridges ; 6. a tri-
umphal arch: 7. Zvb Far'tn; 8. KStr Far'tn;
and are chiefly known by the illustrations of La-
borde and Linant, who also thought that they
traced the outline of a naumachia or theatre for
sea-fights, which would be flooded from cisterns,
in which the water of the torrents In the wet season
had been reserved— a remarkable proof, if the hy-
pothesis be correct, of the copiousness of the water-
supply, if properly husbanded, and a confirmation
of what we are told of the exuberant fertility of the
region, and Us contrast to the barren Arabah on its
immediate west (Robinson, ii. 169). Prof. Stanley
(S. d- P. 95) leaves little doubt that Petra was the
seat H a primeval sanctuary, which he fixes at the
spot now called the "Deir" or "Convent," and
with which fact the choice of the site of Aaron's
tomb may, he thinks, have been connected (96). Aa
regards the question of its identity with Kadesh, see
Kadesh ; and, for the general subject, Ritter, xiv. 69,
997 loll., and Robinson, ii. 1. [H. H.]
8ELA-»HAM-MAHI,KKOTH (i. «. " th»
cliff of escapes'' or "of divisions," rfp^iTOn ]ho
s-eVpa 4, ucoursWa, in both MSS.: Petra dm-
not mentioned by frsnkel (Fortrudfea, fcc. )U> y and
« are the ordinary equivalents of j; in too LXX.
• Nnmml In qolbus AAPIANH HHTPA MHTPO-
110A1S, Belaud, s. «.
' Eufbtca (Om»».), under »Ut«r article, tdentlnee Petra
sod 'Pnn&t, which appean (Num. xxxi. 8) aa tbe name ol
s MktlanlUah prince (aea Stanley, S.AP.p. M, note).
■ Robinson (U. 1M) computes tbe WodvJfonao as aboni
3000 feet or more above the Arabah.
1" One of the few cases In which the Hebrew article baa
been retained in our translation. Ham-nulekelh aal
Uelkath har-Zurtn are exiunsles of tbe a
1192
BELAH
im«). A rock or cliff in the wild im am of Mann,
the scene nf ma of thone remarkfibie escapes which
ire so frequent in the history of Saul's pursuit of
David (1 Sam. xxiii. 28). Its name, if interpreted
as Hebrew, signifies the " cliff of escapes," or * of
division*." The former is the explanation of
Gesenius (TVs. 485), the latter of the Targum
and the ancient Jewish interpreters (Midrash ;
Knshi). The escape is that of David ; the divi-
tious are those of Seal's mind undecided whether
to remain in poreuit of his enemy or *o go after
the Philistines ; but each explanations, though
appropriate to either interpietation, and con-
sistent with the Oriental habit of playing on
words, are doubtless mere accommodations. The
analogy of topographical nomenclature makes it
almost certain that this cliff must have derived Its
name either from its smoothness (the radical mean-
ing of p7i"l) or from some peculiarity of shape or
position, such as is indicated in the translations of
the LXX. and Vulgate. Mo identification has yet
been suggested. [G.]
SETiAH (i"6o). This word, which is only
found in the poetical books of the Old Testament,
occurs seventy-one times in the Psalms, and three
times in Habeikkuk. In sixteen Psalms it is found
once, in fifteen twice, in seven three times, and in
one four times — always at the end of a verse, ex-
cept in Ps. lv. 19 [20], Ivii. 3 [4], and Hab. iii.
3, 9, where it is in the middle, though at the end
of a clause. AU the Psalms in which it occurs,
except eleven (iii. vii. zxiv. xxxii. xlviii. 1. Ixxxii.
Ixxxiii. Ixxxvii. Ixxxix. cxliii.), have also the musical
direction, "to the Chief Musician" (oomp. also
Hab. iii. 19) ; and in these exceptions we find the
words TbjD, mimtr (A. V. " Psalm "), Shiggaioa,
or Ifaschil, which sufficiently indicate that they
wen intended for music. Besides these, in the
titles of the Psalms in which Selah occurs, we meet
with the musical terms Alamoth (xlvLV. Altaachith
(lvii. lix. lxxv.), C.ittrth (lxxxi. lxxriv.), Maha-
lath Leannoth (lxxxriii.), Michtam (Mi. lix. lx.),
Xeginah (lxi.), Keginoth (iv. liv. lv. lxvii. Ixxvi. ;
oomp. Hab. iii. 19), and Shuahan-eduth (lx.) ; and
on this association alone might be formed a strong
presumption that, like these, Selah itself ia a term
which had a meaning in the musical nomenclature
of the Hebrews. What that meaning may have
been ia now a nutter of pure conjecture. Of the
many theories which have been framed, it is easier
to say what is not likely to be the true one than to
pronounce certainly upon what is. The Versions
are first deserving of attention.
In by far the greater number of Instances the
Targum renders the word by fOXf}, iTobin,
" for ever ;" four times (Ps. xxxii. 4, 7 ; nrrii 11
[12]; 4 [6]) KD^>, IfaboA; once(Ps.xliv.8[9])
P?^P ^?^?< "^a\mt 'almbt; and (Ps. xlviii. 8
[»] ) Vtfh '?&> T?, 'ad 'o&tl 'ofeafc, with the
same meaning, " for ever and ever." In V*. xlix.
13 [14] it has 'TOO Kt}b]h, U'alma diatU, "foi
the world to corns;" in Ps. xxxix. 5 [6] KOTJF ^Tl7.
Uchayyl 'almA, " for the life everlasting;" and in
ft cxL 5 [6] UnnR, Udb-4, " continually." This
m Ps. lx. 11 [HI lxxv. 3 [«J IxxvL X 9
14, I0J. when- Ki. Jta has iti, Ps. xxt * [»), where It has
Ir»m and in Hab. Iii. 3. K, where It reproduces the
SELAH
interpretation, which «, the one adopted by tfca
majority of Rabbinical writers, is purely tirdiuoms,
and bused upon no etymology wuterar. It is nxV
lowed liyAquila, who renders "Selah" 4W; by am
Edtiio quatta and Edith texta, which give respec-
tively SumuTo'i and tit r4\ot ;* by Symmaclnsi
felt tot alatra) and Theodotion (its vtAe*), m
Habakkuk ; by the reading of the Alex. MS. (tit
reAot) in Hab. iii. 13 ; by the Peshite-Syrktc ia
Pa. iii. 8 [9J iv. 2 [3], xxir. 10, and Hab. iii. 13;
and by Jerome, who nas temper. In Ps. to. 19 [i0]
Tlbp Dig, kedem tetah, k rendered in the Peshru
" from before the world." That this rendering is
manifestly inappropriate in some puseget, aa for
instance Pf. xxi. 2 [3], xxxii. 4, lxxxi. 7 [S], and
Hab. iii. 3, and superfluous in others, as Ps. xliv.
8 [9], lxxxi v. 4 [5 J, Ixxxix. 4 [5], was pointed out
long since by Abeu Ears. In the Psalms the uni-
form rendering of the LXX. is tiefyoApa. Synv
machus and Theodotion give the same, except in
Pa. ix. 16 [17], when Theodotion baa 4.1, and
Pa. Iii. ft [7], where Symmachna has tit ati. Is
Hab. iii. 13, the Alex. MS. gives sit reAar. In Pa.
xxxviii. (in LXX.) 7, lxxx. 7 [8], SutyoAiia is added
in the LXX., and in Hab. iii. 7 in the Alex. MS. la
Pa. lvii. it ia put at the end of ver. 2 ; and in Ps.
iii. 8 [9], xxiv. 10, lxxxviii. 10 [llj it ia omiUed
altogether. In all passages except those already
referred to, in which it follows the Targum, the
Peshito-Syriac has sXQSxa*, an abbreviation for
SiatyaAjta. This abbreviation ia added in Pa. xlviii.
13 [14], 1. 15 [16], lxviiii 13 [14], lvii. 2, lxxx.
7 [8], at the end of the verse ; and in Pa. Iii. 3 m
the middle of the verse after 2!tWO ; in Ps. xlix. it
is put after |K¥3 in ver. 14 [15], and in Pa. lxviii.
after nfPJTI in ver. 8 [91 and after D'ifacb in
ver. 32 \a:i]. The Vulgate omits it entirely, while
in Hab. iii. 3 the Editio texta and others give
u*to/3oAJ) SiofdA/urrot.
The rendering SutysApa of the LXX. and other
translators is in every way as traditional aa that oi
the Targum " for ever," and has no foundation in
any known etymology. With regard to the mean-
ing of SiatyaApa iuielf there are many opinions.
Both Origen {Comm. ad Pt„ Opp. ed. Delarue, u.
516) and Athanaaiut (Synapt. Script. Sacr. xiii.)
an silent upon this point. Eusebius of Caotarea
(Praef. in ft.) says it marked those passages is
which the Holy Spirit ceased for a tune to work
upon the choir. Gregory of Nyasa [Tract. 9 taj
Ps. cap. i.) interprets it as a sudden lull in the
midst of the psalmody, in order to receive anew
the Divine inspiration. Chrysostom {Opp. ed.
Montfanron, v. p. 540) takes it to Indicate) the
portion of the psalm which win given to another
choir. Augustine (on Ps. iv.) regards it aa an
interval of silence in the psalmody. Jerome (£)>.
ad MarctSam) enummates the various opinions
which have been held upon the subject; that
diapsalma denotes a change of metre, a cesaatioa
of the Spirit's influence, or the beginning of another
sense. Others, he says, regard it aa indicating a
difference of rhythm, and the silence of sutne krnJ
of music in the choir; but for himself he talis
back upon the version of Aquila, and renders Selah
by semper, with a reftrenia to the custom of the
Hebrew nXi. In Ps. lx. 1* [IT] Bditit tkkaim.
m Ps. lxxv. 3 f«l Isuswat, ud In ft htxn a ,'«"j eU .1
SELAH
Jim Id pot at the end of their writing! Amen,
Sekh, ar Shtkm. In his commentary ou Pa. hi.
•e it doubtful whether to regard it a* simply a
nuakal sign, or aa indicating the perpetuity of the
troth contained in the panage after which it is
pUcei ; a* that, he says, " wheresoever Selah, that
b 4iqmJma or temper, is put, there we may know
that what follow*, aa well as what precedes, belong
ott only to the present time, but to eternity."
Theodoret (Praef. *» /*».) explains diajaalma by
ihAots furu$o\i or «VaAAar/4. (as Suidaa), ** a
Jungs of the melody." On the whole, the ren-
dering tunfa\/£a rather increases the difficulty, for
•t don not appear to be the true meaning of Selah,
sod its own signification is obscure.
Leaving the Versions and the Fathers, we come
is lbs Rabbinical writers, the majority of whom
follow the Tarcum and the dictum of R. Elieser
' T«lm. Babl. Entbm, v. p. 54) in rendering Selah
" for ever." Bat A ben Exra (on Ps. iii. S) showed
that in some passages this rendering was inappro-
priate, and expressed his own opinion that Selah
•a a word of ewipbasia, need to give weight and
importance to what was said, and to indicate its
troth :—- But the right explanation is that the
nkaning of Selah is like * so it is' or ' thus,' and
' the matter is true and right.' " Kimchi (Lex.
s. r.) doubted whether it had any special meaning
it all in connexion with the sense of the passage in
which it was found, and explained it as a musical
term. He derives it from 77D, to raise, derate,
with il paragogic, and interprets it as signifying
a raising or derating the voice, as much aa to say in
this place there was an elevation of the voice in song.
Among modern writers there is the same diversity
of opinion. Qeaenius (The*, a. v.) derives Selah
(ran DTD, aaVdA, to suspend, of which he thinks
it ■ the imperative Kal, with il paragogic, TOO,
m pause TOO. But this form is supported by no
parallel instance. In accordance with his derivation,
whkh ia harsh, he interprets Selah to mean either,
" suspend the voice," that is, " be silent," a hint to
the singers ; or " raise, elevate the stringed instru-
ment*. In either cast be regards it as denoting a
pause in the song, which was rilled up by an inter-
i At played by the choir of Lerites. Ewald (Die
Itchier da A. B. i. 179) arrives at substantially
the aune result by a different process. He derives
Stiab from 77D, tdial, to rise, whence the sub-
I -T* ^
stantive TO, which with il paragogic becomes in
pause rfto (cotnp. TCB\, from "HI, root Tin, Gen.
bt. 10). So tar as the form of the word is con-
cerned, tha derivation is mora tenable than the
farmer. Ewald regards the phrase " Higgaloo,
Stata," in Ps. ix. 16 [17], ss the full form, signi-
fying " music, strike up F— an indication that the
SELAH
1198
i of the choir were to cease while the instru-
sieuts alone came in. Hengatesberg follows Geaeniua,
1* Wette, and others, in the rendering panel but
nitre it to the contents of the psalm, and under-
aunds ft of the silence of the mnsic in order to give
nun far quiet reflection. If this were the case,
Man at the end of a psalm would be superfluous.
T it ajne meaning of pause or end is arrived at by
flint (Hand*, a. v.), who derives Selah from a root
FDO, tilAJk, to cot off (a meaning which ia per-
folly arbitrary), whence the substantive 7D, a*',
•hath with n paragogic becomes ia pause fl^D ; a
form which ia without parallel. While etymolrgj«te
hare recourse to such shirts sa these, it can srararr
be expected that the true meaning of the word
will be evolved by their investigations. Indeed the
question is as far from solution as over, beyond
the fact that Selah ia a musical term, we know
absolutely nothing about it, and are entirely in the
dark as to its meaning. Somraer (Bibl. Abhavdl.
i. 1-84) has devoted an elaborate discourse to its
explanation. After observing that Selah every-
where appears to mark critical moments in the reli-
gious consciousness of the Israelites, and that the
music was employed to give expression to tha
energy of the poet s sentiments on these occasions,
he (p. 40) arrives at the conclusion that the word
is used " in those passages where, in the Temple
Song, the choir of priests, who stood opposite to
the stage occupied by the Lcvites, were to raise
their trumpets (7?D), and with the strong tones
of this instrument mark the words just spoken, and
bear them upwards to the hearing of Jehovah. Pro-
bably the Levite minstrels supported this priestly
intercessory music by vigorously striking their
hups and psalteries ; whence the Greek expression
BuhfoAjia. To this points, moreover, the fullei
direction, ' Hlggaion, Selah ' (Pa. ix. 16) ; the first
word of which denotes the whirr of the stringed
instruments (Ps. xrii. 4), the other the raising of
the trumpets, both which were here to sound
together. The less important ffiggaion fell away,
when the expression was abbreviated, and Selah
alone remained." Dr. Davidson (Introd. to tie
0. T. ii. 248) with good reason rejecta this ex-
planation as laboured and artificial, though it ia
adopteu by Keil in Havernick's Emleihmg (iii.
120-129). He shows that in some passages (as
Pa. nxJi. 4, 5, Iii. 3, lv. 7, 8) the playing of the
priests on the trumpet* would be unsuitable, and
proposes the following as his own solution of the
difficulty : — " The word denotes elevation or ascent,
1. e. loud, clear. The music which commonly ac-
companied the singing was soft and feeble. In cases
where it was to burst in more strongly during the
silence of the song, Selah was the sign. At the end
of a verse or strophe, where it commonly stands,
the music may have readily been strongest and
loudest." It may be remarked of this, as of all the
other explanations which have been given, that it
is mere conjecture, based on an etymology which,
in any other language than Hebrew, would at once
be rejected as unsound. A few other opinions may
be noticed aa belonging to the history of the sub-
ject. If ichaelis, in despair at being unable to assign
any meaning to the word, regarded it as an abbre-
viation, formed by taking the first or other letters
of three other words (Sappl. ad Lex. Sebr.).
though he declines to conjecture what these may
have been, and rejecta at once toe guess of Mei-
bomius, who extracts the meaning da capo from
the three words which he suggests. For other con-
jectures of this kind, see Eichhorn's BMMhtk, v.
545. Mattheaou was of opinion that the pas-
sages where Selah occurred were repeated either by
the instruments or by another choir: hence he took
it as equal to rUornello. Herder regarded it as
marking a change of key ; while Paulus Burgensis
and Schindler assigned to it no meaning, but looked
upon it as an enclitic word used to fill up the vent.
Buxtorf (Lex. Bebr.) derived it from TOO, sditt,
to spread, lay low : hence used as a e'gn to lower
the voice, like piano. In Kichhorn's JUiblUheh
:i»4
(». 550) K Is suggested that Selah any peihapt
nzuify * sale in music, cr indicate a rv-ine or
falling iu ths tone. Kdster \St"J. und Krit, 1831)
saw in it. only a mark to indicate the atrophica!
divisions of the P:«lros, bat its position in the
middle of verses is against this theory. August!
{Praet. EM. in d. Pa. p. 125) thought it was an
exclamation, like hallelujah I and the same new
was taken by the late Prof. Lee (Heb. Qr. §243, 2),
who classes it among the interjections, and renders
it praiie I " For my own part," he says, " 1 be-
here it to be descended from the root ,JL*0 , ' he
blessed,' Ac., and used not unlike the word amen,
or the doxology, among ourselves." If any further
information be sought on this hopeless subject, it
may be found in the treatises contained in Ugolini,
vol. xzii., in Noldius (Concord'. Part. Ann. et Vind.
No. 1877), in Sealschutx (Bebr. Poo. p. 346), and
in the essay of Somroer quoted above. [W. A. W.]
SEL'ED (tSd: 2aAdt: Soled). One of the
sous of Nadab, a descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr.
ii. SO).
SELEMI'A (Salemia:. One of the five men
" ready to write swiftly, whom Esdras was com-
manded ti take (2 Esd. xiv. 34).
SELEMI'AS {ItKe/Aas : om. in Tulg.). She-
i.kxiah of the sons of Bani (1 Esd. ix. 34; comp.
Exr. x. 39).
SKLEUOI'A (asXeva-e.a: Seleuda) was prac-
ucally the seaport of Ahtioob, as Ostia was of
Rome, Neapolis of Philippi, Cenchreae of Corinth,
vid the Piraeus of Athens. The river Orontee,
after flowing pact Antiorh, entered the sea not
far from Seleucia. The distance between the two
towns was about 16 miles. We sxe expressly
told that St. Paul, in company with Barnabas,
sailed from Seleucia at the beginning of his first
missionary circuit (Acts xiii. 4) ; and it is almost
certain that he landed there on his return from
it (xiv. 26). The name of the place shows at
once that its history was connected with that
line of Seleocidee who reigned at Antioch from
the death of Alexander the Great to the close of
the Roman Republic, and whose dynasty had so
close a connexion with Jewish annals. This strong
fortress and convenient seaport was in fact con-
structed by the first Seleucus, and her* he was
buried. It retained its importance in Roman times,
and in St Paul's day it had the privileges of a free
city (Plin. H. N. v. 18). The remains are nu-
merous, the most considerable being an immense
excavation extruding from the higher part of the
city to the sea : but to us the most interesting are
the two piers of the old harbour, which still bear
the names of Paul and Barnabas. The masonry
continues so good, that the idea of clearing out and
repairing the harbour lias recently been entertained.
Accounts of Seleucia will be found in the narrative
of the Euphrates Expedition by General Chesoey,
and in his papeis iu the Journal of the Royal Geo-
graphical Society, and also in a paper by Dr. Yates
ip the Museum of Ciissical Antiquities. [J. S. H.]
SELEirCCS(3Ae«iret: Seleucus) IV. PhiJo-
pntor, •' king of Asia" (2 Mace. iii. 3), that is, of
the provinces included in the Syrian monarchy, ac-
cording to the title claimed by the Seleuddae, even
then they had lost their footing in Asia Minor
'.oomp. 1 Mace. riii. ti, xi. 13. iii. 39, xiii. 32). «4S
8ENAAU
the «m and successor of Antiochus the Great. Ha
took part in the disastrous battle of' Magnesia (B.C.
190), and three years afterward*, on the death oi
his father, ascended the throne. He seems to hava
devoted himself to strengthening the Syrian powvr,
which had been broken down at Magnesia, seeking
to keep on good terms with Rome and Egypt till he
could find a favourable opportunity for war. He
was, however, murdered, after a reign of twelve
years (B.C. 175), by Heliodorus, one of his own
1 courtiers [Heliodorus], " neither in [sudden]
I anger nor in battle" (Dan. xi. 20, and Teronic, an
loo.), but by ambitious treachery, without liaviig
! effected anything of importance. His son Done-
| trills I. Soter [DEMETRIUS], whom he had seat,
I while still a boy, as hostage to Rome, after a series
I of romantic adventures, gained the crown in 162 B.C.
I (1 Mace vii. 1 ; 2 Mace xiv. 1). The general
1 policy of Seleucus towards the Jews, like that of his
fiither (2 Mace. iii. 2, 3, vol H\tv*op), was con-
ciliatory, as the possession of Palestine was of ths
highest importance in the prospect of an Egyptian
war ; and he undertook a large share of the expenses
of the Temple-service (2 Mace iii. 3, 6). On one
occasion, by the false representations of Simon,
a Jewish officer [Simoh 3], he was induced to
make an attempt to carry away the treasures de-
posited in the Temple, by means of the same Helio-
dorus who murdered him. The attempt signally
failed, bat it does not appear that he afterwards
showed any resentment against the Jews (2 Mace,
iv. 5, 6) ; though his want of money to pay the
enormous tribute due to the Romans [Antiochis
III., vol. i. p. 74J may have compelled hrm to raise
extraordinary revenues, for which cause he is de-
scribed in Daniel as "a raiser of taxes" (Dan. xi.
I. c. ; Liv. xli. 19). [B. F. VV\]
8EM (2*>: Sem). She* the patriarch (Luke
iii. 36).
SEMACBTAH (WOOD: *a0*xla; Alex.
Saiurxiai : Samachias). One of the sons of Sbe-
triaiah, the son of Obed-«dom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7).
8EM'EI (2cp«t: Semei). 1. SHIM EI of the
sons of Hashum (I Esd. ix. 33 ; oomp. Ear. x. 33 .
2. (Se/wfoi.) ShixCEI, the ancestor of Mordecai
(Esth. xi. 2).
3. (3«u«t.) The father of Nattatlias in the
genealogy of Jesus Christ (Lake iii. 26).
SEMELXIUS^eAAiei: SabeiMnt). Sam-
8HAI the scribe (1 Esd. ii. 16, 17, 25, 30; comr-.
Exr. iv.).
SEMIS (Seneti : Stmeb). Strmei the T ertto
in the time of Ezra (1 Esd. ix. 23; coup. Ear.
x. 23).
SEMITIC LANGUAGES. [Shemtic L*»-
OOAOE9.]
SENA'AH (DtOD: SanrS, Saves*: Senao).
The " children of Senaah " are enumerated amongst
the '* people of Israel " who returned from the Cap-
tivity with Zernbbabel (Ear. ii. 35; Neb. vii. 38).
In Neh. iii. 3, the name is given with the article,
bas-Senaah.
The names in these lists are mostly those ol
towns ; but Senaah does not occur elsewLere in the
Bible as attached to a town.*
The Magdal-Senna, or " great Senna" of Eusebius
and Jerome, seven miles N. of Jericho ( Omomast .
• The rack SrjtEp «r 1 Sua. xiv. I is hardy atxarua-rvtie.
HKNBH
■Saaa*), Imnwr, is not inar propnate in position.
That it • variation in tha numbers given by Ezra
ami Nehemiah ; but even adopting the smnller figure,
it a difficult to understand how the people of Senaah
•tnuM have beta to much mora numerous than thoae
■jf the other peaces in the catalogue. Berthean
[Eag. ffattJb.) luggeeta that Senaah represent! not
j single place bat a district ; but there is nothing
to corroborate this.
In the parallel passages of 1 Eadras (iv. 23) the
Btnw is giren Ajchaas, and the number 3330. [O.]
SKtfEH (D30: Swd; Alex, omita: Sou).
Tlw name of oue of the two isolated rocks which
ttoud ia the " passage of Michmath," at the time
of the adventure of Jonathan and his armour-bearer
;l Sim. sir. 4). It was the southern one of the
two (ver. 5), and the nearest to Geba. The name
in Hebrew means a " thorn," or thorn-bush, and
fc applied elsewhere only to the memorable thorn
of Horeb ; bat whether it refers in this instance
to the shape of the rock, or to the growth of tenth
uym it, we cannot ascertain. The latter it more
consistent with analogy. It is remarkable that
Josfpbus (B. J. r. 2, §1), in describing the route
of Titos from the north to Jerusalem, mentions that
the last encampment of his army was at a spot
** which in tha Jews' tongue is called the Taller "
or perhaps the plain " of thorns (sxarVai* aiXiLv),
near a certain village called Gabathaaoule," i. t.
Gibath of Saul. The ravine of Michmash is
shout four miles from the hill which is, with
tolerable certainty, identified with Gibeah. This
distance is perhaps too great to suit Josephus's ez-
pnsaon ; still the point is worth notice. [G.]
BENTB (y&: lay If. Samr). This name
occurs twice in the A. V., viz. t Chr. v. 23, and
Es. szvii. 5 ; bat it should be found in two other
passages, in each of which the Hebrew word is ex-
actly similar to the above, viz. Deut. Hi. 9, and
Cant. iv. 8. In these it appears in the A. V. as
MiraiR. Even this slight change is unfortunate,
since, as one of the few Amorite words preserved, the
name p o ts t asca an interest which should have pro-
tected it frorn the addition of a single letter. It is
the Amorite name for the mountain in the north of
ralestme which the Hebrews called Hermon, and
the Phoenicians Sirion ; or perhaps it was rather
the name for a portion of the mountain than the
whole. In 1 Chr. v. 23, and Cant. iv. 8, Hermon
sad it are mentioned as distinct. Abulfeda fed,
Kohler, p. 164, quoted by Gesenius) reports that
the part of Anti-Lebanon north of Damascus — that
usually denominate! Jebel etk Shwky, " the East
Mountain " — was in his day called Smir. The use
ef the word in Ezekiel is singular. In describing
Tyre we should naturally expect to 6nd the Phoe-
"mm ran (Sirion) of the mountain employed,
if the ordinary Israelite name (Hennon) were dis-
carded. That it is not so may show that in the
time of Ezekiel the name of Senir had lost its ori-
ginal significance as an Amorite name, and was em-
ployed without that restriction.
ThcTargum of Joseph on 1 Chr. v. 23 (ed. Beck)
renders 8enir by 'PS nB"0 "BD, d which the
eve* probable translation is " the mountain of the
piams of (he Perizzites." In the edition of Wilkina
Ike text is altered to *1TB 'TOO '13, " the moun-
Um that corrupted) fruits," in agreement with tho
i ob Diut. iii. 9, though it is there given as
8BN»ACHEErB
1195
the equivalent of Sirion. Which of these is the
original it is perhaps impossible now to decide,
Tha former has the slight consideration hi its
favour, that the Hivites are specially mentioned aa
" under Mount Hennon," and thus may liars
been connected or oonfbunded with the Perizzites;
or the reading may hare arisen from mere caprice,
as that of the Sam. ?er. of Deut. iii. 9, appeals
to have done. [See Samaritan pBNTArEUCH,
p. 1114.] [G.]
SENNACHTSEIB (3nTUD: Xtnmxnplu
ZtrraxtyHlh, LXX. ; 2fMx4f><£os, Joseph. : 3a-
rax&fiflot, Herod. : Sennaakerib) was the son and
successor of Sargon. [Saroon.] His name in tlie
original is read as Tsin-akki-irib, which is under-
stood to mean, " Sin (or the Moon) increases bro-
thers:" an indication that he was not the first-born
of his father. Tha LXX. hare thus approached
much more nearly to the native articulation than
tha Jews of Palestine, baring kept the rowel-sounds
almost exactly, and mertly changed the labial at
the close from to /i. Josephus has been even
more entirely correct, baring only added the Greek
nominatival ending.
We know little or nothing of Sennacherib during
his father's lifetime. Prom his name, and from a
circumstance related by Polyhistor, we may gather
that he was not the eldest son, and not the heir tc
the crown till the year before his father's death.
Polyhistor (following Berosus) related that the tri-
butary kingdom of Babylon was held by a brother
— who would doubtless be an elder brother — of
Sennacherib's, not long before that prince came to
the throne (Ben*. Fr. 12). Sennacherib's brother
was succeeded by a certain Hagisa, who reigned
only a month, being murdered by Merodach-Bala-
dan, who then took the throne and hell it six
months. These erents belong to the year B.C. 703,
which seems to hare been the last year of Sargon.
Sennacherib mounted the throne B.C. 702. His
first efforts were directed to crushing the revolt of
Babylonia, which he inraded with a large army.
Merodach-Baladan rentured on a nettle, but was
defeated and driven from the country. Sennacherib
then made Belibus, an officer of his court, riceroy
and, quitting Babylonia, ravaged the lands of the
Aramaean tribes on the Tigris and Euphrates,
whence he carried off 200,000 captives. In the
ensuing year (B.C. 701) be mode war upon the
independent tribes in Mount Zagros, and penetrated
thence to Media, where be reduced a portion of the
nation which had been previously independent. In
his third year ( B.0. 700) be turned his arms towaras
the west, chastised Sidon, took tribute from Tyre,
Aradus, sad the other Phoenician cities, ss well as
from Edom and Ashdod, besieged and cajitiired
Ascaloa, made war on Egypt, which was still de-
pendent on Ethiopia, took Libnah and Laohish on
the Egyptian frontier, and, having probably con-
cluded a convention with his chief enemy,* finally
marched against Hezekiah, king of Judah. Heze-
kiah, apparently, had not only revolted and with-
held his tribute, but had intermeddled with the
affairs of the Philistian cities, and given his support
to tiie party opposed to the influence of Assyria.
It was at this time that " Sennacherib came up
against all the fenced cities of Judah, and took
• The Impression on clay of the sea) of a Sabsco, found
In Sennacherib's palace at Koyun|ilc bad probably been
appended to this treaty.
1196
RRNNAOHEBIB
them" fS K ivili. 13). There cukio doabt
that the reccrd which he he* left of hie eunpugn
against " Hiskiah" in his third year, if the war
with Hexekiah to briefly touched in the fear verses
< 1° this chapter (vers. 13-16). The Jewish monarch
was compelled to make a most humble submission.
He agreed to bear winterer the Great King laid
upon him ; and that monarch, besides carrying off
a rich booty and more than 200,000 captives,
appointed him a fixed tribute of 300 talents of
silver, and 30 talents of gold. He aUo deprived
him of a considerable portion of his territory,
which he bestowed on the petty kings of Ashdod,
Ekron, and Gasa. Having made these arrange-
ments, he left Palestine and retained into his own
country.
In the following year (B.C. 699), Sennacherib
invaded Babylonia for the second time. Herodach-
Balndan continued to have a party in that country,
where his brothers still resided ; and it may be
suspected that the viceroy, Belibus, either secretly
favoured his cause, or at any rate was remiss in
opposing it. The Assyrian monarch, theiefore,
took the field in person, defeated a Chaldaean chief
who had taken up arms on behalf of the banished
king, expelled the king's brothers, and, displacing
Belibus, pat one of his own sons on the throne in
his stead.
It was perhaps in this same year that Senna
clierib made his second expedition into Palestine.
Hexekiah had again revolted, and claimed the pro-
tection of Egypt, which seems to have been regarded
by Sennacherib as the true cause of the Syrian
troubles. Instead, therefore, of besieging Jeru-
salem, the Assyrian king marched past it to the
Egyptian frontier, attacked once more Lachish and
Libnah, but apparently foiled to take them, sent
messengers from the former to Hecekiah (2 K.
xviii. 17), and on their return without his submis-
sion wrote him a threatening letter (2 K. xix. 14),
while he still continued to press the war against
Egypt, which had called in the assistance of Tir-
hakah, king of Ethiopia (ib. ver. 9). Tiihakah
was hastening to the aid of the Egyptians, bat pro-
bably bad not yet united his troops with theirs,
when an event occurred which relieved both Egypt
utd Judaea from their danger. In one night the
Assyrians lost, either by a pestilence or by some
more awful manifestation of divine power, 185,000
men I The camp immediately broke up— the king
fled— the Egyptians, naturally enough, as the de-
struction happened upon their borders, ascribed it to
their own gods, and made a boast of it centuries after
(Herod, ii. 141). Sennacherib reached his capital
in safety, and was not deterred, by the terrible dis-
aster which had befallen his arms, from engaging
in other wars, though be seems thenceforward to
have carefully avoided Palestine. In his fifth year
he led an expedition into Armenia ui Media; after
which, from his sixth to his eighth year, he was
engaged in wars with Susiana and Babylonia. From
this point his annals fail us.
Sennacherib reigned twenty-two years. The date
cf his accession is fixed by the Canon of Ptolemy to
B.C. 702, the first year of Belibus or Elibus. The
date of his death is marked in the same document
by the secession of Asaridanus (Easr-Haddon) to the
throne cf Babylon in B.C. 680. The monuments are
in exact conformity with these dates, for the 22nd
* It has been stated (list In 1MI the French occnpsmsof
tyru destroyed Ibis tablet, and replaced It by as Ins rip-
BEKVAH
year of Sennacherib, has been found u|on them,
while they have not furnished any notix . fa kens
year.
It Is imrosnble to reconcile these dates with the
chronology of Hexeoahs reign, aaoording to the)
numbers of the present Hebrew text. Those nam
bers assign to Hexekiah the space between B.C. 726
and B.O. 697. Consequently the first invasion ct
Senuacherb falls into Hexekiah 's twenty-art* nM
year instead of his fourteenth, as stated in 2 K.
xviii. 13, and Is. xxxvi. 1. Various solutions have
been proposed of this difficulty. According to some,
there has been a dislocation as well as an alteration
of the text. Originally the words ran, " Now it
came to pass in the fourteenth year of king Hexe-
kiah, that the king of Assyria [Sargon], came up
against the fenced cities of Judah." Then followed
ch. xx. (Is. xxxviii.) — " In those days was Hexekiah
sick unto death," &c. ; after which came the nar-
rative of Sennacherib's two invasions. [See Heze>
kiah.1 Another suggestion is, that the year has
been altered in 2 K. xviii. 13 and Is. xxxvi. 1, by a
scribe, who, referring the narrative in ch. xx. (Is.
xxxviii.) to the period of Sennacherib's first inva-
sion, concluded (from xx. 6) that the whole hap-
pened in Hexekiah's fourteenth year (Rawliason'e
Herodotia, vol. i. p. 479, note 8 ), and therefore
boldly changed " twenty-seventh into ** four-
teenth."
Sennacherib was one of the most magoificent of
the Assyrian kings. He seems to have been the
first who fixed the seat of government permanently
at Nineveh, which he carefully repaired and adorned
with splendid buildings. His greatest work ia the
grand palace at Koyunjik, which covered a space of
above eight acres, and was adorned throughout with
sculptures of finished execution. He built also, or
repaired, a second palace at Nineveh on the mound
of Nebbi Tunas, confined the Tigris to its channel
by an embankment of brick, restored the ancient
aqueducts which had gone to decay, and gave to
Nineveh that splendour which she thenceforth, re-
tained till the ruin of the empire. He also erected
monuments in distant countries. It is his memorial
which still remains * at the mouth of the Kakr-tl-
Kclb on the coast of Syria, side by side with an
inscription of Rameses the Great, recording his con-
quests six centuries earlier.
Of the death of Sennacherib nothing ia know*
beyond the brief statement of Scripture, that *• «j
he was worshipping in the house of Niaroch (?;, hit
god, Adrammelech and Sharexer his sons smote bian
with the sword, and escaped into the land of Ar-
menia" (2 K. xix. 37 ; Is. xxxvii. 38). It b curious
that Hosts of Chorene and Alexander Polyhiarsa-
should both call the elder of these two sons by a
different name (Ardumaxanes or Argsmorauusj ;
and it b still more curious that Abydenus, who
generally drew from Berosus, should interpose a king
Nergilus between Sennacherib and Adraavnetech,
and make the latter be slain by Eaarhaddon (Fnsab..
Chr. Can. L 9 ; comp. i. 5, and see also Hoe, Char.
Arm. Bid. i. 22). Hoses, on the contrary, oonfirtna
the escape of both brothers, and mentions the paras
of Armenia where they settled, and which were
afterwards peopled by their descendants. [G. R.J
SEN'UAH(nKUD: 'AtraWt: Soma). Pro-
perly Hssseniish, with the def. article. A Bcsv
iton In their own honour; but such an set of bsitai 'aa>
reeme scarcely possible In the nineteenth caatarv
KEOKIM
juste, ike father of Judah, who walk second orer
the dty after the retain from Babylon (Neh. xi.
I). In 1 Chr. ix. 7, "Judah the eon of Senuah"
« Hodaviah the eon of Hesenuah."
BECKBIM (Or$P: 3»pV; Alei.3e.ipfe:
Seorim). The chief of the fourth of the twenty-
fear courses of priests instituted by IVvid (1 Chr.
xirr. 8,.
SETHAB (TOO: Sa^od; Alex. Im^pi:
Sephar). It ie written, after thj enumeration of the
rem of Joktan, " and their dwelling was from Mesha
n thon goest unto Sephar, a mount of the east"
(Gen. x. 30). The immigration of the Joktanites
wis probably from west to east, as we hare shown in
Aubu, MeaUA, fax, and they occupied the south-
western portion of the peninsula. The undoubted
ikntincatioas of Arabian places and tribes with
their Joktanite originals are included within these
Knits, and point to Sephar as the eastern boundary.
There appears to be little doubt that the ancient
see-port town called Dhafari or /atari, and Dhafar
* ZaMr, without the inflexional termination, repre-
amts the Biblical site or district: thus the etymo-
logy ii sufficiently near, and the situation exactly
agrees with the requirements of the case. Accord-
togrr, it has been generally accepted as the Sephar
ef Genesis. But the etymological fitness of this site
opens out another question, inasmuch as there are
no leas than four places bearing the same name.
Derides several others bearing names that are merely
variations from the same root. The frequent re-
currence of these variations is curious ; but we need
only here concern ourselves with the four first
named places, and of these two only are important
to the subject of this article. They are of twofold
importance, as bearing on the site of Sephar, and as
ban*, closely connected with th? ancient history of the
Jekfaaute kingdom of Southern Arabia, the kingdom
founded by the tribes sprung from the sons of Jok-
tan. The following extracts will put in a clear
tfgfct what the beat Arabian writers themselves say
•a the subject. The first is from the moat im-
portant of the Arabic Lexicons : —
-Dbafltri (Aiio) is a town of the Yemen;
sue says. Ha who enters Dhafari learns the Him-
yeritje . . . Es-Stfghaoee says, • Iu the Yemen are
<aur places every one of which is called Dhafari ;
two cities and two fortresses. The two cities are
Doafan-I-Hakl, near San'a, two days' journey from
it on the south; and the Tubbaas used to aride
them, and it is said that it is Sen's, [itself). In
ntstioa to it is called the onyx of Dhafari. Ilbn-
Ee-Sutkeet says that the onyx of Dhafari is so
called m relation to Dhafitri-Ased, a city in the
Teaten.) Another is in the Yemen, near MirWt,
as the extremity of the Yemen, and is known by
the none of Dhafttri-s-Sihib [that is, of the sea-
taastl, and in relation to it is called the Kust-Dha-
fsri [either eastus or aloes-wood], that is, the wood
with which one fumigates, because it is brought
farther from India, and from it to [the rest of] the
sVmen ' . . . And K Yfkoot meant, for he said,
' nariari . . . fa a city in the extremity of the
sr to Esh-Shihr.' As to the two f or t resse s,
SEPHAJt
1197
* Asavl-fMa kas fallen into an abrara error to ate
^wswayay, aoosetf by at. Freenel (/It. ijtttit, p. SIT).
aVasilis inn to prove Chat Ui two ZattrU were only
one of them is a fortress on the south of Snn's, two
days' journey from it, in the country of [the tribe
of J Benoo-Murad, and it is called Dhafari-!-\Vtdi-
yeyn [that is, of the Two Valleys]. It is also called
Dhafari-Zeyd : and another is on the north thereof,
also two days journey from it, in the country of
Hemdan, and is called Dhafari-dh-Dhahir " {Tif-
eU'Aroos, MS., s.v.).«
Takoot, in his Homonymous Dictionary {El-
Mushtarak, a, v.) says : — " Dhafari is a celebrated
city in the extremity of the country of the Yemen,
between 'Oman and Mirbit, on the shore of the
eea of India : I have been informed of this by one who
has sera it prosperous, abounding in good things.
It is near Esh-Shihr. Dhafari-Zeyd is a fortress in
the Yemen in the territory of Habb : and Dhafari
is a dty near to Sen's, snd in relation to it is called
the Dhafari onyx; in it was the abode of the
kings of Himyer, and of it was said. He who enters
Dhafari learns the Himyeritic ; — and it is said that
San'a itself is DhanM.''
Lastly, in the Geographical Dictionary called the
Uarisid, which is ascribed to Yaxoot, we read, s. e.
" Dhafari : two cities in the Yemen, one of them
near to Sun's, in relation to which is called the
Dhafari onyx : in it was the dwelling of the kings
of Himyer ; and it is said that Dhafari is the city
of San a. itself. And Dhafari of this day is a city
on the shore of the sea of India, between it anil
Mirbit are five parasangs of the territories of Esh-
Shihr, [and it is] near to Suhdr, and Mirbit is the
other anchorage besides Dhafari. Frankincense is
only found on the mountain of Dhafari of Esh-
Shihr."
These extracts show that the city of Dhafari
near San'a was very little known to the writers,
and that little only by tradition ; it was even sup-
posed to be the same as, or another name for,
San'a, and its site had evidently fallen into oblivion
at their day. But the sea-port of this name was a
celebrated city, still flourishing, and identified on
the authority of an eye-witnes*. M. Freenel has
endeavoured to prove that this city, and not the
western one, was the Himyerite capital ; and cer-
tainly his opinion appears to be borne out by most
of the facts that hare been bi ought to light.
Niebuhr, however, mentions the ruins of Dhafari
near Yereem, which would be those of the western
city (Deter. 206). While Dhafari is often men-
tioned as the capital in the history of the Him-
yerite kingdom (Cauasin, Essai, i. passim), it was
also in the later times of the kingdom the seat ol
a Christian Church (Hhilostorgius, Hist. Secies,
iii. *).
But, leaving this curious point, it remains to
give what is known respecting Dhafari the sea-
port, or as it will be more convenient to call it,
after the usual pronunciation, Zafar. All the evi-
dence is clearly in favour of this site being that of
the Sephar of the Bible, and the identification has
accordingly been generally accepted by critics. Mora
accurately, it appears to preserve the name mentioned
in Gen. x. 30, and to be in the district anciently so
named. It is situate on the coast, in the province of
Hadramiwt, and near to the district which adjoins
that province on the east, called Esh-Shihr (or cs
M. Fresnel says it is pronounced in the modem
Himyeritic SAMr). Wellsted says of it, " Dofar is
one, by supposing that the inland town, whlcn b» plsue
only twenty-four leagues from Ssnt, was oriftnaUy «r>
the sea-coast.
I IV*
8EPHAHAC
situated beneath a lolly mountain * (ii. 453). In
the Ma: tod it is said, as we Iutc wen, that frank-
incense {in the author's time) was found only m
the "mountain of Dhafari ;" and Niebuhr (Deter.
248) says that it exports the best frankincense.
M. Frame! gives almost all that is known of the
present state of this old site in his LeWrt Mr
r flirt, da Arabes amnt Fl$lamume (V*. Lettre,
Johth. Atiat. iii.« serie, tome v.). Zaiar, he tells
u>, pronounced by the modem inhabitants " IstSr,"
is now the name of a series of villages situate
som; of them on the shore, and some close to
th* shore, of the Indian Ocean, between Mirbat
anl Itas-Sajir, extending a distance of two days'
journey, or 17 or 18 hours, from east to west.
I'roreeding in this direction, those near the shore
are named Takah, Ed-Dahirea, Kl-Beleed. El-
Hateh, Sabfliah. and Awkad. The fiist four are
on the sea-shore, and the last two at a small dis-
tance Irom it. Kl-Beleed, otherwise called Harkara,
is, in M. Kresnel's opinion, the ancient Zafar. It
k* in rains, bat ruins that attest its former pros-
perity. The inhabitants were celebrated for their
hospitality. There are now only three or four
ruhabited houses in Kl-Beleed. It is on a small
peninsula lying between the ocean and a bay, and
the port is on the land side of the town. In the
present day, during nearly the whole of the year,
at least at low tide, the bay is a lake, and the
peninsula an isthmus, but the lake is of sweet
water. In the rainy season, which is in the spring,
it is a gulf, of sweet water at low tide and of salt
water at high tide.
The classical writers mention Sapphar metropolis
(TkearpAp* fartftmXtt) or Saphar (in Anon. Peripl.
p. 274), in long. 88°, lat. 14° 30', according to
Itol., the capital of the Sappharitae (Soy^kuhtw),
E laced by Ptol. (vi. 6. §25) near the Homeritae ;
ut their accounts are obscure, and probably from
hearsay. In later times, as we have already said,
it was the seat of a Christian Church: one of
three which were founded A.D. 343, by permis-
lion of the reigning Tubbaa, in Dharari (written
Tnpharon, Ti<papor, by Philostorgius, Bist. Ecales.
iii. 4), in 'Aden, and on the shores of the Persian
Gulf. Theophilos, who was sent with an embassy
by order of the Emperor Constant! M to effect this
purpose, was the first bishop (Canssin, i. Ill
mqo,.). In the reign of Abrahah (A.D. S37-570)
S. Gregentius was bishop of these churches, having
been sent by the Patriarch of Alexandria (ef. autho-
rities cited by Caussin, i. 142-5). [E. S. P.]
SEPHARAD ("ITDD ; Targ. KtJDDK, t. «.
fcpinia : low "EfppaSa, in both MSS. : in Bctporo).
A name which occurs in Obad. ver. 20 only, as
that of a place in which the Jews of Jerusalem
were then held in captivity, and whence they were
to return to possess the cities of the south.
its situation has always been a matter of un-
enrtainty, and cannot even now be said to be
settled.
(1.) The reading of the LXX. given above, and
followed by the Arabic Version, is probably a mere
conjecture, though it may point to a modified form
of the name in the then original, viz. Sephamth. In
J aroma's copy of the LXX. it appears to have been
Ev$peVi)>, sirce (Comm. m Aid.) he renders their
version of the verse tranmvjratio lerutalem usque
EuphratAem. This is certainly extremeiy ingenious,
but will hardly hold water when we turn it beck
Into Hebrew.
8KPHARAD
(2.) The reading of the Vulgate, Bonpormf- it
adopted by Jerome from his Jewish instructor, win
considered it to be " the place to which Hadrian lad
transported the captive* from JeruaKm" 'Cbr.ise
ro Abdktni). This interpretation Jerome lid ihH
accept, but preferred rather to treat Sep)ur?d as
connected with a uimilxr Assyria* word soni-
fying a •* boundary," wd to considtr the pee***
as denoting the dispersion of the Jews into *l
regions.
We havcoo meats of snowing to which Bcspo. r ■
Jerome's teacher alluded — the Cimmerian or the
Thracaui. If the former (Strait of few***),
which was in Iberia, it is not impossible that this
riabbi, as ignorant of geography outside the Hr.lv
Land as most of his brethren, confounded it with
Iberia in Spain, and thus agreed wfrfh the rest at
the Jews whose opinions have come down to tw.
If the latter (Strait of Constantinople), then he
may be taken as confirming the most modem opin-
ion (noticed below), that Septuuad was Sardis in
Lydia.
The Tanrum Jonathan (see above) and the
Peshitc-Syriac, and from them the modern Jew?,
interpret Sepharad as Spain (Ispamia and I^pania',,
one common variation of which name, Uesperii
(/Mot. o/ Qtogr. 1. 10746), does certainly bear con-
siderable resemblance to Sepharad ; and so deeply
has this taken root that at the piesent day tin
Spanish Jews, who form the chief of the two peat
sections into which the Jewish nation is divided,
are called by the Jews themselves the SfpKardwi,
German Jews being known as the Ashienaxim.
It is difficult to suppose that either of these can
be the true explanation of Sepharad. The prophecy
I of Obadiah has every appearance of referring to the
destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, and
there is no reason to believe that any Jews had
been at that early date transported to Spain.
(3.) Others have suggested the identity of Sepha-
rad with Sipphara in Mesopotamia, but mat is more
probably Sepharvaui.
(4.) The name has perhaps been discovered m
the cuneiform Persian inscriptions of TfaJM i
Bustum and Behittu* ; and also in a list of Asiatic
nations given by Niebuhr (Reiteb. ii. pi. 31 ). In the
latter it occurs between Ka Ta Pa TBK (Cappa-
docia) and Ta UNA (Ionia). De Sacy was the first
to propose the identification of this with Sepharad,
and subsequently it was suggested by {.aasen that
S Pa Ra D was identical with Sardfs, the ancient
capital of Lydia. This identification is approved
of by Winer, and adopted by Dr. Pnsey (Tntrod. ti
Obad. p. 232, note, also 245). In support of tins,
Fftrst (Bandwb. ii. 95a) points out that Antigcno,
(dr. B.C. 320) may very probably have taken soma
of his Jewish captives to Sardi* ; but it is more orm-
sktent with the apparent diite of Obadnh's pro-
phecy to believe that he is referring to the event
mentioned by Joel (iii. 6), when *' children of
Judah and Jerusalem " were sol 1 to the * sons re"
the Javanhn " (lonians), which — as the first cap-
tivity that had befallen the kingdom of Judah, ana
a transportation to a strange land, and that hcrond
the sea — could hardly tail to make an endowing
impression on the nation.
(5.) Ewald (PropheUn, i. 404) considers that
Sepharad has a connexion with Zarephath in the
• Obtained by taking the prefixed preposition sat part
of tie une -TTBD3 • *"*' •' "" * uu aam «•<•»; lat)
the nasi IX
8EPHABVAM
>w rse; and while deprecating ft* " pen* I
y* 00 "" jf «««« who hare discovered the name]
■ • nmaAm inscription, suggests that the true I
"a*"* ii Sepheraro, and that it m to U> round
■ a place time hoora from Akin, i. e. donbtleas
the modem Shefd 'Omar, a place of much ancient
naute and reaeratioo among the Jews of Palatine
« Zme, aote to Parchi. 428) ; but It is not
straw hoar a residence within the Holy Land can
™***g "g*" of aa a captivity, and there are
asasafcaabla iluTeiaucet in the form of the two names.
(«.) Mkbaeha (Svppi. No. 1778) has derated
■"" *P* » •» this name ; and, among other conjee-
taret, ingeniously aoggests that the •* Spartans * of
1 JUcc xiu 15 are accurately •« Sepharadrtes."
>*i» suggestion, however, does not appear to have
**«1 the 1st of later investigation, f See Spar-
**»■] [0.]
HCTHAKYATM (ITV1BD: Inpapvoalfi,
Iv y - a sema fr : SepAanam) is mentioned by Sen-
a*-henb in his letter to Hczekiah as a city whose
car, bad been unable to resist the Assyrians (2 K.
«»■ 1-1 ; Is. xnvii. 13 ; oomp. 2 K. xviii. 34). It
■ csapM with Hena and Ava, or Ivah, which were
'cms on the Euphrates above Babylon. Again,
« a mentiooed, in 2 K. xvii. 24, as one of the
pirns from which colonists were transported to
pot* the desolate Samaria, after the Israelites had
t«t carried into captivity, where it is again joined
™> An, and also with Cuthah and Babylon.
Toae indications are enough to justify us in identi-
fier the place with the famous town of Sippara,
• the Euphrates above Babylon (Ptol. T. 18),
»•«* was near the site of the modern Mosaib.
Sppwa was mentioned bjr Berosus as the place
"here, according to him, Xithrus (or Noah) buried
tat racstds of the antediluvian world at the time of
tit Wuge, and from which hia posterity recovered
Htm afterwards fFragm. Hat. Or. ii. p. 501, iv.
%''*'> ■*»*<•«"" calls H w6\w SrnrajnuraV
'•■ 9 ., and says that Nebuchadnezzar excavated a
r«" lake in its vicinity for purposes of irrigation,
finr wens to intend the same place by his « op-
»•!» Hippmrenonim'a— where, according to him,
w» a pest seat of the Chaldaic learning (27. S.
"• *> . The phinil form here used by Pliny may
y eeapared with the dual form in use among the
*•» ; and the explanation of both is to be found in
a* &cl that there were two Sippsras, one on either
"j*2 "*„ nTeT - B*ron» called Sippara, "a city
Mb? son" (flAf<w r6\u>) ; and in the inscriptions
« Wi the same title, being called Tbipar sha
■'<.a*u, or "Sppara of the Sun"— the sun being
™ *>ef object of worship there. Hence the Se-
r-mitei are mid, in 2 K. xvii. 31, to have " burnt
«■" children in the fire to Adrammelech and
£**■*•*». the gods of Sephsrvaim "—these two
**« dertie> representing respectively the male
k4 hassle powers of the sun, as Lunus and Luna
nT-tnated the male and female powers of the moon
***S the Romans. [<J, R 1
SEPHETJa (* **»Vut SepMa). The Greek
• "Va PUnr places Hippara or Sippara on the Nar-
y~<*'* r -*»■»)• instead of on the Euphrates, his
7*"» » » the artinoal channel, which branched off
,^<a» taenia. .* Sippara, and M to the great !«*<
'« rait) excavated br Nebacbadnesxar. Abrdeora
^V" * mh " Ana ~" (•**—*). *rj£m
• » la titat. It this aaage. that on the single occa-
SEP1TELA nog
form af the ancient word has-SMfeWi (rbtf&71„
the native name for the southern division if tb>
low-lying flat district which intervenes between tlr
central highlands of the Holy Land and the Med>
terranean, the other and northern portion of which
was known as Sharon. The name occurs through-
out the topographical records of Joshua, the his-
torical works, and the topographical passages in the
Prophete; always with the article prefixed, and
always denoting the same region » (Dent. i. 7 ; Josh,
lx. 1, x. 40, xi. 2, 16a, xii. 8, xv. 33; Judg. i. »;
1 K. x. 27 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 28 ; 2 Chr. i. 15, ix. 27.
?r i, i ' " tTiH - ,8 > Jtr - ""• 26 ' »»'• **, xxnu
13; Obad. 19; Zech. vil. 7). In each of these
passages, however, the word is treated in the A. V.
not as a proper name, analogous to the Campagna,
the Wolds, the Corse, but as a mere appellative
and rendered "the vale," "the valley," "the
plain, " the low plains," and - the low countrv."
How destructive this is to the force of the narrative
may be realized by imagining what eonfusiou would
be caused in the translation of an English historical
work into a foreign tongue, if such a name as "The
Downs " were rendered by some general term ap-
plicable to any other district in the country of
trailar formation. Fortunately the Book of Macca-
bees haa redeemed our Version from the charge of
having entirely suppressed this interesting name
In 1 Mace. xii. 38 the name Sephela is found,
though even here stripped of the article, which was
attached to it in Hebrew, and still accompanies it in
the Greek of the passage.
Whether the name is given in the Hebrew Scrip-
tures in the shape in which the Israelites encoun-
tored it on entering the country, or modified so as
to conform it to the Hebrew root Ma/of, and thus
(according to the constant tendency of language
bring it into a form intelligible to Hebrews— we
shall probably never know. The root to which it
Is related is in common use both in Hebrew and
A tabic. In the latter it has originated more than
one proper name- as Mespila, now known aa
Koyunjik; el-Mesfale, one of the quarters of the
city of Mecca (Burckhardt, Arabia, i. 203, 4) ; and
Seville, originally Hi^palis, probably so called from
its wide plain (Arias Montano, in Ford, Handbook
of Spain).
The name Shefelah is retained in the old versions,
even those of the Samaritans, and Rabbi Joseph on
Chronicles (probably as late as the 11th century
A.D.). It was actually in use down to the 5th
century. Eusebius, and after him Jerome (Onomosi.
"Sephela," and Comm. on Obad.), distinctly state
that " the region round Eleutheropolis on the north •
and west was so called." « And a careful investi-
gation might not improbably discover the name
still lingering about its ancient home even at the
present day.
No definite limits are mentioned to the Shefelah,
nor it it probable that there were any. In the list
of Joshua (xv. 33-47) it contains 43 " cities," as
well as the hamlets and temporary villages de-
pendent on them. Of these, as far as our know-
sioo where it Is used without the article (Josh. xl. It ft)
ft evidently does not denote the region referred to
above, but the plains surrounding the mountains at
fybraim.
* In hla comment on Obidlah, 8L Jerome appean to
extend It to Lvdda and Emniaua-Nlcepolls ; snd at ifct
same time to extend Sharon so far south w to Include ■£*
Philistine cities.
1200
SEFTUAGDtT
ledge avails a, the rout northern was Ekron, t'te
moat southern Gaxa, and the most western Kezib
(about 7 miles N.N.W. of Hebron). A Urge num-
ber of these towns, hovever, were situated not in
the plain, nor eren on the western slopes of the
central mountains, but in the mountains themselves.
[Jasmuth; Keilaii; Nkzib, 4c.] This kadi
to show either that on the ancient principle of
dividing •emtory one district might intrude into
the limits of another, or, which is more probable,
that, as already suggested, the name Shefelah did
not originally mean a lowland, as it came to do in
Its accommodated Hebrew form.
The Shefelah was, and is, one of the most pro-
ductive regions in the Holy Land. Sloping as it
does gently to the sea, it receives every year a fresh
dressing from the materials washed down from the
mountains behind it by the furious rains of winter.
This natural manure, aided by the great beat of its
climate, is sufficient to enable it to reward the
rude husbandry of its inhabitants, year after year,
with crops of com which are described by the tra-
vellers as prodigious.
Thus it was in ancient times the corn-field of
Syria, and as such the constant subject of warfare
between Philistines and Israelites, and the refuge
of the latter when the harvests in the central conn-
try were ruined by drought (2 K. viii. 1-3). But
it was also, from its evenness, and from its situation
on the road between Egypt and Assyria, exposed to
continual visits from foreign armies, visits which
at last led to the destruction of the Israelite king-
dom. In the earlier history of the country the
Israelites do not appear to have ventured into the
Shefelah, but to have awaited the approach of their
enemies from thence. Under the Maccabees, how-
ever, their tactics were changed, and it became the
field where some of the most hardly contested and
successful of their battles were fought.
These conditions have hardly altered in modern
times. Any invasion of Palestine must take place
through the maritime plain, the natural and only
road to the highlands. It did so In Napoleon's case,
a* has already been noticed under Palestine [p.
667 a]. The Shefelah is still one vast corn-field, but
the contests which take place on it are now reduced
to those between the oppressed peasants and the
insolent and rapacious officials of the Turkish go-
vernment, who are gradually putting a stop by
their extortions to all the industry of this district,
wd driving active and willing hands to better-
iverned regions. [See Judah, vol. i, 1156; Pa-
lestine, vol. ii. 666 a, 667 6, 672, 3 ; Plains,
890 6.] [G.]
SEPTUAGINT. The Greek version of the
Old Testament, known by this name, is like the
Nile, fontium qui celat origines. The causes which
produced it, the number and names of the trans-
lators, the times at which different portions were
translated, tire all uncertain.
It will therefore be best to launch our skiff on
known waters, and try to track the stream upwards
•swards its source.
This Version appears at the present day in four
pi icci pal editions.
1. Bibha Polyglotta Complutensis, A.D. 1514-
IM7.
S. The Aidine Edition, Venice, A.D. 1518.
3. The Soman Edition, edited under Pope Situs
F, A.D. 1587.
4. Faesimik Edition of the Codex Alexandrians,
br H. Baber A.D. 1816.
BEFTUAGIST
J, 8. The texts of (1) and (2) were jrofcaM*
farmed by collation of several MaS.
3. The Soman edition (3) is printed from the
venerable Codex Vatioamu, but not witncut many
errors. This text has been followed in most of the
modern editions.
A transcript of the Codex Vaticacns, orrparrl
by Cardinal Mai, was lately puolished at Rome, fcy
Vercelloni. It is much to be regretted that ti*4
edition is not so accurate as to preclude the neces-
sity of consulting the MS. The text of the Codes,
and the parts added by a later hand, to complete
the Codex (among them nearly all Genesis), an
printed in the same Greek type, with distinguishing
notes,
4. The Facsimile Edition, by Mr. Baber. is
printed with types made after the form of the letters
in the Codex AUxemdrinui (Brit. Museum Library)
for the Facsimile Edition of the New Testament, bf
Woide, in 1786. Great care was bestowed upon
the sheets as they passed through the press.
Otktr Fdiiioru.
The Septuagint in Walton's Polyglot (1657; ie
the Roman text, with the various readings of the
Codex Alexandrinns.
The Cambridge edition (1665), (Roman text), »
only valuable for the Preface by Pearson.
An edition of the Cod. Alex, was published by
Grobe (Oxford, 1707-1720), but its critical valu>
is far below that of Baber*s. It is printed in ossa -
mon type, and the editor has exercised his judg-
ment on the text, putting some words of the Codex
in the margin, and replacing them by what he
thought better readings, distinguished by a smaller
type. This edition was reproduced by Brfitinjer
(Zurich, 1730), 4 vols. 4to., with the various read-
ings of the Vatican text.
The Edition of Bos (Franeq. 1709) follows the
Roman text, with its Scholia, and the various read-
ings given in Walton's Polyglots, especially those of
the Cod. Alex.
The valuable Critical Edition of Holme*, conti-
nued by Parmmt, is similar in plan to the Hebrew
Bible of Kennieott ; it has the Roman text, with a
large body of various readings from numerous MSS„
and editions, Oxford, 1798-1827.
The Oxford Edition, by Gaufard, 1848, Rat
the Roman text, with the vsvious leadings of the
Codex Alexandrinns below.
TUchendorft Editions (the 2nd, 1856) are on
the same plan ; he has added readings from some
other MSS. discovered by himself, with very usetul
Prolegomena,
Some convenient editions have been published by
Mr. Bagster, one in 8vo„ others of smaller n*»,
forming part of his PolygloU series of Bibles. II is
text is the Roman.
The latest edition, by Ur. Field (1859), dines:
from any of the preceding. He takes as his baas*
the Codex Alexandrinns, but corrects all the ma-
nifest errors of transcription, by thf help of othei
MSS.; and brings the dislocated portions ot the
Septuagint Into agreement with the order of th»
Hebrew Bible. 1
AoiMiscnirfs,
The various readings given by Holmes and Pu
sons enable us to judge, in some measure, of tit
character of the several MSS. and of the degree •
their accordance with the Hebrew text.
* There an some suamlar vsrlaltssw as 1
the ankle on Kcras, p. U\
The? are distinguished thu* by Holms*: the
una/ by Roman numerals, the curtkt by Atbdhs
figures.
Among them may be specially noted, with their
•rotable data and entimatea of value 09 given by
Holms m hie Preface to the Pentateuch : —
BEPTUAG1NT
1201
UHCXll>
L Onmauma, BrIL Una. (fragments)
11. Vinum Vat. Library. Borne . .
I1L luumamn. BrIL Mus. ....
Til Aastosuircs. Ambroa. Lib, Milan .
I. ttxausuics. Bibl. Imp, Rule . .
CUBSIVX.
Mod. Lsnrentian Lib., Florence
Cblftenat. Similar to Complot. Text and
log, US
Xonacbiensls. Munich
Vsifcssanl'nam.x.). VaL Lib* itmilar to Ja
CODtUIT.
4
4
I
7
I
11
10
10
13
12
ia
10 or 11
13
ia
ii
u. BnUrlsnva. Land. 3*, notae optlmae .
u. rsrUnisis(U). Imprrlal Library .
:i TVv'os. Maxfml fjtdendus . . .
H. Oxoamsls. Univ. Coll.
«. TatfeUH (1*01), optimaa notae . .
j*jF«rsrtenses. These two agree . . ■ \\\
iw.i Vaticanm (330) ( Similar to Complot, i 14
ilitrarWoads. Imp. Lib.} Text and (10) .113
The text* of these MSS. differ considerably from
tarh other, and consequently differ in various degiees
Iran the Hebrew original.
The following are the results of a comparison of
Ihr leadings in the first eight chapters of Exodus:
1. Several of the MSS. agree well with the He-
*xrw ; others differ very much.
2. The chief vaiiance from the Hebrew is in the
uMition, or omission, of words and clauses.
3. Taking the Roman text as the basis, there are
Asia! 80 places (a) where some of the MSS. differ
from the Roman text, either by addition or omission,
■> ajramnt mUh the Hebrew, 26 places (j8)
■here difiaences of the same kind are not in agree-
mat rntt Me Hebrew. There is therefore a large
bduce against the Roman text, in point of accord-
ance with the Hebrew.
4. These MSB. which have the largest number
of ditfctroces of class (a) hare the smallest number
« clssi [fiy There ia evidently some strong reason
far this clew accordance with the Hebrew in these
HSS.
4. The divergence between the extretse points of
*se saint of MSS. may be estimated from the fbL.
tl sMbi man the Soman ( in 40 places, wit* Hebrew.
Jtn 4
Text
wane
ditto
{£
vita
Between these and the Roman text lie many
»ed»» of variety.
The Alexasdraae text falls about halfway between
>•* two extremes :
Mwt.ft-K.rn anTe* ( J» » *«-. J^"***
The diagram below, drawn on a scale represent-
ee the comparison th'is instituted (by the test of
spirnent with the Hebrew in respect of additions
v onsHMBsj, may help to bring these results more
early into new.
1 ir. aerial MB., broaaht by Ttscheadorf from 8*.
totrfimtt Mocatwry. and named Coot* SmUtteas, Is
" rli i I by sen to be asandeni as Cod. VtUcanas(ll.)
vol Ml.
The base-line R. T. ripresents the Roman text
The above can only be taken as an approximation,
the rang} of comparison being limited. A mors
extended comparison might enable us to discri-
minate the several MSS. more accurately, bnt the
result would, perhaps, hardly repay the labour.
But whence these varieties of text? Was the
Version at first more in accordance with the Hebrew,
as in (72) and (59), and did it afterwards dege-
nerate into the less accurate state of the Codex
Vatican as ?
Or wan the Version at first less accurate, like the
Vatican text, and afterwards brought, by critical
labours, into the more accurate form of the MSS.
which stand highest in the scale ?
History supplies the answer.
Hienmymus (Ep. ad Suniam et Fretelam, torn,
ii. p. 627) speaks of two copies, one older and less
accurate, xoiri), fragments of which are believed to
be represented by the still extant remains of the
old Latin Version ; the other more faithful to the
Hebrew, which he took as the basis of his own new
Latin Version.
" In quo illud breviter admoneo, nt sciatis, aliam.
e editionem, quam Origenes, et Caesariensis Ku-
sebius, omnesque Graedae tractatores «oi*V, id est,
eommwKim, appellant, atque vulgatem, et a pie-
risque nunc Aovkuu'o* dicitur ; auam LXX. inter-
nretum, quae et in ({orXoit codidbos reperitur, et
a nobis in latinum sermonem fideliter versa est, et
Hieroaolymae atque in Orientis Ecclesiis decan-
tatur . . . Kaivb autem ista, hoc est, communis
editio, ipsa est quae et LXX. sed hoc interest inter
utnunque, quod nirj) pro lods et temporibus, et
pro voluntate scriptorom, vetus corrupta editio est;
ea autem quae habetur in i {arAotf , et quam not
vertimns, ipsa est quae in eruditorum libris incor-
rupta et imtaaculata LXX. interpretum translatio
reservatur. Quicquid ergo ab hoc discrepat, null!
dubium est, quin ita et ab Hebraeorum auctoritate
discordet."
In another place (Praefat. in Paralm. torn. i.
col. 1022) he speaks of the corruption of the ancient
translation, and the great variety of Cop ie s nerd in
different countries: —
4 H
1202
8EPTUAGINT
« Cam germana ilia autiquaqiie trarchti'. cor-
rupts sit." . . . " Alexandria etAegyptus iu LXX.
mil Hetychinm lmadant auctorem ; Constantinopoiis
uque Aotiochiam Luciani Martyris exernplari* pro-
bat ; mediae inter hat provincial Palaestinos codices
legunt: quoe ab Origene elaborates ki'fcbius et
Psmphilus vulgaverunt: tot usque orbis hoc inter
se oontraria varietate oompugnat.'
The labours ofOrigen, designed to remedy the con-
flict of discordant copies, are best described in nis own |
words (Comment, inifatth. torn. i. p. 381, ed. Huei. ; .
" Mow there is plainly a great difference in the
oopies, either from the carelessness of scribes, or
the rash and mischievous correction of the text
by others, or from the additions or omissions made
by others at their own discretion. This discrepance
in the copies of the Old Covenant, we have found
means to remedy, by the help of God, using as our
criterion the otter oerstoiu. In all passages of the
LXX. rendered doubtful by the discordance of the
coy e*, forming a judgment from the other versions,
w: jave prewired what agreed with them; and
some words we have marked with an obelot as not
found in the Hebrew, not venturing to omit them
entirely ; and some we hare added with aetcriscs
affixed, to show that they are not found in the
LXX., but added by us from the other versions, in
accordance with the Hebrew."
The other intiattt, or versions, are those of
Aquila, Theodotion, and Symmachus.
Origan, Com*, m Joam. (torn. ii. p. 131, ed.
Huet.). " The same errors in natues may be observed
frequently in the Law and the Prophets, » we have
learnt by diligent enquiry of the Hebrews, and by
comparing our copies with their copies, as repre-
sented in the still uncorrupted versions of Aquila,
Theodotion, and Symmachus."
It appears, from then and other passages, that
Origen, finding great discordance in the several
copies of the LXX, laid this version side by side
with the other three translations, and, taking their
acoordmce with each other at the test of their
agreement vith the Hebrew, marked the copy of
the LXX. with an obelot, ■+-, where he found su-
perfluous words, and supplied the deficiencies of
the LXX. by words taken from the other versions,
with an entente, *, prefixed.
The additions to the LXX. were chiefly made from
Theodotion (Hieronymus, Prolog, m Oenetin, LI).
"Quod ut auderem, Origenis me studium pro-
vocavit, qui Editioni antiques tnuwlationem Theo-
dotionis miscuit, asterisoo * et obelo -t-, id est,
stalht et vera, opus omne distingueus: dura aut
illuosscere fecit quae minus ante fuerant, aut super-
flua quaeque jogulat et oonfodit " (see also Proof,
m Job, p. 795).
From Eusebius, as quoted below, we learn that
this work ofOrigen was called rrrsorAa, the Jour-
fold Bible. The specimen exhibited at the top of
the next column is given by Montfaucon.
SEPTDAGINT
AKYAAX.
SJsos trw fW
ovpardf ni
avw ri|r yqr.
SYM-
MAXOZ.
tu iiam r *
eVbtfW
ovpovo* m
Ti|»yijr.
oia
tvotent
tti T^vyjy
trim
But this was only the earlier and the smaller
portion of Origin's labours ; ha rested not till be
had acquired the knowledge of Hebrew, and cum-
pared the Septuagint directly with the Hebrew
oopies. Eusebius (Hist. Keel. vi. 16, p. 217, ed.
Tales.) thus describes the labours which led to the
greater work, the Hexapla ; the lux clause of the
passage refers to the Tetrapla :—
" So careful was Origen's investigation of the
sacred oracles, that he learnt the Hebrew tongue,
and made himself master of the original Scriptures
received among the Jews, in the Hebrew letters;
and reviewed the versions of the other interpn^ers
of the Sacred Scriptures, besides the LXX. ; and
discovered some translations varying from the wett-
kuown versions of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theo-
dotion, which he searched out, and brought to light
from their long concealment in neglected comers ;
.... and in his Hexapla, after the four principal
versions of the Psalms, added a fifth, yea, a sixth
and seventh translation, stating that one of the*
was found in a cask at Jericho, in the time of An-
toninus, son of Severus : and bringing these all into
one view, and dividing them in columns, over
against one another, together with the Hebrew text,
he left to us the work called Hexapla ; having ar-
ranged separately, in the Tetrapla, the versions of
Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, together with
the version of the Seventy."
So Jerome (in CataL Script. Eocl. torn. iv. P. 2,
p. 116): "Quia ignornt, quod tautum in Strip-
tuns divinis habuent studii, ut etiam hebranuxt
lingujim contra aetatis gentisque suae mi u nun
edinceret ; et acceptis LXX. iutci pretibus, alias qui"-
qne editions* in unum volumen congregaret : Aojuiixe
scilicet Pontrci proselyti, et Theodotiouia Ebionaei.
et Symmachi ejusdem dogmatis .... Prsetriv»
Quintam et Sextan) ct Septimsm Editionem, quae
etiam no* de ejus BibUotheca babevus, miio laboie
repent, et cum caeteris editionibus oompararit-*"
From another passage of Jerome '.in Kpist. <nl
Titian, t. iv. P. 1, p. 437 j we learn that in tbeHexapU
the Hebrew text was placed in one column in Hebiew
letters, in the next column in Greek letters ; —
" Unde et nobis curae fuit omnes veteris leg^a
libros, quo* vir doctus Adamantius (Origenea) in
Hexapla digesserat, de Caesariensi Uibliothevi Ue-
' Kriptos, ex ipais authenticis emendaie, in quibo* **
ipsa hebraea propriis sunt characteiibus verba d*^
scripts, et Graecis Uteris tramite expreaa vkino."*
Hxxavla (He*, xl. I).
To KBPAIKON.
Tt> 8BP
8AAHNIK0ISIT.
AKYAAX
3YKKAXOX
o;o.
•BOAOTIAXfj.
Sme» tjjj »a
Xi rtf
ori wait
ori mux
on nprtot
ori mrrios
inanw
lapm)\
lo-semA,
IfffWIjX
lapanK not
I»pSBr»-
OWCttJSflOV
koi vyem-no-a
cat
sytt ij*yus ij9~a
nifltnm
OnVODl
ov/untffptun
svrw, «rai
rrfarnium
aVTOK KCU
0WTO» Sti
*xb *nro
Kopatt
soro Aryvrrov
«{ Aryvwrov
«f Aiyvwrev
CKaAeam
X»0an.
woAee-a
mkAtjtoi
KtKAirrat
mar fiav
T*r way pan.
Mat /mw.
1/105 fWW.
«t Aryw i —
\
MKWUAOIST
ft afranH here he mentioned that tome take ins
fttrsnla as denoting, not • septttste work, but
auy tint portion of the Hexapla wh-«h eontaina the
fcur columns filled by the foui principal Greek ver-
sion;. Valeriiu (Ifotet on EutcMus, p. 106) thinks
that the Tetrapla was formed by taking those four
eoiomni oat at' the Hexapla, and making them into
s separate book.
But the testimony of Origen hlmaalf (I. 881,
fu 131), above cited, is clear that he formed one
corrected text of the Septuagint, by comparison of
tie tine other Greek version* (A, 3, e), using
tint at hit criterion. If he had known Hebrew at
rtiii time, would he have confined himself to the
(ireek rersson*? Would he hare appealed to the
Hebrew, aa represented by Aqnila, Ac ? It seems
Terr evident that he moat have learnt Hebrew at a
ftter tune, and therefore that the Hexapla, which
rests on a comparison with the Hebrew, must have
Mowed the Tetrapla, which waa formed by the
kelp of Greek versions only.
The word* of Eusebius also {H. E. vi. 16) ap-
psar to distinguish very clearly between the Hex-
sab and Tetrapla aa separate works, and to imply
uut the Tetrapla preceded the Hexapla.
The order of precedence is not a mere literary
aoestioa ; the view above stated, which is supported
ay Mootnumn, Ussher, fee., strengthens the force
<4' Origin's example as a diligent student of Scrip-
ture, thawing his increasing desire tntegrm acceden
fntst.
The labours of Origen, pursued through a long
•"one of rears, first in procuring by personal travel
u* materials for his great work, and then in com-
paring and arranging them, made him worthy of
tlv name A&zmantius.
Bat what was the remit of all this toil? Where
a now hit great work, the Hexapla, prepared with
» much care, and written by so many skilful
and* ? Too large for transcription, too early by
o-ntaries for printing (which alone could hare saved
K, it was destined to a short existence. It was
trnognt from Tyre and laid up in the Library at
Catsarea, and there probably perished by the names,
*.r*.i«.».
One copy, bowvrer, had been made, by Pam-
pnUiH acd Eusebius, of the column containing the
srnsted text of the Septuagint, with Origen's
xteritcs sod obeli, and the letters denoting from
eiuch of the other translators each addition was
^ken. This copy is probably the ancestor of those
Coiwes which now approach most nearly to the
Herrew, and are entitled Hexaplar; but in the
Bane of transcription the distinguishing marks have
disappeared or become confused ; and we have thus
• ten ua n pu et d partly of the old Septuagint text,
partly of insertions from the three other chief Greek
TR-sone, especially that of Theodotion.
The tacts above related agree well with the phe-
wra of the MSS. before stated. As we have
I'oncaa derived from the Hexaplar text, e. g. 72,
Vs. b%; and sit the other extreme the Codex Vati-
»«**■ Cll.), probably repres enting nearly the ancient
tT-rectad text, itotri) ; so between then we find
irsti of mterxnediate character in the Codex Alex-
•vl.iccw fill.), and others, which may perhaps be
*-.t~i from the text of the Tetrapla.
T" thew main source* of our existing MSS. must
V sotted the recensions of the Septuagint mentioned
vi Jerome and others, vix. those of Lucisn of
AjtrtA and Hesycbius of Kg)-pt, not long after the
«w» '** Onsen. We hare seen shore tlint each of
t$EFTDAOOrr
1208
these bad a wide range ; that of Ludan (s uppo sed
to be corrected by the Hebrew) in the Churches
from Constantinople to Antioch ; that of Hesychios
in Alexandria and Egypt ; while the Churches lying
between then two regions used the Hexaplar text
copied by Ensebius and Pnmphilos (Hieron. torn. i.
col. 1022).
The great variety of text in the existing MSS. is
thus accounted for by the variety of sources from
which they hare descended.
L HlSTOBY OF THE VERSION.
We have now to pursue oar course upwards, by
such guidance ax we can find. The ancient text,
called noirfi, which was current before the time of
Origen, whence came it ?
We find it quoted by the early Christian Fathers,
in Greek by Clemens Romanus, Justin Martyr,
Irenaeus ; in Latin versions by Tertullian and
Cyprian; we find it questioned aa Inaccurate by
the Jews (Just. Martyr, Apol.), and provoking
them to obtain a better rersion (hence the versions
of Aquila, eVc.) ; we find it quoted by Josephus
and Philo; and thus we are brought to the time
of the Apostles and Evangelists, whose writings are
full of citations and references, and imbued with
the phraseology of the Septuagint.
But when we attempt to trace it to its origin,
our path is beset with difficulties. Before we enter
on this doubtful ground we may pause awhile to
mark the wide circulation which the Version had
obtained at the Christian era, and the important
services it rendered, first in preparing the way of
Chiust, secondly in promoting the spread of the
Gospel.
1. This version waa highly esteemed by the Hel-
lenistic Jews before the coming of Christ. An annual
festival was held at Alexandria in remembrance of
the completion of the work (Philo, De Vita Mom,
lib. ii.). The manner in which it is qnoted by the
writers of the New Testament proves that it had
been long in general use. Wherever, by the con-
quests of Alexander, or by colonization, the Greek
language prevailed; wherever Jews were settled,
and the attention of the neighbouring Gentiles was
drawn to their wondrous history and law, there
was found the Septuagint, which thus became, by
Divine Providence, the means of spreading widely
the knowledge of the One True God, and His pro-
mises of a Saviour to come, throughout the nations ;
it was indeed ostium gentUms ad Christum. To the
wide dispersion of this rersion we may ascribe in
great measure that general persuasion which pre-
vailed over the whole East (percrebuerat oritnte
tcto) of the near approach of the Redeemer, and led
the Magi to recognise the star which proclaimed
the birth of the King of the Jews.
2. Not less wide was the influence of the Septua-
gint in the spread of the Gospel. Many of those
Jews who were assembled at Jerusalem on the day
of Pentecost, from Asia Minor, from Africa, from
Crete and Rome, used the Greek language; the
testimonies to Christ from the Law and the Pro-
phets came to them in the words of the Septuagint ;
St. Stephen probably quoted from it in his address
to the Jews ; the Ethiopian eunuch was reading the
Septuagint rersion of Isaiah in his chariot (. ..iit
Tpo/Joror M o-^ovyV <X*V . •) t ""7 v ^° WM *
scattered abroad went forth into many lands speaking
of Christ in Greek, and pointing to the thing) writ-
ten of Him in the Greek version of Moses and th«
I'runhet* ; from Antioch and Alexandria in '.he East
4HS
1204
•fltPTUAGINT
tc Rome and Massilia In the West the voice of the
6»pel sounded forth in Greek ; Clemen* of Rome,
Ignatiua at Antioch, Justin Martyr in Palestine,
Irenaeus at Lyons, and many mora, taaght and
wrote in the words of the Greek Scriptures; and a
still wider range was given to them by the Latin
version (or versions) made from the LXX. for the
use of the Latin Churches in Italy and Africa ; and
in later times by the numerous other versions into
the tongues of Aegypt, Aethiopia, Armenia, Arabia,
and Georgia, For a long period the Septuagint was
the Old Testament of the far larger part of the
Christian Church.* .
Let us now try to ascend towards the source.
Can we find any clear, united, consistent testimony
to the origin of the Septuagint ? (1) Where and
(2) when was it made* and (3) by whom? and
(4) whence the title? The testimonies of ancient
writers, or (to speak mora properly) their tradi-
tions, have been weighed and examined by many
learned men, and the result is well described by
Pearson (Pros/, ad LXX., 1665):
" Neqne vera de ejus antiquitate dignitateque
quicquam imprsesentiarum dicemus, de quibus viri
docti multa, hoc praesertim saeculo, scripsere ; qui
com maxime inter se dissentient, nihil adhuc satis
eerti et explorati videntur tradidiese."
(1) The only point in which all agree is that
Alexandria was the birthplace of the Version : the
Septuagint begins where the Nile ends his course.
(2) On one other point there is a near agree-
ment, via. as to time, that the Version was made,
or at least commenced, in the time of the earlier
Ptolemies, in the first half of the third century B.C.
(3) By whom mot it made 1— The following are
some of the traditions current among the Fathers : —
Irenaeus (lib. iii. c. 24) relates that Ptolemy Lagi,
wishing to adorn his Alexandrian Library with the
writings of all nations, requested from the Jews of
Jerusalem a Greek version of their Scriptures ; that
they sent seventy elders well skilled in the Scrip-
tures and in later languages; that the king sepa-
rated them from one another, and bade them all
translate the several books. When they came to-
gether before Ptolemy and showed their versions,
God was glorified, for they all agreed exactly, from
beginning to end, in every phrase and word, so
that all men may know that the Scripture* are
translated by the inspiration of God.
Justin Martyr {Cohort, ad Oraecos, p. 34) gives
the same account, and adds that be was taken to see
the cells in which the interpreters worked.
Eptphanius says that the translators were divided
into pairs, in 36 calls, each pair being provided
with two scribes; and that 36 versions, agreeing
in every point, were produced, by the gift of the
3oty Spirit (De Fond, et Mem. cap. ihVvi.).
Among the Latin Fathers Augustine adheres to
foe inspiration of the translators: — "Non autem
secundum LXX. interpret**, qui etiam ipsi dirino
Spiritu ioterpretati, ob hoc aliter videntnr nonnulla
dixisse, ut ad spiritualem sensum scrutandum magis
admoneretur lectoria intentio . . . . " (De Doctr.
Christ, iv. 15).
But Jerome boldly throws aside the whole story
of the cells and the inspiration : — " Et nescio qnis
primus sartor Septuaginta cellulas Alexandria*
mendacio suo extruxerit, quibus divisi eadem sci ip-
• On this part of the subject see
', by W. R. Ctrarton. " On the
of Christianity.*
an HnlsRsn Prise
of the LXX.
HEPTUAGENT
titarent, cum Aristaeus ejusdnm Ptolemad rscp>
aoTr«rrtj», et multo post tempore Josephus, r.iU3
tale retuleriut: sed in una basilic*, oongregstot,
contulisse scribant, non propheusse. Alind en
enim vatem, aliud ease interpretem. lbi Spiritui
ventura praedicit ; hie eruditio et verborum copia
ea quae intelligit transfert " (Praef. ad Pent. .
The decision between these conflicting reputs a>
to the inspiration may be best made by caretul
study of the version itself.
It will be observed that Jerome, while rejecting
the stories of others, refers to the relation of Ari-
staeus, or Aristeas, and to Josephus, the former
being followed by the latter.
This (so called) letter of Aristeas tc. m* brother
Philocrates •<■ still extant ; it msy be found at the
beginning of the folio volume o( Hody (De BMi-
orum Textibus Originalibus Jsc., Oxon. kdocv.),
and separately in a small volume published at
Oxford (1692). It gives a splendid account of the
origin of the Septuagint ; of the embassy and pre-
sents sent by King Ptolemy to the high-priest st
Jerusalem, by the advice of Demetrius Phakms,
his librarian, 50 talents of gold and 70 talents of
silver, &c. ; the Jewish slaves whom he set free,
paying their ransom himself; the letter of the
king ; the answer of the high-priest ; the choosing
of six interpreters from each of the twelve tribes,
and their names ; the copy of the Law, in letters
of gold ; their arrival at Alexandria on the anni-
versary of the king's victory over Antigonus; the
feast prepared for the seventy-two, which continued
for seven days ; the questions proposed to each of
the interpreters in turn, with the answers of each ;
their lodging by the sea-sbore; and the accom-
plishment of their work in seventy-two days, by
conference and comparison.
Ot Sit •Vere/Vow eKurra ev/ttpmra woammi
vols iatnobs rtut iyri$o\ms, to M 4m rff
evufmiat ywiueror Totwitrrmt j f er ypufj i oSrsn
iriyxant wapa rev AnparrtUnr ....
The king rejoiced greatly, and commanded the
books to be carefully kept ; gave to each three robes,
two talents of gold, &c ; to Eleaxar the high-priest
he sent ten silver-footed tables, a cup of thirty
talents, &c., and begged him to let any of the
interpreters who wished come and see him again,
for be loved to have such men and to spend ha
wealth upon them.
This is the story which probably gave to this
version the title of the Septuagint. It differs from
the later accounts above cited, being mora embel-
lished, but less marvellous. It speaks much of
royal pomp and munificence, but says nothing of
inspiration. The translators met together and con-
ferred, and produced the best version they could.
A simpler account, and probably more genuine,
is that given by Aristobulus (2nd century B.C.) in
a fragment preserved by Clemens Alexandrinu,
(Stromata, lib. v. p. 595) and by Eusebius (Pracp.
£vang. b. xiii. c 12) : —
" It is manifest that Plato has followed our Law,
and studied diligently all its particulars. For befiar
Demetrius Phalereus a translation had been made,
by others, of the history of the Hebrews' pom;
forth out of Egypt, and of all that happened 'a
them, and of the conquest of the land, axsd of the
exposition of the whole Law. Hence it is minile-4
that the aforesaid philosopher borrowed many
things; for he was very learned, as was Pytha-
goras, who also transferred many of our doctrine*
■tto his system. But the entire translation ot" aw
8BPTUAGIKT
•Me Law (a; M IX* tnuvjreia t«V lia i*S
Mat* s ssiws) m rude in the time of the king
«ts»t FhUaielshas, a man of greater nal, under
OV direction of Demetrius Phalereos." *
Tin probably ixyiu m m the belief which prevailed
b tbt did century B.C., vis. that some portion! of
U« Jews* history had been published in Greek
bsore D u a Uii ns, but that in his time and under
k» direction the whole Law was translated: and
li» agrees with the story of Aristeas.
The Prologue of the Wisdom of Jesus the Son
c' Nrath (ascribed to the time of Ptolemy PhyscoD,
itoat 133 B.C.) makes mention of " the Law itself,
tat Prophets, and the rest of the books,' baring
•m tfaaslated from the Hebrew into another
SKPTUAGDTT
1205
Tbe letter of Aristeas was received as genuine
ui true far many centuries; by Josephus and
Jewne. and by learned men in modern times. The
fcp* who expres se d doubts were Lod. do Tires
>ncf on Augustin. Dt dot. Dei, xriii. 43) and
J«Jn» Sealiger, who boldly declared his belief that
'"• »ss a forgery : " a Jwtato quodam Arateae
i ess*:" and tbe general belief of
is, that it was the work of some
Jew, whether with the object of en-
ssariag the dignity of his Law, or the credit of the
finek version, or for the meaner purpose of gain.
TV ate ia which the letter of Aristeas makes its
waa fertile in such fictitious writings
/ «•> PkaUrit, p. 85, ed. Dyoe).
The pawage in Galen that I refer to is this:
' When the Attali and the Ptolecifa were in emu-
btkn about their libraries, the knavay of forging
anbaad titles began. For there were those that,
t> asanas the pries ef their books, put the names
«f pat suthon besot* them, and so sold them to
too* pro*./"
U it worth whila to look through the letter of
Ariaoa, that the reader may see for himself how
eutiy the characters of the writing correspond to
nW of the fictitious writings of the Sophists, so
•trr exposed by Bentley.
Here are the same kind of errors and anachron-
■s» is hiatory, the same embellishments, eminent
Auatus and great create, splendid gifts of gold
•X* siher and purple, of which the writers of fio-
soi were so lavish. These are well exposed by
Hoij; sad we of later times, with our inherited
■■toes, wonder how such a story could hare ob-
taned credit with scholars of former days.
"What clumsie cheats, those Sibylline oracles
aw aunt, and Aristeas' story of the Septuagint,
eased without contest, eren among many learned
sva" (Bentley on Phalarit, Introd. p. 83).
Bat the Ps-odo- Aristeas had a basis of tact for
•a fiction; on three points of his story there is no
eiasf i isl duTerence of opinion, and they are confirmed
*f the study of the Version itself :—
I. The Version, was made at Alexandria.
5. It was begun in the time of the earlier Ptols-
aan, aboat 280 B.C.
J. The Law (». t. the rVntateuch) alone was
bwahsaJ at first.
h ■ also rery passible that there is some truth
•3 the stetsoseat of a copy being placed in the royal
(■wary. (The o nrperoe Akbar caused the New
Ta'saiial to be translated into Persian.)
* tone asanas bare bean raised of the gi iiwliiesasi
* tJai fransml. bnt It Is well defended by Tslokenasr
g*B>w/e> Jrs s a w«i li Amssss).
But by whom was the Version made? As
Hody justly remarks, "it is of little moment
whether it was made at the command of the king
or spontaneously by the Jews ; but it is a question
of great importance whether the Hebrew copy of
the Law, and the interpreters (as Pseudo-Aristees
and his followers relate), were summoned from Jeru-
salem, and sent by the high-priest to Alexandria.''
On this question no testimony can be so con-
clusive as the evidence of the Version itself, which
bears upon its face the marks of imperfect know-
ledge of Hebrew, and exhibits the forms and phrases
of the Macedonic Greek prevalent in Alexandria,
with a plentiful sprinkling of Egyptian words.
The forms *>#<xray, ■waftn$itjtvar, bewray the
feUow-dtixens of Lycophron, the Alexandrian poet,
who closes his iambic line with cava "yiji i«xtr
(oea>. Hody (ii. c ir.) gives several examples
of Egyptian renderings of names, and coins, and
measures; among them the hippodrome of Alex-
andria, for the Hebrew dbrath (Gen. xlviii. 7),
and the papyrus of the Nile for the rush of Job
(viii. 11). The reader of the LXX. will readily
agree with his conclusion, " Sire regis juarn, sire
sponte a Judaeis, a Judaeis Alexandrinis fbisot
lactam."
The question as to the moving cause which gave
birth to the Version is one which cannot be so
decisively answered either by internal evidence or
by historical testimony. The balance of proba-
bility must be struck between the tradition, so
widely and permanently prevalent, of the king's
intervention, and the simpler account suggested by
the fiicts of history, and the phenomena of the
Version itself.
It is well known that, after the Jews returned
from the Captivity of Babylon, having lost in
great measure the fiuniliar knowledge of the ancient
Hebrew, the readings from the Books of Hoses
in the synagogues of Palestine were explained to
them in the Chaldaic tongue, in Targums or Para-
phrases ; and the same was done with the Books of
the Prophets when, at a later time, they also were
read in the synagogues.
The Jews of Alexandria had probably still less
knowledge of Hebrew ; their fiuniliar language was
Alexandrian Greek. They had settled m Alexan-
dria in huge numbers soon after the time of
Alexander, and under the earlier Ptolemies. They
would naturally follow the same practice as then
brethren in Palestine ; the Law first and afterwards
the Prophets would be explained in Greek, and from
this practice would aria* in time an entire Greek
Version.
All the phenomena of the Version seem to con-
firm this view ; the Pentateuch is the best part of
the Version; the other books are more detective,
betraying probably the increasing degeneracy of the
Hebrew MSS., and the decay of Hebrew learning
with tbe lapse of time.
4. Whence the titlet— It seems unnecessary to
suppose, with Eichhom, that the title SeptuagM
arose from the approval given to the Version by
an Alexandrian Sanhedrim of 70 or 72 ; that title
appears sufficiently accounted for above by the pre-
valence of the letter of Aristeas, describing the mis-
sion of 72 interpreters from Jerusalem.
II. Character or the Septuaoibt.
We come now to considei the character of the
Version, and the help which it affords in the criuV
cism and interpretation of the Scriptures,
1206
SEPTUAGINT
The Character of the Version.— Is H faithful
u substance? Is it minutely accurate in details?
Dow H bear witness for or against the tradition of
Ka baring been made by special inspiration ?
These are some of the chief questions : there are
others which relate to particulars, and it will be
well to discuss these latter first, as they throw
some lipht on the more general questions.
M. Was the Version made from Hebrew MSS.
with the Towel points now used ?
A few examples will indicate the answer.
I. Psora Nin
JZsomo.
■fcVLlT. ^V.
vL 1*. 7TO, MacbU.
xfll. *>. Drift, Etham.
Daat.iu.10. H37D. Salchak.
lv.43.nY3. Beaer.
r v
xxxiv. L nJOB, Platan.
AaflncC.
•EAxS.
•wrvd.
1. OnmWom,
Gen. L t. DlpBt plat*. emyarrf Ot!PP^
TV. II. DriK 3^1- ni myaitum OSTMC
and as drees Cam away. (DRcJ 3t7J|1)-
Ex. xll. IT. ntorrllK. rkr «Vn**» rasrav
«*OantMd tnad. (mVBiTTIK>
Nam. xtl 5. T^S- m (As Mnmsi
i*omi*jr. . (*^3)-
Dent it. 18. WE'D. deuMf. Wiw (TI3(PO)-
»: ■ tt •
la ix. a. T3"". a word. *ar*rarCW-
Example* of these two kinds are innumerable.
Plainly the Greek translators had not Hebrew MSS.
pointed as at present.
In many cases (e. g. Ex. ii. 25; Nahum iii. 8)
the LXX. hare probably preferred the true pro-
nunciation and sense where the Masoretic pointing
has gone wrong.
3. Were the Hebrew words divided from one
another, and were the final letters, y, t|, J, 0, *], in
use when the Septuagint was made?
Take a few out of many examples :
JMrew. LXX.
(1) DfatxxrL i. "I3K ♦STK. XvpU, «Wp«Aw
• peruUmo Stria*.' COK» DTK)-
fS) x K. H. 14. WrPtJet
•sain,
(xl * K. xxlL so. J37.
faere/bre.
(4) lOn-.XTB.I0. ^7 13t0-
and IwtU tell thee.
jn Hbs. vL 8. "fat TBBB'M r«lT»«p<»i«ji«
■tr. ****•«**■*■
[they Join the two
words In one],
ovgovrnx
()3Tft»
and thy Jadgmenta (are The LXX. read:
'*) zMlxLT. pfttn "JJ{ \A. .ItrV'Xwarinr
ereoroa, poor of the [they Ja m the two
Here we find three cases (2, 4, 6) wheie the
LXX. nod as one word what makes two <u t)>e
8KPTUAOIXT
present Hebrew text : one case (3) where Jns
Hebrew woixl is made into two by the LXX.;
two cases ' 1 . 5) where the LXX transfers 4 i.tv:
from the end of one word to the beginning of tin
next. By inspection of the Hebrew in these cum
it will be easily seen that (he Hebrew MSS. must
hare been written without interral* between the
words, and that the present final forms were not
then in use.
In three of the above examples (4, 5, 6), lbs
Septuagint has probably preserved the true diviswn
and cense.
In the study of these minute particulars, xhvh
enable us to examine closely the work of the
translators, great help is afforded by Cappetti Critiii
Scan, and by the Vbrsrudsoi of Frankd, who has
most diligently anatomised the text of the LXX.
His projected work on the whole of the Versos
has not been completed, but he has published s
part of it in his treatise Veber den Einflvm if
JPalistmiechen Exegese auf die Alexandria*!**
HermeneutA, in which he reviews minutely tot
Septuagint Version of the Pentateuch.
We now proceed to the larger questions.
A. It the Septuagint faiUiful th sucstasce'—
Here we cannot snswer by citing s few examples;
the question refers to the general texture, and
any opinion we express must be verified by con-
tinuous reading.
1. And first it has been clearly shown by Hody,
Krankel, and others, that the several books were
translated by different persons, without any com-
prehensive revision to harmonise the several part;.
Names and words are rendered differently in dif-
ferent books ; e. g. rTDB, the possover. in the
Pentateuch is rendered wotrya, in 2 Chr. xxxv. 6
stoo-t*.
DnWC, Urim. Ex. xxviii. 26, SsjAsmtu, Dan.
xxxiii. 8, KiXm, Ext. U. 63, dwrWforres, Keh. vii.
65, pvriomr.
DSD, Thanmim, in Ex. xxviii. 26, is aAtjsVm
in Ezr. ii. 63, -riXtio*.
Tlie Philistines in th* Pentateuch and Joshu.*
are (pvAurriclp, in the other books, iAAifvkou
The Books of Judges, Ruth, Samuel, and Kings, are
distinguished by the use of iy& flpt, instead of eryni.
These are a tew out of many like variations.
2. Thus the character of the Version varies
much in the several books ; those of the Penta-
teuch are the best, as Jerome says {Gmfitenur }••■■:
quam caeterii earn hebraicis conacmai*\ and tr> •
agrees well with the external evidence that ih»
Law was translated first, when Hebrew MSS. m.
mors correct and Hebrew better known. Perba|4
the simplicity of the style in these early books
facilitated the fidelity of the Version.
3. The poetical parts are, generally speakirr
inferior to the historical, th* original abmrodii .;
with rarer words and expressions. In these part.
the reader of the LXX. must be continually on the
watch lest an imperfect rendering of a diflic.lt
word mar the whole sentence. The Psalms and
Proverbs are perhaps the bust.
4. In the Major Prophets f probably tranaLited
nearly 100 years after the Pentateuch) some of
the most important prophecies are sadly obscuml :
t. g. Is. ix. 1, toEto wfSrrtv wis Terr* woft.,
X&pa ZaBovXiv, k. r. K, and fat ix. 6, Ee-»u
nactvt est mterpretem sne im/tjnmas (Zningli ,
Jer. xxiii. 6, aol rovro to Impa awroS » asAsam
sJVrsir Kvoior 'IswcSf it r* roil »(
I
SKFTUAG1NT
fUekkl and the Minor Prophets (spoking gene-
ally) seem to be better rendered. The LXX.
nxma of Daniel was not used, that of Theodotion
being substituted for it
5. Sopporing the numerous gloaees and duplicate
renderings, which have evidently crept from the
margin into the text, lo be removed (e. g. Is. vii.
16; Hah. iii. 2; Joel i. 8),— for these are blem-
ishes, not of the Vernon Itself, but of the copies —
mi ibrmiog a rough eatimate of what the Septua-
giiit was In its earliest state, we may perhaps my
ef it, in the words of the well-known simile, that it
was, in many parts, the wrong tide of the Hebrew
tapestry, exhibiting the general outlines of the
pattern, but confused in the more delicate lines,
tod with many ends of threads risible; or, to use
a more dignified illustration, the Septnagint is the
image of the original seen through a glass not
adjusted to the proper focus; the larger feature*
ire shewn, but the sharpness of definition is lost.
B. We hare anticipated the answer to the second
qwstioo— It the Vertim minutely accurate m de-
laibf— but will give a tew examples:
1. The same word in the same chapter is often
rendered by differing words— Ex. rii. 13, *BTOB,
• I will pass orer," LXX. mania*, but 23, nDB,
« will pass over," LXX. woof Xttfftrat.
i. tigering words by the tame word — Ex. xri.
23, T3», " psas through," and TOB, " pass orer,"
both by wopcAetVeroi ; Num. xr. 4, 5, iWUD,
"oftermg," and POT. " sacrifice," both by (hwrfo.
3. The divine names are frequently interchanged ;
Kjput is put for D^K, God, and Oso'i for [TjiV,
Jehovah ; and the two are often wrongly com-
bined or wrongly separated.
4. Proper names are sometimes translated, some-
time! not. In Gen. xxiii. by translating the name
JTodtnefaft (.to onrXoSr), the Version is made to
■peak first of the cave being in the field (ver. 9),
and then of the field being in the cave (ver. 17),
s typos 'EfpaV, It fa *» t«! 8itX*7 ownWo.,
tat last word not warranted by the Hebrew. Zech.
n. 14 is a carious example of four names of
bosom being translated, e.g. n'^ti), "to To-
bijah," LXX. toii Yjr»o-fjioiJ «*rfi*i ?'*&** in
Deut. xxxiv. 1 is 4)0070, but in Dent. iii. 27, too
XtAafnpeVov. .
5. The translators are often misled by the simi-
larity of Hebrew words: e. g. Num. Hi. 26,
TniVD, •* the cords of it," LXX. to «ordAo«*o,
sad hr. 28, t4> wcounro. In other places ol xiKoi,
•ad Is. fir. 9, to irxowlo/usro, hbth rightly. Ex.
W. 31, 9Dt», "they heard," LXX. croon
Wxdff t y, Num. xvi. 15, " I hare not taken one ass "
CnDrj), LXX. •*« «V«*W« (TOn) etXu<to;
fcotTmH. 10, WtttD?, "he feund him," LXX.
ttnipntrtr tdrrir~, l'Sam. xU. 2, '•fOb, " I am
pirhesded," LXX. «o*Vo/uu (.'VOX?'); Gen. iii.
17,Sp»3g3, " for thy sake," LXX. ir toii t>)rott
*w (T tor *1).
In very many esses the error may be thus traced
to toe saniWitv of some of the Hebrew letters,
T and \ H and n, ', and 1, fcc.; in some it is
su&eult to see any connexion between the original and
As remMa: e.g. Dent. xxxiL 8. bwp\ \33. " the
SEPTUAGINT 1207
sons of Iii*V* LXX. ayyiKmV Oso5. Aquila and
Symmachus, nl&r 'lapalj*-
Is. xA 11, IX LXX.
Watchman, what of the night t tnXioam W*b»
Watchman, what of the night r ftvMa-ra mrpai «
The wateoman said, ri)i> Mm
The morning oometh, and also Mr $rrjrc &p**
the night: «« ««p' <»"* otasi.
If ye will enquire, enquire ye.
Return, come,
6. Besides the above deviations, and many liki
them, which are probably due to accidental causes,
the change of a letter, or doubtful writing in the
Hebrew, there are some passages which seem to
exhibit a studied variation in the LXX. from the
Hebrew : e. g. Gen. ii. 2, on the seventh OyiBTI)
day GOD ended hit work, LXX. ovvrri\ta-*» i
eebs «V rf luUf* Tp *T TO •fa" abrai - T . he
addition in Ex. xii. 40, koI eV rp 7p Xoroe*.
appears to be of this kind, inserted to solve a diffi-
culty.
Frequently the strong expressions of the Hebrew
are softened down ; where human parts are ascribed
to God, for hand the LXX. substitute power: for
mouth— word, lie. Ex\ iv. 16, "Thoushalt be to
him instead of God" (O'ljiw), LXX, ah N
aire? tVr» to wpo! to* ee«"r; see Exod.lv. 15.
These and many more savour of design, rather than
of accident or error.
The Version is, therefore, not minutely accurate
in details ; and it may be laid down as a principle,
never to buUd any argument on wordt or phrases
of the Septnagint, without comparing them with the
Hebrew. The Greek may be right ; but very often
its variations are wrong.
T. We shall now be prepared to weigh the tradi-
tion of the Fathers, that the Version was made b/
inspiration: kot* errsvoiar tco BsoS, Irenaeus;
"divino Spiritu interpretati," Augustine. Even
Jerome himself seems to think that the LXX. may
have sometimes added words to the original, "00
Spiritut Sancti auctoritatem, licet m Hebraeit vo-
luminibut non legatur" {Praefat. m Paralip. torn,
i. col. 1419). .
Let us try to form some conception of what Is
meant by the inspiration of translator!. It cannot
mean what Jerome here seems to allow, that th»
translators were divinely moved to add to the ori-
ginal, for this would be the inspiration of Praphett ;
as he himself says in another passage {Prolog, to
Genesin, torn. i. ) " aliud est enim vertere, aKud
esse interpretem." Every such addition would be,
in met, a new revelation.
Nor can it be, as some have thought, that the
deviations of the Septnagint from the original were
divinely directed, whether in order to adapt the
Scriptures to the mind of the heathen, or for other
purposes. This would be, pro tanto, a new reve-
lation, and it is difficult to conceive of such a
revelation; for, be it observed, the discrepance
between the Hebrew and Greek Scriptures would
tend to separata the Jews of Palestine from those
of Alexandria, and of other places where the Greek
Scriptures were used ; there would be two different
copies of the same books dispersed throughout the
world, each claiming Divine authority ; the appeal
to Moses and the Prophets would lose much of its.
force; the standard of Divine truth would be ren-
dered' doubtful ; the trumpet would give an uncertain
sound.
No 1 If there be sucl. a thing as an msrnrfliwa
1208
8EPTUAGINT
of tramlatort. it mast be an effect of the Holr
Spirit on their mind*, enabling them to do their
icork of trr nul ation more perfectly than by their
own abilities and acquirements ; to overcome the
difficulties arising from defective knowledge, from
imperfect HSS., from similarity of letters, from
human infirmity and weariness ; and so to produce
a copy of the Scriptures, setting forth the Word of
God, and the history of his people, in its original
truth and purity. This is the kind of inspiration
claimed for the translators by Philo ( Vit. Mom,
lib. ii.), " We look upon the persons who made this
Version, not merely as translators, but as persons
chosen and set apart by Divine appointment, to
whom it was given to comprehend and express the
sense and meaning of Hoses in the fullest and clearest
The reader will be able to judge, from the fore-
going examples, whether the Septuagint Version
satisfies this test. If it does, it will be found not
only substantially faithful, but minutely accurate
in details ; it will enable ns to correct tile Hebrew
in every place where an error has crept in ; it will
S've evidence of that faculty of intuition in its
ghost form, which enables our great critics to
divine from the faulty text the true reading ; it will
be, in short, a republication of the original text,
purified from the errors of human hands and eyes,
stamped with fresh authority from Heaven.
This is a question to be decided by facts, by the
phenomena of the Version itself. We will simply
declare our own conviction that, instead of such a
Divine republication of the original, we find a marked
distinction between the original and the Septuagint ;
a distinction which is well expressed in the words of
Jerome (Prolog, in Qenem) :
Ibi Spirit** veniura praedkit ; hk eruditio et
terborum copia ea quae tntelligit trantfert.
And it will be remembered that this agrees with
the ancient narrative of the Version, known by the
name of Aristeas, which represents the interpieters
as meeting in one house, forming one council, con-
ferring together, and agreeing on the sense (see Hody,
lib. n. c. vi.).
There are some, perhaps, who will deem this
estimate of the LXX. too low ; who think that the
use of this version in the N. T. stamps it with an
authority above that of a mere translation. But
as the Apostles and Evangelists do not invariably
cite the 0. T. according to this version, we are left
to judge by the light of facts and evidence. Stu-
dents of Holy Scripture, as well as students of the
natural world, should bear in mind the maxim of
Bacon — Sola tpe$ at tit veri induction!.
111. What, then, ark the bbkepits to bb
debuted room the study or THE
SeptoaoimtT
After all the notices of imperfection above given,
it may seem strange to say, but we believe it to be
the truth, that the student of Scripture can scarcely
read a chapter without some benefit, especially if
he be • student of Hebrew, end able, even in a
very humble way, to compare the Version with
the Original.
1. For the Old Testament. We have seen above,
that the Septuagint gives evidence of the character
and condition of the Hebrew MSS. from which it
was made, with respect to vowel prints and the
mode of writing.
This evidence often renders very material help in
the dorrwtioo and establishment of the Hebrew
SEPTUAGINT
text. Being made from MSS. hu eilei that the
Masoretic recension, the Septuagint often indicates
readings more ancient and more correct than those
of our present Hebrew MSS. and editions ; and often
speaxs decisively between the conflicting readiugs
of the present MSS.
E. g. P». xxii. 17 (in LXX. xxi. 16), the printed
Hebrew text is mt3 ; but several MSS. have a verb
in 3 pers. plural, YTK3 : the Sept. step in to decide
the doubt, 6pn(ur x*V&* f"> ««• iHti /urn, con-
tinned by Aquila, ^oxvrem.
Ps. xvi. 10. The printed text is "pHJH , in tM
plural ; but near 200 MSS. have the ainguUr.
fT'DTI, which is clearly confirmed by the evidence
of the Sept., evee ienii to* kVieV fo» tsWiV
In passages like these, which touch on the car-
dinal truths of the Gospel, it is of great imprrtmwa
to have the testimony of an unsuspected witness.
In the LXX., long before the controversy batman
Christiana and Jews.
In Hoaea vi. 5, the context clearly requires that
the first person should be maintained throaghoat
the verse; the Sept corrects the present Hebrew
text, without a change except in the position of one
letter, to ttpiua. uau In fis ('{eAcsVeveu, render-
ing unnecessary the addition of words in Italics, m
our English Version.
More examples might be given, but we mast
content ourselves with one signal instance, of a
clause omitted in the Hebrew (probably by what is
called auaurriXeurav), and preserved in the Sept.
In Genesis iv. 8, is a passage which in the Hebrew,
and in our English Version, is evidently incomplete :
"And Cain talked OOtfr) with Abel hia bro-
ther ; and it came to pass when thev were in the
field," *c.
Here the Hebrew word TD^*% is the word oan-
v -
stantly used as the introduction to words spokes,
"Cain laid unto Abel" . . . , but, as the text
stands, there are no words spoken ; and the follow-
ing words "... tchen they trere m tie feU'
come in abruptly. The Sept, fills up the loom i
ffebracorum codicum (Pearson), ml elsrs EatCo
wpis 'Affix rbf a!t\$hr ostov, SUMm/ar eli rn
tcoW ( = mvn 113^3). The Sam. Pentateuch
and the Syriac Version agree with the SepC, am!
the passage is thus cited by Clemens Roman us
(Ep. i. c iv.). The Hebrew transcriber's eye was
probably misled by the word ITll?, termin-.ting
both the clauses.
In all the foregoing cases, we do not attribute
any paramount authority to the Sept. on account
of its superior antiquity to the extant Hebrew
MSS. ; but we take it as an evidence of a sm
ancient Hebrew text, as an eye-witness of the testa,
280 or 180 years B.C. The decision as to any psxr-
ticular reading must be made by weighing- Una
evidence, together with that of other ancient Ver-
sions, with the arguments from the context, the rules
of grammar, the genius of the language, and tke
comparison of parallel passages. And thus the He-
brew will sometimes correct the Greek, and aaene-
times the Greek the Hebrew; both liable to err
through the infirmity of human eyes and haa4s
but each checking the other's errors.
2. The close connexion between the Old and New
Testament makes the study of the Septoagint ex-
tremely valuable, and almost indispensable to the
theological student. Pearson quote* from ire-
SEPTUAQINT
■km <wd Jerome, as to the citation of the words
if prophecy from the Septuagint. The former, as
Panon observes, speaks too universally, when he
■y» that the Apostles, " prophetica omnia its enun-
davermt quemadmodum Seniorum interpretatio
aratiaet." But it was manifestly the chief store-
house from which they dr»w their proofs and pie-
r*pt». Mr. Gnnneio* says that " the number of
direct quotations from the Old Testament in the
tosfel*, Acta, and Epistles, may be estimated at
.150, of which not more than 50 materially differ
mm the LXX. But the indirect verbal allusions
wold iwell the number to a far greater amount "
(Apot.far LXX., p. 37). The comparison of the
citations with the Septuagint is much facilitated by
Mr. GrinfieM's • Editio Helleniitica ' of the New
Testament, and by Mr. Hough's ' New Test. Quo-
tations,' in which the Hebrew and Greek passages
of the Okt Test, art placed aide by side with the
ritiiisns in the New. (On this subject see Hody, p.
248. 281 ; Kennicott, Dissert. Gm. §84; Carjielli
Qritka Sacra, vol. ii.)
3. Farther, the language of the Sept. is the mould
at winch the thoughts and expressions of the Apos-
tles sad Evangelists are cast. In this version Divine
Troth ha* taken the Greek language as its shrine,
sod adapted it to the things of God. Here the
peculiar idioms of the Hebrew are grafted upon the
stsek of the Greek tongue ; words and phrases take
a sew sense. The terms of the Mosaic ritual in
the Greek Version are employed by the Apostles
to express the great truths of the Gospel, e. g.
savMswtr, tmrta, trail timtlat. Hence the Sept.
is a truasuijf of illustration for the Greek Testa-
Many examples are given by Pearson (Pratf. ad
LXX.), e.g. o~cV€, xrcv/ia, Succuow, a^pdViuta tijs
«■**•>, "Frustra apud veterrs Graecos quaerus
quid sit tiarrutir ra? 8«?, vel tit Tor Bthr,
quid sit els rcV Kepier, vel wool rbr Btbr wttrrit,
qoae totjes in Novo Foedere inculcantor, et ex lec-
tnoe Seniorum facile intelliguntur."
Vslcsxnaer abo (on Luke i. 51) speaks itrongly
os this subject: " Graecum Novi Testamenti con-
teitau rite intellecturo nihil est utilius, quam
diHjfater vcraaass Alexandrinam antiqui Foederis
KterpretaliocKtn, e quft nnft plus peti poterit auxilii,
qTiam ex veteribus sciiptoribus Graecis simul sumtis.
Catena reperieutur in N. T. nusquam obvia in
sctfptisGraecorum veterum.sedfrequentata inAlex*.
Vernone."
£. g. the sense of re iraVxa In Deut. xvi. 2,
sadtanag the sacrifices of the Paschal week, throws
light mi the question as to the day on which our
Lard kept bis last Passover, arising out of the
wads ha John xviii. 28, 4aV Ira aXrywo-i to
■»»*«■
4. The frequent citations of the LXX. by the
Gnek Fathers awl of the Latin Version of the LXX.
by the Fathers who wrote in Latin, form another
rtrcssr reason for the study of the Septuagint. Pear-
ssb ates the appellation of Scarabaetu bona, applied
s» Ontavr by Ambrose and Augustine, as explained
t» reference to the Sept. in Habak. ii. 11, Kartapot
5. Ob the value of the Sept. aa a monument of
tie Greek language in on* of its most carious
[Juies, this is not the place to dwell. Our busi-
es* is with the use of this Version, aa it bears on
SEPTUAGINT
1209
• fxse of the moat dltsjent students of lb* LXX.. who
assist***! has Ufc to the pranwUonef 111* branch if
the cntici™ and interpretation of the Bible. And
we may safely urge the theological student who
wishes to be " thoroughly furnished," to nave
always at his side the Septuagint. Let the Hebrew]
if possible, be placed before him ; and at his right,
in the next place of honour, the Alexandrian Version ;
the close and careful study of this Version will be
more profitable than the most learned inquiry Into
its origin ; it will help him to a better knowledge
both of the Old Testament aud the New.
Objects to be attained bt the Critioai.
Scholar.
1. A question of much interest still waits for a
solution. In many of the passages which show a
studied variation from the Hebrew (some of which
are above noted), the Septuagint and the Sama-
ritan Pentateuch agree together : e. g. Gen. ii. 2 ;
Ex. ib. 40.
They also agree in many of the ages of the
Post-Diluvian Patriarchs, adding 100 years to the
age at which the first son of each was bora, ac-
cording to the Hebrew. (See Cappelli Grit. Sacr.
iii. xx. vii.)
They agree in the addition of the words tiik&»-
utr tit to weoW, Gen. iv. 8, which we hare seen
reason to think rightly added.
Various reasons have been conjectured for this
agreement; translation into Gieek from a Sama-
ritan text, interpolation from the Samaritan into
the Greek, or vice versa ; but the question does not
seem to have found a satisfactory answer.
2. For the critical scholar it would be a worthy
object of pursuit to ascertain, as nearly as possible,
the original text of the Septuagint as it stood in the
time of the Apostles and PhUo. If this could be
accomplished with any tolerable completeness, it
would possess a strong interest, as being the fire;
translation of any writing into another tongue, ana
the first repository of Divine truth to the great
colony of Hellenistic Jews at Alexandria.
The critic would probably take as his basis the
Roman edition, from the Codex Vaticanus, aa repre-
senting most nearly the ancient (xoivh) texts.
The collection of fragments ot Ongen's Bexapla,
by Montfauoon and others, would help him to
eliminate the addition* which have been made tc
the LXX. from other sources, and to purge out
the glosses and double renderings ; the 'citations in
the New Testament and in Philo, in the early
Christian Fathers, both Greek and Latin, would
render assistance of the same kind; and perhaps
the most effective aid of all would be found in toe
fragments of the Old Latin Version collected by
Sabatier in 3 vols, folio (Rheims, 1743).
3. Another work, of more practical and genera,
interest, still remains to be done, viz. to prorid:
a Greek version, accurate and faithful to the
Hebrew original, for the use of the Greek Church,
and of students leading the Scriptures in that
language for purposes of devotion or mental im-
provement. Mr. Field's edition is as yet the best
edition of this kind ; it originated in the desire to
supply the Greek Church with such a faithful
copy of the Scriptures; but as the editor hat-
followed the text of the Alexandrian MS., only
correcting, by the help of other MSS., the erilent
errors of transcription («. g. in Gen. xv. 15, cor-
recting Tfxuptls. in 'the Alex. MS. to To^wft, the
Scripture study, and lias lately founded a Lectors aa ths
LXX. In the University of Oxford.
1210
8KPTUAGINT
SERAIAH
leading of the Complut. text), and M we hire
kco above that the Alexandrian text is far from
being toe nearest to the Hebrew, it is evident that
a more faithful and complete copy of the Old
Testament iu Greek might yet be provided.
We may here remark, in conclusion, that such
an edition might prepare the way for the correction
of the blemishes which remain in our Authorised
English Version. Embracing the results of the
criticism of the last 250 years, it might exhibit
several passages in their original purity; and the
corrections thus made, being approved by the judg-
ment of the best scholars, would probably, after a
time, find their way into the margin, at least, of
our English Bibles.
One example only can be here given, in a passage
which has caused no small perplexity and loads of
commentary. Isai. ix. 3 is thus rendered in the
I AX.: to w\t urror rod Kaoi, I nartyay e i Iv
tbppooirp now koI cotyarfr^o-oyrai sVoWioV gov,
sVr ol tbQpauf&iixvoi h afi-fyr^, vol by rp&wov ol
tuupoiueni iricika.
It is easy to see how the fatuity rendering of the
first part of this has aiisen from the similarity of
Hebrew letters, n and M, "1 and T, and from an
ancient error in the Hebrew text. The following
translation restores the whole passage to its original
clearness and force:—
•vA+Kw rip> iyd&uunr WW.
OjuyeAvvac T^r tv^poevmpr
wb^ p mimn m l hfwnw m Mt oi f0dpauf4fU»M
tr raomv iymM mmt ol fcaipovpcvst ojrvA*.
Tbou hsst muitiplifd the g Udness,
Tboo hsst Increased Ibejoy;
Tbev rejoice before Uwe as with the joy of harvest;
As men sre ilad when they divide the spolL
Here iyaXXtaou and ayoWimmu, in the first
and fourth lines, correspond to ?*J and 473' •
ts+eotriri) and thfpalrorrai, in the second and
third, to nnofe> and inoe>.
t: ■ : »
The fourfold introverted parallelism is complete,
and the connexion with the context of the prophecy
perfect.
It is scarcely ntcesaary to remark that in such
an edition the apocrypha additions to the Book
of Esther, and those to the Book of Dani*, whic^
are not recognised by the Hebrew Canon, would
be either omitted, or (perhaps more properly, since
they appear to have been incorporated with the
Septuagint at an early date) would be placed sepa-
rately, aa in Mr. Field's edition and our English
Version. [See Apocrypha; Cahow; Daniel;
Apoo. Additioks; Esther ; Sakaritan Pewt.]
Literature.
Cappelli Critica Sacra, 1651.
Waltoni Proleg. ad Bibl Polygktt., 1657.
Pearson! Praef. Paraenetica ad LXX., 1665.
Vosa L de LXX. Interp. Bag. 1661. App.
1663.
Montfaucon, Bexaplorum Origmis ova* tuper-
rant, Paris, 1710, ed. Bahrdt. Lips. 1740.
Hody, dt BiN. Text. Original. Pert. Oraecis,et
Iltind Vulgata, 1705.
Hettinger, Thesaurus.
Owen, Dr. H., Enquiry into the LXX., 1769 :
B-ief Account, oV, 1787.
Keonioott's Dissertations.
H. Unas, Prolegg. ad IXX., 1798.
Diatribe de ArittoUio Judas*.
CHI. ad Vetu. Or. F. T,
PhhsMfUt.
Valckenaer,
1806.
Schleusner, Opusc.
1812.
Dahne, Juchsch - Alexandrinischo
1834.
T5pler, de Pentat. interp. Alex, indole erg. et
hermen., 1830.
PlOschke, Ltctiones Alex, et Bebr., 1837.
Thiersch, de Pent. Vers. Alex., 1841.
Frankel, Vorstvdien xu der Septuaginta, 1841 ;
Veber den Einfiuss der Palistinischen Exegcse auf
die Alex. BermeneutH, 1851.
Grinfield, E. W., N. T. EdsVa Bellemetiu,
1843, and Apology for the Septuagint.
Selwyn, W., Notae Critioae in Ex. u-xxiv.
Numeroe, Deuteronomium, 1856, 7, 8 (aanparing
LXX. with Hebrew, 4c.) Bar. Bebr. on Isai. ix.
Churton, Buhean Essay, 1861.
Journal of Sacred Lit., Papers (by O. Pearson)
on LXX. Vols. i. iv. rii., 3rd series.
Introduction to Old Test., Carpaov, Keshan,
HSvemick, Davidson.
Concordances, Kircher, 1607 ; Trammtna, 1718.
Lexica, Bid, 1780 ; Schleusner, 1820.
On the Language of the LXX
Winer, Grammar.
Stan, de Dialecto Mac e donia*.
Maltby, Ed., Two Sermons before UnmereOf
of Durham, 1843. [W. &]
8EPULCHBE. [Burial,]
SETRAH (mfe': Xipa. in Gen., Sep** in 1 Chr.;
Alex., %aif in Gen., Xaoo? is 1 Chr.: Sara). The
daughter of Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17 ; 1 Chr. vii. 30) ;
called in Num. xxvi. 46, Sarah.
HKKAT'AH (nnb: Xa*i; Alex. Xmpnbu:
Sarosas). 1. Seraiah,' the king's scribe or secretary
in the reign of David (2 Sam. viii. 17). In the
Vatican MS. of the LXX. Xturi appears to be the
result of a confusion between Seraiah and Shiahs,
whose sons were secretaries to Solomon (1 K. iv. 3,-.
2. (Sooausr; Alex. iapatas: Sarafm.) The
high-priest in the reign of Zedekiah. He was taken
captive to Babylon by Nebuxaradan, the captain of
the guard, and slain with others at Kihlah (2 K.
xxv. 18; 1 Chr. vi. 14; Jer. lii. 24).
3. (Sanaa, Sana.) The son of Tanhoxoeth the
Netopbathita, according to 2 K. xv. 23, who asm
with Ishmael, Jonanan, and Jaasuuah to Gedaliah,
and was persuaded by him to submit qnietlv to to.-
Chaldeans and settle in the land (Jer. zL 8).
4. (Zapata: Sarata.) The son of Kensx, brother
of Othniel, and father of Josh, the father or founder
of the valley of Charashim f 1 Chr. iv. IS, 14).
5. (SapoS; Alex. Sooafa.) Ancestor of Jehu,
a chief of one of the Simeonite families II Chr.
iv. 35).
6. (Zapatas.) One of the children of the pio-
vinoe who returned with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 2).
Is Neh. vii. 7 he is called Azariah, and in 1 End.
v. 8 ZACHARIA8.
7. One of the ancestors of Earn the scribe (Ear.
vii. 1), but whether or not the same aa Seraiah Use
high-priest seems uncertain. Called alao S»»a'»isj
(1 Esd. viii. 1 ; 2 Esd. i. 1).
8. (v»r 'Apala; Alex, vlbs iapmim.) A priest,
or priestlv family, who signed the covenant with
Nebemiah (Neh. x. 2).
9. (SaMua.) A priest, the son of HJlkfoh (Neh
xi.ll), who wssreW of the bouse of God after ta»
KEHAPHIM
Ittnra from Babylon. In 1 Chr. bt. 11 he Is called
Azariah.
10. (Sonata.) The bead of a priestly house
which west up from Babylon with Zerubbabel.
E.* representative in the days of Joiakim the high-
print was Mereiafa (Neh. zii. 1, 12).
11. The sod of Neriah, and brother of Barnch
fJer. li. 59, 61). He went with Zedekiah to Ba-
bylon in the 4th year of bU reign, or, as the Targom
hie it, ** in the minion of Zedekiah," and is de-
scribed aa ilTOO "iff, tar minichih (lit. "prinae
of rest;" A. V.'"a quiet prince ;" marg. "or,
prieoe of Menacha, or, chief chamberlain "), a title
•hich is interpreted by Kimchi as that of the office
of chamberlain, " for tie was a friend of the king,
sod was with the king at the time of his rest, to
talk and to delight himself with him." The LXX.
an-i Targum raid HTOO, minch&n, " an offering,"
aaj so Kaahi, who says, " nnder his hand were
those who aw the king's face, who brought him a
Dreamt." The Peshito-Syri&c renders " chief of the
camp," apparently reading !*0nO, machaneh, un-
less the translator understood minichih of the halt-
ing -place of an army, in which sense it occurs in Num.
l 33. Gesenius adopts the latter view, and makes
Seraiah hold an office similar to that of " quarter-
master-general " in the Babylonian army. It is
perfectly dear, however, that he was in attendance
upon Zedekiah, and an officer of the Jewish court.
The suggestion of Maurar, adopted by Hitxig, has
more to commend it, that he was an officer who
Uet charge of the royal caravan on its march, and
fixed the place where it should halt. Hiller (Ono-
matt.) says Seraiah was prince of Henuchab, a
place on the borders of Judah and Dan, elsewhere
called Manahath. The rendering of the Vulgate is
unaccountable, prmceps prophetiae.
Seraiah was commissioned by the prophet Jere-
miah to take with him on his journey the roll in
which be had written the doom of Babylon, and
•ink it in the midst of the Euphrates, as a token
Hat Babylon should sink, never to rise again (Jer.
H. 60-64). [W. A. W.]
SER'APHTJf (D'tri?: Ssoofeftt: Seraphim).
An order of celestial beings, whom Isaiah beheld in
risiott standing above Jehovah (not as fat A. V.,
* above it," i. e. the throne) as He sat upon his throne
ila.vi.2). They are described as having each of them
tare* pairs of wings, with one of which they covered
their faces (a token of humility ; comp. Ex. Hi. 6 ;
lK.rix.13 Plutarch, Qwmt. Brnn. 10) ; with the
second they covered their feet (a token of respect;
•» Lowth oa Is. vi., who quotes Chardin in illustrs-
tk,n< ; while with the third they flew. They seem
to save born: a general resemblance to the human
figore, for they are represented as having a face, a
voice, fret, and hands (vex. 6). Their occupation
was twofold — to celebrate the praises of Jehovah's
bol'mesa and power (ver. 3), and to act as the
medium of communication between heaven and
earth (ver. 6). Prom their antiphonal chant (" one
oriel onto another*') we may conceive them to
km been ranged in opposite rows on each side of
the throne. As the Seraphim are nowhere else
■rationed m the Bible, our conceptions of their ap-
pearance most be restricted to the above particulars,
■and by such uncertain light as etymology and
anabgy will supply. We may observe that the
aha of a winged human figure was not peculiar to
m* Hetiwan: among the sculptures found at
SERGTUS PAULTO
1211
Mourghaub in Persia, we meet with a represent.*
tion of a man with two pairs of wings, springing;
from the shoulders, and extending, the one jwir up-
wards, the other downwards, so as to admit cf
covering the head and the feet (Vaux*o Nm. and
Pertep. p. 322). The wings in this instance imply
deification ; for speed and ease of motion stand, in
man's imagination, among the most prominent tokens
of Divinity. The meaning of the word " seraph " is
extremely doubtful ; the only word which resembles
it in the current Hebrew is taraph,' "to burn,"
whence the idea of brilliancy has been extractel.
Such a sense would harmonise with other descrip-
tions of celestial beings («. g. Ex. i. 13 ; Matt,
xxviii. 3) ; but it is objected that the Hebrew term
never bears this secondary sense. Gesenius {Then.
p. 1341) connects it with an Arabic term signify-
ing high or exalted; and this may be regarded as
the generally received etymology ; but the absence
of any cognate Hebrew term is certainly worthy of
remark. The similarity between the names Sera-
phim and Sarapis, led Hitztg («h /». vi. 2) to
identify the two, and to give to the former the
figure of a winged serpent. But Sarapis was un-
known in the Egyptian Pantheon until the time cf
Ptolemy Soter (Wilkinson's Ana. Eg. iv. 360 ff.) ;
and, even had it been otherwise, we can hardly
concave that the Hebrews would have borrowed
their imagery from such a source. Knobel's con-
jecture that Seraphim is merely a false reading for
thirathbn, h "ministers," is ingenious, but the
latter word is not Hebrew. The relation subsisting
between the Cherubim and Seraphim presents an-
other difficulty : the " living creatures " described
in Rev. iv. 8 resemble the Seraphim in their occu-
pation and the number of the wings; and the
Cherubim in their general appearance and number,
as described in Es. i. 5 ff., x. 12. The difference
between the two may not, therefore, be great, but
we cannot believe them to be identical so long as
the distinction of name holds good. [W. L. B.J
8EBTED (T10: ttpii in Gen., lapU in
Num. : Sored). The firstborn of Zebulon, and
ancestor of the family of the Sardites (Gen. xlvi.
14; Num. xxvi. 26).
SEB'GIUS FAU'LUS (3«>yior noDXot : Ser-
giut Paulue) was the name of the proconsul of Cy-
prus when the Apostle Paul visited that island with
Barnabas on his first missionary tour (Acta xiii.
7 aq.). He is described as an intelligent man
(ewtTOi), truth-seeking, eager for information
from all sources within his reach. It was this trait
of his character which led him in the first instance
to admit to his society Elymas the- Magian, and
afterwards to seek out the missionary strangers, iiial
learn from them the nature of the Christian doctrine.
The strongest minds at that period were drawn
with a singular fascination to the occult studies of
the East ; and the ascendancy which Luke repre-
sents the " sorcerer " as having gained over Sergius
illustrates a characteristic feature of the times. For
other examples of a similar character, see Howson's
Life and Epistle* of Paul, vol. i. p. 177 sq. But
Sergius was not effectually or long deceived by the
arts of the impostor ; for on becoming acquainted
with the Apostle he examined at once the claims of
the Gospel, and yielded his mind to the evidence of
its truth.
"I*-
• D'JT*>.
1212
BEBON
It * unfortunate that this officer in styled " de-
puty " iu the Common Version, and not " pro-
consul," according to the import of the Greek term
(e>4vavres). Though Cyprus was originally an
imperial province (Dion Casrius, Hit 12-), and as such
governed by propraetors or legates (aVriOToaViryo'i
wpsv&tvrat), it was afterwards transferred to the
Roman senate, and henceforth governed by pro-
consuls (mil offrwr artvxxrroi eel it (hvciVa rb
tSn) vtftmatai Ijpfarro, Dion Cassius, Br. 4).
For the value of this attestation cf Luke's accuracy,
see Lai-doer's Credibility of the Gospel History, vol.
L p. 32 aq. Coins too are still extant, on which
this very title, ascribed in the Acts to Sergius
Paulus, occurs as the title of the Roman governors
of Cyprus, (See Akerman's Numismatic Illustra-
ftoas, p. 4] ; and Howsou's Life and Epistles of
foul, vol. i. pp. 176, 187.) [H. B. H.]
8ETRON (24fmr: in Syr. and one Gk. MS.
Hpwr: Seron), a general of Antiochus Epiph.,
in chief command of the Syrian army ( 1 Mace. iii.
13, i ifx-' T. tur. X), who was defeated at Beth-
horon by Judas Maccabaeus (B.C. 166), as in the
day when Joshua punned the five kings " in the
going down of Beth-horon " (I Mace iii. 24 ; Josh.
1.11). According to Josephns, he was the governor
of Coele-Syria and fell in the battle (Jos. Ant. xii.
7, §1), nor is there any reason to suppose that his
statements are mere deductions from the language
of 1 Mace [B. F. W.]
SERPENT. The following Hebrew words de-
note serpents of some kind or other. 'Acsh&b,
pethen, Uephef or tziph'tnt, shephtphSn, nichdsk,
and eph'ek. There is great uncertainty with respect
to the identification of some of these terms, the
first four of which are noticed under the articles
Adder and Asp (Appendix A): the two remaining
names we proceed to discuss.
1 . Hickisk (sTTO : {f)tf t Sfdxmr : terpens, co-
luber), the generic name of any serpent, occurs
frequently in the 0. T. The following are the
principal Biblical allusions to this animal: — Its
subtilty is mentioned in Gen. iii. 1 ; Ha wisdom is
alluded to by our Lord in Matt. x. 16; the poi-
sonous properties of some specie* are often men-
tioned (see Ps. lviii. 4 ; Prov. xxiii. 32) ; the sharp
tongue of the serpent, which it would appear some
af the ancient Hebrews believed to be the instru-
ment of poison, is mentioned in Ps. cxl. 3; Job
is. 16, " the viper's tongue shall slay him ;"
although in other places, as in Prov. xxiii. 32,
Eccl. z. 8, 11, Mum. xxi. B, the venom is correctly
ascribed to the bite, while in Job xx. 14 the pill
is said to be the poison ; the habit serpents have of
lying concealed in hedges is alluded to in Eccl. x. 8,
and in holes of walls, in Am. v. 19 ; their dwelling
in dry sandy places, in Dent. ▼iii. 15 ; their won-
derful mode of progression did not escape the obser-
vation of the autnor of Prov. xxx, who expressly
mentions it as " one of the three things which were
too wonderful for him" (19); the oviparous nature
of most of the order is alluded to in Is. lix. 5, where
the A. V., however, has the unfortunate rendering
of" cockatrice.'' The art of taming and charming
serpents is of great antiquity, and is alluded to in
Ps. lviii. 5 ; Eccl. x. 11 ; Jer. viii. 17, and doubtless
intimated by St. James (iii. 7), who particularises
serpents among all other animals that " have been
tamed by man." [SKRPENT-CB4BMINO.]
It vat under tl e form of a serpent that the devil
SEBPEBT
seduced Eve ; hence in Scripture Satan is called " th#
old serpent*' (Rev. xii. 9, and comp. 2 Cor. xi. 5).
The part which the serpent played in tlrf
transaction of the Fall must not be passed erei
without some brief comment, being full of deer
and curious interest. First of all, then, we have
to note the subtilty ascribed to this reptile, which
was the reason for its having been selected at the
instrument of Satan's wiles, and to compare with
it the quality of wisdom mentioned by our Lord as
belonging to it, " Be ye wise as serpents " (Mart.
x. 16). It was an ancient belief, both amongst
Orientals and the people of the western world, that
the serpent was endued with a large share of
sagacity. The Hebrew word translated " subtle,"
though frequently used in a good sense, implies,
it is probable, in this passage, "mischievous and
malignant craftiness," and is well rendered Toy
Aquila and Theodotion by waroip^os, and thus
commented upon by Jerome, "r&agis itaque hoe
verbo calliditas et versutia quam sapientia demem-
stratur " (see RosenmtiUer, Schol. I. c). The
ancients give various reasons for regarding serpents
as being endued with wisdom, as that one species,
the Cerastes, hides itself in the sand and bites the
heels of animals as they pass, or that, a* the bead
was considered the only vulnerable part, the serpent
takes care to conceal it under the folds of the body.
Serpents have in all ages been regarded as emblems of
cunning craftiness. The particular wisdom alluded
to by our Lord refers, it is probable, to the sagacity
displayed by serpents in avoiding danger. The
disciples were warned to be as prudent in not in-
curring unnecessary persecution.
It has been supposed by many commentators that
the serpent, prior to the Fall, moved along in am
erect attitude, as Milton (Par. L. ix. 496) says —
• Not with Indented wave
Prone on the ground, ss since, but on bis rear.
Circular base of rtstar; folds that tower'd
Fold above fold, a surging mass."
Compare also Josephus, Antiq. L 1, $4, who
believed that God now for the first time inserted
poison under the serpent's tongue, and deprived
him of the use of feet, causing him to crawl low
on the ground by the undulating inflexions of the
body (Kara TJj» yrjs IXvasinum). Patrick
(Comment. I. c.) entertained the extraordinary
notion that the serpent of the Fall was a winged
kind \Sarapk).
It is quite clear that an erect mode of pro-
gression is utterly incompatible with the structure
of a serpent, whose motion on the ground is u
beautifully effected by the mechanism of the
vertebral column and the multitudinous ribs
which, forming as it were so many pairs of levers,
enable the animal to move its body from place to
place ; consequently, had the snakes before the
Fall mewed in an erect attitude, they must have
been formed on a different plan altogether. It it
true that there are saurian reptiles, such va uw
Saurophis tetradnctyhs and the Ckamataomra
anguina of S. Africa, which in external form are
very like serpents, but with quasi-foet ; indeed.
even in the boa-constrictor, underneath the akin
near the extremity, there exist rudimentary tegs ;
some have beet disposed to believe that the anakea
before the Fall were similar to the oJw op J tsj .
Such an hypothesis, however, is untenable, for alt
the fowil ophidia that have hitherto been found
differ in no essential respects from modem rei>re»
of that order: at it, moreover, breids
BKRPENT
the nark, for the words of the cur*, " upon thy
belljr (halt thou go,*' are as characteristic of the
prog Man of a saurophoi J serpent before the Fall
ts of » true ophidian after it. There is no reason
whatever to conclude from the language of Scrip-
ture that the serpent underwent any change of
form on account of the part it played in the his-
tory of the Fall. The sun and the moon were in
the heavens long before they were appointed " for
ufrnsand for seasons, and for days and for years."
The typical form of the serpent and its mode of
progression were in all probability the same before
the Fall as after it; but subsequent to the Fall
its form and progression were to be regarded with
hatred and disgust by all mankind, and thus the
animal was cursed " above all cattle," and a mark
of condemnation was for ever stamped upon it.
There can be no necessity to show how that part
of the curse is literally fulfilled which speaks of
the " enmity" that was henceforth to exist between
the serpent and mankind ; and though, of course,
this has more especial allusion to the devil, whose
bstroment the serpent was in his deceit, yet it is
perfectly true of the serpent. Few will be inclined
to differ with Theocritus (Id. xv. 58) : —
for fVrxp&v o$u> fafiaXicrra oaobuna
IVc muooc.
Serpents are said in Scripture to " eat dust " (see
lien. iii. 14; Is. lxv. 25; Mic vii. 17); these
Animals, which for the most pail take their food
on the ground, do consequently swallow with it
buge portions of sand and dust.
"Almost throughout the East," writes Dr.
Kslisch (ffiit. and Crit. Comment. Gen. Ui. 1),
"toe serpent was used as an emblem of the evil
principle, of the spirit of disobedience and con-
tumacy. A few exceptions only can be discovered.
The Phoenicians adored that animal as a beneficent
geains ; and the Chinese consider it as a symbol of
superior wisdom and power, and ascribe to the
kings of heaven (tien-huangs) bodies of serpents.
SERPENT
1213
€•— H *■ ilBaaa—l nil. — oUMf InuaanaUtjr (MM HonpoUo, L 1).
Seme other nations fluctuated in their conceptions
regarding the serpent. The Egyptians represented
'-he eternal spirit Kneph, the author of all good,
rader the mythic form of that reptile ; they under-
itood the art of taming it, and embalmed it after
oath ; but they applied the same symbol for the god
af revenge and punishment (Tithrambo), and for
Trsaon, the author of all moral and physical evil ;
tod is the Egyptian symbolical alphabet the serpent
.tpnaenta subtlety and cunning, lust and sensual
tiotut. In <>rwk mythology it is certainly, on
the one hand, the attribute of Ceres, of Meieury, and
of Aesculapius, in their most beneficent qualities;
but it forms, on the other hand, a part of the terrible
Furies or Eumenides: it appears in the form of a
Python as a fearful monster, which the arrows of a
god only were able to destroy ; and it is the most
hideous and most formidable part of the impious
giants who despise and blaspheme the power ol
AfathodMmoa. From Egyptian HofinraMls.
a, ftaarad ■rnbol ot the wtafad rloba and atrpent k limit of
hawk turmonnlau by ftoba sod awpwt-
Heaven. The Indians, like the savage tribes of Africa
and America, sutler and nourish, indeed, serpents in
their temples, and even in their houses ; they be-
lieve that they bring happiness to the places which
they inhabit ; they worship them as the symbols
of eternity; but they regard them also as evil
genii, or as the inimical powers of nature which is
gradually depraved by them, and as the enemies ot
the gods, who either tear them to pieces or tread
their venomous head under their all-conquering
feet. So contradictory is all animal worship. Its
principle is, in some instances, gratitude, and in
others fear; but if a noiious animal is very dan-
gerous the fear may manifest itself in two ways,
either by the resolute desire of extirpating the
beast, or by the wish of averting the conflict
with its superior power ; thus the same fear may,
on the one hand, cause fierce enmity, and on the
other submission and worship." (See on the sub-
ject of serpent-worship, Vossius, oV Orig. Idol.
i. 5; Bryant's Mythology, i. 420490; it is well
illustrated in the apocryphal story of " Bel and
the Dragon ;" comp. Steindorff, dt 'OdMoAarocici ;
Winer's Bib. RtalwBrt. ii. 488.) The subjoined
woodcut represents the homed cerattes, as very
frequently depicted on the Egyptian monuments.
Horned Onion. From Kfrptuo Monuments,
The evil spirit in the form ot a serpent appears
in the Ahriinan or lord of evil who, according to
the doctrine of Zoroaster, first taught men to sia
under the guise of this reptile (Zendavestn, ed.
Klenk. i. 25, iii. 84; see J. Reinh. Rut At ser-
pent* seductort non naturali ted diabolo, Jen.
1712, and Z. Grapius, dt terUationt Evae el
Christi a diabolo in assumpto oorport facta,
Kostoch. 1712). But compare the opinion of
Dr. Kslisch, who (Comment, on Gen. iii. 14, 15)
savs " the serpent is the reptile, not an evil
demon that had assumed its shape II
the serpent represented Satan, it would be ex-
tremely surprising that the former only was curse);
and that the latter is not even mentioned . ... II
1214
SERPENT
would to entirely at varianc* wilh the Divine
justice for ever to cane the aninrnl whose shape
it had pleased the eril one to vsome." Ac-
cording to the Talmudists, the name of the evil
spirit that beguiled Eve was Sammtel (7KQD) ;
"8. Modes ben Majemon scribit in More lib. 2,
cap. SO, Sammaelem inequitasse serpen ti antiqno
et seduxiase Evam. Dicit etiam nomen hoc abso-
lute asurpari de Satana, et Sammaelem nihil aliud
net quam ipsum Satanam " (Buxtorf, his. Talm.
1495;.
Much has been written on the qaestion of the
« fiery serpents" (D'B'JjPn DWIiT) of Num.
xxi. 6, 8, »-''Ji which it is usual erroneously to
Identify the "fiery flying serpent" of Is. xxx. 6,
•ml xir. 2S. In the transaction recorded (Num.
/. c. ; Deut viii. 15) as having occurred at the
time of the Exodus, when the rebellious Israelites
jrere visited with a plague of serpents, there is
not a word about their having been " flying "
creatures ; there is therefore no occasion to refer the
venomous snakes in question to the kind of which
Xiebuhr (Deecript. lie VAroh. p. 156) speaks, and
wiich the Arabs at Basra denominate Beit sur-
mrte, or Heie thi&re, "flying serpents," which
obtained that name from their habit of " springing "
from branch to branch of the date trees they
inhabit. Besides these are tree-serpents (Den-
drophidae), a harmless family of the Colubrine
snakes, and therefore quite out of the question.
The Heb. term rendered " fiery " by the A. V.
is by the Alexandrine edition of the LXX. repre-
sented by 6ararovrrfi, " deadly ;" Onkelos, the
Arabic version of Saadias, and the Vulg. translate
the word " burning," in allusion to the sensation
produced by the bite ; other authorities understand
a reference to the bright colour of the serpents.
It is impossible to point out the species of poi-
sonous snake which destroyed the people in the
Arabian desert. Niebuhr says that the only truly
formidable kind u that called Baetan, a small
slender creature spotted black and white, whose
bite is instant death and whose poison causes the
dead body to swell in an extraordinary manner
(see Forstfl, Descript. Animal, p. 15). What
the modern name of this serpent is we have been
unable to ascertain; it is obvious, however, that
either the Ceratta, or the Sum hnje, or any other
venomous species frequenting Arabia, may denote
the "serpent of the burning bite" which destroyed
the children of Israel. The " fiery flying serpent "
of Isaiah (/. e.) ean have no existence in nature,
though it is curious to notice that Herodotus (ii.
75, iii. 108) speaks of serpents with wings whose
bones he imagined he had himself seen near Buto
in Arabia. Monstrous forms of snakes with birds'
wings occur on the Egyptian sculptures; it is
probable that some kind of flying lizard (Draco,
Dramcella, or Diacunculiu) may hare been the
" flying serpent " of which Herodotus speaks ; and
periUps, as this animal, though harmless, is yet
calculated to inspire horror by its appearance, it
may denote the flying serpent of the prophet, and
have been regarded by the ancient Hebrews as
an animal as terrible as a venomous snake.
* The theory which ascribes toe beating to mysterious
s-.'wers known to tbe astrologers or alchemists of Egypt
may he mentioned, bat hardly calls for examination
fUsrabsm. Con. Carat, pp. US, 149 « R. Tfcaa, ji
IfeylkSL Ctenscf. Sacr. II. JJIO).
SERPENT, BRAZEN
3. Epheh (fTVBK: tans, knit, jSarfJLrnr
vipera, rojuha) occurs in Job xx. 16, Is. ««. 6
and lix. 5, in all of which passages the A. V. has
" viper." There is no Scriptural allusion by imnns
of which it is possible to determine the species of
serpent indicated by the Heb. term, which is de-
rived from a root which signifies " to hiss." Shaw
(Trae. p. 251) speaks of uo» poisonous snake
which the Arabs call Leffah (£1 effak): " it w tbe
most malignant of the tribe, and rarefy above a
foot long." Jackson slso (Morocco, p. 110) men-
tions this serpent; from his description it would
seem to be the Algerine adder (Echidna arietant
var. Mawitanica). The snake (tx'tra) that fastened
on St Paul's hand when he was at Melita (Acta
xxviii. 8) was probably the common viper of this
country (Pelias berus), which is widely distributed
throughout Europe and the islands of the Mediter-
ranean, or else the Vipera tapis, a not uncommon
species on the coasts of the same Sea. [W. H.j
SERPENT, BRAZEN. The familiar history
of the brazen serpent need not to repeated acre.
The nature of the fiery snakes by which the
Israelites were attacked has been discussed under
Serpent. The scene of the history, determined
by a comparison of Num. ni. 3 and xxxiri. 42,
must have been either Zalmonah or Punon. The
names of both places probably connect themselves
with it, Zalmonah as meaning " the place of the
imsge," Punon as probably identical with the
ituyol mentioned by Greek writers as famojs for
its copper-mines and therefor* possibly supply-
ing the materials (BocharC, Hieroz. ii. 3, 13!.
[Punon; Zalmonah.] The chief interest of the
narrative lies in the thoughts which hare at dif-
ferent times gatheiod round it. We meet with
these in three distinct stages. We have to ask
by what associations each was connected with the
others.
I. The truth of the history will, in this place,
be taken for granted. Those who prefer ft may
choose among the hypotheses by which men halting
between two opinions have endeavoured to retain
the historical and to eliminate the supernatural
element.* They may look on the cures as having
been effected by the force of imagination, which
the visible symbol served to heighten, or br-
ibe rapid rushing of the serpent-bitten from all
parte of the camp to the standard thus erected,
curing them, as men are said to be cured by
dancing of the bite of the tarantula (Bauer, Heb.
Gach. ii. 3'20; Paulus. Comm. IV. i. 198, in
Winer, Rtcb.). They may see in the serpent the
emblematic sign-post, as it were, of the camp-
hospital to which tbe sufferers were brought for
special treatment, the form in this instance, as in
that of the rod of Aesculapius, being a symbol of
the art of healing (Hoffmann, in Scherer, Schrift.
Forsch. i. 576; Winer, Rati.). Leaving these
conjectures on one side, it remains for ns to
inquire into the fitness of the symbol thus em-
ployed as the instrument of healing. To most of
tbe Israelites it must hare seemed as strange then
as it did afterwards to the later Rabbis* that amy
such symbol should be employed. The Seoood
Commandment appeared to forbid the likeness of
» One of the Jewish Interlocutors in the dtatasro* cl
Jnstin Martyr with Trypho (p. 3221 declare* that he has*
often asked his tochers to solve tbe difficulty, and had
never found ana who explained it ssUsfsctorlly. Jusxxa
himself, of mtiw, explains it as a type of Christ.
SERPENT, BRAZEN
w; Uving thing. The golden calf had bees de-
iki^l u w abomination. Now the colossal
serpent (the narrative implies that it tu risible
from all puts of toe encampment), made, we may
cMjeetore, by the hands of Bezaleel or Aholiab,
wis exposed to their gaze, and they were told to
look to it as girted with a supernatural power.
What reason was there for the difference ? In part,
of course, the answer may be, that the Second
Comnandrnent forbade, not all symbolic forms as
soch, but those that men made tor themselves to
worship ; but the question still remains, why was
tt« term ohosen? It is hardly enough to say,
with Jewish commentators, that any outward
mesas might hare been chosen, like the lump of
ftp in Hesekiah's sickness, the salt which healed
the bitter waters, and that the biazen serpent
nude the miracle yet more mirsculcis, inasmuch
u the glare of burnished brass, the gaze upon the
serpeat reran weie, of all thing*, most likely to be
filial to those who had been bitten (Gem. Bub.
Joata; Aben Ezra and others in Buztorf, Hist.
An. Serp. c 5). The fact is doubtful, the reason
sudequate. It is hardly enough again to say,
with most Christian interpreteis, that it was
ioteudnl to be a type of Christ. Some meaning
it aunt bare had for those to whom it was
actually presented, and we hare no grounds for
Meaning, even in Hoses himself, still less in the
multitude of Israelites slowly rising out of sen-
suality, unbelief, rebellion, a knowledge of the
far-off mystery of redemption. If the words of
ear Lord in John iii. 14, 15 point to the fulfilment
of the type, there must yet hare been another
atoning for the symbol. Taking its part in the
edacstion of the Israelites, it most hare had its
starting-point in the associations previously con-
nected with it. Two views, very different from
each other, hare been held as to the nature of
those association*. On the one side it has been
sssinlalned that, either from its simply physical
effects or from the mysterious history of the
*-*f*"»— in Gen. iii., the serpent was the repre-
sentatireof evil. To present the serpent-form as
dturired of its power to hurt, impaled as the
trophy of a conqueror, was to assert that evil,
physical and spiritual, had been overcome, and thus
trip to strengthen the weak laith of the Israelites
in a victory over both. The serpent, on this view,
expressed the same idea as the dragon in the
popular r e p r es entations of the Archangel Michael
sad St. George (Ewald, GachickU, ii. 228)/
Te seme writers, as to Ewald, this has com-
■neaaed itself as the simplest and most obvious
new. It has been adopted by some orthuiox
<imne« who have been unable to convince them-
selves that the same form could ever really have
bean at eoce a type of Satan and of Christ (Jackson,
KwmUatim *f the Son of God, c 31 ; Patrick,
Comes, a* for. ; Espngnaeus, Burmann, Vitringa,
m Devlin*;, Obunntt. Sac. ii. 15). Others,
stain, have started from a different ground. They
raise the question whether Gen. iii. was then
written, or, if written, known to the great body
■ Another view, verging almost on the ludicrous, has
sees awfartadned by some Jewish writers. The serpent
was set op ms terror***, as a man who has chastised his
sss Bane? up the rod against the w«<V as a waminz
|POk>. LeXe. BosMa, a v. SerpmiX
< Comp. Saamrr, sod. In addition to the authorities
0w» referred to, Wilkinson's ASK. Aftnwusu, II. 134,
re.xt*, v. a*. Sen j Earls, History of Ms Old Cmnant, lit.
SERPENT. BRAZEN 1216
of the Israelite*. They look to Egyit 1* the
starting-point tar all the thought* which t.-+
serpent could suggest, and they find there thai
it •vas worshipped as an agathodaemon, the symbol
of health and life.* This, for them, explains the
mystery. It was as the known emblem of a
power to heal that it served as the sign and sacra-
ment on which the faith of the people might fasten
and sustain itself.
Contrasted as these views appear, they have, it
is believed, a point of contact. The idea primarily
connected with the serpent in the history of the
Fall, as throughout the proverbial language of Scrip-
ture, is that of wisdom (Gen. iii. 1 ; Matt. z. 16;
2 Cor. rj. 3). Wisdom, apart from obedience to a
divine order, allying itself to man's lower nature,
passes into cunning. Man's nature is envenomed
and degraded by it. But wisdom, the self-same
power of understanding, yielding to the divine law,
is the source of all healing and restoring influences,
and the serpent-form thus becomes a symbol of
deliverance and health. The Israelites were taught
that it would be so to them in proportion as they
ceased to be sensual and rebellious. There were
facts in the life of Moses himself which must hare
connected themselves with this two-fold symbolism.
When be was to be taught that the Divine Wisdom
could work with any instruments, his rod became
a serpent (Ex. iv. 1-5). (Comp. Cyril. Alex. Schot.
15. Glaphyra in Ex. ii.) ' When he and Aaron
were called to their great conflict with the per-
verted wisdom of Egypt, the many serpents of the
magicians were overcome by the one serpent of the
future high-priest. The conqueror and the conquered
were alike in outward form (Ex. vii. 10-12). ,
II. The next stage in the history of the brazen
serpent shows how easily even a legitimate symbol,
retained beyond its time, after it had done it*
work, might become the occasion of idolatry. It
appears in the reign of rlezekiah as having been,
lor some undefined period, an object of woisliip.
The zeal of that king leads him to destroy it. It
receives from him, or had borne before, the name
Nehushtan. [Comp. Nehushtah. ] We are left to
conjecture when the worship began, or what was
it* locality. It is hardly likely that it should have
been tolerated by the reforming zeal of kings like
Asa and Jehoshaphat, It must, we may believe,
have leceived a fresh character and become more
conspicuous in the period which preceded Its de-
struction. All that we know of the reign of Ahaz
makes it probable that it was under his auspices
that it received a new development,' that it thus
became the object of a marked averaiou to the
iconoclastic party who were prominent among the
counsellors of Hezekiah. Intercourse with countries
in which Ophiolatry prevailed — Syria, Assyria,
possibly Egypt also— acting on the feeling which
led him to bring together the idolatries of nil
neighbouring nations, might easily bring about thi*
perversion of the reverence felt for the time-
honoured relic
Here we might expect the history of the mate-
rial object would cease, but the passion for relics
S48, Eng. trans), j Wltsins, ^gyptiaca, in Ugollnl, I. sax.
• The explanation given br Cyril Is, ss might be ex-
pected, mora mystical than that In the text. The rod
transformed into a serpent represent* the Divine Word
taking on Himself the likeness of stnftil flesh.
< Ewsld's conjecture (GVm*. Iv. tat) that, till then,
the serpent may have remained at Zahnonah, the object
of occasional pilgrimages, Is probable enough.
1216
SERPENT, BRAZEN
us pre T«il«d even against the history of On BiUe.
fhc cbarch of St. Ambrose, »t Milan, has loasted.
fcr centuries, of possessing the bnuen serpent
which Moses set up in the wilderness. The earlier
history of the relic, so called, is matter for con-
jecture. Our knowledge of it begins in the year
A.D. 971, when an envoy was sent by the Milanese
to the court of the Emperor John Zimisces, at
Constantinople. He was taken through the un-
Erial cabinet of treasures and invited to make
i choice, and he chose this, which, the Greeks
assured him, was made of the same metal aa the
original serpent (Sigonius, Hist. Begn. Ital. b. rii.).
On his return it was placed in the church of St.
Ambrose, and popularly identified with that which
it professed to represent. It is, at least, a possible
hypothesis that the Western Church has in this
way been led to venerate what was originally the
object of the worship of some Ophite sect.
HI. When the material symbol had perished, its
history began to suggest deeper thoughts to the
■ \inds of men. The writer of the Book of Wis-
dom, m the elaborate contrast which he draws
between true and false religions in their use of
outward signs, sees in it a ovu&vkor <r*mtiptat,
elf Iwd/urnair IrroAijs rifwv e*o» ; " be that
turned himself was not saved by the thing that
he ww (814 to ttmaoifuran), but by Thee that
art the Saviour of all" (Wisd. zvi. 6, 7). The
Targum of Jonathan paraphrases Num. xxi. 8.
" He shall be healed if he direct his heart unto
the Name of the Word of the Lord." Philo, with
his characteristic taste for an ethical, mystical
interpretation, represents the history ss a parable
of man's victory over his lower sensuous nature.
The metal, the symbol of permanence and strength,
has changed the meaning of the symbol, and that
which bad before been the emblem of the will,
yielding to and poisoned by the serpent pleasure,
now represents <ru<ppo<rvrTi, the brrfraBii iuco-
Xaalat pipfwutor (I)e Agricutt.). The facts just
stated may help us to enter into the bearing of
the ( words of John iii. 14, 15. If the paraph rase
of 'Jonathan represents, as it does, the current
interpretation of the schools of Jerusalem, the
devout Rabbi to whom the words weie spoken
could not have been ignorant of it. The new
teacher carried the lesson a step further. He led
him to identify the "Name of the Word of the
Lord " with that of the Son of Man. He prepared
him to see in the lifting-up of the Crucifixion that
which should answer in its power to heal and save
to the serpent in the wilderness.
IV. A full discussion of the typical meaning
here unfolded belongs to Exegesis rather than to a
Dictionary. It will be enough to note here that
which connects itself with facts or theories already
mentioned. On the one aide the typical interpre-
tation has been extended to all the details. The
pole on which the serpent was placed was not only
a type of the cross, but was itself crucial in form
(Just, Mart. I)iil. c. Trypk. p. 322). The ser-
pent was nailed to it as Christ was nailed. As
thj symbol of sin it represented His being made
sin for us. The very metal, lik« the Hoe brass of
Ker. i. 15, was an emblem of the might and glory
of the Son of Man (comp. Lampe, m foe.). Oc the
ether it has been maintained (Patrick and Jackson,
Mr lupm) that the serpent was from the beginning,
anl remains still, exclusively the symbol of evil,
that the lifting-up of the Son of Man answered to
that of Me serpent because on the cross the victory
SERPENT-CHARMING
over the serpent was accomplished. The p k*t at
comparison lay not between the serpent aoJ Ckris%
but between the look of the Israelite to the ow>
ward sign, the look of a justifying faith to the
cross of Christ. It will not surprise us to find
that, in the spiritual as in the historical interpreta-
tion, both theories have an dement of truth. The
serpent here also is primarily the emblem of the
"knowledge of good and evil." To man, us
having obtained that knowledge by doing evil, it
haa been aa a venomous serpent, poisoning and
corrupting. In the nature of the Son of Man it
is once more in harmony with the Divine will,
and leaves the humanity pure and untainted.
The Crucifixion is the witness that the evil has
been overcome by the good. Those who are bitten
by the serpent find their deliverance in looking to
Him who knew evil only by subduing it, and who
is therefore mighty to save. Well would it have
been for the Church of Christ if it had been con-.
tent to rest in this truth. Its history shows now
easy it was for the old perversion to reproduce,
itself. The highest of all symbols might share the
fate of the lower. It was possible even for the
cross of Christ to pass into a Nehushton. (Comp.
Stier, Words of the Lord Jesus, on John Hi., and
Kurtx, Hist, of tk* Old Covewmt, iii. 344-358
Eng. transl.) [E. H. P.]
SERPENT-CHARMING. Some few remarks
on this subject are made under Asp (Appendix A\
where it is shown that thtpethen (JJIB; probably
denotes the Egyptian cobra. There can be no ques-
tion at all of the remarkable power which, tram
time immemorial, has been exercised by certain
people in the East over poisonous serpents. The
art is most distinctly mentioned in the Bible,
and probably alluded to by St James (iii. 7).
The usual species operated upon, both in Africa
and India, are the hooded snakes (Nina trasMrnjtnu,
and Naia luge) and the horned Cerastes. The skill
of the Italian Marsi and the Libyan Psylll in taming
serpents was celebrated throughout the world ; and
to this day, as we are told by Sir G. Wilkiosoc
(Rawlinson's Herodotus, iii. 124, note, ed. 1862).
the snake-players of the coast of Berbery so-
worthy successors of the Psylli (sea Pliny, viii. 2c,
xi. 25, and especially Lucan s account of the PsylF,
Phonal, ix. 892). See numerous re fer ence s cited
by Bochart (Hieros. iii. 164, he) on the subject
of serpent-taming.
That the charmers frequently, and perhaps gene-
rally, take the precaution' of extracting the poison
fangs before the snakes are subjected to their skill,
there is much probability for believing, but that
this operation is not always attended to is clear from
the testimony of Bruce sod numerous other writers.
" Some people," says the traveller just mentjawd,
" have doubted that it was a trick, and that the
animals so handled had been first trained and then
disarmed of their power of hurting, and, fond of the
discovery, they have rested themselves upon it with-
out experiment, in the face of all antiquity. But 1
will not hesitate to aver that I have seen at Coi.-o
a man .... who has taken a otrastes with hi>
naked hand from a number of others lying at the
bottom of the tub, has put it upon his hare head,
covered it with the common red cap he wears,
then taken it out, put it in his breast and tied it
about his neck like s necklace, after which it haa
been applied to a hen and bit it, which has died
in a few minutes." Dr. Davy, in his Interior .}/
SERPENT-CHARMING
Ciffaa, spiakmg of th« make charmers, says on this
object >— '■The ignorant rulgar believe that these
h Italy pa— a charm by which they thus play
without dread, and with impunity from danger.
Tar mon cfilifhtened, laughing at this idea, con-
aser the en impostors, and that in playing their
trirfa teen is no danger to be avoided, it being
mn-rai by the abstraction of the poiaon fangs.
Tic enlightened in this instance are mistaken, and
tat nipt are nearer the truth in their opinion.
1 hire extmravd the snakes I have seen exhibited,
■xi ksTtanad their poison fangs in and uninjured.
TVse men so pottett a charm, though net a super-
utral one— Tia. that of confidence and courage. . . .
"They wQl ahy their tricks with any hooded snakes
' Saja trywtVtu), whether just taken or long in
•nSaaacat, but with no other kind of pojtwous
esse." See alas Tennent, Ceylon, i. 199, 3rd ed.
Seat hart t u p uu st d that the practice of taking
«rt er breaking off the poison fangs is alluded to
is CW MIL 6, •• Break their teeth. O God. in their
lat wrprnt-ebnrmer's nsual instrument is a
**■ Shrill sound*, it would appear, are those
■fen serpent*, with their imperfect sense of
*">*ar, an able moat easily to discern ; hence it
* that the Chinese summon their tame fish by
•toeing or by ringing a bell.
Tat reader will find much interesting matter on
** art of •erpentrcharraing, u practised by the
' ' ' , mBoehart (Hiem. iii. 161) in the dis-
i by Bohmer entitled Dt PsyUortm, Mor-
i ft Ophiegeman advert** serpent** virtuie,
L>ft 1745; lad in Kaempfer'a Amoenitates Exo-
'•**. is. a. 565; see also Broderip's Note Book
1 * XttsreMst. and Anecdott* of Serpents, pub-
• l *"s by Chambers; Lane's Modern Egyptians,
"• '"*• nose who protested the art of taming
"•Tana were called by the Hebrews menachashtm
IDTTOD> whik the art itself was called lachath
'*??), jer. riu. 17: EccL x. 11 j but these terms
•*t sat always owed in this restricted sense,
iLTtttiTUM ; EhCHAHTHEITT.] [W. H.]
' sal iii t ise i 'u si n and irtettmt may hers be used
' *• —V saasfi the correct readme wool'. add am-
••nlhl«ri»«DtannBUiln«. tj.lt Oct. U. 26, "Corsoa
•xjaass ; a santof dues shall be be onto his bre tfaran ;"
rw-m.
SERVANT 1217
SEBU'G (MTfe': Stoooxi N. T. 2apo*x'
Sarug). Son of 'Ren, and great-granifiithtr oi
Abraham. His age is given in the Hebrew Bible
as 230 years — 30 years before he begat Nalior, and
200 years afterwards. But in the LXX. 130
years are assigned to him leforo he begat Nahor
(making hia total age 330), being one of those
systematic variations in the ages of the patriarchs
between Shem and Terah, as given by the LXX.,
by which the interval between the Flood and
Abraham is lengthened from 292 (at in the Heb.
B.) to 1172 (or Alex. 1072) yean. [Cbboso-
ixxjt, p. 319.1 Bochart (Phai. ii. cxiv.) con-
jecturea that the town of Seng, a day's journey
from Charrae in Mesopotamia, was named from this
patriarch. Suidas and others ascribe to him the
deification of dead benefactors of mankind. Epi-
phanius (Adv. Haeres. i. 6, 8), who says that his
name signifies "provocation," states that, though
in his time idolatry took its rise, yet it was con-
fined to pictures ; and that the deification of dead
men, as well as the making of idols, was subse-
quent. He characterises the religion of mankind
up to Serug's days as Scythic; after Serug and
the building of the Tower of Babel, the Hellenio
or Greek form of religion was introduced, and
continued to the writer's time (see Petavius, Anim.
adv. Epipk. Oper. ii. 13). The account given by
John of Antioch, is as follows : — Serug, of the race
of Japbet, taught the duty of honouring eminent
deceased men, either by images or statues,' oi
worshipping them on certain anniversaries as
if still living, of preserving a record of their
actions in the sacred books of the priests, and of
calling them gods, as being benefactors of mankind.
Hence arose Polytheism and idolatry (see fragm.
Historic. Qraec. iv. 345, and the note). It is in
accordance with his being called of the race of
Japhet that Epiphanius sends Phaleg and Reu to
Thrace ( Epist. ad Deter. Paul. §ii.). There is,
of course, little or no historical value in any of these
statements. [A. C. H.]
SERVANT ("OH ; IVVrD). The Hebrew terms
na'ar and meshirtth, which alone answer to our
"servant," in as far as this implies the notions
of liberty and voluntariness, are of comparatively
rare occurrence. On the other hand, 'eked, which
is common and is equally rendered "servant" in
the A. V., properly means a atone.' Slavery was
in point of fact the normal condition of the under-
ling in the Hebrew commonwealth [Slave], while
the terms above given refer to the exceptional cases
of young or confidential attendants. Joshua, for
instance, is described aa at once the na'ar and me-
thArith of Hoses (Ex. xxxiii. 11); Elisha's servant
sometimes as the former (2 K. iv. 12, v. 20), some-
times as the latter (2 K. iv. 43, vi. 15). Amnon'a
servant was a mesMrfth (2 Sam. xiii. 17, 18), while
young Joseph was a na'ar to the sons of Bilhah
(Gen. xxxvii. 2, where instead of " the lad was
with," we should read, "he was the servant-boy
to " the sons of Bilhah). The confidential designa-
tion meshartth is applied to the priests and Levites,
in their relation to Jehovah (Ear. viii. 17 ; Is. Ixi.
6 ; Ex. xliv. 11), and the cognate verb to Joseph
after he found favour with Potiphar (Gen. xxxix.
In Dent. v. IS, * Remember that thou watt a slave In the
land of Egypt;" In Job III. It, "The slave Is free from his
master;*' and particularly In pas s ages where the speaker
uses the term of himself, as In Geo. zvlli. a, "Pass nut
away, 1 pray thee, from thy slave/*
4 I
1218
4), and to the nephews of Ahaxiah (2 Chr. xxii. 8).
In 1 K. xx. 14, 15, we should substitute " servants "
(ncfar) for " young men." [W. L. B.]
SES'IS (S«rff ; Alex. Scov.iV. om. in Vulg.).
Smash A I (1 Esd. ix. 34 ; comp. Exr. x. 40).
SE8THEL (Sfo-WiA. : Bexel). BEZALEELof
the sons of Pahath-Moab (1 Esd. ix. 31 ; Exr. x.
30).
8ETH (TV&, i. c. Sheth : Hfi : Seth), Gen. iv.
85, T. 3 i 1 Chr. i. 1." The third son of Adam, and
father of Eiiot. The signification of his name (given
in Gen. ir. 25) is " appointed " or " put " in the
place of the murdered Abel, and Delitzsch speaks
of him as the second Abel; but Ewald (Oesch.
i. 353) thinks that another signification, which he
prefers, is indicated in the text, viz. " seedling," or
'joti." The phrase, "children of Sbeth" (Num.
ixit. 17) has been understood as equivalent to all
mankind, or as denoting the tribe of some unknown
Moabitish chieftain ; but later critics, among whom
are KosennvBlier and Gesenius (I%et. i. 346), bear-
•«g in mind the parallel passage (Jer. xlviii. 45),
render the phrase, " children of noise, tumultuous
ones," i". e. hostile armies. [Sheth.]
In the 4th century there existed in Egypt a sect
sailing themselves Sethians, who are classed by
Meander ( Ch. Hist. ii. 1 15, ed. Bohn) among those
Gnostic sects which, in apposing .Judaism, approxi-
mated to paganism. (See also Tillemont, Mimoirrt,
II. 318.) Irenaeus (i. 30 ; comp. Massuet, Dissert.
i. 8, §14) and Theodoret 'ffaeret. Fab. xiv. p. 306),
without distinguishing between them and the Oph-
ites, or worshippers of the serpent, say that in their
system Seth was regarded as a divine effluence or
virtue. Epiphanius, who devotes a chapter to
them (Ado. Haer. i. 3, §39), says that they iden-
tified Seth with our Lord. [W. T. B.j
BETHTJ'B ("WIID: TLaSoip-. StAur). The
Aaherite spy, son of Michael (Num. xiii. 13).
SEVEN. The frequent recurrence of certain
numbers in the sacred literature of the Hebrews is
obvious to the most superficial reader ; and it is
almost equally obvious that these numbers are
associated frith certain ideas, so as in some instances
to lose their numerical force, and to pass over into
(be province of symbolic signs. This is more or
less true of the numbers three, four, seven, twelve,
and forty ; but seven so far sin-passes the rest, both
•n the frequency with which it reonrs, and in the
importance of the objects with which it is associated,
that it may fairly be termed the representative
r.-mbolic number. It has hence attracted con-
siderable attention, and may be said to be the key-
stone on which the symbolism of numbers depends.
The origin of this symbolism is a question that
meets us at the threshold of any discussion as to
the number seven. Our limits will not permit us
to follow out this question to its legitimate extent,
but we may briefly state that the viewB of Biblical
critics may be ranged under two heads, according as
the symbolism is attributed to theoretical specula-
tions as to the internal properties of the number
itself, or to external associations of a physical or his-
torical character. According to the former of these
views, the symbolism of the number seven would
he traced back to the symbolism of its compo-
nent elements three and four, the first of which
- Divinity, and the second = Humanity, whence
sevem = Divinity + Humanity, or, in other words,
lac union between God aid' Mas, as enacted by
SEVEN
the manifestations of the Divinity in
revelation. So again the symbolism of twelve
is explained as the symbolism of 8 X 4, t e. ot
a second combination of the same two elements,
though in different proportions, the representative
number of Humanity, as a multiplier, assuming s
more prominent position (B*hr"s Symbolii, i. 187,
201, 224). This theory is seductive from its in-
genuity, and its appeal to the imagination, but
there appears to be little foundation for it. For ( I . )
we do cot find any indication, in early times at all
events, that the number seven was resolved into
three and four, rather than into any other arith-
metical elements, such as two and five. Benctl
notes such a division as running through the
heptads of the Apocalypse (Gnomon, m fire, xvi 1 ;.
and the remark undoubtedly holds good in certain
instances, e.g. the trumpets, the three latter bar*
distinguished from the four former by the trrole
" woe " (Rev. viii. 13), bat in other instances, e.g.
in reference to the promises (Onon. at Ba. n. 7 ,
the distinction is not so well established, and even
if it were, an explanation might be found in the
adaptation of such a division to the subject in hand.
The attempt to discover such a distinction in the
Mosaic writings — as, for instance, where an art is
to be done on the third day out of seven (Num.
xix. 1 2) — appears to be a failure. (2.) It would
be difficult to show that any associations of • aaend
nature were assigned to three and four previo us ly to
the sanctity of seven. This latter number is so far
the sacred number rerr' i(oxfy> that we should be
leas surprised if, by a process the reverse of the
one assumed, sanctity had been subsequently at-
tached to three and four as the supposed elem e n t i
of seven. But (3.) all such speculations on nr-t
numbers are alien to the spirit of Hebrew thought ;
they belong to a different stage of society, in whxai
speculation is rife, and is systematized by the ex-
istence of schools of philosophy.
We turn to the second class of opinions which
attribute the symbolism of the number seven to
external associations. This class may be again sub-
divided into two, according as the symkohsso is
supposed to have originated in the observation ex
purely physical phenomena, or, on the other hand,
in the peculiar religious enactments of Moseisxa.
The influence of the number seven was not re-
stricted to the Hebrews; it prevailed among the
Persians (Esth. i. 10, 14), among the aneieat
Indians (Von Bohlen'a Alt. Indie*, ii. 224, seat;. >,
among the Greeks and Romans to a certain extent,
and probably among all nations where the week oi
seven days was established, aa in China, Egypt-
Arabia, 4k. (Meier's Chronol. i. 88, 178, ii. 47 J .
The wide range of the word seven is in this r<a>|«ct
an interesting and significant fact: with the ex-
ception of" six," it is the only numeral which the
Semitic languages hare in common with the Indo-
European ; for the Hebrew sheba* is essentially; the
same as lard, septem, seven, and the Sanscrit,
Persian, and Gothic names for this number ( Pott s
Etym. Forsck. i. 129). In the countries above
enumerated, the institution of seven as a cyHsnal
number is attributed to the observation of the
changes of the moon, or to the supposed ntnebsr of
the planets. The Hebrews are held by some writer*
to hare borrowed their notions of the sanctity <J
seven from their heathen neighbours, either wholly
or initially (Von Bohlen'a Intrad. tn Oen. L 216
rap.
SEVEN
Wfl.; Hengstenberg's Balaam, p. 393, Clark's
id.,; bat the peculiarity of the Hebrew riew con-
tbt» is the special dignity of the tnenth, and not
wmpjj in that of men. Whatever influence, there-
tore, may be assigned to astronomical observation
or to prescriptive usage, in regard to the original
institution of the week, we cannot trace back the
peculiar a&aociatioas of the Hebrews farther than to
the point when the seventh day was consecrated to
tot purposes of religious rest.
Awuming this, therefore, as our starting-point,
tin first idea associated with seven would be that
of rtlijiota periodicity. The Sabbath, being the
wreath day, suggested the adoption of seven as the
awrSc*™*, so to say, for the appointment of all
■acred periods ; and we thus find the 7th month
ushered in by the Feast of Trumpets, and signalised
•v the celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles and
the great Day of Atonement ; 7 weeks as the in-
terval between the Passover and the Pentecost ; the
7th year as the Sabbatical year ; and the year suc-
evdjug 7X7 years as the Jubilee year. From the
oka of periodicity, it passed by an easy transition
to the dwrattom or repetition of religious proceed-
ng» ; and thus 7 days were appointed as the length
of tat Feasts of Passover and Tabernacles ; 7 days
for the ceremonies of the consecration of priests;
1 days for the interval to elapse between the occa-
swb and the removal of various lands of legal un-
aVsnnfi, a* after childbirth, after contact with a
oarpae, fie ; 7 times appointed for aspersion either
•f the blood of the victim (e.g. Lev. iv. 6, rvi. 14)
or of the water of purification (Lev. ziv. 51 ; comp.
i K. v. 10, 14) ; 7 things to be offered in sacrifice
(•sea, sheep, goats, pigeons, wheat, oil, wine); 7
rietans to be offered on any special occasion, as in
Balsam's sacrifice (Num. xxiii. 1), and especially
at the ratification of a treaty, the notion of seven
ker embodied in the very term* signifying to swear,
literally meaning to do seven times (Gen. xxi. 28 ;
casta. Hand, iii 8, for a similar custom among
Ike Arabians). The same idea is further carried
o»' in the wssojs and arrangements of the Taber-
nvle — in the term arms of the golden candlestick,
•sal the seven chief utensils (altar of burnt-offerings,
hver, shewbread table, altar of incense, candlestick,
ark. ta arey s ea t ).
Thenomber saves, having thus been impressed
with the seal isf sanctity as the symbol of all con-
aoctod with the Divinity, was adopted generally as
s cyclical number, with the subordinate notions
ef perfection or completeness. It hence appears in
«■** when the notion of satisfaction is required,
at in reference to punishment for wrongs (Gen. iv.
15; Lev. xrvt 18,28; Pa. lnii. 12; Prov.vi.31),
ar to forg ive ness of then (Matt xviii. 21). It is
•tain mentioned in a variety of passages too nu-
merous for quotation («. g. Job v. 19 ; Jer. xv. 9 ;
Hott. xfi. 45) in s sense analogous to that of a
* roand number," but with the additional idea of
soiCaeney and completeness. To the same head
we any refer the numerous instances in which par-
no or things are mentioned by sevens in the his-
tories) portions of the Bible — e. g. the 7 kine and
she 7 ears of corn in Pharaoh's dream, the 7
•ajgirtero of the priest of Midian, the 7 sons of
Jaws, the 7 dea c ons, the 7 sons of Sceva, the twice
t assaisliuiii ha the pedigree of Jesus (Matt. i. 17);
SHAALABBIN
1219
and again tie still more numerous instanxs in
which periods of seven days or seven years, ocoo>
sionally combined with the repetition of an act
seven times ; as, in the taking ot Jericho, the town
was surrounded for 7 days, and on the 7th day it
fell at the blast of 7 trumpets borne round the
town 7 times by 7 priests; or again at the flood,
an interval of 7 days elapsed between the notice to
enter the ark and the coming of the flood, the
beasts entered by sevens, 7 days elapsed between
the two missions of the dove, &c. So again in pri>
vate life, 7 years appear to have been the usual
period of a hiring (Gen. xjrix. IS), 7 days for a
marriage-festival (Gen. xxix. 27 ; Jutf g. xiv. 12),
and the same, or in some cases 70 days, for mourn-
ing for the dead (Gen. 1. 3, 10 ; 1 Sam. xxxi. 13).
The foregoing applications of the number seven
become of great practical importance in connexion
with the interpretation of some of the prophetical
portions of the Bible, and particularly of the Apo-
calypse. For in this latter book the ever-recurring
number seven both serves as the mould which has
decided the external form of the work, and also to
a certain degree penetrates into the essence of it.
We have but to run over the chief subjects of that
book — the 7 churches, the 7 seals, the 7 trumpets,
the 7 vials, the 7 angels, the 7 spirits before the
throne, the 7 horns and 7 eyes of the Lamb, &c. —
in order to see the necessity of deciding whether the
number is to be accepted in a literal or a meta-
phorical sense — in other words, whether it represents
a number or a quality. The decision of this ques-
tion affects not only the number seven, but also
the number which stands in a relation of antagonism
to seven, vis. the half of seven, which appears under
the form of forty-two months, =3$ years (Rev.
riii. 5), twelve hundred and sixty days, also =3$
years (xi. 3, iii. 6), and again a time, times, ana
half a time = 3* years (xii. 14). We find this
number frequently recurring in the Old Testament,
as in the forty-two stations of the wilderness (Num.
xxxiii.), the three and a half years of the famine in
Elijah s time (Luke iv. 25), the " time, times, and
the dividing of time," during which the persecution
of Antiochus Epiphanes was to last (Dan. vii. 25),
the same period being again described ss "the
midst of the week," i. e. the half of seven years
(Dan. ix. 27), " a time, times, and a half" (Dan.
xii. 7), and again probably in the number of daya
specified in Dan. viii. 14, xii. 11, 12. If the num-
ber seven express the notion of completeness, then
the number half-seven = incompleteness and the
secondary ideas of suffering and disaster : if the one
represent divine agency, the other we may expect
to represent human agency. Mere numerical cal-
culations would thus, in regard to unfulfilled pro-
phecy, be either wholly superseded, or at all events
take a subordinate position to the general idea con-
veyed, rw. L. B.]
SHAAX'ABBIN (paVjjtf, but in many MSS.
D^JrtP: 2aAa0«(i>; Alex. 2aAanei»t« Selebm).
A town in the allotment of Dan, named between
Ib-Shemesh and Ajaloh (Josh. xix. 42). There
is some uncertainty about the form of the name.
The MSS. pieponderate in favour of Shaalbim,
in which form It is found in two other passages.
But there is also tome ground for suspecting that
* A city called XoXao.iV, or XoAofur, formerr/ Vy
at Cat cast end of Ike Wood of Cyprus, between wfalos
and Phoenicia, or Cantor, then was a constant later,
course and dots connexion Perhaps this also was ■
IShaatobMs,
I 411
1220
BHAALBDf
it ww Shaalbon. [See Shaalbm and Shaal-
M>Hrrc]
SHA'AIJSIM (D'sbSB': ■enAa/ieir, Alex, a!
•Aua-ems ; in 1 K. BqSaXapef, Alex. 3aAjifleif»:
SaWn'm, SaUnm). The commoner form of the name
of a tows of Dan which in one passage » found aa
Shaalabbin. It occurs in an ancient fragment of
history inserted in Jodg. i. enumerating the towns
•f which the original inhabitants of Canaan succeeded
in keeping possession after the general conquest.
Mount Herea, Aijalon, and Shaalbim were held
against the Panites by the Amoritea (ver. 35) till
the help of the great tribe of Ephraim being called
in, they were at last compelled to succumb. It is
mentioned with Aijalon again in Josh. six. 42
(Shaalabbin) and with Betbahemesh both there
and in 1 K. iv. 9, in the last passage as making up
one of Solomon's oommi—riat districts. By Euse-
biua and Jerome it is mentioned in the (humasticon
(" SaUb") as a large village in the district of Se-
baste (i. «. Samaria), and as then called Selaba. But
this is not very intelligible, for except in the stata-
mentof Josephus( J liii. v. 1, §23), that the allotment
of the Danites extended as &r noi-th as Dor (Tan-
raro), there is nothing to lead to the belief that
any of their towns were at all near Samaria, while
the persistant enumeration of Shaalbim with Aijalon
and Bethshemesh, the sites of both which are known
with tolerable certainty as within a radius of 15
miles west of Jerusalem, is strongly against it. It
U also at varian/* with another notice of Jerome,
in his commentary on Exek. xlriii. 22, where he
mentions the " towers of Ailoo and Selebi and
Emmaus-Nicopolis," in connexion with Joppa, as
three landmarks of the tribe of Dan. No trace
appears to hare been yet discovered of any name
resembling Shaalbim, in the neighbourhood of Tab
or Aunhtmt, or indeed anywhere else, unless
H be a place called 'Esalin, (J »\«.r, mentioned in
the lisU of Eli Smith and Robinson (B. R. 1st Ed.
iii. App. 120 6) as lying next to Sirak, the ancient
Zorah, a position which is very suitable.
The Skala'bin, discovered by M. BVnan's expedi-
tion about 4 miles M.W. of BM-Jebeil, in the
Belad Betkarrak (see the Carte dresses par la
brigade topographique, 4c, 1862), may be an
ancient Shaalbim, possibly so named by the northern
colony of Danites after the town of their original
dwelUng-pUce. But it is obvious from the fore-
going description that it cannot be identical with
it. [GO
8HAAI/BONITE, THE {^iy^Vn : i SoAa-
0ew«irat: de Salbotu). Kliahba the Shaalbonite
was one of David's thirty-seven heroes (2 Sam.
xxiii. 32 ; 1 Chr. xi. 33). He was the native of a
place named Shaalbon, which is unmentioned else-
where, nnleai it is identical with Shaalbim or
Shaalabbin of the tribe of Dan. In this uee it
i in the Vatican Codex (Hal's Ed.) con-
tains a carious spwaaini of a double reading, each of the
two betaf a translation of the Hebrew proper names : —
r» vy Spn ry barrpauaiitt iv y •* apaoi vol far y oi
aAaWeacc eV vy Mvproim, eel far QaXaflttr. Here
ia-rasnatip sod Mvpnm are both attempts to render
DTI, reading it tCHTI and D1fl respectively. The
iAanra Is due to tfaa^yp In Bbaalbm. el jpcoc, -the sbe-
beata," to for Ajaka, though that attunes deer or amssOes.
8HABBETHAT
becomes difficult to decide which of tLt Us re* la the
original form of the name. [G-]
BHA'AFH <$$: lay**} Alex. Say*>:
Saaph). 1. The son of Jahdai (1 Chr. ii. 47).
2. The sou of Caleb the brother of Jtrabmed
by his concubine Maachah. He is ealljd the father, ,
that is, the founder, of the town Madmannah (.1 ,
Chr. ii. 49). i
8HAAKA'IM(D*T$e>: m weAdV in both '
HSS. ; Sewfwiu: Sarim, Saarm). A city in the '
territory allotted to Judah (Josh. xr. 36 : in A. V
incorrectly Sharsim). It is one of the first group !a>
of the towns of the Shefelah, or lowland district, t
which contains also Zoreah, Jannuth, Socoh, be- ,v,
sides others not yet recognised. It is mentioned a
again in the account of the rout which followed the ._
fall of Goliath, where the wounded fell down on ",
the road to Shaaraim and as far as Gath and Ekron _,
(1 Sam. xvii. 52). These two notices are eon- M
sistent with each other. Goliath probably fell m
the Wady et-Sumt, on opposite sides of which stand
the representatives of Socoh and Jannuth ; Gath '
was at or near Tell es-Safiek, a few miles west of i
Socoh at the mouth of the same Wady ; whilst -
Ekron (if 'AUr be Ekron) lies farther north. Sliaa- r
raim is therefore probably to be looked for some- .•
where west of Skuueikeh, on the lower slopes of -i
the hills, where they subside into the great plain.*
We find the name mentioned once more in a li-* "
of the towns of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 31>,« occuryinj;
the same place with Shamchen and Sanssnnan, in ' M
the corresponding lists of Joshua. Lying as the'**
allotment of Simeon did in the lowest part of Judah - *
many miles south of the region indicated above, I <*
is impossible that the same Shaaraim can be «*■»-*
tended, and indeed it is quite doubtful whether it 1 ' ■ •"'
not a mere corruption of one of the other two naroe»o |, '
Taken as Hebrew, the word is a dual, and mew ■■•w
" two gateways," as the I.XX. have rendered H -" '
1 Sam. xvii. It is remarknble that the group «■**
which Shaaraim is included in Ja-h. xv. shot ' r**
contain more names in dual form than all the i • "P*
of the list put together ; vis. besides itself, Aditha «* ~ n -
and Gederothaim, and probably also Enam re *■
Adullam. For the possible mention of Shaath ***
in 1 Mace v. 66, see Samaria, 1101a. D*^.*^"
SHAASH'GAZ QiVft&i not fo»*l <m ■'"''*
LXX., who substitute foi, Hegai, as in v. 8, ^ (ir
Sutaganu). The eunuch in the palace of 3U lltli ;
who had the custody of the women in the so
house, t. e. of those who had been in to the i _, ,, ,j>
(Esth. ii. 14). [Hbqai.] [A. C. T", r _ .,
8HABBETHA1 Cn3P: lofl/tefcrt; ij-c
Kafi&aBai: Sebethal in Est., SepthH in H*** ~ m
1. A Levite in the time of Exra, who sss"bi»--
him in investigating the marriages with fore'^' "-"
which had taken place among the people (t> » _ A
15). It is apparently the same who with ,'j r. ' :
and others instructed the people in the knorf'-"
— . i *
k The word akoarata means'' tw» pvmjtf **■*
tor the roonuon of the town rn Joehns.and weeatf. ■*
of Its position with 1 Sam. xvii. 5s. It would btj, r *ar *_ -
more natural In that passage to late Ii as mat £ '.a* -**__
gates of Oath and Ekron, as the LXX. have dooa.^j. Ts awa"
case, however. It ought to have the article, which
• Here there Is a slight difference in (he ■»''
to the psoas- D^TgB'— which Is reflected (a l ff .
and Vule^(ae«al>mi4lieadersrtadet '*■•
^•-
SHALIM. l,fE LAND OK
w tt • south of S<iltm, but neither approach it b.
ft* direct way which the narrative of Gen. xxxiii. 18
Rem* to denote that Jacob's route did.
3. With the exceptions already named, the una-
uroeus vo 1 je of tranalatora and scholars is in favour
uf treating thalem as a mere appellative. Among
ite ancients, Joseph us (by his silence, Ant. i. 21,
{1'j, the Targums of Onkelos and Fseudojonathan,
lac Samari"an Codex, the Arabic Version. Among
tha moderns, the Veneto-Greek Venion, Bashl,*
Junius and Tremdlius, Meyer (Amut. on Seder
Warn), Ainsworth, Keland (Pal. and .Dissert. Mix:.),
Schumann, Kosenmiiller, J. D. Hichaelis (SSxIfir
Ungdtkri.), and the great Hebrew scholars of our
cwn day, Geaenius ( Then. 1422 j, Zunx (24 Biclmr,
mi .Hiatal**.), Oe Wette, Luxxatto, Knobel, and
hsliscb. — all these take jtattm to mean " safe and
found," and the city before which Jacob pitched to
at the city of Shechem.
Saitat does not appear to have been visited by
tot traveller. It could be done without difficulty
torn Sabhu, and the investigation might be of
importance. The springs which are reported to
I* there should not be overlooked, for their bearing
on its possible identity with the SAX!* of St. John
the Baptist. [G.]
SHALLUM
1223
» SHATJM, THE LAND OF (&*,_.
''(.<. Sbaalim : rqs yys *Ea<ra«r«V;» Alex. r. y.
'ImXtifL : terra Salim). A district through which
,y;<"«l pissed on his journey in quest of his lather's
~«H> (1 Sam. ix. 4 only). It appears to have lain
^*, ctween the » land of Shalisha" and the " land of
/■'emini" (probably, but by no meas* certainly,
g^*;** of Benjamin).
n **lo the complete uncertainty which attends the
.lie— its starting-point and termination, no less
,. . '• m its whole course — it is very difficult to hazard
.J'y' conjecture on the position of Shalini. The
^"jelling of the name in the original shows that it
. " "■ no connexion with Shalem, or with the modem
Jr™ *» esct of Nabha (though between these two
^*~M is probably nothing in common except the
" ' M). It is mora possibly identical with the
.."■'■dof Shual,"« the situation of which appears,
" '• *■» some circumstances attending its mention, to
gJ^wBost necessarily fixed in the neighbourhood of
h /|'|Mi i. e. nearly six miles north of Hichmash,
a., .*'- «kout nine from Gibeah of Saul. But this can
, .^J * I* taken a* a conjecture. [G.]
£ .« atBALISHA/THE LAND OF (fW^TTK,
•* ^eftaushah : 4 -yj, *t\x& 5 Alex. j> •/.'laAwwro:
T*. * fSaSta). One of the districts traversed by Saul
"**■ i- in search of the asses of Kish ( 1 Sam. ix. 4,
7*"* 'H xt apparently lay between " Mount Ephraim "
*«j»a) "land of Shaalim," a fpecifieab'ou which
J* 1 " tad its evident preciseness is irrecognisable,
k ^ ""is- the extent of Mount Ephreim is so un-
*»ii5 and Shaalim, though probably near Tat-
"?£»<»• not yet definitely fixed there. The diffi-
, ,*j|«f»i increased by locating Shalisha at Sdris or
■*ow* SirU, a village a few miles west of Jeru-
^*'»n»t»» of Abu Gosh (Tobler, 3«e Wand.
r"**» «* —
sir-.^ I -,~ lalUonil explanation of the word among the
irnfc u *•>*»•» by Bashl, it that Jacob arrived before
^ k ""> 4si«an from Us lameness (Incurred at Panel),
aT"' t ' « lit wealth and Ms faith alike uninjured.
^^■!»Vj«i,|lfi&, have l>r«A«* or XtroAup (tee Holmes
*• h nltj i. the reading followed by Tiscbendorf In oil
" ~ _J The mdmg of the Alex, is remarkable for
J ^ •»»«,,_• of the presence of the » In the Hebrew
* «.» ^J*-' iwdrred In Onek by y.
178), which some have proposed If the land of
Shnlisha contained, as it not impossibly lid, tha
place called Baal-Shalibha (2 K. rv. 42), which,
according to the testimony of EuseMus and Jeroras
(Omm. " Beth Salisha rf ), lay fifteen Roman (m
twelve English) miles north of Lydd, then toe whole
disposition of Saul's route would be changed.
The words Eglath Sltaluhiyak in Jer. xiviii. 34
(A. V. " a heifer of three yean old ") aie by some
translators rendered as if denoting a place named
Shalisha. But even if this be correct, it is obvious
that the Shalisha of the prophet was on the coast of
the Dead Sea, and therefore by no means appro-
priate for that of Saul. [0.3
SHALLECHETH, THE GATE OW
TOjW: fl trvX)) vacrtxpoptov : porta quae ducit).
One of the gates of the "house of Jehovah," whether
by that expression be intended the sacred tent of
David or the Temple of Solomon. It is mentioned
only in 1 Chr. xxvi. 16, in what purports to be a
list of the staff of the sacred establishment as settled
by David (xxiii. 6, 25, xxiv. 51, xxv. 1, xxvi. 31.
32). It was the gate " to the causeway of the
ascent," that is to the long embankment which led
up from the central valley of the town to the sacred
enclosure. As the causeway is actually in exist-
ence, though very much concealed under the mass
of houses which fill the valley, the gate Shnllecheth
ran hardly foil to be identical with the Bab Silsilen,
or Sinsleh, which enters the west wall of the Horam
area opposite the south end of the platform of tha
Dome of the Rock, about 600 feet from the south-
west corner of the Haram wall. For the bearing
of this position on the topography of the Temple,
see that article.
The signification of shaUeceth is " falling or
casting down." The LXX. however, appear to
have read f13EO,* the word which they usually
render by *a<rro<popiov. This would point to the
" chambers " of the Temple. [G.]
SHAL'LUH (DW: itWoiu: BeOum),
the fifteenth king of Israel, son of Jabesh,
conspired against Zechariah, son of Jeroboam II..
killed him, and brought the dynasty of Jehu u>
a close, B.C. 770, according to the prophecy in
2 K. x. 30, where it is promised that Jehu'*
children should occupy the throne of Israel to the
fourth generation. In the English version of 2 K
xv. 10, we read, " And Shallum the son of Jabesb
conspired against him, and smote him before the
people, and slew him, and reigned in his stead.''
And so the Vulg. perausitque eum palam et inter*
fecit. But in the LXX. we find Ke 0Aaa> instmd
of before the people, i. e. Shallum and Keblum killed
Zechariah. The common editions read «V Kt^Aod/a,
meaning that Shallum killed Zechariah in KcbJaam ;
but no place of such a name is known, and there is
nothing in the Hefa. to answer to tv. The wonlt
translated before tlit people, palam, Kt/jAadu,
are DJ> Saj>. Ewakl (Geschickte iii. 5»8)
maintains that /3P never occurs in prose,* and
• It will be seen that Shallm contains the Aim which is
absent from Shalem. It Is, however, present In Shual.
< At the same time omitting n?Dt3, " the causeway,*
or confounding it with the word before' H.
* Is not the objection rather that the word Is
Chsldee? It occurs repeatedly In IWel (II. 31 i III. S;
v. 1, 5, 10), and also in Ibe Chaldce portions of Ktn>
,'iv. 1*| vL 13V
1224
8HALLDM
that D^ would be D{K1 if the Latin and English
tjualations wen correct. He alio observes that
in var. 14, 25, 80, where almost the aame expres-
akn la used of the deaths of Shallum, Pekahiah,
and Pekah, the words before He people are omitted.
Hence he accept! the translation in the Vatican
IIS. of the T.XX,, and considers that 'Qobolam or
KtPXadfi was a fellow-conspirator or rival of
Shallum, of whose subsequent late we hare no in-
formation. On the death of Zechariah, Shallum
was made king, but, after reigning in Samaria for
a month only, was in his torn dethroned and killed
by Menahem. To then events Ewald refers the
obscure passage in Zech. zL 8 : — Three thepherds
alto lent off in one month, and my tool abhorred
them — the three shepherds being Zechariah, Qobo-
lam, and Shallum. This is very ingenious: we
must remember, however, that Ewald, like cer-
tain English divines (Mede, Hammond, Newcome,
Seeker, Pre Smith), thinks that the latter chapters
of the prophecies of Zechariah belong to an earlier
date than the rest of the boot [5. E. L. C]
2. (3UAA*«; Alex. 2tAAo«> in 2 K.). The
husband (or son, according to the LXX. in 2 K.)
of Huldah the prophetess (2 K. nil. 14 ; 2 Chr.
xxxir. 22) in the reign of Jonah. He appears to
have been keeper of the priestly vestments in the
Temple, though in the LXX. of 2 Chr. this office is
wrongly assigned to bis wife.
3. (SoWu ; Alex. SoAAoi/i). A descendant of
Sheshan (1 Chr. ii. 40, 41).
4. (Alex. SaAAoiV in 1 Chr, SeAAtja in Jer.).
The third son of Josiah king of Judah, known in
the Books of Kings and Chronicles as Jehoahai
(1 Chr. iii. 15; Jer. xxii. 11). Hengstenberg
(Chrutotogy of the 0. T. ii. p. 400, Eng. tr.)
regards the name as symbolical, " the recompensed
one," and given to Jehoahai in token of his fate, as
one whom God recompensed according to his deserts.
This would be plausible enough if it were only found
in the prophecy ; but a genealogical table is the last
place where we should expect to find a symbolical
name, and Shallum is more probably the original
name of the king, which waa changed to Jehoahax
when he came to the crown. Upon a comparison of
the ages of Jehoiakim, Jehoahax or Shallum, and
Zedeluah, it is evident that of the two. last Zede-
Uah must have been the younger, and therefore
that Shallu m was the third, not the fourth, son of
Josiah, aa stated in 1 Chr. iii. 15.
5. (2aA*>.) Son of Shaul the son of Simeon
(1 Chr. iv. 25;.
6. (3oAa> in Chr, 2«Ao6> in Exr. ; Alex.
2<k\oifi). A high-priest, son of Zndok and an-
cestor of Ezra (1 Chr. vi. 12, 13; Ear. vii. 2).
Called also Salu* ^l Esdr. via. 1), and Sada-
mas (2 Esdr. i. 1).
7. (3f AAooa.) A son of Naphthali (1 Chr. vii.
13). He aud hie brethren an called "sons of
Bilhah," but in the Vat. US. of the LXX, Shallum
and the rest an the sons of Naphthali, and Balam
(not Bilhah) is the son of Shallum. Called also
StULLKH.
8. iSoAsfu; Alex. XaAAaa to 1 Chr. ix. 17:
SeAAM* in Enr. ii. 42 : XoAoftp ; Alex. SeXAooa
in Neh. vii. 45). The chief of a family of porters
or gatekeepers of the east gate of the Temple, for
the camps of the sons of Levi. His descendants
were among those who returned with Zerubbibel.
« U U the best representative of the Hebrew p
8HALMAN
In 1 Esdr. v. 28 he is called Saujm, aad in Nth
zH. 25 Mbshullah.
9. (SeAAaea, SaAsttt; Alex. SaAXaV in 1
Chr. ix. 19.) Son of Kan, a Korahite, who with
his brethren was keeper of the thresholds cf that
tabernacle (1 Chr. ix. 19, 81 1, "and their fathers
(were) over the camp of JeLovah, keepers of the
entry." On comparing this with tha stpreasiosi
in ver. 18, it would appear that Shallum the son
of Kore and his brethren were gatekeepers of a
higher rank than Shallum, Akkub, Talmon, and
" iman, who were only " for the camp of the seeas
of Levi." With this Shallum we may identify Me-
shelemiah and Shelemiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 1, 2, 9,
14), but be seems to he different from the hart-
mentioned Shallum.
10. (3eAA*a.) Father of JehixUah, one of tha
heads of the children of Ephraim (2 Chr'. xxviii. 12).
11. (2oA*4>> ; Alex. SoAAaja.) One of the porters
of the Temple who bad married a foreign wife)
(Exr. x. 24).
12. (SeAAoop.) Son of Bani, who put away
his foreign wife at the command of Ezra (Ear.
x.42).
13. ( JoAAotfu ; FA. JoAooa). The son of Ha-
lohesh and ruler of a district of Jerusalem. With
his daughters he assisted Kebemiah in rebuilding
the wall of the city (Neh. iii. 12).
14. (SnAsJa.) The uncle of Jeremiah f Jer.
xxxii. 7) ; perhaps the same as Shallum the hus-
band of Huldah Uie prophetess. [Jerkmuh, toL
L p. 966.]
16. (S«Ae>.) Father or ancestor ofMiawlati,
" keeper of the threshold " of the Temple in tha
time of Jeremiah (Jer. xxxv. 4) ; perhaps the same
as 9.
SHALXUH CfOf: SoAauaV. SeOmn). Tha
son of Col-hozeh, and ruler of > district of tan
Mixpah. He assisted Nehemlah in repairing tha
spring gate, and "the wall of the pool of Baa-
shelach* (A. V. " Sikah ") belonging to the tiaaje
garden, " even up to the stain that go down from
the city of David "(Neh. iii. 15).
8HALJIA7 (fyx?, Seri ; itfy& in Exr,
<t&7 in Neh.: SeAauf, XeAast; Aleiu SeAeeet,
SeAacf: SemUt, Selmdt). The children of Shalmai
(or Shamlai, as in the margin of Ear. ii. 44)
were among the Nethinim who returned with Za-
rubbabel (Exr. ii. 46 ; Neh. vii. 48). In Neh.
the name is properly Salxui. In 1 Esdr. v. 30
it is written Scbai.
SHAT/MAN (JD^: 3oAaud>: Balmama).
Shalmaneser, king of Assyria (Hoe. x. 14). Tha
versions differ in a remarkable manner in their ren-
dering of this verse. The LXX. read Tb, aor
(tfxmv), for ife^, jWrf (in which they are followed
by the Arabic of the Polyglot), and "Jeroboam"
(Alex. " Jerubbaal ") for - Arbel." The Vulgate,
reading "Jerubbaal," appears to have confounded
Shelm*" with 7almnnn», snd renders the clause,
start nxatatus est Sahncmaadomotjtuqiajvdtamit
Baal in die praetiL The Targum of Jonathan and
Peshito-Syriao both give " Shabna ;'* the fanner foi
^K3TK n»3, reading 3TKD3, "by an ambush,-
tbe latter, *M IPS, "'Beth-el." The Chaldea
translator seems to have caught only the first letter*
of the word " Arbel," while the Syrian only saw
the last two. The Targum possibly ngaruVT
8HALMANE8EE
nan" m an appellative, "the peaceable," following
ia this the traditional interpretation of the Ten*
recorded by Bashi, whose note i» aa follows : " As
■poiltrs that come upon a people dwelling In peace,
suddenly by means of an ambush, who hare not
ban waned against them to flee before them, and
destroy ail."
8HALMANE'8EB (TMOD^: SoXauo-
jmaif; Joseph. %iXfuxytxaaipn\s : Bahnanaaar)
was the Assyrian king who reigned immediately
before Sargon, and probably immediately after
Tigtath-nileser. Very little is known of him,
since Sargon, his successor, who was of a different
family, and moat likely a rebel against hia autho-
rity [Sabooii], seems to hare destroyed his monu-
ments. He can scarcely hare aacended the throne
earlier than 11.0. 730, and may possibly not have
done aa till a few years later. [TiOLa.TH-Pii.E-
•E8-] It moat hate been soon after hia accession
that he led the forces of Assyria into Palestine,
where Hashes, the last king of Israel, had revolted
against has authority (2 K. zrii. 3). No sooner
eras he come than Hashes submitted, acknowledged
himself a " servant " uf the Great King, and con-
sented to pay him a fixed tribute annually. Shel-
imntwr upon this returned home ; but soon after-
wards he " found conspiracy in Hashes," who bad
conri rated an alliance with the king of Egypt, and
withheld hie-tribute in consequence. In B.C. 723
Shalmaneser invaded Palestine for the second time,
and, aa Hoshea refused to submit, laid siege to
Samaria. The aiege lasted to the third year (B.C.
721), when the Assyrian anna prevailed ; Samaria
fell ; Hoshea waa taken captive and shut up in
prison, and the bulk of the Samaritans were trans-
ported from their own country to Upper Mesopo-
tamia (2 K. zrii. +■«, xriii. 9-11). It ia uncertain
whether Shalmaneeer conducted the aiege to its
ekee, er whether he did not lose his crown to
Sargon before the city waa taken. Sargon claims
the capture aw hia own exploit in his first year ;
and Scripture, H will be found, avoids saying that
Shahnannvr took the place.* Perhaps Shalmoneser
awl before Samaria, or perhaps, hearing of Sorgon's
revolt, he left hia troops, or a part of them, to con-
taane the siege, and returned to Assyria, where he
was defeated and deposed (or murdered) by bis
enemy.
According to Josephoa, who professes to follow
the Phoenician history of Menander of Ephesus,
Shalmaneser engaged in an important war with
Phoenicia in defence of Cyprus (Jnt. ix. 14,
$2^. It ia possible that he may have done so,
though we hare no other evidence of the fact ; but
it b perhaps more probable that Josephus, or
Meaander, made some confusion between him and
Sargon, who certainly warred with Phoenicia, and
set up a memorial in Cyprus. [Saboon.] [G. R.]
BHA'HA (WM>: Souoaa; Alex. Sonaut:
&7*ma). One of David's guard, son of Hothan of
Aroer (1 Chr. xi. 44), and brother of JehieL Pro-
haMy a Reabetrite (see 1 Chr. r. 8).
SHAMABI'AH (rnetf: aanoofa; Alex.
Saaapta: Somoria). Son of Behoboam by Abihail
the daughter of Eliab (2 Chr. xi. 19).
SHAMHUTH
1221
SHAMED OBB>: a«w»«p: SanuuT '.. Pre*
perly Shamer, or Shemer; one of the seas of
Elpaal the Benjavnite, who built Ono and Lod, with
the towna thereof (1 Chr. riii. 12). The A. V,
has followed the Vulg., aa in the case of Shaclua,
and retains the reading of the Genera Version
Thirteen of Kennioott's HSS. hare IOC.
SHATttEB (IBB': 2«*vn>; Alex. Ssayifp*
Somer). 1. A Merarite Levite, ancestor of Ethan
(1 Chr. ri. 46).
2. (3cup*}p; Alex. 2o)ft4p.) Sbokek the son ot
Heber an Aaherite (1 Chr. vii. 34). Hia four acne
are mentioned by name. [W. A. W.]
SHAM'GAB (1|DB> : Xapryap: Samgar: of
uncertain etymology ; compare Samgar-nebo). Son
of Anath, judge of Israel after Ehud, and before
Barak, though possibly contemporary with the
latter, since he seems to be spoken of in Judg.
v. 6 aa a contemporary of Jael, if the reading
is correct.* it is not improbable from his
patronymic that Shamgar may hare been of the
tribe of Naphtali, aince Beth-snath is in that tribe
(Judg. i. 33). Kwald conjectures that he waa
of Dan — an opinion in which Bertheau (On Judg.
iii. 31) does not coincide. And since the tribe
of Naphtali bore a chief part in the war against
Jabin and Siaera (Judg. ir. 6, 10, r. 18), we
seem to have a point of contact between Shamgar
and Barak. Anyhow, in the daya of Shamgar,
Israel was in a most depressed condition ; the tri-
butary Canaaaitrs (Judg. i. 33), in league appa-
rently with their independent kinsmen, the Philis-
tines, rose against their Israelite masters, and the
country became ao unsafe, that the highways were
deserted, and Hebrew travellers were obliged to creep
unobserved by cross-roads and by-waya. The open
villages were deserted, the wells were inaccessible, and
the people hid themselves in the mountains. Their
arms were apparently taken from them, by the same
policy as was adopted later by the same people (Judg.
iii. 81, T. 8 ; eomp. with 1 Sam. xiii. 19-22), and
the whole nation was cowed. At this conjuncture
Shamgar was raised up to be a deliverer. With no
arm? in hia hand but an ox-goad (Judg. iii. 31 ;
com p. 1 Sam. xiii. 21), he made a desperate assault
upon the Philistines, and slew 600 of them j an act
of valour by which he procured a temporary respite
for his people, and struck terror into the hearts of
the Canaanitea and their Philistine allies. Bnt it
waa reserved for Deborah and Barak to complete
the deliverance ; and whether Shamgar lived to
witnesa or participate in it we have no certain in-
formation. From the position of " the Philistines "
in 1 Sam. xii. 9, between " Moab" and " Haxor,"
the allusion seems to be to the time of Shamgar.
Ewald observes with truth that the way in which
Shamgar ia mentioned in Deborah's song indicates
that his career was very recent. The resemblance
to Samson, pointed out by him, does not seem to
lead to anything. [A. C. H.]
8HAM'HUTH(mnOB': *vu*3«: Sammtk).
The fifth captain for the fifth month in David's
arrangement of his army (1 Chr. xxvil. 8). Hia
designation iTlJ'n, hayyurach, i. e. the Yixrtch,
• In X K. xvlt. a, we expression la simply ■the king
e! Aaivria took it" In 2 K. xrtti. St, 10, we Hod, MM
■sen remarkably, * Sbalmaneser, king of Assyria, came
«!• again* Samaria, and besieged It ; and at the end of
Uiie- thus fkey took It"
• The mention of Jael seems scarcely natural. It has
occurred to fee witter to conjecture for Jp *0'3,
^Kltfa. aa In ver. 1 . Vt. Donaldson (Jot/tar p. 811-3
conjectures H/VOI, " and previous 1 *."
1226
BHAM1K
it pr*nkl> for VrHTI, haxxarcM, the Zarhite, or
Ascendant of Zerah the goo of Jndah. From a
comparison of the lists in 1 Chr. xi., xxvii., it would
seem that .Shamhuth it the aane at Shammoth
the Harorite. fW. A. W.]
SIIA'MIB (TD^: *umI* ; Aiax. in Josh.
laipttp, in Judg. tiyny«ia : &rur). The name
of two places in the Holy Land.
1. A town in the mountain district of Jndah
(Josh. xt. 48, only). It is the tint in this division of
the catalogue, and occurs in company with Jattir
in the group containing SoCHO and Eshtemoh.
It therefore probably lay some eight or ten milec
south of Hebron, in the neighbourhood of the three
places just named, all of which hare been identified
with tolerabie ceitaiotr. But it has not itself been
yet discovered
2. A place in Mount bporaim, toe residence and
burial-pUce of Tola the judge (Judg. x. 1,2). It
is singular that this judge, a man of Issachar, should
hare taken up his official residence out of his own
tribe. We may account fur it by supposing that
the plain of Esdraelon, which formed the greater
part of the territory of Issachar, was overrun, as in
Gideon's time, by the Canaanites or other ma-
rauders, of whose incursions nothing whatever is
told ua— though their existence is certain — driving
Tola to the more secure mountains of Ephraim.
Or, as Maaasseh had certain cities out of Issachar
allotted to him, so Issachar on the other hand may
have possessed some towns in the mountains ol
Ephraim. Both these suppositions, however, are
but conjecture, and have no corroboration in any
statement of the records.
Shamir is not mentioned by the ancient topogra-
phers. Schwarx (151) proposes to identify it with
8an6r, a place of great natural strength (which
has some claims to be Bethulia), situated in the
mountains, halt-way between Samaria and Jenbi,
about eight miles from each. Van de Velde {Mm.
348) proposes Khirbct Sammer, a ruined site in
the mountains overlooking the Jordan valley, ten
miles E.S.E. of Nibba. There is no connexion
between the names Shamir and Samaria, as pro-
posed in the Alex. LXX. (see above;, beyond the
accidental one which arises from the inaccurate
form of the latter in that Version, and in our own,
it being correctly Shomro*. [0.]
8HAMIR met?; Keri, TOP: 2autj>: So-
wur). A Kohathite, son of Hicsh, or Michah, the
firstborn of Uxziel (1 Chr. xxir. 24).
BHAMHA (KQ9: So.ud ; Alex. 3aua4:
Samma). One of the sons of Zophar, an Asherite
(1 Chr. vH. 37).
BHAMMAH (TOP: Sous: Alex. *>««' in
1 Chr. i. 37 : Samma). 1. The son of Raid the
son of Esau, and one of the chieftains of his tribe
'.Gen. xxxvi. 13, 17 ; 1 Chr. i. 37).
2 (Sana; Alex. 2ou«d: Samma.) The third
tos jf Jesse, and brother of David (1 Sam. xri. 9,
xrii. 13). Called also Shimea, Shuieah, and
ShixbU. He was present when Samuel anointed
David, and with his two elder brothers joined the
Hebrew army in the valley of Elah to tight with
the Philistines.
3. (Saaota; Alex. Sauaeos: Semma.) One of
the three greatest of David's mighty men. He was
with him during his outlaw life in the care of
sVlulhm, and signalised himself by defending a
SHA31M0TH
piece of ground full of leutiles against the ITiili*.
tines on one of their marauding incurskns. This
achievement gave him a place among the first three)
heroes, who on another occasion cat their way
through the Philistine garriscn, and brought DaviJ
water from the well of Bethlehem (2 bam. xxin.
11-17). The text of Chronicles at this nut a
clearly very fragmentary, and what is there attri-
buted to Eleaxar the son of Dodo properly belongs
to Shammah. There is still, however, a dis-
crepancy in the two narratives. The •cene of
Shanunah'S exploit is said in Samuel to be a
field of lentUes 'DtTlff), and in 1 Chren. a field
of barley (DHIJJB*). Kennicott proposes in both
cases to read " barley," the words being in Hebrew
so similar that one is produced from the other
by a very slight change sou transposition of the
letters (Dia. p. 141). It is more likely, too, that
the Philistines should attack and tb* Israelites
defend a field of barley than a field of lentilea.
In the Peshito-Syriac, instead of being called « the
Hararite," he is said to be " from the king's
mountain" (|nN\> itti v~&)> and the same
is repeated at ver. 25. The Tat. MS. of the LXX.
makes him the son of Asa (tries "Ao-o i 'Aswvxaubr,
where 'Apovtaios was perhaps the original reading).
Joaephus (Ant. vii. 12, §4) calls him Cesabaeus the
son of llus ('IAoii ftkr vlbs Ktiaafiaios U oVepa).
4. (Xtuiiu ; Alex. Iiyi/mi : Semma.) The Ha-
rodite, one of David's mighties (2 Sam. xxiii. 25).
He is called " SiiAiutOTH the Harorite "ml Chr.
xi. 27, and in 1 Chr. xxvii. 8 " Shaxhuth that
Ixrahite." Kennicott maintained the true reading in
both to be " Shamhoth the Harodite " (Dim. p. 18 1 J.
6. (SoucdV; Alex. So/war.) In the list ot
David's mighty men in 2 Sam. xxiii. 32, 33, wo
find " Jonathan, Shammah the Hararite ;" while ixt
the corresponding verse of I Chr. xi. 34, it
is "Jonathan, the son of Shage the Hararite."
Combining the two, Kennicott proposes to read
" Jonathan, the son of Shamba, the Hararite,"
David's nephew who slew the giant in Gath (2 Sam.
xxi. 21). Instead of " the Hararite," the Peshito-
Syriac has " of the Mount of Olive." (»a£ «JD»
J&lj)> m 3 San - "» L 33, and in t Chr. xi. 34.
" of Mount Camel" (J1 W -3 HX^ *JDf) »
but the origin of both these interpretations as
obscure. [W. A. W.J
BHAMMA 'I (>ee>: Seuioi; Alex. 2au«e*
Smut). 1. The son cf Ouam, and brother ol
Jada(l Chr. ii. 28, 32). In the last-quoted verse
the LXX. give 'Kxura^it for " the brother of Shans-
mai."
2. {Sammal.) Son of Rekem, and father ar
founder of Moon (1 Chr. it 44, 45).
3. (Ssttrf ; Alex. It mud.) The brother of Mi-
riam and Ishbah the founder of rahtrmna, in oi
obscure genealogy of the descendants of Judah ( t
Chr. iv. 17). Kabbi D. Kimchi conjectures that
these were the children of Mered by his Egyptian
wife Bithiah, the daughter of Pharaoh. [MfcRKU.]
The LXX. makes Jetber the father of all three.
The tradition in the Qaaat. in Libr. Parol. Men.
tjfies Shammai with Mooes, arvi Ishbah with Aaruo,
BHAH'MOTH(ntoc': Sana**; Alex. *».
Hit: Sammotk\. The Harorite. one of DavioTi
BHAMMUA
paid (1 Chr. xi. 27). He is apparently the nine
with "Snammah the Harodite" (2 Sam. xxiii. 25),
and with " Shamhuth " (1 Chr. xxrii. 8).
SHAMHITA CWtSC*: Sopou**; Alex. 2o-
»sA4x: Sammna). 1. The no of Zaccur (Num.
mt 4) and the spy selected from the tribe of Reuben.
3. (lafiaA; Alex. 3tow»ao< : fitonua.) Son of
David, by hi» wife Bnthsheba, bom to him in Jeru-
salem (1 Chr. xiv. 4). In the A. V. of 2 Sam. r.
14 be ia called SauuniB, and in 1 Chr. ill. 5
Sams*.
3. (Soytsvf ; FA. So^iovef.) A Levite, the father
cf Abda (Neh. xi. 17). He is the same as She-
Vaiah the father of Obadiah (1 Chr. ix. 16).
4. CSaiuvi: Sammoa.) The r epre s en tative of
the priestly family of Bilgah, or Bilgai, in the days
of the high-priest Joiakim (Neh. xii. 18).
SHAMHU'AH (P«3B>: Sawioor ; Alex. Soft-
ttW: Samoa). Son of David (2 Sam. v. 14);
elsewhere called Shamkua, and Shimea.
gHAMSHERA'I (nCT**: iafurapt; Alex.
tmfufafia: Samson). One of the sons of Jeroham,
a Benjomite, whose family lived in Jerusalem (1
Car. viii. 26).
8HATHAM (DDE' : 3o<pd>: Saphan). A
Gadite who dwelt in'Bashan (1 Chr. T. 12). He
was second in authority in bis tribe.
BHA'PHAN (|BE>: iarfdr; Alex. 3wp<pd»
a 2 K. xiii., but elsewhere both MSS. have IjvpAr :
Saphm). The scribe or secretary of King Josiah.
He was the son of Azaliah (2 K. xxii. 3 ; 2 Chr.
xxxiv. 8), father of Ahikam (2 K. xxii. 12 ; 2 Chr.
our. 20), Elasah (Jer. nix. 3), and Gemariah
(Jer. rxxvi. 10, 11, 12), and grandfather of Geda-
liab (Jer. nxii. 14, xl. S, 9, 11, xli. 2, xliii. 6),
Mkhaiah (Jer. xxxvi. 11), and probably of Jaaxa-
niah (Ex. viii. 11). There seems to be no suffi-
cient mason for supposing that Shaphan the father
sf Atrikam, and Shaphan the scribe, were different
persons. The history of Shaphan bring* out some
points with regard to the office of scribe which he
bdd. He appears on an equality with the governor
of the city and the royal recorder, with whom be
was sent by the king to Hilkiah to take an account
k the money which had bran collected by the
Levites for the repair of the Temple and to pay the
workmen (2 K. xxii. 4 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 9 ; comp.
2 K. xii. 10). Ewald calls him Minister of Finance
(God. iii. 697). It was on this occasion that
Hilkiah communicated his discovery of a copy of
the Law, which he had probably found while
Baking preparations for the repair of the Temple.
[Hils.hh, vol. i. p. 814.1 Shaphan was entrusted
to deliver it to thi king. Whatever may have been
the portion of the Pentateuch thus discovered, the
manner of its discovery, and the conduct of the king
upon hearing it read by Shaphan, prove that for
many years It must hare been lost and its contents
forgotten. The part read was apparently from Deu-
tennoasy, and when Shaphan ended, the king sent
trim with toe high-priest Hilkiah, and other men of
high rank, to consult Huli'ah the prophetess. Her
slower moved Josiah deeply, and the work which
bejui with the restoration of the decayed fabric of
Ike Temple, quickly took the form of a thorough
'■formation of religion and revival of the Levitical
services, while all traces of idolatry were for a time
IwexA away. Shaphan was then probably an old
SHABEZEB
1227
man, for his son Ahikam must have bein !n * posi
tion of importance, and his grandma Gedaliih was
already born, as we may infer from the fact that
thirty-five years afterwards he ia made governoi of
the country by the Chaldeans, an office which
would hardly be given to a very young man. Be
this as it may, Shaphan disappears from the scene,
and probably died before the fifth year of Jehoiakim,
eighteen years later, when we find Elishama was
scribe (Jer. xxxvi. 12). There is just one point in
the narrative of the burning of the roll of Jere-
miah's prophecies by the order of the king, which
seems to identify Shaphan the father of Ahikam with
Shaphan the scribe. It is well known that Ahikam
was Jeremiah's great friend and protector at court,
and it was therefore consistent with this friendship
of his brother for the prophet that Gemariah the
soil of Shaphan should warn Jeremiah and Baruch
to hide themselves, and should intercede with the
king for the preservation of the roll (Jer. xxxvi.
12, 19, 25). [W. A. W.l
SHA'PHAT(BBE>: *•*>*>: Saphat). l.The
son of Hori, selected from the tribe of Simeon to
spy out the land of Canaan (Num. xiii. 5).
2. The father of the prophet Elisha (1 K. xix.
16, 19; 2 K. iii. 11, vi. 31).
3. (2ae)rf0 ; Alex. StupaV.) One of the six sons of
Shemaiah in the royal line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 22).
4. (o ypamwrtit.) One of the chiefs of thj
Gadites in Bashan (1 Chr. v. 12).
5. (2e>o)dV.) The son of Adlai, who was over
David's oxen in the valleys (1 Chr. xxvii. 29).
SHATHEB, MOUNT ("IBB'-in : lafip .
Num. xxxiii. 23). The name of a desert station
where the Israelites encamped, of which no other
mention occurs. The name probably means " mount
of pleasantness," but no site has been suggested
for it [H. H.]
8HAEA'I(>TB>: lafioi; FA.iapouf: SardC.
One of the sons of Bani who put away his foreigL
wife at the command of Ezra (Ear. X. 40). He is
called Esril in 1 Esdr. ix. 34.
SHARA'IM (DngE*, •'. i. Shaaraim: Josro-
pttp; Alex. •Sopyayxip : Sarim and Saraim). An
imperfect version (josh. xv. 36 only) of the name
which is elsewhere more accurately given Shaa-
raim. The discrepancy does not exist in the ori-
ginal, and doubtless arose in the A. V. from ad-
herence to the Vulgate. [G.]
8HA'BAB(Ttf>: 'Apot; Alex.'ApdJ: Soror).
The father of Ahiam the Hararite, one of David's
guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 33). In 1 Chr. xi. 35 he ia
called Sacab, which Kennicott (Diss. p. 203)
thinks the true reading.
SHABE'ZEB (W]B>: laparip: &ro«r)
was a son of Sennacherib, whom, in conjunction with
his brother Adrammelech, he murdered (2 K. xix.
37). Hoses of Cborene calls him Sanasar, and says
that he was favourably received by the Armenian
king to whom he fled, and given a tract of country
on the Assyrian frontier, where his descendants be-
came very numerous {Hist. Armen. i. 22). He it
not mentioned as engaged in the murder, either by
Polyhistor or Abydenua, who both speak of Adran>
melech. ' [G. R.]
■ Codex A here retains the y as tbe equivalent for the
y, which bas disappeared from tbe name In Codex B. Tho
ttrsi p, however, is unusual. [Comp. Tutax.}
1228
SHAKOK
8HA110N (pfn, with the dtf. article:
4 taf&r ; * i Spvp&t ; to tttior : Statu, cam-
patria, camput). A district of the Holy land
occasionally referred to in the Bible* (1 Chr. v. 16,
xxvii. 29 ; Is. xxiHi. 9, aw. 2, lxr. 10 ; Cant ii.
1; Act* U. 35, A. V. Saboh). The name hu on
each occurrence, with one exception only, the de-
finite article — Aoj-S/ianJn — ai is the caw alio with
other districts — the Arabah, the Shefelah, the
Ciccar ; and on that single occasion (1 Chr. v. 16),
it is obvious that a different spot must be intended
to that referred to in the other passages. This will
be noticed further on. It would therefore appear
that " the Sharon " was some well-defined rogioo fa-
miliar to the Israelites, though its omission in the
formal topographical documents of the nation shows
that it was not a recognised division of the country,
aa the Shefelah for example. [Sepuela.] From
the passages above cited we gather, that it was a
place of pasture for cattle, where the royal herds of
David graced (1 Chr. xxrii. 29); the beauty of
which was as generally recognised as that of Carmel
itself (Is. xxxr. 2) ; and the desolation of which
would be indeed a calamity (xuiii. 9), and its re-
establishment a symbol of the highest prosperity
(bv. 10). The rose of Sharon (possibly the tall
grac-'ul and striking squill), was a simile for all
that a lover would express (Cant. ii. 1). Add to
these slight trait* the indications contained in the ren-
derings of the LXX., to Tttior, " the plain,'' and i
Sf»li2s, " the wood," and wa have exhausted all
that we can gather from the Bible of the charac-
teristics of Sharon.
The only guide to its locality famished by
Scripture is its mention with Lydda in Acts ix.
35. There is, however, no doubt of the identifica-
tion of Sharon. It is that broad rich tract of land
which lies bet w e e n the mountains of the central
part of the Boly Land and the Mediterranean — the
northern continuation of the Shefelah. Josephus
but rarely alludes to it, and then so obscurely that
it is impossible to pronounce with certainty, from
his words alone, that he does refer to it. He em-
ploys the same term as the LXX., M woodland."
Apufioi to x°*p'<"' easAernu, says he {Ant. xiv.
13, §3 ; and comp. B. J. i. 13, §2), but beyond its
connexion with Carmel there is no clue to be gained
from either passage. The same may be said of
Strabo (xvi. 28), who applies the same name, and
at the same time mentions Carmel.
Sharon is derived by Gesenius (Tim. 642) from
"ST, to be straight or even — the root also of
Mishor, the name of a district east of Jordan.
The application to it, however, by the LXX.,
by Josephus, and by Strabo, of the name Apv/tis
or Aovuol — " woodland," is singular. It does not
seem certain that that term implies the existence of
wood on the plain of Sharon. Belaud has pointed
tut (PaL 190) that the Saronieus Sinus, or Bay of
Saron, in Greece, was so called (Pliny, N. B. W. 5)
because of its woods, aiomrit raining an oak.
Thus it if not impossible that Afmpij was used aa
an equivalent of the name Sharon, and was not
intended to denote the presence of oaks or woods on
• Two singular variations of this are found in the Vat.
Ma (Hal), vis. 1 Chr. v. la, rceta> ; and zxvtl. »,
'AOTtewv, where toe A Is a remnant of tbe Hebrew def.
article. It ta worthy of remark that a more decided trace
of the Heb. article appears In Acts ix. 35, where suae
USB. have omaw.
SHABUHTCT
the spot. May it not be a token that the origins,
moaning of Saron, or Sharon, is not that wnich
its received Hebrew root would imply, and that
it has perished except in this one instance ? The
Alexandrine Jews who translated the LXX at a
not likely to have known much either of the
Saronic gulf, or of its connexion with a rare
Greek word. — Eusebius and Jerome (Oaoauzst.
" Saron "), under the name of Sennas, specify it
as the region extending from Caesarea to Joppa.
And this is corroborated by Jerome in his com-
ments on the three passages in Isaiah, in one of
which (on lxr. 10) he appears to extend it as far
south as Jamcia. There are occasional allusions to
wood in the description of the events which oc-
curred in this district in later tin**. Thus, in the)
Chronicles of the Crusades, the " Forest of Saron "
was the scene of one of the most romantic adventure*
of Richard (Midland, Batoire, viii.), the " forest
of Assur" (i. e. Arsuf) is mentioned by Vinisauf
(ir. 16). To the S.E. of Kaaariyek there is still
" a dreary wood of (natural) dwarf pines and en-
tangled bushes " (Thomson, Land aid Book, eh.
33). The orchards and palm-groves round Jimzu,
Lydd, and Bamlsh, and the dense thickets of dean
in the neighbourhood of the two last — as well aa
the mulberry plantations in the valley of the Aajek
a few miles from Jaffa— an industry happily in-
creasing every day — show how easily wood might
be maintained by care and cultivation (see Stanley,
& f P. 260 noU).
A geneial sketch of the district is given under
the head of Palestine (pp. 672, 673}. Jerome
(Comm. on Is. zxxv. 2) characterises it in words
which admirably portray its aspects even at the
present: — " Omnis igitur candor (the white sand-
hills of the coast), cultus Dei (the wide crops of
the finest corn), et circumdsionli scientia (the well
trimmed plantations) et loca uberrima et campestral
(the long gentle swells of rich red and black earth)
quae appellantur Saron."
2. (jriB*: rf0iaV;Alex.3eyetr: Saron). The
Shabon of 1 Chr. v. 16, to which allusion hats
already been made, is distinguished from the west er n
plain by not having the article attached to its name
aa tbe other invariably has. It is also apparent
from the passage itself that it was some district on
the east of Jordan in the neighbourhood of Gilead
and Bashan. The expression " suburbs " (/CHID),
is in itself remarkable. The name has not been met
with in that direction, and the only approach to an
explanation of it is that of Prof. Stanley (& f P.
App. §7), that Sharon may here be a synonym for
the Mis/ior— a word probably derived from the •
root, describing a region with some of tbe
characteristics, and attached to the pastoral pinna
east of the Jordan. [G.J
SHA/BONITE, THE ('irtfrl : * Xnoo,
re(n)>; Alex. Sapwrrrns: ctaroiiaVs). Shitrai,
who had charge of the royal herds pasturaa in
Sharon (1 Chr. xxvii. 29), "ia the only Sbaraute
m enti o n e d in the Bible. [G.J
8HABXTHEN(jnre*: of 07001* ofrraV, in
both MSS. : Sanx m). A town, named in Josh , xi*. 6
» Tbe Lasbaron of Josh. xli. IS, which some scbotan
consider to be Sharon with a preposition prefixed, appears
to the writer mora probably correctly given In loa A V
fLAaHABUK.]
• Probably reading |n'*lt?- as Reload cocjeotasaa.
BHASHA1
jn!y, amongst {hose which woe allotted within
Jiwib to Simeon. Sharuhen does not appear in
the caUlogue of the eitie* of Judah ; but instead of
it, and occupying the same position with regard to
the other names, we find Shilhix (xv. 82). In the
list of 1 Chr. on the other hand, the same position is
occupied by Siiaahaim (it. 31). Whether these are
different places, or different names of the same place,
oc mere variations of careless copyists ; and, in the
last cue, which is the original form, it is perhaps
rnipnuible now to determine. Of the three, Shaa-
raitn would seem to hare the strongest claim,
noce we know that it was the name of a place
in another direction, while Shilhim and Sharuhen
an found once only. If so, then the Am which
eiiits in Shaaraim has disappeared in the others.
Knohel (Exeg. Hcmdb. on Josh. xv. 32) calls
attention to Tell Sktrfah, about 10 miles West of
Mr e+Seba, at the head of Wady Shcii'ah (the
"watering-place"). The position is not unsuit-
able, but as to its identity with Shaaraim or Sha-
ruhen we can say nothing. [Q.]
SHASHA'IfBfe*: Jttnt: Si**). One of the
sons of Bsuri who bad married a foreign wife and
pnt her away in the time of Ezra (Ear. x. 40).
SHA'8HAK(pe^: 2exHi«: Setae). ABsv
jsmite, one of the sons of Beriah (1 Chr. riii. 14, 25).
SHATJL fatOt: XaoiK: Alex. Sopoirr/A. in
Gen. : Sail). 1 . The sou of Simeon by a Ca-
ttunitish woman (Gen. xlvi. 10 ; Ex. vi. 15 ; Num.
xrri. 13; 1 Chr. ir. 24), and founder of the family
of the Shaulites. The Jewish traditions identify
him with Zimri, " who did the work of the Cnnaan-
ita in Shittim " (Targ. Pseudojon. on Gen. xlvi.).
JL. Shan] of Rehoboth by the river was one of
the kings of Edom, and successor of Samlah (1 Chr
i. 48, 49). In the A. V. of Gen. zxxri. 37 he is
has accurately/ called SAUL.
3. A Kohathite. son of (Jzziah (1 Chr. vi. 24).
6HATEH, THE VALLEY OF (ST«S» j>0}N
the Samar. Cod. adds the article, HIBTI ']l, Sam.
Vers. >*UDD*: tV KoiAitto tV k Savq; Alex,
r. c. r. Savnr : vttffo Save quae ett vattie regit).
A name found only in Gen. xhr. It is on* of those
archaic names with which this venerable chapter
abounds — such aa Beta, En-Mishpat, Ham, Ha-
acnsKtamar— so archaic, that many of them hare
been elucidated by the insertion of their more mo-
dem * equivalents in the body of the document, by
a later but still very ancient hand. Ii* the present
ewe the explanation does not throw any light upon
the locality of Shaveh : — * The valley of Shaveh,
that is the Valley of the King" (ver. 17). True,
the "Valley of the King" is mentioned again in
2 Sam. xviii. IS, as the site of a pillar set up by
Absalom ; bot this passage again conveys no indi-
cation of its position, and it is by no means certain
that the two passages refer to the same spot. The
eitrecne obscurity in which the whole account of
SHAWM
122it
• The Targmn of Onkelos gives the auna equivalent,
at with a eorloas addition, " the plain of Helena, which
Is the Mat's place of racing;" recalling the inrttpopot
■ stranger/ Inserted by u> LXX. in Gen. xlvlli. 1.
• This Is one of the nameroos Instances In which
te* Vatican OU (Hal) agree* with ths Alex, ana dis-
tance with the ordinary text, which m this ease has
nils**.
• Ucaa^nlflcatloaca'Saaraabe -valley,- aaeesentas
, tkm its extreme antiaulrr a Involves.
A tram's route from Damascus is involved, hut-en
already noticed under Salem. A notion has ban
long' prevalent that the pillar of Absalom is ths
well-known pyramidal structure which forms ths
northern member of the group of monuments at the
western foot of Olivet. This is perhaps originally
founded on the statement of Josephus (Ant. viL
10, §3) that Absalom erected (eVrna-e) a column
(errijAn) of marble (Afffov pap/uiptvov) at a dis-
tance of two stadia from Jerusalem. But neither
the spot nor the structure of the so-called " Ab-
salom's tomb " agree either with this description, or
with the terms of 2 Sam. xviii. 18. The " Valley A
the King" was an Emck, that is a broad opeu
valley, baring few or no features in common with
the deep rugged ravine of the Kedron. [Valley.]
The pillar of Absalom — which went by the name of
" Absalom's hand " — was set up, erected (3V ),
according to Josephus in marble— while the lower
existing part of the monument (which alone has
any pretension to great antiquity) is a monolith not
erected, but excavated out of the ordinary limestone
of the hill, and almost exactly similar to the so-
called " tomb of Zechariah," the second from it on
the south. And even this cannot claim any very
great age, since its Ionic capitals and the ornaments of
the frieze speak with unfaltering voice of Roman art.
Shaveh occurs also in conjunction with another
ancient word in the name
SHA'VEH KIBIATHA'IM (DWTjJ fTKr >
«V 2avp* Tp we'Xfi: Sane Cariathaim) mentioned
in the same early document (Gen. xir. 5) as the
residence of the Emiin at the time of Chedorlao-
mer's incursion. Kiriathaim is named in the later
history, and, though it has not been identified, is
known to have been a town on the east of the
Jordan ; and Shaveh Kiriathaim, which was also .n
the same region, was (if Shaveh mean "Valley")
probably the valley in or by which the town
Uy. [G.]
8HAVSHA (Mjne*: Sovo-ct; FA. Soli.
9tua). The royal secretary in the reign of David
(1 Chr. xviii. 16). He is apparently the same with
Seraiab (2 Sam. viii. 17), who is called Xturi by
Josephus (Ant. vii. 5, §4), and taai in the Vat,
MS. of the LXX. Smsiu is the reading of two
HSS. and of the Targnm in 1 Chr. xviii. 16. In
2 Sam. xx. 25 he is called Skeva, and in 1 K.
iv. 3 SH18IIA.
SHAWM. In the Prayer-book version of Ps.
xcriii. 7, " with trumpets also and ihawmi ' ■• the
rendering of what stands in the A,. V. " with trum-
pets ana sound of cornet." The Hebrew word
translated " cornet " will be found treated under
that head. The " shawm " was a musical instru-
ment resembling the clarionet. The word occurs
in the forms ihalm, thalmie, and is connected with
the Germ, tclialmeie, a reed-pipe.
* With isainsrl and trompets and with clarions sweet*
Brans*. F. Q. 1. lx, {18.
In the very expression " the Bnek-Shaveh," whfch shows
that ths word had ceased to be Intelligible to the writer,
who added to It a modern word of the same meaning with
Itself. It Is equivalent to such names as " Putnte d'AI-
cantara," " the Oreesen Steps," ate, where the one part
of the name Is amere repetition or translation of the other,
and which cannot exist till the meaning of the older tens
Is obsolete.
* Perhaps tint mentioned by Benjamin of Tndcla (s-X>
11*0\ and next by Manndevtlle (1323X
1230
SHEAL
"Krai from tha shrillest tkavm onto the oommntc."
Durrox, FtHr*t>- W. MS-
Mr. Chappell says (Pop. Jfu». i. 35, note 6), " The
modern clarionet i» en improvement upon the
shawm, which wai played with a reed like the
wayte, or hautboy, bat, being a ban instrument,
with about the compass of an octave, had probably
more the tone cf a bassoon." In the tame note he
quotes one of the "proverbis" written about the
time of Henry VI I. on the walls of the Manor House
at Leckingfield near Beverley, Yorkshire : —
" A shawme maketh a swete sounds, for he tnnvtbe the
haste;
It rooonuthe not to hye, but kcplth rale and space.
Yet yf It be blowne with to vehement a wynde,
It maklihe tt to mysgoverne oat of his klnde."
From a passage quoted by Nares (Qlostary) it ap-
i*ars tliat the shawm had a mournful sound : —
"He—
That never wants a GUead mil of balm
For his elect, shall tarn thy woMl state
Into the merry pipe."
O. Too**, Bdida, p. 18. [W. A. W.]
8HEA'L(^>NC>: SoAoufa: Alex.SadA: Saal).
One of the sons of 1 Banl who had married a foreign
wife (Ezr. x. 29> b 1 Ead. ix. 30 he is called
Jasael.
8HEALTIEL bypfibttf, bnt three times in
Haggai^n^: 3oAa»rV: ScMhid). Father
of Zerubbabel, the leader of the Return from Cap-
tivity (Ear. iii. 2, 8, v. 2 , Neh. xii. 1 ; Hogg. i.
1, 12, 14, ii. 2, 23). The name occurs also in the
original of 1 Chr. iii. 17, though there rendered in
the A. V. Salatbiel. That is its equivalent in
the books of the Apocrypha and the N. T. ; and
under that head the curious questions connected
with his person are examined.
SHEARTAH (TYHSf: Xafdta: Alex. Santa
in 1 Chr. ix. 44 : Sana). One of the six sons of
Axel, a descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44).
SHEAKING- HOUSE, THE (1$? JV3
•DTfin -.BtuBuKde T»r rmpinur ; Alex. BeusWot
r. sr. : camera pastontm). A place on the road
between Jezreel and Samaria, at which Jehu, on his
way to the latter, encountered forty-two members
of the royal family of Jndah, whom he slaughtered at
the well or pit attached to the place (2 K. x. 12, 14).
The translators of our version have given in the mar-
gin the literal meaning of the name — " house of bind-
ing of the shepherds, and in the text an interpre-
tation perhaps adopted from Jos. Kimchi. Binding,
however, is but a subordinate part of the operation
of shearing, and the word akad ia not anywhere
used in the Bible in connexion therewith. The
interpretation of the Targum and Arabic version,
adopted by Rash], viz. "house of the meeting of
shepherds," is accepted by Simonis (Onom. 186)
and Gasenias ( Tke». 195 6). Other renderings are
Eiven by Aquila and Symmachus. None of them,
on ever, seem satisfactory, and it is probable that
the original meaning has escaped. By the LXX.,
Kusehius, and Jerome, it is treated as a proper
name, as they also treat the " garden-boose " of
Ix. 27. Entebius (Onom.) mentions it as a village
of Samaria "in the great plain [of Eedraalon] 15
(&!•■ from Legeon." It is remarkable, that at a dis-
• It* last word of the three Is omitted mver.U in the
ciginal. ami In both the Versions.
BHEBA
tance of precisely 15 Roman miles from £*£&* tis
name of Beth-Kad appears in Van de Yekfo's maa
(see also Rob. B.R. ii. 316) ; bat this place, though
coincident in point of distance, is not on the plain,
nor can it either belong to Samaria, or be in tha
road from Jezreel thither, being behind (scuta of)
mount Uilboa. The slaughter at the well resale the
massacie of the pilgrims by Ishmael ben-Nethaniah at
Mixpah, and the recent tragedy at Cawnpore. [G.J
SHE AR-JA'8HUB (3*^ "IKB> : i
\tup6t\i 'laaoift : qui derelictut tit Jamb). Tha
son of Isaiah the prophet, who accompanied him
when he went to meet Ahax in the causeway of the
fuller's field (la. vii. 8). The name, like that of
the prophet's other son, Maher-shalal-haah-bax, had
a mystical significance, and appears to have been
given with mixed feelings of sorrow and hope —
sorrow for the captivity of the people, and hope
that in the end a remnant should return to tha
land of their fathers (comp. Is. x. 20-22).
SHE'BA (J?3B>: Sa/SW; Joseph. Xa£a»r:
Scba). The son of Bichri, a Benjamite from the
mountains of Ephraim (2 Sam. xx. 1-22), the last
chief of the Abfalom insurrection. He is described
as a "man of Belial," which seems [comp. ShimeiJ
to have been the usual term of invective cast to
and fro between the two parties. But he must
have been a person of some consequence, from the
immense effect produced by his appearance. It
was in fact all but an anticipation of the revolt of
Jeroboam. It was not, as in the case of Absalom,
a mere conflict between two factions in the court
of Jndah, but a struggle, arising out of that con-
flict, on the part of the tribe of Benjamiu to l eaner
its lost ascendancy; a struggle of which soma
indications had been already manifested in tha
excessive bitterness of the Benjamite Shimei. Tha
occasion seized by Sheba was the emulation, na-
if from loyalty, between the northern and southern
tribes on David's return. Through the ancient
custom, he summoned all the tribes "to their
tents ;" and then, and afterwards, Judah alone re-
mained faithful to the bouse of David (2 Sam. xx.
1, 2). The king might well say, " Sheba the son
of Bichri shall do us more harm than did Absalom **
(i'6. 6). What he feared was Shaba's occupation
of the fortified cities. This fear was justified by
the result. Sheba traversed the whole of Pales-
tine, apparently rousing the population, Joab fol-
lowing him in full pursuit, and so deeply impressed
with the gravity of the occasion, that the murder
even of the great Amass was but a passing in-
cident in the campaign. He stayed but for the
moment of the deed, and " pursued after Sheba tha
son of Bichri." The mass of the army halted for
an instant by the bloody corpse, and then they also
" went on after Joab to pursue after Sheba the son
of Bichri." It seems to have been hit intention
to establish himself in the fortress of Abel-Betiv.
maacah — in the northmost extremity of Palestine—
possibly allied to the cause of Absalom through hist
mother Mancah, and famous for the prudence of
its inhabitants (2 Sam. xx. 18). That prudence
was put to the test on the present occasion. Joab's
terms were — the head of the insurgent chief. A
woman cf the place undertook the mission to hot
city, and proposed the execution to bei fellow-
citizens. The head of Sheba was thrown ever that
wall, and the insurrection ended.
2. lX«£f<; Alex. 3U0a*V: StU.) A Gad".**
SHEBA
sue of the chiefs of his tribe, who dwelt in Bashan
(J dr. t. IS). [A. P. S.]
8HE'BA(K3B>: Sofia: Saba). The name
of three fathers of tribes in the early genealogies
of Genesis, often referred to in the sacred books.
They are: —
1. A son of Raamah, son of Cush (Gen. i, 7 5
1 Chr. i. *>)•
2. (Alex, lafiti, SafJdV.) A son of Joktan (Gen.
z. 28 ; 1 Chr. i. 22) ; the tenth in order of his sons.
3. (2ou9<», laPal; Alex. 2o£dV, Zafi4.) A
wo of Jokshan, son of Ketiirah (Gen. xxv. 3;
1 Chr. i. 32).
We shall consider, first, the history of the Jok-
trinite Sheba ; and. secondly, the Cushite Sheba and
the Ketorahite Sheba together.
1. It has been shown, in Arabia and other
articles, that the Jokuuiites were among the early
colonists of southern Arabia, and that the kingdom
which they there founded was, for many centuries,
oiled the kingdom of Sheba, after one of the sous
of Joktan. They appear to hare been preceded by
an aboriginal race, which the Arabian historians
describe aa a people of gigantic stature, who culti-
vated the land and peopled the deserts alike, living
with the Jinn in the " deserted quarter," or, like
the tribe of Thamood, dwelling in cares. This
people correspond, in their traditions, to the abori-
ginal racr* of whom remains are found wherever a
civilized nation has supplanted and dispossessed the
roder rare. But besides these extinct tribes, there
are the evidences of Cushite settlers, who appear to
have passed along the sonth coast from west to east,
and who probably preceded the Joktanites.and mixed
with them when they arrived in the country.
Sheba seems to have been the name of the great
south Arabian kingdom and the peoples which
composed it, until that of Himyer took its place in
later times. On this point much obscurity remains ;
but the Sabaeans aie mentioned by Diod. Sic, who
refers to the histotical books of the kings of Egypt
in the Alexandrian Library, and by Eratosthenes, as
well sa ArteraidoTUs, or Agatbarchides (iii. 38, 4H),
who is Strabo's chief authority ; and the Homeritae
or Himyerites are first mentioned by Strabo, in the
expedition of Aeliua Galras (B.C. 24). Nowhere
earlier, in aacred or profane records, are the latter
people mentioned, except by the Arabian historians
themselves, who place Himyer very high in their list,
and ascribe importance to his family from that early
date. We have endeavoured, in other articles, to
show lessons for supposing that in this very name
of Himyer we have the Red Man, and the origin of
Erythrus, Erythraean Sea, Phoenicians, &c. [See
Arabia ; Red Sea.] The apparent difficulties of
the case are reconciled by supposing, aa H. Caussin
<le Perceval (Euai, i. 54-5) has done, that the
kingdom and its people received the name of Sheba
(Arabic, Seba), but that its chief and sometimes
reitrning family or tribe was that of Himyer : and
tlst an old name was thus preserved until the
fbtindation of the modern kingdom of Himyer or
the Tnbbaas, which H. Caussin is inclined to place
(bat there is much uncertainty about this date)
«k»*it x century before our era, when the two great
rival families of Himyer and Kahlan, together with
wnafler tribes, were united under the lormer. In
sapport of the view that the name of Sheba applied
to the kingdom and its people as t generic or nations'
nam?, we find in the Aasnoot " ins name of Sena
eoBipnsm the tribes of the Tenen in common"
SHEBA
1231
(«.». Sebe,); and this was written bog aftlr the
later kingdom of Himyer bad flourished and fallen.
And further, as Himyer meant the " Red Man," at
probably did Seba. In Arabic, the <erb Seba,
Lu*>, aaid of the sun, or of a journey, or of a
fever, means " it altered " a man, i. e. by turning
him red ; the noun seba, as well as sic* and
sebee-ah, signifies " wine ( Td)' ci-'Aroos MS.).
The Arabian wine was red ; for we read " kumeyt
is a name of wine, because there is in it blackness
and redness " (SihaA MS.). It appears, then, that
in Seba we very possibly have the oldest name of
the Bed Man, whence came atou>i(, Himyer, and
Erythrus.
We hare assumed the identity of the Arabic Seba,
La*., with Sheba (»»«?> The pi. form D'sOt?
corresponds with the Greek 2aficuot and the Latin
Sabaei. Gasenius compares the Heb. with Eth.
iVflfY " *"*&•" The Hebrew shin is, in by far
the greater Dumber of instances, em in Arabic (fee
Gesenius); and the historical, ethnological, and
geographical circumstances of the can, all require
the identification.
In the Bible, the Joktanite Sheba, mentioned
genealogically in Gen. i. 28, recurs, as a kingdom,
in the account of the visit of the queen of Sheba to
king Solomon, when she heard of his fame con-
cerning the name of the Lord, and came to prove
him with hard questions (1 K. x. 1); "and she
came to Jerusalem with a very great train, with
aunels that bare spices, and very much gold, and
precious stones " (2). And, again, " she gave the
king an hundred and twenty talents of gold, and of
spices very great store, and precious stones : there
came no more such abundance of spices as these
which the queen of Sheba gave to king Solomon "
(10). She was attracted by the fame of Solomon's
wisdom, which she had heard in her own land ;
but tho dedication of the Temple had recently been
solemnized, and, no doubt, the people of Arabia
were desirous to see this famous house. That the
queen was of Sheba in Arabia, and not of Seba the
Cushite kingdom of Ethiopia, is unquestionable ;
Joaephus and some of the rabbinical writers* per-
versely, as usual, refer her to the latter; and the
Ethiopian (or Abyssinian) church has a convenient
tradition to the same effect (oomp. Joseph. Ant. viii.
6, §5 ; Ludolf, Hist. Aethtop. ii. 3 ; Harris' Abys-
sinia, ii. 105). The Arabs call her Bilkees (or
Yelkamnh or Balkamah ; Ibn Kbaldoon), a queen
of the later Himyerites, who, if M. Caussin's
chronological adjustments of the early history of
the Yemen be coi-rect, reigned in the first century of
our era (Etsai, i. 75, &c.) ; and an edifice at
Ma-rib (Mariaba) still bears her name, while
M. Fresnel read the name of "Almacah" or
" Balmacah," in many of the Himyeritio inscrip-
tions. The Arab story of this queen is, in the present
state of our knowledge, altogether unhistorical and
unworthy of credit; but the attempt to make her
Solomons queen of Sheba probably arose (as
M. Caussin conjectures) from the latter being men*
tioned in the Kur-an without any name, and the
commentators adopting Bilkees as the moat ancient
queen of Sheba in the lists of the Yemen. The
h'ur-an, as usual, contains a very poor version of
■ Abra-Ezra (on IMn. xl. 6), however, remark) that tba
queen of Sheba came from the Yemen, for si o npokf ai
Ishmaelltt (or rather i flMsntuc) language.
1232
8HEBA
the Bibiica] narrative, diluted with nonsense and
encumbered with fables (ch. xxvii. yer. 24, &c)-
Tlie othei passages in the Bible which seem to
icier to the Joktan.te Sheba occur in Is. lz. 6,
where we read, *• all they from Sheba shall come:
they shall bring gold and incense," in conjunction
with Midian, Ephah, Kedar, and Nebaioth. Here
reference is made to the commerce that took the
rand from Sheba along the western borders of
Arabia (unless, as is possible, the Cushite or
Ketnrahite Sheba be meant) ; and again in Jer.
Ti. 20, it is written, "To what purpose cometh
there to me incense from Sheba, and the sweet cane
from a far country? " (bat compare Kzek. xxvii. 22,
23, and see below). On the other hand, in Ps. lxxii.
10, the Joktanite Sheba is undoubtedly meant ; for
ihe kingdoms of Sheba and Seba are named together,
and in ver. 15 the gold of Sheba is mentioned.
The kingdom of Sheba embraced the greater part
of the Yemen, or Arabia Felix. Its chief cities,
and probably successive capitals, were Seba, San'a
(Uzal), and Zafctr (Sefbar). Seba was probably
the name of the city, and generally of the country
and nation ; bat the statements of the Arabian
writers are conflicting on this point, and they are
not made clearer by the accounts of the classical
geographers. Ma-rib was another name of the city,
or of the fortress or royal palace in it: — "Seba is a
city known by the name of Ma-rib, three nights'
journey from San'a " (Ez-Zejjaj, in the T&j-eU
'Aroot MS.). Again, "Seba was the city of Ma-
rib (Muihtarak, s. n.), or the country in the Yemen,
of which the city was Ma-rib " (Mar&rid, m toe.").
Near Seba was the famous Dyke of El-'Arim, said
by tradition to have been built by Lukman the
'Adite, to store water for the inhabitants of the
place, and to avert the descent of the mountain tor-
rents. The catastrophe of the rupture of this dyke
is an important point in Arab history, and marks
the dispersion in the 2nd century of the Joktanite
tribes. This, like all we know of Seba, points irre-
sistibly to the great importance of the city as the
ancient centre of Joktanite power. Although Uxal
(which is said to be the existing San'a) has been
supposed to be of earlier foundation, and Zafar
(Sephar) was a royal residence, we cannot doubt
that Seba was the most important of these chief
towns of the Yemen. Its value in the eyes of the
old dynasties is shown by their straggles to obtain
and hold it ; and it is narrated that it passed several
times into the hands alternately of the so-called
Himverites and the people of Hadramawt (Hazar-
maveth). Eratosthenes, Artemidorus, Strabo, and
Pliny, speak of Mariaba ; Diodorus, Agatharchides,
Steph. Byzant, of Saba, iafiai (Steph. Byzant.).
iafiis (Agath.). Ptol. (vi. 7, §30, 42), and Plin.
(vi. 23, §34) mention lifin. But the former all
say that Marimba was the metropolis of the Sabaei ;
and we may conclude that both names applied to
the same place, one the city, the other its palace or
fortjwe (though probably these writers were not
aware of this fact) : unless indeed the form Sabota
(with the variants Sabatha, Sobatale, etc.) of Pliny
{N. H. vi. 28, §32), hare reference to Shibam,
eajital of Hadramawt, and the name also of an-
other celebrated city, of which the Arabian writers
(Mcritid, a. v.) give curious accounts. The classics
are generally agreed in ascribing to the Sabaei the
ehiel riches, the best territory, and the greatest
numbers, rf the four principal peoples of the Arabs
which they name : the Sabaei, Atramitae ( = Ha-
dramawt, Katabeni ( = Kahtan = Joktan), and Mi-
8HEBA
naei [for which see Diklaii). See B.ihait (Pkitag,
xxvi.), and Mailer's Qeog. Mat. p. 186, aqq.
The history of the Sabaeans has been examined
by M. Caussin de Perceval (Enai tar FHat. efea
Araka), but much remains to be adjusted before
its details can be received as trustworthy, the
earliest safe chronological point being about the
commencement of our era. An examination of the
existing remains of Sabaean and Himyerite cities
and buildings will, it cannot be doubted, add more
facta to our present knowledge; and a further ac-
quaintance with the language, from inscriptions,
aided as M. Fresnel believes, by an existing dialect,
will probably give as some safe grounds for placing
the Building, or Era, of the Dyke. In the art.
Arabia, (voL i. 966), it is stated that there are
dates on the ruins of the dyke, and the conclusions
which De Sacy and Caussin have drawn from those
dates and other indications respecting the date of the
Rupture of the Dyke, which forms then an important
point in Arabian history ; but it must be placed ia
the 2nd century of our era, and the older era of the
Building is altogether unfixed, or indeed any date
before the expedition of Aelius Gallus. The ancient
buildings are of massive masonry, and evidently of
Coshlte workmanship, or origin. Later temples, and
palace-temples, of which the Arabs give us descrip-
tions, were probably of less massive character ; but
Sabaean art is an almost unknown and interesting
subject of inquiry. The religion celebrated in those
temples was cosmic ; but this subject is too obscure
and too little known to admit of discussion in this
place. It may be necessary to observe that whaterer
connexioa there was in reUgio* between the Sabaana
and the Sabians, there was none in name or in race.
Respecting the latter, the reader may consult Chwol-
son's Stabler, a work that may be recommended
with more confidence than the same author's Ttfia-
balhatm Agriculture. [See Nebaioth.] Some
curious papers have also appeared in the Journal of
the German Oriental Society of Leiptdc, by Dr.
Osiander.
II. Sheba, son of Raamah son of Cosh, settled
somewhere on the shores of the Persian Gulf, la
the Marisid (s. v.) the writer has found an identi-
fication which appears to be satisfactory — that on
the island of Awal (one of the " Bahreyn Islands "),
are the ruins of an ancient city called Seba. Viewed
in connexion with Raamah, and the other facta
which we know respecting Sheba, traces of his
settlements ought to be found on or near the shores
of the gulf. It was this Sheba that carried on the
great Indian traffic with Palestine, in conjuncUoc
with, as we hold, the other Sheba, son of Jokshan
son of h'eturah, who like Dedan, appears to have
formed with the Cushite of the same name, one
tribe: the Cushites dwelling on the shores of the
Persian Gulf, and carrying on the desert trade
thence to Palestine in conjunction with the nomade
Keturahite tribes, whose pasturages were mostly on
the western frontier. The trade is mentioned by
Exek. xxvii. 22, 23, in an unmistakeable manner;
and pnssibly by Iaa. lx. 6, and Jer. vi. 20, but these
latter, we think, rather refer to the Joktanite Sheba.
The predatory bands of the Ketorahites are men-
tioned in Job i. 16, and vi. 19, in a manner that
recalls the forays of modern Bedawees. [Camp.
Arabia, Dedan, Ik.] [E. 8. >'.j
BHE'BA (jne> : Saiuta ; Alex. So/fas : Sato).
One of the towns of .he allotment of Simern (Josh.
ztx. 2). It occurs between Beersheba and Mrfcdaa.
SKSBAH
(a the list of tin cities of the south of Judah, oat of
which thooe of Simeon were selected, no Sheba ap-
pears apart from Beersheba ; bat there ia a Shema
(it. 26} which stand* out to Moladah, and which
i> probably the Sheba in question. This suggestion
is supported by the reading of the Vatican LXX.
The change from 6 to m is an easy one both in
speaking and in writing, and in their other letters
the words are identical. Some hare supposed that
the name Sheba is a mere repetition of the latter
portion of the preceding name, Beersheba, — by the
common error called homoioteleuton, — and this is
supported by the facts that the number of names
given in iix. 2-6 is including Sheba, fourteen, though
the number stated is thirteen, and that in the list
of Simeon of 1 Chron. (iv. 28) Sheba is entirely
omitted. Gesenios suggests that the words in xix. 2
may be rendered " Beersheba, the town, with Sheba,
the well;" but this seems forced, and is besides
inconsistent with the fact that the list is a list of
" cities." Tha. 1355 a, where other suggestions
are cited. [G.]
SHE'BAH (nystir, i. *. Shibeah : o>*m :
Abmdantia). The famous well which gave its name
to the city of Beersheba (Gen. xxri. 33). Accord-
ing to this version of the occurrence, Shebah, or
more accurately Shibeah, was the fourth of the
series of wells dug by Isaac's people, and received
its name from him, apparently in allusion to the
oaths (31, IJDB'j, yisshibe'i) which had passed be-
tween himself and the Philistine chieftains the day
before. It should not be overlooked that according
to the narrative of an earlier chapter the well owed
it* existence and its name to Isaac s father (xxi. 32).
Indeed its previous existence may be said to be
implied in tie narrative now directly under conside-
ration (xxvi. 23). The two transactions are curi-
ously identical in many of their circumstances — the
rank ud names of the Philistine chieftains, the strife
between the subordinates on either side, the cove-
nant, the adjurations, the city that took its name
from the well. They differ alone in the fact that
the chief figure in the one case is Abraham, in the
other Isaac Some commentators, as Kalisch (fin.
500), looking to .the fact that there are two large
w dl* at Sir a Seba, propose to consider the two
transactions as distinct, and as belonging the one to
the one well, the other to the other. Others see in
the two narratives merely two versions of the cir-
emnstances under which this renowned well was
tmt dog. And certainly in the analogy of the
early history of other nations, and in the very close
correspondence between the details of the two ac-
counts, there is much to support this. The various
pesya on the meaning of the name JDtP, inter-
preting it as " seven " — »m as " oath " — as " abun-
dance " a — u •• » ijoa " » — an all so many direct
jesthnonies to the remote date and archaic form of
this most venerable of names, and to the fact that
the narratives of the early history of the Hebrews
ir under the control of the same laws which regu-
late the early history of other nations. [G.]
EHEBA'M(D3b',i.«.Seb«m: 3e0o/«i: ScAan).
Oat of the towns in the pastoral district on the east
8HEBKA.
1238
• Tbas Is Jerome's (<?ukj(. <NOem»a«aadrUfate)i as
at the word was Tt^tf. as m Es, xvt *».
• The awleru AnMc B*r m-Stbet
ntuiu.
of Jordan — the "land of Jaier uid the land of
Gilead " — demanded, and finally ceded to the tribes
of Reuben and Gad (Num. xxxii. 3, only). It b
named between Eiealeh and Nebo, iaA is probably
the same which in a subsequent verse of the chap-
ter, and on later occasions, appears in the altered
forms of Shibkah and Sibmah. The change from
Sebam to Sibmah, is perhaps due to the difference
between the Amorite or Moabite and Hebrew lan-
guages. [G.]
SHEBANTAH (n»33B> : 2«x«W«; Alex. So-
Xorfa in Neh. ix., Sa/fayfa in Neh. x. : Sabama,
Selmia in Neh. ix., Sebenia in Neh. x.).
1. A Levite in the time of Exrs, one of those
who stood upon the steps of the Levites and sang
the psalm of thanksgiving and confession, which is
one of the last efforts of Hebrew psalmody (Neh.
ix. 4, 5). He sealed the covenant with Nehenuab
(Neb. x. 10). In the LXX. of Neh. ix. 4 he is
made the son of Sberebiah.
2. (X*0ayt in Neh. x., 3»xeWa in Neh. xii. 14«|
Stbenia.) A priest, or priestly family, who sealed
the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 4, xii. 14).
Called Shechaniah in Neh. xii. 3.
3. CXf$cu>:i: Sabania.) Another Levite who
sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 12).
4. (W32C?: Xo/«Wa; Alex. 3U>/3.Wo : St-
bmica.) One of the priests appointed by David to
blow with the trumpets before the ark of God
(1 Chr. xv. 24). [W. A. W.j
SHEB'ARIM (Dnawn. with the def. article:
(rmtrpiificw : Sabarim). A place named in Josh,
vii. 5 only , as one of the points in the flight from Ai.
The root of the word has the force of " dividing "
or " breaking," and it is therefore suggested that
the name was attached to a spot where there were
fissures or rents in the soil, gradually deepeuing till
they ended in a sheer descent or precipice to the
ravine by which the Israelites had come from Gilgal
— " the going down" (VRDI1 > see verse 5 and
the margin of the A. V.). The ground around
the site of Ai, on any hypothesis of its locality, was
very much of this character. No trace of the name
has, however, been yet remarked.
Keil (Josua, ad loc) interprets Shebarim by.
" stone quarries ;" but this does not appear to be
supported by other commentators or by lexico-
graphers. The ancient interpreters usually discard
it as a proper name, and render it " till they were
broken up," etc |G.]
SHEB'EB (-OE> : iafiif ; Alex. lt$ip : Aster).
Sou of Caleb ben-Hezron by his concubine Maachah
(1 Chr. ii. 48).
SHEB'NA (W3B>: 2opr<i>: Sobtuu). A person
of high position in Hezekiah's court, holding at
one time the office of prefect of the palace (Is. xxii.
15), but subsequently the subordinate office of
secretary (Is. xxxvi. 3 ; 2 K. xii. 2). This change
appears to have been effected by Isaiah's inter-
position ; for Shebna had incurred the prophet's
extreme displeasure, partly on account of his pride
(Is. xxii. 16), his luxury (ver. 18), and his tyranny
(as implied in the title of " father " bestowed oa
his successor, ver. 21), and partly (as appears from
his successor being termed a " servant of Jehovah,"
ver. 20) on account of his belonging to the political
party which was opposed to the theocracy, and Is
IK
12*4
8HEBUI£i
favour of the Egyptian alliance. From the omission
of the usual notice of his Dither's name, it has been
aeu j ectured that he was a norot homo. fW. L. B.]
8HEBTJEL (^»ttae>: 2ou0.fi*: Subud, Su-
fewf). J. A descendant of Gershom (1 Chr. niii.
tx\ I. 24), who wax ruler of the treasures of the
house of God; called also Sbubael (1 Chr. xxiv.
20). The Targum of 1 Chr. xxvi. 24 has a strange
piece of confusion : " And Shebnel, that is, Jona-
than the son of Gershom the son of Moses, returned
to the fear of Jehovah, and when David aaw that
he was skilful in money matters he appointed him
chief over the treasures." He is the last descendant
of Moset of whom there is any trace.
3. One of the fourteen sons of Heman the min-
strel (1 Chr. xzv. 4) ; called also Shubafx (1 Chr.
nv. 201, which was the reading of the LXX. and
Vulgate. He was chief of the thirteenth band of
twelve in the Temple choir.
8HECANrAH(W»e>: Sexwlai: Seche-
nia). 1. The tenth in order of the priests who
were appointed by lot in the reign of David (I Chr.
xxiv. 11).
2. (3ex«W<u: Sechniat.) A priest in the reign
of Hezekiah, one of those appointed in the cities of
the priests to distribute to their brethren their
daily portion for their service (2 Chr. xxxi. 15).
8HECHANTAH (froSt?: *x«»'« : Seeht-
niai). 1. A descendant of Zerubbabel of the line
royal of Judah (1 Chr. hi. 21, 22).
2. (SaxoWu.) Some defendants of Shechaniah
appear to have returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 3).
He is called Sf.chesiaS m 1 Esd. viii. 29.
3. [3tx*rlas-) The sons of Shechaniah were
another family who returned with Ezra, three hun-
dred strong, with the son of Jabaxiel at their head
(Ear. viii. 5). In this verse some name appears to
have been omitted. The LXX. has " of the sons
of Zathoe, Sechenias the son of Ariel," and in this
it is followed by 1 Esd. viii. 32, " of the sons of
Zathoe, Sechenias the son of Jezelus." Perhaps the
reading should be: " of the sons of Zattu, Shecha-
niah, the son of Jahaxiel."
4. The son of Jehiel of the sons of Elam, who
proposed to Ezra to put an end to the foreign mar-
riages which had been contracted after the return
from Babylon (Ezr. x. 2).
6. The rather of Shemaiah the keeper of the
east gate of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 2V).
8. The son of Aran, and father-in-law to Tobiah
the Ammonite (Neh. vi. 18).
7. (itxtrla : SebeniaM.) The head of a priestly
family who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 3).
He is also called Shebahiah, and Shecaniah,
and was tenth in order of the priests in the reign
of David.
SHKCH'KM (M ., " shoulder," " ridge," like
dorsum in Latin : 3vx<V m mos ^ P MB, g»'i but also
4 iUifia in 1 K. xii. 25, and ra SMuto, as in
Josh. xxiv. 32, the form used by Jose phus and Ensa-
biua, with still other variations : Sichem). There
■tay be some doubt respecting the origin of the
aame. It has been made a question whether the
puce was so called from Shechem, the son of Hamor,
* From tee bat of the mountains on either side of the
torn can be tasosrned nlbtne hand the ranie Inroad
Jsnsee Taller, and re the other Uk Mo* mien ol the
6HECHEM
head of their tribe in the time of Jacub 'On
xxxiii. 18, sq.), or whether he received his wine
from the city. The import of the name favours,
certainly, the latter supposition, since the vraJUoa
of the place on the " saddle " or " shoulder * cf the
heights which divide the waters there that flow to
the Mediterranean on the west and the Jordan on
the 'east, would naturally originate such a nam* ;
and the name, having been thus introduced, would
be likely to appear again and again in the family ol
the hereditary rulers of the ctiy or region. The
name, too, if first given to the city in the time o>
Hamor, would have been taken, according to histo-
rical analogy, from the father rather than the son.
Some interpret Gen. xxiii. 18, 19 as showing that
Shechem in that passage may have been called also
Shalem. But this opinion has no support except
from that passage; and the meaning even there
more naturally is, that Jacob came fa tafety to
Shechem (a7&, as an adjective, toft ; comp. Gen.
xviii. 21); or (as recognised in the Eng. Bible)
that Shalem belonged to Shechem ai a dependent
tributary village. [Shalem.] The name is also
given in the Anth. Version in the form of SlCHsa,
and Stchem, to which, as well as Sycrar, the
reader is referred.
The etymology of the Hebrew word (Aeotto indi-
cates, at the outset, that the place was situated on
some mountain or hill-side ; and that presumption
agrees with Josh. xx. 7, which places it in Mount
Ephraim (nee, also, 1 K. xii. 251 and with Judg.
ix. 9, which represents it as under the summit of
Gerizim, which belonged to the Ephraim range.
The other Biblical intimations in regard to its
situation are only indirect. They are worth
noticing, though no great stress be laid on them.
Thus, for example, Shechem must have been not
far from Shiloh, since Shiloh is said CJudg. xxi. 1 )
to be a little to the east of " the highway " which
led from Bethel to Shechem. Again, if Shalem
in Gen. xxxiii. 18 be a proper name, as our version
assumes, and identical with the present Salt* on
the left of the plain of the MiMna, then Shechem,
which is said to be east of Shalim, must have been
among the hills on the opposite side. Further,
Shechem, as we learn from Joseph's history (Gen.
xxxvii. 12, &c.), must have been near Dothan ; and,
assuming Dothan to be the place of that name a
few miles north-east of Ndbuhu, Shechem must
have been among the same mountains, not far dis-
tant. So, too, as the Sychar in John iv. 5 was
probably the ancient Shechem, that town must
have been near Mount Gerizim, to which the Sa-
maritan woman pointed or glanced as she stood by
toe well at its foot.
Bat the historical and traditional data which
exist outside of the Bible are abundant and decisive.
Josephos (Ant iv. 8, §44) describes Shechem as
between Gerixim and Ehal : rrjt Surlpair vsahii
prraftf tvair Apair, rapifafov ue> rav i* S«{i«w
KfiueVov, toO 8* in Xatur Ti/mAov irpoe-oTopevk-
liirou. The present Nibulru is a corruption
merely of Neapolis; and Neapolis succeeded the
more ancient Shechem. All the early writers whs
touch on the topography of Palestine, testify te
this identity of the two. Josephus usually retains
the old name, but has Neapolis in B. J. iv. 8, §1.
Mediterranean. Th latter appears In Im Dlastration ts
this article.
SHKCHEM
1235
■ Vta#» sod Tttvra df JneftM, em ftDOtatt Wllntll tram CM Bom m WMW tlaMK of Hoaiil Eha.1. looking Westward. The cjwaQuua
• tkiUibGinb t»» HnltHmmiii to ttomnA* l» If ilkMnw. From s MkMch bj W. Tipping, Kao,
Rpipbanius say* ( A*>. /Toer. iii. 1055) : eV 2«J-
>w»f, reiV Ivrur, «V rfj rvri NedroAei. Jerome
«sys in the .Epic. Paulas : " Transivit Siehem, quae
none Neapolis appellator." The city received it*
sew same (N«d»oA« = N&buiva) from Vespasian,
sod on coins still extant (Eckhei, Doctr. Nttmm. iii.
433) is called Flavia Neapolis. It had been laid
waste, in all probability, during the Jewish war ;
and the overthrow had been so complete that, con-
trary to what is generally true in such instances,
of the substitution of a foreign name for the native
one, the original appellation of Shechem never
regained its currency among the people of the
country. Its situation accounts for another name
which it bore among the natives, while it was
known chiefly as Neapolis to foreigners. It if
aearl v midway between Judaea and Galilee ; and,
it being customary to make four stages of the
journey be t w e en those provinces, the second day's
halt occurs most conveniently at this place. Being
ffatJ a - thoroughfare" ( = KFI"13gO) on this im-
portant route, it was called* alio Ma$op9i or
Umfimpti, as Josephus states (B. J. iv. 8, §1).
He says then that Vespasian marched from Am-
man*, 8*ft Tijf InnapflriZot leal Topd T-Jfrr N«d-
w*AiS> KaXmair-t)?, MafiopBh 84 faro Taw eVi-
X*pi*r. Pliny (//. N. v. 13) writes the same
name " Mamortba." Others would restrict the
term somewhat, and understand it rather of the
* paas " or " gorge" through the mountains where
the town was situated (Hitter's Erdbmd*, Pal.
•46).
The ancient town, in its most flourishing age,
* Tote happy conjecture. In explanation of a name
■tteb baffled even the Ingenious Belaud, Is due to 01s-
■ above).
may have filled a wider circuit than its modern
representative. It could easily have extended
further up the side of Gerizim, and eastward nearer
to the opening into the valley from the plain.
But any great change in this respect, certainly the
idea of an altogether different position, the natural
conditions of the locality render doubtful. That
the suburbs of the town, in the age of Christ,
approached nearer than at present to the uitrsnre
into the valley between Gerizim and Ebal, may
be inferred from the implied vicinity of Jacob s
well to Sychar, in Johns narrative (iv. 1, sq.).
The impression made there on the reader is, that
the people could be readily seen as they came forth
from the town to repair to Jesus at the well,
whereas N&bulus is more than a mile distant, and
not visible from that point. The present in-
habitants nave a belief or tradition that Shechem
occupied a portion of the valley on the east beyond
the limits of the modern town; and certain tra-
vellers speak of ruins there, which they regard as
evidence of the same fact. The statement of
Eusebius that Sychar lay east of Neapolis, may
be explained by the circumstance, that the part
of Neapolis in that quarter had fallen into such
a state of ruin when he lived, as to be mistaken
for the site of a separate town (see Reland's
Palaest. 1004). The portion of the town on the
edge of the plain was more exposed than that in
the recess of the valley, and, in the natural course
of things, would be destroyed first, or be left to
desertion and decay. Josephus says that more than
ten thousand Samaritans (Inhabitants of Shechem
are meant) were destroyed by the Romans on one
occasion {B. J. iii. 7, §32). The population, there-
fore, must have been much greater than Nabuim
with its present dimensions would contain.
4 K 2
1236
BHEOHEM
The situation of the town if on* of surpassing
beauty. " The bud of Syria," said Mohammed,
" la beloved by Allah beyond Ul lands, and the part
of Syria which He loveth Host is the district of
Jerusalem, and the' place whch He loveth most in
the district of Jerusalem is the mountain of
Sablus" (Fuwijr. da Orients, ii. 139). Its ap-
pearance has called forth the admiration of all tra-
vellers who have any aensilility to the charms of
nature. It lies in a sheltered valley, protected by
Gerizim on the south, and Ebal on the north. The
feet of these mountains, where they rise from the
town, are not more than five hundred yards apart.
The bottom of the valley is about 1800 feet above
the level of the sea, and the top of Gerizim 800 feet
higher still. Those who have been at Heidelberg
will assent to 0. von Richter's remark, that the
scenery, as viewed from the foot of the hills, is not
unlike that of the beautiful German town. The
site of the present city, which we believe to have been
<tlso that of the Hebrew city, occurs exactly on the
water-summit; and streams issuing from the nu-
merous springs there, flow down the opposite slopes
of the valley, spreading verdure and fertility in every
direction. Travellers vie with each other in the lan-
guage which they employ to describe the scene that
bursts here so suddenly upon them on arriving in
spring or early summer at this p.radise of the Holy
Land. The somewhat sterile aspe.-t of the adjacent
mountains becomes itself a foil, as it were, to set off
the effect of the verdant fields and orchards which
fill up the valley. " There is nothing finer in all
Palestine," says Dr. Clarke, " than a view of XabiUto
from the heights around it. As the traveller descends
towards it from the hills, it appears luxuriantly
embosomed in the most delightful and fragrant
bowers, half concealed by rich gardens and by
stately trees collected into groves, all around the
bold and beautiful valley in which it stands."
" The whole valley ," says Dr. Robinson, " was
filled with gardens of vegetables, and orchards of
all kinds of fruits, watered by fountains, which
buret forth in various parts and flow westwards in
refreshing streams. It came upon us suddenly like
a scene of fairy enchantment. We saw nothing to
compare with it in all Palestine. Here, beneath
the shadow of an immense mulberry-tree, by the
side of a purling rill, we pitched our tent for the
remainder of the day and the night. . . . We lose
eany, awakened by the songs of nightingales and
other birds, of which the gardens around us were
full." " There is no wilderness here," says Van
de Veldt (i. 386), - there are no wild thickets,
yet there is always verdure, always shade, not of
the oak, the terebinth, and the caronb-tree, but of
tire olive-grove, so soft in colour, so picturesque in
foim, that, for its sake, we can willingly dispense
with all other wood. There is a singularity about
the rale of Shechem, and that is the peculiar
colouring which objects assume in it. Tou know
that wherever there is water the air becomes
charged with watery particles, and that distant
objects beheld through that medium seem to. be
ein eloped in a pale bine or giay mist, such as
contributes not a little to give a charm to the land-
scape. But it is precisely those atmospheric tints
• Tbs rendering "plains of Moreh" In the Auu. Vers,
ssuuomct, TheSanirium Pentateuch translates IPs*
ta Gen. xaxv. • "bo*" or * arch;" and so the huts of
SHECHEM
that we miss so touch in Palestine. Fiery tints an
to be seen both in the morning and the evening,
and glittering violet or purple coloured hues where
the light falls next to the long, deep shadows; but
there is an absence of colouring, and of that charm-
ing dusky hue in which objects assume such softly
blended forms, and in which also the transition in
colour from the foreground to the farthest distance
loses the hardnew of outline peculiar to the perfect
transparency of an eastern sky. It is otherwise in
the vale of Shechem, at least in the morning and
the evening. Here the exhalations remain hovering
among the branches and leaves of the olive-trees,
and hence that lovely bluish haze. The valley ie
far from broad, not exceeding in some places a few
hundred feet. This you find generally enclosed on
all sides ; here, likewise, the vapours are condensed.
And so you advance under the shade of the foliage,
along the living waters, and charmed by the melody
of a host of singing birds —for they, too, know where
to find their best quarters — while the perspective
fades away and is lost in the damp, vapoury atmo-
sphere." Apart entirely from the historic interest of
the place, such are the natural attractions of this
favourite resort of the patriarchs of old, such the
beaut,' of the scenery, and the indescribable air of.
tranquillity and repose which hangs over the scene,
that the traveller, auiiuus as he may be to hasten
forward in his jour=*r, feels that he would gladly
linger, and could pair here days and weeks without
impatience.
The allusions to Shechem in the Bible are
numerous, and show how important the place was
in Jewish history. Abraham, on his first migra-
tion to the Land of Promise, pitched his tent and
built an altar under the 'Oak (or Terebinth) oc
Moreh at Shechem. " The Canaanite was then ia
the land ;" and it is evident that the region, if not
the city, was already in possession of the aboriginal
race (see Gen. xii. 6). Some have inferred from
the expression, " place of Shechem," (D3E7 DHpD),
that it was not inhabited as a city in the time ot
Abraham. But we liave the same expression need
of cities or towns in other instances (Gen. xviii. 24,
xii. 12, xxix. 22); and it may have been inter-
changed here, without any difference of meaning,
with the phrase, " city of Shechem," which occurs
in xxxiii. 18. A position affording such natural ad-
vantages would hardly fail to be occupied, as soon
as any population existed in the country. Tht
narrative shows incontestably that at the time ot
Jacob's arrival here, after his sojourn in Meso-
potamia (Gen. xzxiii. 18, xxxiv.), Shechem was a
Hivite city, of which Hamor, the father of
Shechem, was the head-man. It was at this time
that the patriarch purchased from that chieftain
" the parcel of the field,'' which he subsequently
bequeathed, as a special patrimony, to his son
Joseph ( Gen. xliii. 22 ; Josh. xxiv. 32 ; John iv. 5).
The Held lay undoubtedly on the rich plain of the
i/uW.na, and its value was the greater on account
of the well which Jacob had dug there, sc as not to
be dependent on his neighbours for a supply oJ
water. The defilement of Dinah, Jacob's daughtar,
and the capture of Shechem and massacre of all
that error the Samaritans at JVSJmJtu show a structure
ot that sort under an acclivity of Oeriiim. wlaui U»y
aay was the spot where Jacob burled the Mracpotasrlu
SHECHEM
tV nude inhabitant* by Simeon anJ Levi, are
stent* th»t belong to this period (Gen. riiiv. 1 sq.).
As this bloody act, which Jacob so entirely con-
jrmaed ^Gen. xxxiv. 30) and reprobated with his
dying breath (Gen. xlix. 5-7), i* ascribed to two
persona, some urge that as evidence of the very
insignificant character of the town at the time of
that transaction. But the argument is by no
mean* decisive. Those sons of Jacob were already
at the head of households of their own, and may
hare had the support, in that achievement, of their
numerous staves and retainers. We speak, in like
manner, of a commander as taking this or that
city, when we mean that it was done under his
leadership. The oak under which Abraham had
worshipped, survived to Jacob's time; and the
latter, as he was about to remove to Bethel, col-
lected the images and amulets which some of his
family had brought with them from Padan-aram,
and buried them " under the oak which was by
Shechem " (Gen. xxxr. 1-4). The "oak of the
monument " (if we adopt that rendering of jPN
2%3 in Judg. ii. 6), where the Shechemites made
Abimelech king, marked, perhaps, the veneration
with which the Hebrews looked back to these
earliest footsteps (the incunabula gentia) of the
patriarchs in the Holy Land.* During Jacob's
sojourn at Hebron, his sons, in the course of their
pastoral wanderings, drove their flocks to Sbechem,
and at Dothan, in that neighbourhood, Joseph, who
had been sent to look after their welfare, was seized
and sold to the Ishmaeliies (Gen. xxxvii. 12, 28).
In the distribution of the land after its conquest by
the Hebrews, Shechem fell to the lot of Ephraim
(Josh. XX. 7), but was assigned to the Leviter, and
became a city of refuge (Josh. xxi. 20, 21). It
acquired new importance as the scene of the re-
newed promulgation of the Law, when its blessings
were heard from Gerizim and its curses from Goal,
and the people bowed their heads and acknowledged
Jehovah as their king and ruler (Deut. xxvii. 11 ;
and Josh. ix. 33-35 J . It was here Joshua as-
sembled the people, shortly before his death, and
delivered to them his last counsels (Josh. xxiv.
1, 25). After the death of Gideon, Abimelech, his
bastard son, induced the Shechemites to revolt
from the Hebrew commonwealth and elect him as
king (Judg. ix.). It was to denounce this act of
usurpation and treason that Jotham delivered his
(arable of the tree* to the men of Shechem from
the top of Gerizim, as recorded at length in Judg.
ix. 22 sq. The picturesque traits of the allegory, as
Prof. Stanley suggests (S. $ P. 236 ; Jmviah Chunh.
348), are strikingly appropriate to the diversified
foliage of the region. In revenge for his expulsion,
after a reign of three years, Abimelech destroyed the
city, and, as an emblem of the fate to which he would
consign it, towed the ground with salt (Judg. ix.
34-45). It wa* soon restored, however, for ve
are told in 1 K. xii. that all Israel assembled at
Sbechem, and Kehoboam, Solomon's successor, went
thither to be inaugurated as king. Its central
position made it convenient for such assemblies ;
its history was fraught with reoolleotions which
SHECHEM
1237
* Here again the Anth- Vera., which renders - the plain
of the pillar,* Is certainly wrong. It will not answer to
daaist oa the explanation suggested In the text of the
srUaV*. The Hebrew expmslon may refer to "the stone"
era'eh Jssnaa erected at abechem as a witness of &•
would give the sanction* ot religion as well hi d
patriotism to the vows of sovereign and people.
The new king's obstinacy made him insensible to
such influences. Here, at this same ] lace, the ten
tribes renounced the house of David, and trinsferred
their allegiance to Jeroboam (1 K. xii. 16), under
whom Shechem became for a time the capital of
his kingdom. We come next to the eitoch of the
exile. The people of Shechem doubtless sharAl
the fate of the other inhabitants, and were, must ot
them at least, carried into captivity (2 K. xvii.
5, 6, xviii. 9 sq.). But Shalmaneser, the con.
queror, sent colonies from Babylonia to occupy thr
place of the exiles (2 K. xvii. 24). It would seem
that there was another influx of strangers, at a
later period, under Esar-haddon (Kir. iv. 2). The
" certain men from Shechem," mentioned in Jer.
xii. 5, who were slain on their way to Jeru-
salem, were possibly Cuthites, i. e. Babylonian
immigrants who had become proselytes or wor*
shippers of Jehovah (see Hitzig, Dcr Prvph. Jcr.
p. 331). These Babylonian settlers in the land,
intermixed no doubt to some extent with the old
inhabitants, were the Samaritans, who erected at
length a rival temple on Gerizim (B.C. 300), and
between whom and the Jews a bitter hostility existed
for so many ages (Jos. Ant. xii. 1, §1, xiii. 3, §4).
The Son of Sirach (I. 26) says, that " a foolish
people," •".«. the Samaritans, "dwelt at Shechem"
(to JIki/uo). From its vicinity to their place of
worship, it became the principal city of the Sama-
ritans, a rank which it maintained at least till
the destruction of their temple, about B.C. 129,
a period of nearly two hundred years (Jos. Ant.
xiii. 9, §1 ; B. J. i. 2, 6). It i* unnecessary
to pursue this sketch further. From the time
of the origin of the Samaritans, the history of
Shechem blends itself with that of this people
and of their sacred mount, Gerizim; and the
reader will find the proper information on thit
part of the subject under those heads (see Herzog,
Rml-Encyk. xiii. 362.) [Samaria, Samaritan
Pent.]
As intimated already, Shechem reappears in the
New Testament. It is the Sychar of John iv. 5,
near which the Saviour conversed with the Samaritan
woman at Jacob's Well. Ivx&p* as the place is
termed there (2<x>V m Sec.Text is incorrect), found
only in that passage, was, no doubt, curreut among
the Jews in the age of Christ, and was either a term
of reproach ("Iptf, " a lie") with reference to the
Samaritan faith and worship, or, possibly, a pro-
vincial mispronunciation of that period (see Lticke's
Comm. bo. Johon. i. 577). The Saviour, with His
disciples, remained two days at Sychar on His
journey from Jndaea to Galilee. He preached the
Word there, and many of the people believed on
Him (John iv. 39, 40). In Acta vii. 16, Stephen
reminds his hearers that certain of the patriarchs
(meaning Joseph, as we see in Josh. xxiv. 32, and
following, perhaps, some tradition as to Jacob's
other sons) were buried at Sychem. Jerome, who
lived so long hardly more than a day's journey
from Shechem, says that the tombs of the twelve
covenant between God and His people (Josh. xxlv. 24),
or may mean " toe oak of the gsrrlson," i. a. the on*
where a military post was established. (See (Iran,
Jte. its a, v.) [Puua, Pun or trz, p. 8JJ a.1
1288
BHECHEi.
patriarchs were to be seen* there in nil day. The
anonymous' city in Acta viii. 5, where Philip
preached with such effect, may hare been Sychem,
though many would refer that narrative to Samaria,
the capital of the pronnce. It U interesting to
remember that Justin Martyr, who follows so soon
after the age of the Apostles, was born at Shechem.
It only remains to add a few words relating
more especially to Nabulva, the heir, under a
different name, of the site and honours of the
ancient Shechem. It would be inexcusable not to
avail ourselves here of some recent observations of
Dr. Rosen, in the Zritscir. dtr D. M. Qaelltckaft
for 1860 (pp. 622-639). He has inserted in
that journal a careful plan of Nabuha and the
environs, with various accompanying remarks.
The population consists of about five thousand,
among whom are five hundred Greek Christians, one
hundred and fifty Samaritans, and a few Jews.
The enmity between the Samaritans and Jews is as
inveterate still, as it was in the days of Christ.
The Mohammedans, of course, make up the bulk of
the population. The main street follows the line
of the valley from east to west, and contains a well-
stocked bazaar. Most of the other street! cross
this : here are the smaller shops and the workstands
of the artisans. Most of the streets are narrow and
dark, as the houses hang over them on arches, very
much as in the desert parts of Cairo. The houses
are of stone, and of the most ordinary style, with
the exception of those of the wealthy sheikhs of
Samaria who live here. There are no public build-
'ngs of any note. The Kenheh or aynagogue of the
Samaritans is a small edifice, in the interior of
which there is nothing remarkable, unless it be an
alcove, screened by a curtain, in which their sacred
writings are kept. The structure may be three
or four centuries old. A description and sketch
plan of it is given in Mr. Grove's paper On tht
modern 8amaritan$ in Vacation TauritU for 1861.
N&ulua has five mosks, two of which, according to
a tradition in which Mohammedans, Christians, and
Samaritans agree, were originally churches. One of
them, it is said, was dedicated to John the Baptist ;
its eastern portal, still well preserved, shows the
European taste of its founders. The domes of the
houses and the minarets, as they show themselves
above the sea of luxuriant vegetation which sur-
rounds them, present a striking view to the traveller
approaching from the east or the west.
Dr. Rosen says that the inhabitants boast of the
existence of not less than eighty springs of water
within and around the city, lie gives the names of
twenty-eeven of the principal of them. One of the
most remarkable among them is 'Am el-Kenm,
which rises in the town under a vaulted dome, to
which a long flight of steps leads down, from which
the abundant water is conveyed by canals to two of
the mosks and many of the private bouses, and
after that serves to water the gardens on the north
side of the city. The various streams derived from
this and other fountain*, after being distributed
thus among the gardens, fall at length into a single
channel and turn a mill, kept going summer and
winter. Of the fountains out of the city, three
• Probably at the R<jtl eUmid, analyst lie loot of
Oerizlm, east of tbe city, which Is still believed to contain
the remains of forty eminent Jewish saints (Rosen, as
ibon\ Dr. Stanley appears to have been the nrst to
astic* the possible connexion between the name JstaH
SHECHEM
onlv belong to the eastern water-shed. One c*
them, 'Ain BaUta, close to tbe hamlet of that
name, rises in a partly subterranean chamber sup-
ported by three pillars, hardly a stone's throw from
Jacob's Well, and is ao large, that Dr. Rosen ob-
served small fish in it. Another, 'Ain 'Atiar,
issues from an arched passage which leads into
the base of Ebal, and flows thence into a tank en-
closed by hewn stone, the workmanship of which,
as well as the archway, indicates an ancient origin.
The third, 'Ain Dtfna, which comes from the same
mountain, reminds us, by its name (Ad^rn), of the
time when Shechem was called Neapolis. Some of
the gardens are watered from the fountains, while
others have a soil ao moist as not to need such
irrigation. The olive, aa in the days when Jotham
delivered his famous parable, is still the principal
tree. Figs, almonds, walnuts, mulberries, grapes,
oranges, apricots, pomegranates, are abundant. The
valley of the Nile itself hardly surpasses N&buita in
the production of vegetables of every sort.
Being, as it is, the gateway of the trade be t ween
Jaffa and Beir&t on the one side, and the trans-
Jordanic districts on the other, and the centre also of
a province so rich in wool, grain, and oil, Nibuhn
becomes, nec e s sa rily, the seat of an active com-
merce, and of a comparative luxury to be found in
very few of the inland Oriental cities. It produces,
in its own manufv-toriee, many of the coarser
woollen fabrics, delicate silk goods, cloth of camel's
hair, and especially soap, of which last commodity
large quantities, after supplying the immediate)
country, are sent to Egypt and other parts of tbe
East. The ashes and other sediments thrown out
of the city, aa the result of the soap manufacture,
have grown to the sin of hills, and give to the)
environs of the town a peculiar aspect.
Rosen, during his stay at Jffdbulta, examined
anew the Samaritan inscriptions found there, sup-
posed to be among the oldest written monument* in
Palestine. He has furnished, as Professor Rodiger
admits, the best copy of them that has been taken
(see a foe-simile in Ztiiaohiift, as above, p. 62 IV
The inscriptions on stone-tablets, distinguished m
his account as No. 1 and No. 2, belonged originally to
a Samaritan synagogue which stood just out of tha
city, near the Samaritan quarter, of which syna-
gogue a few remains only are now left. They are
thought to be as old at least as the age of Justinian,
who (a.d. 529) destroyed so many of the Samaritan
places of worship. Some, with less reason, think
they may have been saved from the temple on
Gerizim, having been transferred afterwards to a
later synagogue. One of the tablets is now inserted
in the wall of a minaret ; the other was discovered
not long ago in a heap of rubbish not for from it.
The inscriptions consist of brief extracts from tha
Samaritan Pentateuch, probably valuable as palaeo-
graphic documents.
Similar slabs are to be found built into the walls
of several of the sanctuaries in the neighbourhood
of Nibahu ; as at the tombs of Eleazar, Phinehaa,
and Ithamar at AxertaA.
This account would be incomplete without some
mention of the two spots in the neighbourhood of
'pHIar." attached to this wdy, aa well aa to one aa to*
west end oT Ebal. and the old Hebrew locality the • oak
of tbe Pillar."
' The Aula. Ten. tnaocmater/ adda the ernchv. tt k
simply "a city of g
SHECHEM
tfaluha which bar the names of the Well of Jacob
ami toe Tomb of Joseph. Of theae the former
& the more remarkable. It lies about a mile and
» half east of the city, close to the lower road,
and just beyond the wretched hamlet of BaUta.
Among the Mohammedans and Samaritans it is
known as Btr el-Yakib, or 'Am-Takib ; the Chris-
tians sometimes call it Btr a-Samariyeh — " the
well of the Samaritan woman." " A low spur pro-
jects from the base of Gerizim in a north eastern
direction, between the plain and the opening of the
valley. On the point of this spur is a little mound
•f shapeless ruins, with several fragments of granite
columns. Beside these is the well. Formerly there
was a square hole opening into a carefully-built
vaulted chamber, about 10 feet square, in tbe floor
•f which was the true mouth of the well. Now a
portion of the vault has fallen in and completely
covered up the mouth, so that nothing can be seen
above but a shallow pit half tilled with stones and
rubbish. The well is deep— 75 ft.! when last
measured — and there was probably a considerable
accumulation of rubbish at the bottom. Sometimes
it contains a few feet of water, but at others it is
quitedrj. It is entirely excavated in the solid rock,
prfettly round, 9 ft. in diameter, with the sides
hewn smooth and regular" (Porter, Handbook,
340). " It has every claim to be considered the
original well, sunk deep into the rocky ground by
• our father Jacob.' " This at least was the tradition
ef the place in the last days of the Jewish people
(John iv. 6, 12). And its position adds probability
to tbe conclusion, indicating, as has been well ob-
served, that it was there dug by one who could not
trust to the springs so near in the adjacent vale —
tbe springs of 'Am BaUUa and 'Am Dtfneh — which
still belonged to the Canaan ites. Of all the special
localities of oar Lord's life, this is almost the only
•ne absolutely undisputed. " Tbe tradition, in
which by a singular coincidence Jews and Sama-
ritan*, Christians and Mohammedans, all agree, goes
back," says Dr. Robinson {B. R. ii. 284), " at
least to the time of Eusebius, in the early part of
the 4th century. That writer indeed speaks only
of the sepulchre ; but the Bourdeaux Pilgrim in
aj>. 333, mentions also the well; and neither of
these writers has any allusion to a church. But
Jerome in Epitaphimn Paulae, which u referred
to A.D. 404, makes her visit the church erected
st the side of Mount Gerizim arouud the well of
Jacob, where our Lord met the Samaritan woman,
The church would seem therefore to have been
built daring the 4th century; though not by
Helena, as is reported in modern times. It was
visited and is mentioned, as around the well, by
Antoninus Martyr near the close of the 6th cen-
tury ; by Arculfus a century later, who describes it
as built in the form of a cross ; and again by St.
WiUibald in the 8th century. Yet Snewulf about
A.A. 11 03, and Pbocas in 1185, who speak of the
well, make no mention of the church ; whence we
may conclude that the latter had been destroyed
before the period of the crusades. Brocardus speaks
at* ruins around tbe well, blocks of marble and co-
hnmis, which he held to be the ruins of a town,
the ancient Tbebet ; they were probably those of
the church, to which he makes no allusion. Other
SHECHOl
1239
travellers, both of that age and later, speak of the
church only a* destroyed, and the well as already as-
serted. Before the days of Euselius, there seems to
be no historical testimony to show the identity of
this well with that which our Saviour visited ; and
the proof most therefore rest, so far as it can be
made out at all, on circumstantial evxVnce. I am
not aware of anything, in the nature of the case,
that goes to contradict the common tradition ; but,
on the other hand, I see much in the circumstances.
tending to confirm the supposition that this is
actually the spot where our Lord held his conversa-
tion with the Samaritan woman. Jesus was jour-
neying from Jerusalem to Galilee, and rested at the
well, while ' his disciples were gone away into the
city to buy meat' The well therefore lay appa-
rently before the city, and at some distance from it.
In passing along the eastern plain, Jesus had halfad
at the well, and sent his disciples to the city situated
in the narrow valley, intending on their return to
proceed along the plain on bis way to Galilee, with-
out himself visiting the city. All this corresponds
exactly to the present character of the ground. Tbe
well too was Jacob's well, of high antiquity, a known
and venerated spot ; which, after having already
lived for so many ages in tradition, would not be
likely to be forgotten in the two and a half centuries.
Intervening between St. John and Eusebius."
It is understood that the well, and the site around
it, have been lately purchased by the Russian Church,
not, it is to be hoped, with the intention of erecting
a church over it, and thus for ever destroying the
reality and the sentiment of the place.
The second of the spots alluded to is the Tomb
of Joseph. It lies about a quarter of a mile north
of the well, exactly in the centre of the opening of
the valley between Gerisim and Ebal. It is a small
square enclosure of high whitewashed walls, sur-
rounding a tomb of the ordinary kiud, but with
the peculiarity that it is placed diagonally to the
walls, instead of parallel, as usual. A rough pillar
used as an altar, and black with the traces of fire,
is at the head, and another at the foot of the tomb.
In tbe left-hand corner as you enter is a vine,
whose branches " run over the wall," recalling
exactly the metaphor of Jacob's blessing (Gen. xlix.
22). In the walls are two slobs with Hebrew in-
scriptions,* and the interior is almost covered with
the names of pilgrims in Hebrew, Arabic, and Sama-
ritan. Beyond this there is nothing to remark in
the structure itself It purports to cover the tomb
of Joseph, buried there in the " parcel of ground "
which his father bequeathed especially to him his
favourite son, and in which his bones were deposited
after the conquest of the country was completed
(Josh. xiiv. 82).
Tbe lootl tradition of the Tomb, like that of the
well, is as old as the beginning of tbe 4th cent
Both Eusebius (Onomast. 3»x<V) ■"* tne Bour-
deauz Pilgrim mention its existence. So do Ben-
jamin of Tudela (1160-79), and Maundeville (1322),
and so— to pass over intermediate travellers — does
Maundrell (1697). All that is wanting in these
accounts is to fix the tomb which they mention to
the present spot. But this is difficult — Maundrell
describes it as on his right hand, in leaving Nftblus
for Jerusalem ; "just without the city " — a small
I The well Is a*t fining op with tbe stones thrown la
07 travellers and others. At Msundrell's vMt (1«»7) II
•vs* toe JV dorp, and tbe same measurement Is given by
Dr. Hotsxnon as bavins; been taken to May 1BS8. But,
Hi* rears later, when Dr. Wilson recovued Mr A. Boner's
Bible from it, the drpth bid decreased to " exactly 75 "
(Wilson's Landi, II. 97). Maundrell (M arch Wi round II
ft. of water standing In the well. It appears nor to he
always dry.
> One of these to sivea by Dr. Wilson UosmIi.sx. kill
1240
BHECHEM
Bosk, ' " built orer the sepulchre of Joseph "
(tferch 25). Some time after passing it he arrives
at the well. This description is quite inapplicable
lo the tomb just described, but perfectly suits the
ffely at the north-east foot of Gennm, which also
bears (among the Moslems) the name of Joseph.
And when the expressions of the two oldest autho-
rities 1 cited abore are examined, it will be seen
that they are quite as suitable, if not more so, to
this latter spot as to the tomb on the open plain.
On the other hand, the Jewish travellers,' from
hap-Parchi (cir. 1330) downwards, specify the tomb
as in the immediate neighbourhood of the village «"-
Balata."
In this conflict of testimony, and in the absence
cf any information on the date and nature of the
Moslem' tomb, it is impossible to come to a
definite conclusion. There is some force, and that
in fitrour of the received site, in the remarks of a
learned and intelligent Jewish traveller (Loewe, in
Allg. Zeitmg da Jvdtntkunu, Leipzig, 1839, No.
50; on the peculiar form and nature of the ground
surrounding the tomb near the well : the more so
because they are suggested by the natural natures
of the spot, as reflected in the curiously minute, the
almost technical language, of the ancient record,
and not based on any mere traditional or artificial
considerations. " The thought," says he, " forced
itself upon me, how impossible it is to under-
stand the details of the Bible without examining
them on the spot. This place is called in the
Scripture, neither emek (' valley ') nor thefela
(' plain'), but by the individual name of Chelkat
hat-Sade; and in the whole of Palestine there is
not such another plot to be found, — a dead level,
without the least hollow or swelling in a circuit of
two hours. In addition to this it is the loveliest
and most fertile spot I have ever seen." [H. B. H.]
BHECHEM. The names of three persons in
the annals of Israel.
1. (EOt?: Sux**: Sichtm). The son of Hamor
the chieftain of the Iiivite settlement of Sbechem
at the time of Jacob's arrival (Gen. xxxiii. 19,
xxxir. 2-26 ; Josh. xxiv. 32 ; Judg. ix. 28).
2. (D3E>: 2«x<>: Seditii). A man of Ma-
nasseh, of the clan of Gilead, and head of the family
of the Shechemitea (Num. xxvi. 31). His family
are again mentioned as the Bcoi-Shechem (Josh,
xvii. 2).
3. (DSP: 3«X<M: Sechem). In the lints of
1 Chr. another Sbechem is named amongst the
Gileadites as a son of Shemida, the younger brother
of the foregoing (vii. 19). It must have been the
recollection of one of these two Gileadites which led
Cyril of Alexandria into his strange fancy < quoted
bv Keland, Pal. 1007, from his Conim. on Hoses)
M placing the city of Sbechem on the eastern side
•f the -Ionian. [Q.]
SHECH'EMITE^ THE (nMIPn: 3«x*M'
< Eascbius:— <V wpommit* Neat nJUMS, aria eel o
ti+at bumni rev 'Weir£.
Bunrdcaux Pilgrim : — " Ad pedem moods locos est col
nnm s n e a t flechten : 1W poattnm est la unum entum nblposv
tas est Joseph. Inde paaras mltte . . . nbl patenm." ke.
I liesjamhi of Tudela (cir. 11«5) siys, " The Samaritans
are In possession or the tomb of Joseph the righteous;"
bat does not define Its position.
• See the Ittnenrles entitled Jietiiu kmt-ltoiStim
(«•». IM1> and Jichm ka-Aoxk (1S37X In Gannolv's
SHECHINAH
Sechemitae). The family of Shechem, eon e / Guead
one of the minor clans of the Eastern Manaasek
(Num. xxvi. 31 ; comp. Josh. xvii. 2).
8HECHTNAH (in Chaldee and neo-Hebrew,
"13*355', majettat Dei, praemtia Dei, Spiritm
Scmchu, Boxtorf, from pB> and J3B», "to rest"
"settle," "dwell," whence '{3170, "'a tent,*' the
Tabernacle ; comp. «i|r*}). This term is not found
in the Bible. It was used by the later Jews, and
borrowed by Christiana from them, to express the
visible majesty of the Divine Presence, especially
when resting, or dwelling, between the Cherubim
on the mercy-seat in the Tabernacle, and in the
temple of Solomon ; but not in Zerubbabel's temple,
for it was one of the five particulars which the
Jewa reckon to hare been wanting in the second
temple * (Castell, Lexic. a, v. ; Prideaux, Camtct.
i. p. 138). The use of the term is first found in
the Targums, where it forms a frequent periphrasis
for God, considered as dialling amongst the chil-
dren of Israel, and is thus used, especially by Oo-
kelos, to avoid ascribing corporeity » to God Himself,
a* Castell tells us, and may be compared to the
analogous periphrasis so frequent in the Targutn of
Jonathan " the Word of the Lord." Many Chris-
tian writers have thought that this threefold ex-
pression for the Deity — the Lord, the word of the
Lord, and the Shechinah — indicates the knowledge
of a Trinity of Persons in the Godhead, and accord-
ingly, following »n» Rabbinical writers, identify
the Shechissh with the Holy Spirit. Others, how-
ever, deny this (Calmet's Diet, of the Bib. ; Joh.
Saubert, On the Logos, § xix. in Critic. Saer. •
Glass. Philolog. Sacr. lib. v. 1, vii. tic.).
Without stopping to discuss this question, it will
most conduce to give an accurate knowledge of the
use of the term Shechinah by the Jews themselves,
if we produce a few of the most striking passages in
the Targums where it occurs. In Ex. xxv. 8,
where the Hebrew has " Let them make me a sanc-
tuary that I may dwell ('*U3t?)) among them,"*
Onkelos has, ** I will make my Shechinah to dwell
among them." In xxix. 45, 46, for the Hebrew " I
will dwell among the children of Israel," Onkelist
has, " I will make my Shechinah to dwell, ate"
In Ps. lxxiv. 2, for " this Mount Zion whnein thou
host dwelt," the Targnm has " wherein thy shechi-
nah hath dwelt." In the description of the dedication
of Solomon's Temple (1 K. riii. 12, 13), theTargum
of Jonathan runs thus : " The Lord ■* pleased to
make His Shechinah dwell in Jerusalem. I hare
built the house of the sanctuary for the house ot
thy Shechinah for ever," where it should be noticed
that in ver. 13 the Hebrew |3t?, is not used, but
^3t, and 31**. And in 1 K. vi. 13, for the Heb.
" I will dwell among the children of Israel,"* Jo-
nathan has "I will make my Shec h inah dwell,
ftmrVairot at la ten* SainU.
• It appears from a note in Prof. Stanley's Ssaof 4> fwl
Ml, that a later Joseph la also commeawcaud In thai
aanctuary.
• Dr. Bernard, In his notes on Joaephna. tnas to prow
that these five things wen all In the second Tempi*
because Joeepmia says the Urhn and Thmnmun vera
See Viuttoo'l Traditions, lie, p. xL _
• .See, a. #, Ps. txsf. II ■
10.
SHJBUHINAH
ftc" In Is. vi. 5 he has the combination,* " the
glory of the Shechinah of the King of ages, the
lord c<" Hosts ;" and in the next verse he para-
phrases from off the altar," by " from before His
Shechinah on the throne of glory in the lofty hea-
vens that are above the altar." Compare also Num.
v. 3, xxxv. 34; Ps. lxviii. 17, 18, cxxxv. 21 ; Is.
xrriii. 5, lvii. 15; Joel iii. 17, 21, and nnmerous
other passages. On the other hand, it should be
noticed that the Targums never render " the cloud"
or " the glory" by Shechinah, but by tOJJJ and
mp*, and that even in such passages as Ex. xxhr.
16, 17 ; Num. ix. 17, 18, 22, x. 12, neither the
mention of the cloud, nor the constant use of the
verb \3V d in the Hebrew provoke any reference to
ihe Shechinah. Hence, as regards the use of the
Word Shechinah in the Targums, it may be defined
as a periphrasis for God whenever He is said to
■well on Zion, amongst Israel, or between the Che-
rubim*, and so on, in order, as before said, to avoid
the slightest approach to materialism. Far most
frequently this term is introduced when the verb
J3B* occurs in the Heb. text ; but occasionally, as
in some of the above cited instances, where it does
not, but where the Paraphrast wished to interpose
an abstraction, corresponding to Presence, to break
the bolder anthropopathy of the Hebrew writer.
Our view of the Targumistic notion of the She-
chinah would not be complete if we did not add,
that though, as we have seen, the Jews reckoned
the Shechinah among the marks of the Divine
favour which were wanting to the second Temple,
they manifestly expected the return of the Shechi-
nah in the days of the Messiah. Thus Hagg.
i. 8, " build the house, and I will take pleasure in
H, and I will be glorified, saith the Lord," is para-
phrased by Jonathan, " I will cause my Shechinah
to dwell in it in glory." Zech. ii. 10, "Lo I
come, and I will dwell in the midst of thee, saith
the Lord," is paraphrased " I will be revealed,
and will cause my Shechinah to dwell in the midst
of thee ;" and viii. 3, " I am returned unto Zion,
and will dwell in the midst of Jerusalem," is para-
phrased " I will make my Shechinah dwell in the
midst of Jerusalem ;" and lastly, in Ezek. xliii. 7,
9, in the vision of the return of the Glory of God
to the Temple, Jonathan paraphrases thus, " Son of
man, this is the place of the house of the throne
of my glory, and this is the place of the house of
the dwelling of my Shechinah, where I will make
ray Shechinah dwell in the midst of the children of
Israel tor ever. . . . Now let them cast away their
idols . . . and I will make my Shechinah dwell in
the midst of them for ever." Compare Is. iv. 5,
where the return of the pillar of cloud by day, and
fire by night is foretold, as to take place in the days
of the Messiah.
As regards the visible manifestation of the Divine
Presence dwelling amongst the Israelites, to which
toe term Shechinah has attached itself, the idea
which the different accounts in Scripture convey is
that of a most brilliant and glorious light,' enve-
loped in a cloud, and usually aoncealed by the
cloud, so that the cloud itself was for the most part
alone visible; but on particular occasions the glory'
SHECHINAH
1241
appeared. Thus at the Exodus, " the Lord went
before" the Israelites " by day in a pillar of cloul
. . . and by night in a pillar of fire to give them
light." And again we read, that this pillar " was
a cloud -and darkness " to the Egyptians, " but it
gave light by night" to the Israelites. Bnt in the
morning watch " the Lord looked unto the host of
the Egyptians through the pillar of fire and of the
cloud, and troubled the host of the Egyptians:"
•'. «. as Philo (quoted by Patrick) explains it, "tie
fiery appearance of the Deity shone forth from the
cloud," and by its amazing brightness confounded
them. So too in the Pirke Eliezer it is said,
" The Blessed God appeared in His glory upon the
sea, and it fled back ; with which Patrick compares
Ps. lxxvii. 16, "The waters saw thee, God, the
waters saw thee; they were afraid:" where the
Targum has, " They saw thy Shechinah in the
midst of the waters." In Ex. xix. 9, " the Lord
said to Moses, Lo, I come unto thee in a thick
cloud," and accordingly in ver. 16, we read that
" a thick cloud " rested " upon the mount," and in
ver. 18, that " Mount Sinai was altogether on a
smoke, because the Lord descended upon it in fire."
And this is further explained, Ex. xxiv. 16, where
we read that " the glory of the Lord abode upon
Mount Sinai, and the cloud covered it (•'. t. as A ben
Ezra explains it, the glory) six days." But upon
the seventh day, when the Lord called " unto
Moses out of the midst of the cloud," there was a
breaking forth of the glory through the cloud, for
" the sight of the glory of the Lord was like de-
vouring fire on the top of the mount in the eyes of
the children of Israel," ver. 17. So again when
God as it were took possession of the tabernacle at
its first, completion (Ex. xl. 34, 35), "the cloud
covered the tent of the congregation (externally), and
the glory of the Lord filled the tabernacle (within),
and Moses was not able to enter into the tent of
the congregation " (rather, of meeting) ; just as at
the dedication of Solomon's Temple (1 K. viii. 10,
11), " the cloud filled the house of the Lord, so
that the priests could not stand to minister because
of the cloud, for the glory of the Lord had filled the
house of the Lord.' In the tabernacle, however,
as in the Temple, this was only a temporary state
of things; for throughout the Books of Leviticus
and Numbers we find Moses constantly entering
into the tabernacle. And when he did so, the cloud
which rested over it externally, dark by day, and
luminous at night (Num. ix. 15, 16), came down
and stood at the door of the tabernacle, and the
Lord talked with Moses inside, " face to face, as a
man talketh with his friend" (Ex. xxxiii. 7-11).
It was on such occasions that Moses " heard the
voice of one speaking unto him from off the mercy
seat that was upon the ark of testimony, from
between the two cherubims" (Num. vii. 89), in
accordance with Ex. xxv. 22 ; Lev. xvi. 2. But it
does not appear that the glory was habitually seen
either by Moses or the people. Occasionally, how-
ever, it flashed forth from the cloud which con-
cealed it ; as Ex. xvi. 7, 10 ; Lev. ix. 6, 23, when
" the glory of the Lord appeared unto all the
people," according to a previous promise; or as
Num. xiv. 10, xvi. 19, 42, xx. 6, suddenly, to
strike terror in the people in their rebellion. The
' In IV ixvuL n (16, A. V.), the Tsrgum baa " the Word
of the Lord has desired to place Hin Sbecblnnb upon Zion."
* Always (as far as 1 have uussrred) rendered by the
iteMsernt?.
* The Arabic expresslon,a>rrespoodlng to the SfteeAinaA
of the Targums, Is a word signifying light,
I In Hebrew, "' 1133 ; in Cbaldee, "' "sT,
1342
SHECHINAH
zest occasion on which the glorj of the Lord ap-
ptt-<sd wis that mentioned in Nam. xx. 6, when
they were in Kadesh in the 40th year of the Exodus,
and murmured for want of water ; and the laat
exprsas mention of the cloud as visibly present over
the tabernacle is in Dent. xxn. 15, just before the
death of Hoses. The cloud had not been men-
tioned before since the second year of the Exodus
(Num. x. 11, 34, xii. 6, 10); but as the descrip-
tion in Num. -i. 15-23 ; Ex. xl. 38, relates to the
whole time of* their wanderings in the wilderness,
we may conclude that at all events the cloud visibly
accompanied them through all the migrations men-
tioned in Num. xxxiii., till they reached the plains
of Moeb, and till Hoses died. From this time we
have no mention whatever in the history either of
the cloud, or of the glory, or of the voice from be-
tween the cherubim, till the dedication of Solomon's
Temple. But since it is certain that the Ark was
still the special symbol of God's presence and power
(Josh, iii., iv., vi. ; 1 Sam. iv. ; Pa. lxviii. 1 sqq. ;
compared with Num. x. 35 ; Ps. exxxii. 8, lxxx. 1,
xcix. 1), and since such pa s sa g es as 1 Sain. iv. 4,
21, 22 j 2 Sam. vi. 2; Ps. xcix. 7; 2 K. xii. 15,
seem to imply the continued manifestation of God's
Presence in toe cloud between the cherubims, and
that Lav. xvi. 2 seemed to promise so much, and that
more general expressions, such aa Ps. ix. 1 1, exxxii.
7, 8, 13, 14, lxxvi. 2 ; Is. viiL 18, eta, thus acquire
much more point, we may perhaps conclude that
the cloud did continue, though with shorter or longer
interruptions, to dwell between " the cherubims of
{[lory shadowing the mercy-sent," until the destruc-
tion of the Temple by Nebuchadnezzar. [Olives,
Mount or, p. 629, a.]
The allusions in the N. T. to the Shechinah are not
infrequent. Thus in the account of the Nativity, the
words, " Lo, the angel of the Lord came upon them,
and the glory of the Lord shone round about them "
(Luke ii. 9), followed by the apparition of " the
multitude of the Heavenly host," recall the appear-
ance of the Divine glory on Sinai, when " He shined
forth from Paran, and came with ten thousands of
saints " (Dent, xxxiii. 2 ; oomp. Ps. lxviii. 17 ; Acts
vii. 53; Heb. ii. 2 ; Exek. xliii. 2). The '< God of
glory" (Acts vii. 2, 55), "the cherubims of glory"
(Heb. ix. 5), " the glory" (Bom. ix. 4), and other
like passages, are distinct references to the mani-
festations of the glory in the 0. T. When we read
in John i. 14, that " the Word was made flesh, and
dwelt among us (sViHtntwsr (V 4/ur), and we be-
held his glory;" or in 2 Cor. xii. 9, "that the
power of Christ may rest upon met (rna-irnrshra
«V iiU) ; or in Rev. xxi. 3, '* Behold the taber-
naclo of God is with men, and He will dwell with
them " (4 mntrj) rev ScoS . . . cad rcr/raVst tier*
avraV) we have not only references to the She-
chinah, but are distinctly taught to connect it with
the incarnation and future coming of Messiah, as
type with antitype. Nor can it be doubted that
the constant connexion of the second advent with a
cloud, or clouds, and attendant angels, points in the
same direction (Matt. xxvi. 64 ; Lake xxi. 27 ;
Acts L 9, 11 ; 2 Then. i. 7, 8 ; Rev. i. 7).
It should also be specially notion! that the at-
tendance of angels is usually associated with the
« Tut ezpnsrion of St Psol's has a stagnlsr resem-
blance to lbs RabMnlcsl saying, thai of eighty pupils of
IlUlel the elder, thirty were worthy that Cat SHedttmA
sftwirf reel lass* Hum: sod of these Jonathan (Minor of
toe TvsjrbO was las first (Wolf. M» An. ». IUI>
SHEEP
Shechinah. These are most frequently called (Ea
x., xi.) cherubim; but sometimes, as in Is. vi.,
seraphim (comp. Rev. iv. 7, 8). la Ex. xiv. 10,
" the angel of Hod " is spoken of in connexion with
the cloud, and in Dent, xxxiii. 2, the descent upon
Sinai is described ss being " with ten thousands of
saints* (oomp. Ps. lxviii. 17 ; Zech. xiv. 5). The
predominant association, however, is with the che-
rubim, of which the golden cherubim on the mercy-
seat were the representation. And this gives force te>
the interpretation that has been pat upon Gen. iii.
24, 1 as being the earnest notice of the Shechinah,
under the symbol of a pointed Same, dwelling
between the cherubim, and constituting that local
Presence of the Lord from which Cain went forth,
and before which the worship of Adam and suc-
ceeding patriarchs was performed (see Hale's Caro-
nol. ii. 94 ; Smith's Soar. Annal. i. 173, 176-7).
Psrkhurst went so far ss to imagine a tabernacle
containing the cherubim and the glory all the time
from Adam to Moses (Heb. Lex. p. 623). It is,
however, pretty certain that the various appear-
ances to Abraham, and that to Moses in the bush,
were manifestations of the Divine Majesty similar
to those later ones to which the term Shechinah is
applied (see especially Arts vii. 2). For further
information the reader is referred, besides the works
quoted above, to the articles Cloud, Ark, Chb>
rob, to Winer, Reaiwb. Cherubim ; to Bishop
Patrick's Commentary ; to Buxtorf, Hist. Are.
/bed. cap. xi. ; and to Lowman, Oh the She-
chinah. [A. C. H.]
SHED'ETJBOWntS': 3«8tot>: Alex. , EoW»
in Num. i. 5, ii. 10:' SedeOr). The father of
Elixur, chief of the tribe of Reuben at the tima
of the Exodus (Num. i. 5, ii. 10, vii. SO, 35, x. 18).
It has been conjectured {Ztittohr. d. Dad. Mora.
Get. xv. 809) that the name is compounded el
Shaddai.
SHEEP. The well-known domestic animal
which from the earliest period has contributed to
the wants of mankind. Sheep were an important
part of the possessions of the ancient Hebrews and
of Eastern nations generally. The first mention of
sheep occurs in Gen. iv. 2. The following are the
principal Biblical allusions to these animals. They
were used in the sacrificial offerings, both the adult
animal (Ex. xx. 24; 1 K. viii. 63 ; 2 Chr. xxix. 33)
and the lamb, B>33, i. e. " a male from one to
TV
three years old," but young; lambs of the first year
were more generally used in the offerings (see Ex.
xxix. 38 ; Lev. ix. 3, xii. 6 ; Num. xxviii. 9, set's.
No lamb under eight days old was allowed to ha
killed (Lev. xxii. 27). A very young lamb was
called rho, tilth (see 1 Sam. vii. 9; la. lxv. 25).
Sheep and lambs formed an important article of
food (1 Sam. xxv. 18; 1 K. i. 19, iv. 23; Ps.
xlir. 11, Ac.). The woo] was used as clothing
(Lev. xiii. 47; Deut. xxii. 11 ; Prov. xxxi. 13;
Job xxii. 20, itc.) [WOOL.] Trumpets may have
been made of the boms of rams (Josh. vi. 4),
though the rendering of the A. V. in this passage
is generally thought to be incorrect. " Kama*
k " Be drove ont the mm. snd stationed Ms Sbechtnat
of old between the two cbernMm" (JeraasL Tirfnm);
D'ana.TTUX J3B*] v H*b. Bib.). See I attkk 0» (fee
ULSL
SHEEP
that dyed red" wen used as a covering for
Use tabernacle (Ex. xxv. 5). Sheep and Umba
vera sometimes paid aa tribute (2 K. iii. 4). It is
rtry striking to notice the immense numbers of
ease? that were reared in Palestine in Biblical
joms: see for instance 1 Chr. v. 21 ; 2 Clir. it.
11, xxx. 24; 2 K. iii. 4; Job zlii. 12. Especial
mention is made of the sheep of Bosrsh (Hie. ii.
12; Is. xxxiv. 6) in the land of Edom, a district
well suited for pasturing sheep. "Bashan and
Gilead * are also mentioned as pastures (Hie vii.
14). "Large parts of Carmel, Bashan, and Gilead,"
says Thomson ( The Land and the Book, p. 205),
"are at their proper seasons alive with countless
flocks" (see also p. 331). " The flocks of Kedar "
sad " the rams ot Nebaioth," two sons of Ishmael
(Gen. xxv. 13) that settled in Arabia, are referred
to in Is. lx. 7. Sheep-shearing is alluded to Gen.
txxi. 19, xxxviii. 13; Deut. xr. 19 ; 1 Sam. xxv. 4;
Is. liii. 7, 4c. Sheep-dogs were employed in Biblical
times, as is evident from Job xxx. 1, " the dogs of
my flock." From the manner in which they are
spoken of by the patriarch it is clear, as Thomson
(7b Load and the Book, p. 202) well observes,
that the Oriental shepherd-dogs were very different
animals froaa the sheep-dogs of oar own land.
The existing breed are described as being "a
mean, sinister, nWtoditioned generation, which are
kept at a distance, kicked about, and half-starved,
with nothing noble or attractive about them."
They were, however, without doubt useful to the
shepherds, mare especially at night, in keeping off
the wild beasts that prowled about the hills and
valleys (eomp. Theoc. Id. v. 106). Shepherds in
Palestine and the East generally go before their
flocks, which they induce to follow by calling to
them (comp. John x. 4; Ps. lxxvii. 20, lux. 1),
though they also drove them (Gen. xxxUi. 13).
[Shbpbebd.] It was usual amongst the ancient
Jewe to give names to sheep and goats, aa in
England we do to our dairy cattle (see John x. 3).
This practice prevailed amongst the ancient Qreekr
(see Theoc. Id. v. 103) :—
Oix as* vis levor oCrac 4 lUrapot, I n KvnuU,
The following quotation from Hartley's Researches
n Greece and the Levant, p. 321, is so strikingly
illustrative of the allusions in John x. 1-16, that
we cannot do better than quote it : " Having had
my attention directed last night to the words in
John x. 3, 1 asked my man if it wa:i usual in Greece
to give names to the sheep. He informed me that
it was, and that the sheep obeyed the shepherd
when he called them by their names. This room-
ing I bad an opportunity of verifying the truth of
this remark. Passing by a flock of sheep, I asked
the shepherd the same question which I had put to
the servant, and he gave me the same answer.
I then bade him call one of his sheep. He did so,
and it instantly left ; ts pasturage and its com-
8HEFP
1243
stop short, lift up their hesds id alarm, and i'rtii
repeated they turn and flee, betsuat they know not
the voice of a stranger."
and ran up to the hands of the shepherd
» rtli signs of pleasure and with a prompt obedience
which I had never before observed in any other
anJsaL It is also true in this country that ' a
stranger will they not follow, but will flee from
lean. The shepherd told me that many of bis
sheep ware still wild, that they had not yet learned
their asm fa, but that by teaching them they would
all laara them." See also Thomson (p. 203):—
" The ehepherd calls sharply from time to time to
' id the shee p of his presence ; they know his
aad follow on; but if a stranger call they
The common sheep of Syria and Palestine are the
broad-tail (Ovis latieaudatus), and a variety of the
common sheep of this country {(Ms aries) called the
BUoween according to Russell (Aleppo, ii. p. 147).
The broad-tailed kind has long been reared in Syria.
Aristotle, who lived more than 2000 years ago,
expressly mentions Syrian sheep with tails a cubit
wide. This or another variety of the species is
also noticed by Herodotus (iii. 113) as occurring
in Arabia. The fat tail of the sheep is probably
alluded to in Lev. iii. 9, vii. 3, be., as the fit and
the whole rump that was to be taken off hard by
the back-bone, and was to be consumed on the
altar. The cooks in Syria use this mass of fat
instead of Arab butter, which is often rancid (se*
Thomson, The Land and the Book, p. 97).
The whole passage in Gen. xxx. which bears on
the subject of Jacob s stratagem with Laban's sheep
is involved in considerable perplexity, and Jacob s
conduct in this matter has been severely and un-
compromisingly condemned by some writers. We
touch upon the question briefly in its zoological
bearing. It is altogether impossible to account
for the complete success which attended Jacob's
device of setting peeled rods before the ewes and
she-goats as they came to drink in the watering
troughs, on natural grounds. The Greek fathers
for tile most part ascribe the result to the direct
operation of the Deity, whereas Jerome and the
Latin fathers regard it as a mere natural opera-
tion of the imagination, adducing as illustrations
in point various devices that have been resorted
to by the ancients in the cases of mares, asses,
ke. (see Oppian, Cyneg. i. 327, 357 ; Pliny, N. H.
vii. 10, and the passages from Quintilian, Hippo-
crates, and Galen, as cited by Jerome, Grotiua,
and Bochart). Even granting the general truth of
these instances, and acknowledging the ourious effect
which peculiar sights by the power of the imagi-
nation do occasionally produce in the fetus of many
animals, yet we must agree with the Greek fathers
and ascribe the production of Jacob's spotted sheep
and goats to Diviue agency. The whole question
has bean oarefuUy considered by Nitjchnann (Dt
1244
8HEEP
Coryk Jacobi, in Tkrn. Not. Tirol. Phil. I. 202-
JW% from whom we quote the following passage :
* Fatamur Haque, cum Vossio aliiaque pii* rim,
Ulamptoudum imaginationem tantian fuisse camam
adjuvantem, ac plus in hoc negotio divinae tribu-
ondiun esse rirtuti, quae no oonenrsu sic debilem
causae secundae vim adauxit at qood ea tola secnn-
dum naturam praestare non valeiet id divina bene-
dictione supra naturam praestaret;" and then
Nitachrcann citea the passage in (Sea. xzxi. 5-13,
»here Jacob expressly states that his success was
dee to Divine interference; for it is hard to be-
lieve that Jacob is here uttering nothing but a
tissue of fabehoods, which appears to be the opinion
of Kalisch (Hist, and Crit. Comment. Gen. xxx.
and xxxi.), who represent* the patriarch as <* un-
blushingly executing frauds suggested by his fertile
invention, and then abusing tie authority of God
in covering or justifying them." We are aware
that a still graver difficulty in the minds of some
persons remains, if the above explanation be adopted ;
but we have no other alternative, for, as Patrick
has observed, '* let anv shepherd now try this
device, and he will not find it do what it did then
by a Divine operation.''* The greater difficulty
alluded to is the supposing that God would bare
directly interfered to help Jacob to act fraudu-
lently towards his uncle. But are we quite sure
that there was any fraud fairly called each in
the matter? Had Jacob not been thus aided, he
might have remained the dupe of Laban'* nig-
gardly conduct all his days. He had served his
money-loving uncle faithfully for fourteen years;
Laban confesses his cattle had increased considerably
under Jacob's management ; but all the return hie
got was unfair treatment and a constant desire on
the part of Laban to strike a hard bargain with
him (Gen. xxxi. 7). God vouchsafed to deliver
Jacob out of the hands of his hard master, and to
punish Laban for his cruelty, which He did by
pointing out to Jacob how he could secure to him-
self huge flocks and abundant cattle. God was only
helping Jacob to obtain that which justly belonged
to him, but which Laban's rapacity refused to
grant. « Were it lawful," says Stackhonse, " for
any private person to make reprisals, the injurious
treatment Jacob had received from Laban, both in
imposing a wife upon him and prolonging his servi-
tude without wages, was enough to give him both
the provocation and the privilege to do so. God
Almighty, however, was pleased to take the deter-
mination of the whole matter into his own hands."
This seems to us the best way of understanding this
disputed subject.*
The following Hebrew words occur as the names
of sheep:— JKV, JINX, sUX, or rift, a collective
noun to denote " a flock of sheep or goats," to
which is opposed the noun of unity, flC, " a
sheep" or "a goat," joined to a masc where
"rams "or "he-goats" are signified, and with a
* None of the uutanoee died by Jerome and otben
are exact parallels with that to question. Tbe quotations
adduced, with the exception or those which speak of
painted images set before Spartan women inter cxmcipi-
awaum, refer to cases in which living *"»-"lf themselves,
and not reflections of inanimate objects, were the cause
of same marked peculiarity L.-. "he fetus. RoxnmtlUer,
however (jnW. *» toe.), dies Eastfeer (Ot B* oviaria.
Airman veraVm, p. IT, 30, «s, 4*. 4») as a writer by
wheal the contrary opinion Is corJuicer). We have bass
SHEHABIAH
fern, when "ewes" or "she-goats" *t» meant,
though even in this case sometimes to a msec («
in Gen. xxxi. 10): ^K, "a ram;" fyn, "a ewe*
fe03 or 3tP3, " a lamb," or rather " a sheen of a
V V V r #
year old or abeve," opposed to DTD, " a sucking or
very young lamb f 13 is another term applied to
s lamb as it ttipi (TT3) in the pasture*.
As the sheep is an emblem of meekness, patience
and submission, it is expressly mentioned as tvp.
fying these qualities in the person of our Blessed
Lord (Is. liii. 7 ; Acts viii. 32, &c). The relation
that exist* between Christ, " the chief Shepherd,"
and His members, is beautifully compared to that
which in the East is so strikingly exhibited by the
shepherds to their Bocks (see Thomson, The Lima
and the Book, p. 203). [W. H.]
6HEEPGATE, THE (p&n *$?: * «*A«
4 Tpofhrrurr) : porta grtgis). One of the gates of
Jerusalem as rebuilt by Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 1, 32;
xii. 39). It stood between the tower of Meah and
the chamber of tbe corner (iii. 32, 1) or gate of ths
guard-house (xii. 39, A. V. " prison-gate "). The
latter seems to have been at the angle formed by
the junction of the wall of the city of Davil
with that of the city of Jerusalem proper, having
the sheep-gate on the north of it. (See the diagram
in p. 1027, vol. i.) According to the view taken
in the article jERt,;itEM, the city of David oc-
cupied a space on tt»» mount Moriah about coin-
ciding with that between the south wail of the
platform of the Dome of the Rock and the south
wall of the Haram es Shertf. Tbe position of the
sheep-gate may therefore have been on or near that
of the Bab el-Kattanin. Bertheau (Exeg. Hand-
buck, on Neheroiah, 144) is right in placing it on
the east aide of the city and on the north of the
corner ; but is wrong in placing it at the present
St. Stephen 'a Gate, since no wall existed nearly as
far to tbe east a* that, till after the death of Chr 1st.
[Jerusalem.]
The pool which was near the sheep-gate (John
t. 2; A. V. inaccurately "market") was probably
the present Hammam eih. S/iefa. [G.J
8HEEP-MABKET, THE (John r. 2). The
word " market " is an interpolation of our trans-
lators, possibly after Luther, who has Schafkma.
The words of the original are M rf wpe/Setrunj,
to which should probably be supplied not market,
but gate, xvXp, as in the LXX. version of the pas-
sages in Nehemiah quoted in the foregoing article.
The Vulgate connects tbe wpoffarurr, with the -rt-
kvfj.fi-fl<)pa, and leads Probatica piscina ; while the
Syriac omits all mention of the sheep, and naioes
only a " place of baptism." [U .J
BHEHABI'AH (PpnT: inapt at ; Alex.
2aap(a: Sohoria). A Benjamite, son of Jerohaan
(1 Chr. viii. 26).
unable to gain access to this work.
* We have considered this perplexing question lo ac-
cordance with tbe ffawmUf received oplulon tint
whole account Is the work of one and the same author,
at the same time we must allow that there at strong pre*
Debility that those portions of the narrative which rrl.it.
to Jacob's stratagem with the " peeled rods," are aurttmt-
able, not to the Blmhinie or ancient seorea, but so Us:
supplementary ^Aorcstic wrttar.
6HKKEL
SHEKEL. In a former article [Momtrl a
full account has been givm of the coine called
ahskels, which are found with inscription! in the
Samaritan ■ character ; so that the present article
will only contain notices of a few particulars relat-
ing to the Jewish coinage which did not fell within
the plan of the former.
It may, in the first place, be desirable to
mention, that although some shekels are found with
Hebrew letters instead of Samaritan, these are un-
doubtedly all forgeries. It is the more needful to
make this statement, as in some books of high
repetition, e. g. Walton's Polyglot, these shekels
arc engraved as if they were genuine. It is hardly
neresaary to suggest the reasons which may have
ltd to this series of forgeries. But the difference
between the two is not confined to the letters only ;
the Hebrew shekels are much larger and thinner
than the Samaritan, so that a person might distin-
guish them merely by the touch, eren under a
covering.
Our attention is, in the nest place, directed to the
early notices of these shekels in Rabbinical writers.
It might be supposed that in the Mishna, where one
of the treatises bears the title of " Shekalim," or
Shekels, we should find some information on the
subject. But this treatise, being devoted to the
consideration of the laws relating to the payment
of the half-shekel for the Temple, is of coarse use-
fess fin- our purpose.
Some references are given to the works of Rashi
and Maimonides (contemporary writers of the 12th
century) for information relative to shekels and the
forms of Hebrew letters in ancient times ; but the
most important Rabbinical quotation given by Bayer
is that from Ramban, i. e. Rabbi-Moscs-Bar-
Ifachaum, who lived about the commencement of the
13th century. He describes a shekel which he had
seen, and of which the Cut/>?f*itC read the inscrip-
tion with ease. The explanation which they gave
•f the inscription was, on one side : Shekel ha-She-
ialim, " the shekel of shekels," and on the other
* Jerusalem the Holy." The former was doubtless
a misinterpretation of the usual inscription " the
shekel of Israel ;" but the latter corresponds with
the inscription on our shekels (Bayer, Be Nvmis.
p. It 1 . In the 16th century R. Asanas de Rossi
states thai R. Hoses Basula had arranged a Cuthaean,
s, e. Samaritan, alphabet from coins, and R. Moses
Alaskar (of whom little is known) is quoted by Bayer
as having read in some Samaritan coins, " in such a
rear of the consolation of Israel, in such a year of
such a king." And the same R. Asanas de Rossi
(or de Adtunim, as be is called by Bartolocd, SM.
Rakb. vol. it. p. 158), in his D'J'JJ T1KD, " The
Light of the Eyas" (not Fbns Oculorvm, as Bayer
translates it, which would require J'JJO, not "TIKD),
daeusses the Transtluvial or Samaritan letters, and
describes a shekel of Israel which he had seen. But
the most important passage of all is that in which
that writer quotes the description of a shekel seen
I- Ramban at St. Jean d'Acre, A.D. 1210. He
f »es the inscriptions as above, "the Shekel of
Sukels," and " Jerusalem the Holy :" but he also
BHEKEL
1246
determines the weight, which he make* about half
an ounce.
We fiud, therefore, thnt In early times shekels,
were known to the Jewish Rabbis with Samaritan in-
scriptions, corresponding with those now found
(except in one point, which is probably an error),
and corresponding with them in weight. These-
are important considerations in tracing tie his-
tory of this coinage, and we pass on new to the
earnest mention of these shekels by Christian writers.
We believe that W. Postell is the first Christian
writer who saw and described a shekel. He was a
Parisian traveller who visited Jerusalem early in
the 16th century. In a curious work published by
him in 1538, entitled Alpaabetum Duodecbn Lin-
guarum, the following passage ocean. After stating-
that the Samaritan alphabet was the original form
of the Hebrew, he proceeds thus : —
" I draw this inference from silver coins of great
antiquity, which I found among the Jews. They
set such store by them that I could not get one of
them (not otherwise worth a quincunx) for two
gold pieces. The Jews say they are of the time of
Solomon, and they added that, hating the Sama-
ritans as they do, worse . than dogs, and never
speaking to them, nothing endears these coins so
much to them as the consideration that these cha-
racters were once in their common usage, nature, as
it were, yearning after the things of old. They say
that at Jerusalem, now called Chus or Chussem-
barich, in the masonry and in the deepest part of
the ruins, these coins are dug up daily." •
Postell gives a very bad woodcut of one of these
shekels, but the inscription is correct. He was un-
able to explain the letters over the vase, which
soon became the subject of a discussion among the
learned men of Europe, which lasted for nearly two
centuries. Their attempts to explain them are enu-
merated by Bayer in his Treatise De Ntanis He-
braeo-Samaritanis, which may be considered as the
first work which placed the explanation of these
coins on a satisfactory basis. But it would obvi-
ously be useless here to record so many unsuc-
cessful guesses as Bayer enumerates. The work of
Bayer, although some of the authors nearly solved
the problem, called forth an antagonist in Professor
Tychsen of Rostock, a learned Orientalist of that
period. Several publications passed between them
which it is unnecessary to enumerate, as Tychsen
gave a summary of his objections in a small pam-
phlet, entitled 0. G. Tychsen, De Numis He-
braids Diatribe, qua simul ad Nuperas ill. F. P.
Bayerii Objections nspondetur (Rostochii, 1791).
His first position is — That either (1) all the
coins, whether with Hebrew or Samaritan inscrip-
tions, are false, or (2) if any are genuine, they
belong to Barcoceta — p. 6. This he modifies
slightly in a subsequent part of the treatise, p.
52-53, where he states it to be his conclusion (1)
that the Jews had no coined money before the time
of our Saviour; (2) that during the rebellion of
Barcooeba (or Barcotiba), Samaritan money was
coined either by the Samaritans to please the Jews,
or by the Jews to please the Samaritans, and that
the Samaritan letters were used in order to make
* Tbe character nearly resembles that of Samaritan
Its, eUhotajta It is not quite Identical with It. The
Hrtrww and Samaritan alphabets appear to be divergent
nausaiilsiHia el soase older form, as may be Inferred
baas several of lbs kHUn. Thus the Beth and several
•tser letters are evidently identical In than- ori(tu. And
the p ($»<») of the Hebrew alphabet Is the same as
that of the Samaritan; for If we nuke the two middle
strokes of the Samaritan letter coalesce. It takes tea
Hebrew form.
» Fostall appear* to have arranfsd tte Samaritan a*
taw
SHEKEL
the onus dctirsble as amulets! and (S) that the
coins attributed to Simon Maccabaeue belong to Uui
period. Tyekn bat quoted mm curiocr Manges,'
not hia argumente are wholly untenable. In the
first place, no numismatist can doabt the genuine-
ness of the shekels attribated to Simon Maccabaena,
«r believe that they belong to the name epoch aa
thecoma of Baroocebe. Bat as Tycbaen never saw
a shekel, he was not a competent jndge. There is
another consideration, which, if farther demonstra-
tion were needed, would supply a very strong argu-
ment. These coins were first made known to
Europe through Postell, who dees not appear to
hare been aware of the description given of them in
Rabbinical writers. The correspondence of the newly-
xbund coins with the earlier description is almost
demonstrative. But they bear such undoubted
marks of genuineness, that no judge of ancient coins
could doubt them for a moment. On the contrary,
to a practical eye, those with Hebrew inscriptions
bear undoubted marks of spuriousness.'
Among the symbols found on this series of coins
is one which is considered to represent that which
was called Luiab by the Jews. This term was
applied (see Maimon. on the section of the Miahna
called Roan Htukmok, or Commencement of He
Tear, oh. vii. 1, and the Mishna itself in Bucoak,
71310, or Bootht, ch. iii. 1, both of which pass age s
are quoted by Bayer, Dt Num. p. 129) to the
branches of the three trees mentioned in Lev. xziii.
40, which are thought to be the Palm, the Myrtle,
and the Willow. These, which were to bs carried
by the Israelites at the Feast of Tabernacles, were
usually accompanied by the fruit of the Citron, which
is also found in this representation. Sometimes two
ef these Luiab* are found together. At least such
is the explanation given by some authorities of the
symbols called in the article Move Y by the name of
Shtantt. The subject is involved in much diffi-
culty and obscurity, and we speak therefore with
soma hesitation and diffidence, especially aa expe-
rienced nuxoiamatists differ in their explanations.
This explanation is, however, adopted by Bayer
(Be Num. p. 128, 219, Ac), and by Cavedoni
[BM. Num. p. 31-32 of the German translation,
who adds references to 1 Mace. iv. 59; John x. 22),
as he considers that the Luiai was in use at the Feast
of the Dedication on the 25th day of the 9th month
as well as at that of Tabernacles. He also refers to
2 Mace i. 18, x. 6, 7, where the celebration of the
Feast of Tabernacles is described, and the branches
carried by the worshippers are sperirted.
The symbol on the Reverse of the shekels, repre-
senting a twig with three buds, appears to bear
mora resemblance to the buds of the pomegranate
than to any other plant.
SHEKEL
ITie following li»l is given by Cavedoni (p. 11 of
the German translation) as an enumeration of xO
the coma which can be attributed with any cer-
tainty to Simon Maccabaena.
I. Shekels of three years, with the inscription
SUM Itrael on the Obverse with a Vase, over
which appears (1) an Altph ; (2) the leT-ar 8km
With a Beth; (3) the letter 8hm with a Sonet.
B. On the Reverse is the twig with three buds,
and the inscription Jerutaltm Kedutkak or Hak-
ktdutkakfi
II. The same as the above, only half the weight,
which is Indicated by the word *Vn, oUtti, " a
half." These occur only in the first and sense**
years.
The above are silver.
HI. 'Xn JD1K TUP, Sktnath ArVa ChUn.
The fourth year — a half. A Citron between two
Luiab:
R. JVV rb»)b, LegtuBatk Mm, " Of the Li-
beration of Ziou." A Palm-tree between two baskets
of fruit
IV. rat WW n», SUnatk JbVa, Rtbfa.
The fourth year — a fourth. Two Lulabe.
R. P'X rbttlb— as before. Citron-fruit.
V. rOTK K», Shtnatk Arb'a. The fourth
year. Luiab between two Citrons.
R. P'V rhmb, Ltgeulhtk TUrn, as before.
The Vase as on the shekel and half-shekel
These are of copper.
The other coins which belong to this aeriea have
been sufficiently illustrated in the article Monkt.
In the course of 1862 a work of considerebU
importance was published at Breslau by Dr. M. A.
Levy, entitled Gmchichtt der Juduchn Munxrn..'
It appears likely to be useful in the elucidation
of the questions relating to the Jewish coinage
which have been touched upon in the pre s en t
volume. There are one or two points on which
it is desirable to state the views of the author,
especially aa he quotes coins which have only
become known lately. Some coins have been de-
scribed in the Revut Numitmatiqu* (1860, p.
260 teq.), to which the name of Eleaxar coins hi*
been given. A coin was published some time age
by De Saulcy which ia supposed by that anther to
be a counterfeit coin. It ia scarcely legible, bat it
appears to contain the name Eleaxar on one side,
and that of Simon on the other. During the
troubles which preceded the final destruction of
Jerusalem, Eleaxar (the eon of Simon), wbo was a,
inert, and Simon Ben Giora, were at the head of
(actions. It is suggested by Dr. Levy that
• Be quotes, «.ff» the following passage from theJe-
nunlem Talmud: p pj 3 (ntX» TW MOD
CTTO) T?rTD Wet tOTDi "Bevoltrltou (Samaritan)
nwoer. like that of Ben Cudba, does not defile." The mean-
ing of this is not very obvious, nor does Tycbsen's explsna-
lk» appear quite satisfactory. He ados, " does not defile.
It used as an amulet." We should rather inquire whether
the expression may not hare some relation to that of
" dealing the hands," as applied to the canonical books
ofUxO-T. gee Omsborg, O m mmtaij ok tkt Song of
Asrus, p. 3. The word for polluting Is different, bat the
ti|iiiasim i may bs analofoua. But, on the other hand,
these coins are often perforated, which gives oououmanot
to the notion that they were used as amulets. Thapasaaas
la nan the division of the Jerusalem Talmud entitled
"357 "WPD. MomwrSkmi, or - The Second Tithe."
priest,
large
« The statement here made will not be disputed by an*
praencal numismatist. It Is mads on the authority of Use
late Mr. T. Burgon. of the British Museum, whose know,
ledge and skill in these questions was known sbte ag he n g
Europe.
• The apeului varies with the year. The shekel of that
Jtrst year has only JTBTlp DWITi while those of the
maud sod third years have the fuller form, XX*)WP
TttmOft- The ' of the Jeraaalem Is Important as show-
ing that both modes of spelling were In use at the same)
tune,
' From the time of its publication. It was not available
for lbs article Mojrer; but I am Indebted to Uie aether
of that artlde for calling my attention to tbki bnh. I
was, however, miaMetoprocsreitunttllBeankerSaiexaa
wsa fas type.- «. J. B.
SfiKLAB
amey may have been (truck which bore lie nana
of balk these leaders; but it Hems scaraely pro-
bable! at they do not tppeai to hare acted in con-
cert. But a copper coin las been published in
the Betme NtamimaUfue which undoubtedly bean
the inscription of " Eleaxar the priest." Its types
BHELEPH
1247
Ije the same aa is mentioned in Neb. lit. 8, Shtaa-
miah was one of the priests who made the sacred
perfumes and incense.
3. A priest in the time of Nehemiab, who was
made one of the treasurers over the treasnrita el
the Levities! tithes (Neh. liil. 13).
4. The father of Jehucal, or Ji cal, in the tame
of Zedekiah ( Jer. xxxvii. 3).
5. The father of Irijeh, the captain of tin ward
who arrested Jeremiah (Ji>r. xxxvii. 13). In Jer.
xxxviii. 1, his name appeals in the lengthened form,
like the following.
6. OiTDJ»>: ItXtnta.) The same as Meshe-
lemiah and Shallch 8 (1 Chr. xxvi. 14).
7. (Selemiai.) Another of the sons of Bani who
had married a foreign wife in the time of Ear*
(Ear. x. 41).
8. (ItKt/jSas; Alex. SaAapfas : Sekmia.) An-
cestor of Jehudi in the time of Jehoi&kim (Jer.
xxxri. 14).
9. (Om. in LXX.) Son of Abdeel ; one of those
who received the orders of Jehoialdm to take Baruch
and Jeremiah (Jer. xxxri. 26).
BHELEPH (t\b&: **«>; Alex. 2aAt> ;
f*akph). Gen. x. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 20. The second
in order of the sons of Joktan. The tribe which
sprang from him has been satisfactorily identi-
fied, both in modern and classical times; as well
as the district of the Yemen named after him.
It has been shown in other articles [Arabia ; Jok-
tan, &c.] that the evidence of Joktan's coloniza-
tion of Southern Arabia is indisputably proved, and
that it has received the assent of critics. Shelepb
is found where we should expect to meet with him,
in the district (MMldf, as the ancient divisions of
...»
the Yemen are called by the Arabs) of SuUf (t_i)Ui
Marisid, s. v.), which appears to be the same as
Niebuhr"s Salfie (Doer. p. 215), written in his
map Selfia. He gives the Arabic AvJjUv, with the
vowels probably Sulafeeyeh. Niebuhr says of it,
"grande eHendue de pays gouvernee par sept
Schech*:' it is situate in N. lat. 14° 30', and
about 60 miles nearly south of Sen's,.
Besides this geographical trace of Sheleph, we
have the tribe of Shetif or Shnlaf, of which the
first notice appeared ia the Zeittchrift d. Deutxh-n
JtorgmlamUtaAm OtseUtchaft, xi. 153, by Dr.
Osiander, and to which we are indebted for the fol-
lowing information. Yakoot in the Moajam, s. v 4
says, " Es-Selif or Es-Snlaf they are two ancient
tribes of the tribes of Yemen ; Hisham Ibn-Moham-
med says they are the children of Yukuin Joktan ;
and Yukuin was the son of Eber the son of Salah the
son of Arphaxad the son of Shun the son of Noah
.... And a district in El-Yemen is named after
the Sulaf." El-Kalkssauder (in the British Museum
library) says, " El-Sulaf, called also Beni-s-Silniu,
a tribe of the descendants of Kahtan (Joktan). . . .
The name of their father has remained with them,
and they are called Es-Sulaf : they are children of
Es-Subf son of Yukuin who is Kahtan. . . . Es-
Sulaf originally signifies one of the little ones of the
partridge, and Et-Silfan is its plural : the tribe was
named after that on account of translation.'' Yaxcot
• IkeeasaafeBan the Jerusalem Tahnuu, quoted In Trchsen " to pomua," Is transtaled by lam'ts fujr" at
saner note. Is cossHerad by Dr. Levy (p. 137), and a| * rami the time," which una i»Ua.
explanation given. The word translated hjr
1. A vase with one handle and the inscription
JiTOn 1TJPM, " Eleaxar the priest," in Sama-
ritan letters.
K. A bunch of erapes with the inscription
6m*« rfa«5 ftn Kn», "year one of the
redemption of Israel."
Some silver coins also, first published by Keichardt,
bear the same inscription on the obverse, under a
palm-tree, but the letters run from left to right.
The reverse bears the same type and inscription as
the copper coins.
These coins are attributed, as well as some that
bear the name ef Simon or Simeon, to the period
ef this first rebellion, by Dr. Levy. It is, however,
Utile dear that some of the coins bearing similar
ascriptions belong to the period of Bar-cocab's
ratdlion (or Barcoceba'i, as the name is often
sprit) under Hadrian, because they are stamped
upon denarii of Trajan, his predecessor. The work
ef Dr. Levy will be found very useful as collecting
together notices of all these coins, and throwing
wit very useful suggestions as to their attribution ;
but we must still look to further researches and
fresh collections ef these coins for foil satisfaction
en many pointa.1 The attribution of the shekels
and half-shekels to Simon Maccabaens may be con-
sidered as well established, and several of the other
roias described in the article Monet offer no
grounds for hesitation or doutat But still this
ttrie* is very much isolated from other classes of
e»m«, and the nature of the work hardly corresponds
in some cases with the periods to which we are
esoatrained from the existing evidence to attribute
the coins. We must therefore still look for further
light from future inquiries. Drawings of shekels
see given in the article Monet. [H. J. R.]
SHBXAH (.1^ : *>A*V. 8M). 1. The
youngest son of Judah by the daughter of Shush
the Canaanite, and ancestor of the family of the
Shelaxitisi (Gen. xxxviii. 5, 11, 14, 26, xlvi. 12 ;
Kum. xxvi. 20 ; 1 Chr. ii. 3, iv. 21). Some of his
descendants are enumerated in a remarkable passage,
1 Chr. ir. 21-23.
2. (rkV: ZoAd": Bait.) The proper form of
Use name of Salah the son of Arphaxad (1 Chr.
i. 18, 24).
8HETANITE8, THE ('^>B>n : I SijAawf :
StUta*). The descendants of Suelab 1 (Mum.
xxri.20).
BHELEMIAH (rPtfa>: SeAeuia: Alex.
2c Acuta : Sabnat). 1. One of the sons of Bani
whe had married a foreign wife in the time of Ezra
{pa x. 39). Called Selucias in 1 Esd. ix. 34.
3. (SeAeuXat; Alex, acfufa: SUemim.) The
tether of Hananiah (Neh. lit. 30), who assisted in
restoring the wall of Jerusalem. If this Hananiah
1248
SHELESH
also says (a. t. Muntabik) that El-MuntaUk mi
an idol belonging to E*-Sulaf. Finally, according
to the Kamnot (and the Lubb-el-Lubab, cited in the
ifardrnt, s. v.), Sulaf was a branch-tribe of Dhu-1-
KiL'a; Is Himyerit* family or tribe (Caussin,
JFsaai i. 113), not to be confounded with the later
king, or Tubbaa of that name].
This identification is conclusively satisfactory,
especially when we recollect that Haxarmaveth
(Hadremawt), Sheba (Seba), and other Joktanite
names are in the immediate neighbourhood. It is
strengthened, if further evidence were required, by
the classical mention of the SoAm-nrof, Salapeni,
also written 'AAtrrnrof, Alapeni (Ptol. vi. 7).
Rochart puts forward this people, with rare brevity.
The more recent researches in Arabic MSS. have, as
we have shown, confirmed in this instance his
theory ; for we do not lay much stress on the point
that Ptolemy's Salapeni are placed by him in N.
hi. 22°. [E. S. P.]
8HE'LE8H(B$B': 3fAA*;r: Srtes). One of
the sons of Helem the brother of Shamer (1 Chr.
vii. 35).
8HEL'OMI('C>V : S*Xe/»i: Safciro). Father
of Ahihud, the prince of the tribe of Asher (Num.
xxxhr. 27).
SHEL'OMTTH (NV/btf: 2oX»p*f0: Bah,
mith). 1. The daughter of Dibri of the tribe of
Dan (Lev. ixiv. 11). She had married an Egyptian,
and their son was stoned for blasphemy.
2. (la\»iuBl: Salomith.) The daughter of
Zerubbabel (1 Chr. ffi. 19).
3. (XoXapstt; Alex. iaXovfuit.) Chief of the
Ixharites, one of the four families of the sons of
Kohath (1 Chr. zziii. 18). He is called Shelo-
moth in 1 Chr. xxiv. 22.
4. (TIIdW j Km mhti in l Chr. xxvi. 25 ;
TfinXf in 1 Chr. xxvi. 26 ; T\1$X? in 1 Chr. xxvi.
28 -. SelemithX A descendant of Elieser the son of
Hoses, who with his brethren had charge of the
treasures dedicated for the Temple in the reign of
David.
6. (moW: Keri WtpV: iaX^tB; Alex.
SaA«s/u it : Salomith). A Gershonite, son of Shimei
(1 Chr. xxiii. 9). " Shimei " is probably a mistake, as
Shelomith and his brothers are afterwards described
as chief of the fathers of Laadan, who was the brother
of Shimei, and the sons of Shimei are then enume-
rated.
6. (JVoV : Xtki/uie ; Alex. ta\u,u,i» :
Setomith). According to the present text, the sons
of Shelomith, with the son of Josiphiah at their
head, returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ear. viii.
10). There appears, however, to be an omission,
which may be supplied from the LXX., and the
tnii reading is probably, " Of the sons of Bani,
Shelomith the son of Josiphiah." See also 1 Esdr.
riii. 36. where he is called " AttAUMOTH son of
Josaphias."
SHEL'OMOTH (tfoAtf . SaXayuM : Sale-
math). The same as Shelomith 3 (1 Chr. xxiv.
22).
8HELU'MIBL(bN»t3Se': SoAosu^X: Sola-
WHO). The son of Zurishartiu, and prince of the
K H Kiel
tribe of Simeon nt the time of tht Exodus. Be bast
59,300 nun under him (Num. i. 6, li. IS, vii. 36
41, x. It;. I-i Judith (viii. 1) he is callea
SAXAEti.
SIIEM {Off: Hip: San). The eldest son oi
Noah, born (Gen. v. 32) when his father had at-
tained the age of 500 years. He was 98 yean
old, married, and childless, at the time of the Flood.
After it, he, with his father, brothers, sisters-in-
law, and wife, received the blessing of God (ix. 1),
and enteral into the covenant. Two years after-
wards he became the father of Arphaxad (xL 10),
and other children were bom to him subsequently.
With the help of his brother Japheth, hr covered
the nakedness of their father, which Canaan and
Ham did not care to hide. In the prophecy of
Noah which is connected with this incident fix.
25-27), the first blessing falls on Shem. He died
at the age of 600 years.
Assuming that the years ascribed to the patri-
archs in the present copies of the Hebrew Bible are
correct, it appears that Methuselah, who in his first
243 years was contemporary with Adam, had still
nearly 100 years of his long life to run after Shem
was born. And when Shem died, Abraham was
148 years old, and Isaac had been 9 years married.
There are, therefore, but two links — Methuselah
and Shem — between Adam and Isaac So that the
early records of the Creation and the Fall of Man,
which came down to Isaac, would challenge (apart
from their inspiration) the same confidence which
is readily yielded to a tale that reaches the hearer
through two well-known persons between himself
and the original chief actor in the events related.
There is no chronological improbability in that an-
cient Jewish tradition which brings Shem and Abra-
ham into personal conference. [Melchizedek.]
A mistake in translating x. 21, which is admitted
into the Septuagint, and is followed by the A. V.
and Luther, has suggested the supposition that
Shem was younger than Japheth (see A. Pfeiflei-
Opera, p. 30). There can be, however, no doubt set
Rosenmilller, m Inc., with whom Gesenius, The-
saurus, p. 1433, seems to agree) that the translation
ought to be, according to grammatical rule, " the
elder brother of Japheth." In the six places (v. 32,
vi. 10, vii. 13, ix. 18, x. 1 ; 1 Chr. i. 4) where the
three sons of Noah are named together, precedence is
uniformly assigned to Shem. In ch. I. the descend-
ants of Ham and Japheth are enumerated first,
possibly because the sacred historian, regarding the
Shemitic people as his proper subject, took the ear-
liest opportunity to disencumber his narrative of a
digression. The verse v. 32 compared with xi. lu
may be fairly understood to mean that the three
sons of Noah were born after their father had at-
tained the age of 500 years ; bat it cannot be rea-
sonably inferred from thence either that Shem was
the second son, or that they were all bom in one
year.
The portion of the earth occupied by the
descendants of Shem (x. 21-31) intersects the por-
tions of Japheth and Ham, and stretches in an un-
interrupted line from the Mediterranean Sea to the
Indian Ocean. Beginning as its north-western ex-
tremity with Lydia (according to all ancient autho-
rities, though doubted by Michaelis; see Geacn
The*, p. 745), ft includes Syria (Aram), ChaltLen
(Arphaxad), parts of Assyria (Asshur), of Peraii
(Elam), and 'of the Arabian Peninrsla (Jokt-in,
The various questions connected with the ""
SHUHA
Imb of Ac Shemitic people ore discussed In the
article Shjehitic Lanouaom.
The servitude of Canaan under Shan, predicted by
Hash («. 26*), m fulfilled primarily in the sub-
jugation of the people of Palestine (josh, zxiii. 4,
and 2 Chr. viii. 7, 8). It is doubtful whether in
ferae 27 God or Japheth u mentioned as Uie
dweller in the tent* of Sbem : in the former sense
the vene may refer to the special presence of God
with the Jews, and to the descent of Christ from
them ; or, in the latter sense, to the occupation of
Palestine and adjacent countries by the Romans,
sod ( spiritually understood) to the accession of the
Gentiles to the Church of God (Eph. iii. 6). See A.
Pfeincri Opera, p. 40 ; Newton, On the Prophecies,
Diss. i. [W. T. B.J
8HKM' A Unoe* : SoApdfa; Alex, la/urn:
Same'). One of the towns of Judah. It lay in the
ration of the south, and is named between Amah
ud Moladah (Josh. xr. 26). In the list of the
towns of Simeon selected from those in the south
at Judah, Sheba takes the place of Shema, probably
by an error of transcription or a change of pro-
nunciation. The genealogical lists of 1 Chr. (ii.
43, 4) inform us that Shema originally proceeded
from Hebron, and in its turn colonized Moon. [G. j
8HEM'A(P0B': Sopa: Samma). 1. AReu-
henite, ancestor of Bela (1 Chr. v. 8).
2. {Soma.) Son of Elpeai, and one of the heads
of the fathers of the inhabitants of Aijalon who
drove out the inhabitants of Gath (1 Chr. viii. IS).
Probably the same as Shimhi.
3. C%afiaias : Semeii.) One of those who stood
at Exra's right hand when he read the Law to the
people (Neh. "Via. 4). Called Sammds, 1 Esdr. ix. 43.
SHEM'AAH (njTDfp: 'Ao-net; FA. 'A)U :
Samoa). A Beojamite of Gibeah, and father of
Ahieaer and Joeali, two warriors of their tribe who
joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3). His name
is written with the article, and is properly " Has-
skeaaah." The margin of A.V. gives " Hasmaah."
8HEMATAH (TVVK&: Sopo/at: Semetas).
L A prophet in the reign of Rehoboam. When
the king had assembled 180,000 men of Benjamin
and Judah to reconquer the northern kingdom after
its revolt, Sbemaiah was commissioned to charge
them to return to their homes, and not to war
against their brethren (1 K. xii. 22 ; 2 Chr. xj. 2).
Hi* second and last appearance upon the stage was
upon the occasion of the invasion of Judah and
siege of Jerusalem by Shishak king of Egypt.
His message was then one of comfort, to assure the
princes of Judah that the punishment of their
idolatry should not come by the hand of Shishak
(.2 Chr. xii. 5, 7). This event is in the order of
narrative subsequent to the first, but from some
circumstances it would seem to have occurred before
the disruption of the two kingdoms. Compare xii.
1, where the people of Rehoboam are called " Israel,"
and xii. S, 6 where the princes are called indiffer-
ently " of Judah "and "of Israel." He wrote a
chronicle containing the events of Rehoboam 'a reign
(2 Chr. xii. 15). In 1 Chr. xi. 2 his name is
given in the lengthened form "UVyOC*
2. (iajuila: Semtfa, Semaia.)' The son of
' a, among the descendants of Zerubbabel
SHEMAIAH
1249
(1 Chr. iii. 22). He was keeper of the out gate of
the est*, and assisted Nehemiah in restoring the
«*U (Men. iii. 28). Lord A. Hervey (Otneal.
vol. m.
p. 107) prepares to omit the words at the begin-
ning of 1 Chr. ii. 22 as spurious, and to consider
Shemaiah identical with Shimei 5, the brother o>
Zerubbabel.
S. (ia/icuis: Samata.) Ancestor of Ziza, a
prince of the tribe of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 37). Per-
haps the same as Shimei 6.
4. ("Scfut: Samia.) Son of Joel a Renbenite;
perhaps the same as Shema (1 Chr. r. 4). See
Joel 5.
5. {ia/iata: Bemela.) Son of Hsashub, a Me-
rarite Levite who lived in Jerusalem after the
Captivity (1 Chr. ix. 14; Neh. xi. 15), and had
oversight of the outward business of the house of
God.
6. (lafda.) Father of Obadiah, or Abda, a
Levite who returned to Jerusalem after the Captivity
(1 Chr. ix. 16). He is elsewhere called Shammda
(Neh. xi. 17).
7. ("tepef, Sffu/a; Alex. 'Oencrfa, %t/ula:
Semetas.) Son of Elizaphan, and chief of his house
in the reign of D»vi.l (1 Chr. xv. 8, 11). He took
part in the ceremonial with which the king brought
the Ark from the house of Obed-edom.
8. ("fautafas ; Alex, "tap/tabu.) A Levite, son
of Nethaneel, and also a scribe in the time of David.
He registered the divisions of the priests by lot into
twenty-four orders (1 Chr. xxiv. 6).
9. (Scuta/as ; Alex. %a/utas.) The eldest son of
Obed-edom the Gittite. He and his brethren and
his sons were gatekeepers of the Temple (1 Chr.
xxvi. 4, 6, 7).
10. (Alex. Xapttas.) A descendant of Jedu-
thun the singer who lived in the reign of Hezekiah
(2 Chr. nix. 14). He assisted in the purification
of the Temple and the reformation of the service,
and with Uzziel represented his family on that
occasion.
11. (Sopafa; Alex, ta/uula: Samatas.) One
of the sons of Adonikam who returned in the second
caravan with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13). Called Samaias
in 1 Esdr. viii. 39.
12. CIcpstss: Semetas.) One of the "heads"
whom Ezra sent for to his camp by the river of
Ahava, for the purpose of obtaining Levites and
ministers for the Temple from " the place Casiphia "
(Ezr. viii. 16). Called Maskan in 1 Esdr. vii. 43.
13. ("tcutafa : Semeia.) A priest of the family
of Harim, who pnt away his foreign wife at Ezra s
bidding (Ezr. x. 21). He is called Sameius In
1 Esdr. ix. 21.
14. ("aapatai : Semetas.) A layman of Israel,
son of another Harim, who also had married a
foreigner (Ezr. x. 31). Called Sabbeus in 1 Esdr.
ix. 32.
15. ("Jeurt.) Son of Delaiah the son of Hehe-
tabeel, a prophet in the time of Nehemiah, who was
bribed by Sonballat and his confederates to frighten
the Jews from their task of rebuilding the wall,
and to put Nehemiah in fear (Neh. vi. 10). In his
assumed terror he appears to have shut up his
house and to have proposed that all should retire
into the Temple and close the doors.
16. (Sopnta, *z>uf(v; Alex. 3</ufu in Neh.
xii. : Semeia.) The head of a priestly house who
signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 8).
His family went up with Zerubbabel, and were re-
presented in the time of Joiakiui by Jehonathan (Neh.
xii. 6, 18). Probably the some who is men t ioned
again in Neh. xii. 35.
17. (Matuttat; Alex, akupatof.) One of thf
princes of J udah who went in procession wHli Ezra
4 L
1250
SHEHABIAH
tat right band of the two thanksgiving oom-
i who celebrated the solemn dedication of the
wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 341
18. (Xandta.) One of the choir who took part
in the procession with which the dedication of the
new wall of Jerusalem by Exra was aceompnnied
(Neh. xii. 36). He appear* to have been a Gershou-
ite Levite, and descendant of Asaph, for reasons
which are given under Hattaniah 2.
19. (Om. in Vat. MS. ; Alex. Scpffor.) A priest
who blew a trumpet on the same occasion (Neh.
xii. 42).
20. (Sayuu'u: Semeios.) Shemaiah the Ne-
belamiU, a false prophet in the time of Jeremiah.
He prophesied to the people of the Captivity in the
name of Jehovah, and attempted to counteract the
influence of Jeremiah's advice that they should
fettle quietly in the land of their exile, build booses,
plant vineyards, and wait patiently for the period
of their return at the end of seventy years. His
animosity to Jeremiah exhibited itself in the more
active form of a letter to the high-priest Zepha-
niah, urging him to exercise the functions of his
office, and lay the prophet in prison and in the
stocks. The letter was read by Zephaniah to Jere-
miah, who instantly pronounced the message of
doom against Shemaiah for his presumption, that
be ahouli hare none of his family to dwell among
the people, and that himself should not live to see
their return from captivity (Jer. xxix. 24-32). His
name is written in ver. 24 in the lengthened form
■srpofA
21. (Stutafos.) A Levite in the third year of
Jehnahaphat, who was sent with other Levitts, ac-
companied by two priests and some of the princes
of Judah, to teach the people the book of the Law
(2 Chr. xrii. 8).
22. {Xt/ut: Semttat.) One of the Levites in
the reign of Hezekiah, who wue placed in the cities
of the priests to distribute the tithes among their
brethren (2 Chr. xxxi. 15).
23. (Sopoftu.) A Levite in the reign of Joaiah,
who assisted at the solemn possover (2 Chr. xxxv. 9).
He is called the brother of Conaniah, and in 2 Chr.
xxxi. 12 we find Cononiah and Shimei his brother
mentioned in the reign of Hezekiah as chief Levites ;
but if Cononiah and Conaniah are the names of
persons and n t of families, they cannot be identical,
nor can Shemaiah be the same as Shimei, who lived
at least eighty-fire years before him.
24. (8tmei.) The father of Urijah of Kirjath-
jcerim (Jer. xxvi. 20).
25. (SeAcpfu; FA. SeSfcbu: Semtim.) The
father of Delaiah (Jer. xxxri. 12). [W. A. W.]
BHEMABIAH (<nnDB>: Saaapata; Alex.
Xaaapia: Samaria). 1. One of the Benjamite
warriors, " helpers of the battle," who came to David
at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5).
2. (fl'TCe*: lapupia: Samaria*). One of the
family of Harira, a layman of Israel, who put away
his foreign wife in the time of Exra (Exr. x. 32).
3. (Semeria.) One of the family of Bani, under
the same circumstances as the preceding (Exr.
X.41).
bHEME"BEB CqKTX? : IvnoBip: Semleri.
King of Zebotm, and ally of the king of Sodom
when he was attacked bv the north-eastern invaders
under Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2). The Sam. Text
ml Version give " SbemebeL"'
6HEMINITH
BHEM'EB (TOC? : Xt/ifo : Samrr). The owner
of the hill on which the dty of Sen aria was luilt
(1 K. xvi. 24), and alter whom it was railed S/tn-
numm ly its founder Omri, who bought the site for
two silver talents. We should rather have expected
that the name of the city would hare been SUmrv*.
from Shantr ; for Shomeran would have been the
name given after an owner Shomtr. This latter
form, which occurs 1 Chr. vii. 32, appears to b>
that adopted by the Vulgate and Syriac, who rad
Somer and Shomir respectively ; but the Vat. M.%
of the LXX. retains the present form •' Shemer,'
and changes the name of the city to Sepepatr or
ZcuqfxiV. [W. A. W.]
SHEMTOA(irTD5?: Ivftatp.Xvpapln; Alex.
Zc/iioaw in Josh. : Senuda). A son of Gilead, and
ancestor of the family of the Shemidaites (Num.
xxvi. 32 ; Jre.h. xvii. 2). Called Siikmdah in the
A. V. of 1 Chr. vii. 19.
BHEMTDAH V/VOtf: Xt/upi: cVatiaVi).
The same as Shemida the son of Gilead (1 CL.-.
vii. 19).
SHEMTDA'ITES, THE (TTOtrn : i S»-
uoepf : SemidaUaey. The descendanta of Sbetxada
the son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. »2). They obtained
their lot among the mole children of Man— h
(Josh. xrii. 2).
SHEMTNITH (rM»OB>n). The title of Ps.
vi. contains a direction to the leader of the stringed
instruments of the Temple choir concerning the
manner in which the Psalm was to be sung. " To
the chief Musician on Ncginoth upon Sherninith,"
or " the eighth," as the margin of the A. V. has it.
A similar direction is found in the title of Pa, xii. The
LXX. in both passages lenders inrip viji iyUqt,
and the Vulgste pro octatA. The Geneva Version
gives " upon the eighth tune." Referring to 1 Chr.
xv. 21, we find certain Levites were appointed bv
David to play "with harps on the Sherninith,*'
which the Vulgate renders as above, and the LXX.
by k/taatytS, which is merely a corruption of
the Hebrew. The Genera Version explains in the
margin, " which was the eighth tune, over the
which he that was the most excellent had charge."
As we know nothing whatever of the music of the
Hebrews, ail conjectures as to the meaning of their
musical terms are necessarily vague and contra-
dictory. With respect to Sherninith, most Rab-
binical writers, as Rasbi and Aben Exra, follow the
Targum on the Psalms in regarding it as a harp
with eight strings; but this has no foundation, and
depends upon a misconstruction of 1 Chr. xr. 21.
Gesenius ( Thn. s. v. TVti) says it denotes the ban,
in opposition to Alamoth (1 Chr. xv. 20), which
signifies the trail*. But as the meaning of AJamoth
itself is vary obscure, we cannot make use of it for
determining the meaning of a term which, though
distinct from, is not necessarily contrasted with it.
Others, with the author of ShiRi HaggMorim,
interpret " the thaninith" as the octave ; but then*
is no evidence that the ancient Hebrews were ac-
quainted with the octave as understood by our-
selves. On oomparing the manner m which the
word occurs in the titles of the two Psalms already
mentioned, with the position of the terms Aijeletk
Shahar, Gittith, Jonath-dem-rechokim, Ire., xc
other Psalms, which are generally regardoJ as u>
iicating the melody to be employed by the singers.
fcHKnURAMOTH
t ru most probable that Sheninith is of the
sun kind, and denotes a certain air known as the
rigath, or a certain kef in which the Psalm was to
tt snag. Manrcr (Oomm. m Pt. vi.) regards
Somunith as an instrument of deep tone like the
riokncdlo, while Alamoth he compares with the
riolia; and such also appears to be the view taken
br Junius and Tremellius. It is impossible in such
i oh to do more than point to the most probable
oajectiiw. * [W. A. W.]
8HKMI'RAMOTH(ntenn?^: S.mpcuuW ;
Ala. If/ufoitAB, 1 Chr. it. 18 ; FA. SfueipapaM,
1 Chr. it. 18, 20, lafiapifUe, 1 Chr. xvi. 5 :
Saunwwtn). 1. A Levite of the second degree,
sppanted to play with a psaltery "on Alamoth,"
n the choir formed by David. He was in the dirt-
em which Asaph led with cymbals (1 Chr. it. 18,
20, rri. 5).
2. (Ssjuaautatt.) A Lerite in the reign of Je-
hsskaphat, who was sent with others through the
ana of Jndah to teach the book of the Law to the
pmole (2 Chr. xrii. 8).
SHESOTIC LANGUAGES and WBIT-
HtO. Isteodpctton, §§1-5. — 1. The expres-
sna, "Shemitic family," and "Shemitic Ian-
pages," are baaed, as is well known, on a reference
ajGan. 21 eeqq. [See Shem.] Subsequently,
the obrioua inaccuracy of the expression has led to
•a attempt to substitute others, such as Western
Aaatic, or Syro- Arabic — this last a happily chosen
snjpstkio, as bringing at once before us the two
asgnahkal extremes of this family of languages.
But tar earlier, though incorrect one, has maintained
its ground : and for purposes of convenience we
•asll naturae to use it.*
% It is impossible to lay down with accuracy
6* boundaries of the area, occupied by the tribes
eapbving so-called Shemitic dialects. Various dis-
turbing causes led to fluctuations, especially (as on the
Xerthern side) in the neighbourhood of restless Aryan
Whet. For general purposes, the highlands of Ar-
<mis nay be taken as the Northern boundary— the
Aw Tigris and the ranges beyond it as the Eastern
—ad the Red Sea, the Levant, and certain portions
* Am Minor as the Western. Within these limits
*s the proper home of the Shemitic family, which
*■ amaea so mighty an influence on the histoiy of
■a nrkl The area named may seem small, in
SHEMITIC LANGUAGES 1251
comparivn with the wider regions occupied by the
Aryan .tock. Bnt its geographical position to
respect of so much of the old world — its two nobis
rivers, alike facilitating foreign and internal inter-
course — the extent of seaboard and desert, present-
ing long lines of protection against foreign invasion
— have proved eminently favourable to the undis-
turbed growth and development of this family of
languages, as well as investing some branches (at
certain periods of their history) with very consider-
able influence abroad.*
3. Varieties of the great Shemitic language-family
are to be found in use in the following localities
within the area named. In those ordinarily known
as Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, and Assyria,
there prevailed Aramaic dialects of different kinds,
e. g. Biblical Chaldaic — that of the Targums and
of the Syriac versions of Scripture — to which mar
be added other varieties of the same stock — such
as that of the Palmyrene inscriptions — and of dif-
ferent Sabian fragments. Along the Mediterranean
seaboard, and among the tribes settled in Canaan,
must be placed the home of the language of the
canonical books of the Old Testament, among which
were in t erspe r sed some relics of that of the Phoe-
nicians. In the south, amid the seclusion of Arabia,
was preserved the dialect destined at a subsequent
period so widely to surpass its sisters in the extent
of territory over which it is spoken. A variety,
allied to this last, is found to have been domiciliated
for a long time in Abyssinia.
In addition to the singular tenacity and exclu-
siveness of the Shemitic character, as tending to
preserve unaltered the main features of their lan-
guage, we may allow a good deal for the tolerably
uniform climate of their geographical locations.
But (as compared with variations from the parent
stock in the Japhetian family), in the case of the
Shemitic, the adherence to the original type is very
remarkable. Turn where we will, from whatever
causes springing, the same tenacity is discernible—
whether we look to the simple pastoral tribes of the
wilderness — the fierce and rapacious inhabitants ol
mountain regions — the craftsmen of cities, the tillers
of the soil, or the traffickers in distant marts and
havens.'
The following table is taken from Professor M.
Muller's late volume On the Science af Language
(p. 381) — a volume equally remarkable for re-
search, fidelity, and graphic description:—
ttxnuooiCAL Taau o» th» Ssduotic Famxr or Laaouaeaa,
Imme Langnaga. Dead Language!. Classes.
UUIicu of Arabic . Ethiopia. j. Arabic, or.
aauaric.
Tar Jews
H ss B y i ss u
Hfmysrltlc InserrptfciM J Southern.
/Biblical Hebrew , Hebraic,
.{Samaritan Pentateuch i or
(Ombaglnlan-Pboenlclan Inscriptions I Middle.
i Cbaldee, Mason, Talmud, Taraum, Biblical ChaMee . . . i Aramaic,
. {Srr!ac(Peah!to. 2nd cent, a.d.) I
• Cuneiform Inscriptions of Babylon and Nineveh . . . . Jl
I Northern.
'«» enquiries would be more interesting, were
•Asartly trustworthy means at hand, than that
rats the original Shemitic dialect, and as to whether
« a* the Aramaic was— not only in the first in-
' * Ueeacssfloatloa de semltlques ne pent avoir d'm-
aanaseas, da s ao n i ept qu'oo la prend comme one simple
•ft*3ukxi noorrntloucKlle et que Ton s*est expllque
w * qr>Ue renferme de profonderoent Inexact " (Renin,
««-ec«.*s langaat SearfKjMet, 1. 3). English scholars
J*J« IsMy adopted, from the French, the form
' tj" bat there Is no reason wby we sborld
stance, but more long and widely than we ordinarily
suppose — the principal means of intercommunication
among all tribes of Shemitic origin, with the excep-
tion perhaps of those of the Arabian peninsula. The
abandon the Hebrew sound because the French And uw
pronandation ariBcolL
* Burthen, to Heme's Rml-KncycUip4dU, t. tot.
613 ; Fttrst, LArgtbtHtit dtr Ate mtM hm Miemt, «1.
• Sertoli, Binlatmta in dot A. T., Ola, 183A Jl-jr
Ffret, Uhrgtb. *}i. 20, 21
4 tuv
1262
SHE1I1TK, LANGUAGES AND WRITING
Jsstoncal books of the Old Testament show plainly,
that between the occupation of Canaan, and the vic-
toriea of Nebuchadnezzar, many causes led to the
; > tension of the Aramaic, to the restriction of pure
lit brew. But there is much that is probable in
the notion held by more than one scholar, that the
spoken dialect of the Shemitic tribes external to
Arabia (in the earliest periods of their history)
closely resembled, or was in fact a better variety of
Aramaic. This notion is corroborated by the traces
still discernible in the Scriptures of Aramaisms, where
the language (as in poetical fragments) would seem
to have been preserved in a form most nearly re-
sembling its original one : * and also from the re-
sent lances which may be detected between the
Aramaic and the earliest monument of Arabic
speech— the Himyaritic fragments.*
4. The history of the Shemitic people tells us of
various movements undertaken by them, but sup-
plies no remarkable instances of their atthnSating.
Though carrying with them their language, insti-
tutions, and habits, they are not found to have
struck root, but remained strangers and exotics in
several instances, passing away without traces of
their occupancy. So late as the times of Augustine,
• dialect, derived from the old Phoenician settlers,
was spoken in some of the more remote districts of
Roman Africa. But no traces remained of the
power, or arts of the former lords of sea and
land, from whom these fragments were inherited.
Equally striking is the absence of results, from
the occupation of a vast aggregate of countries by
the victorious armies of Islam. The centuries since
elapsed prove in the clearest manner, that the vo-
cation of the Arab branch of the Shemitic family was
not to leaven the nations whom their first onset
laid prostrate. They brought nothing with them
but their own stern, subjective, unsocial religion.
Tbey borrowed many intellectual treasures from
the conquered nations, yet were these never fully
engrafted upon the alien Shemitic nature, but re-
mained, under the most favourable circumstances,
only external adjuncts and ornaments. And the
same inveterate isolation still characterizes tribes of
the race, when on new soil.
5. The peculiar elements of the Shemitic character
will be found to have exercised considerable in-
fluence on their literature. Indeed, accordance is
seldom more close, than in the case of toe Shemitic
race (where not checked by external causes) between
the generic type of thought, and its outward ex-
pression. Like other languages, this one is mainly
resolvable into monosyllabic primitives. These, as
far as they may be traced by research and analysis,
carry us back to the early times, when the broad
line of separation, to which we have been so long
accustomed, was not yet drawn between the
Japhetian and the Shemitic languages. Instances of
this will be brought forward in the sequel, but
subsequent researches have amply confirmed the
substance of Halhed's prediction of the ultimate re-
'"Os aatrs fait, non molns difne de remsrcjae, tfest
ranalogte frappsnte qu'ont Unites oes Irreguiarlias pro-
vtncuues avec i'Arameen. II sembie que, meme svant la
casUvite, la patois populalre se rapprochaU beancoup de
wlte tangos, en sorte quit nous est mshiteasnt Impos-
sible de separer Men nettauKnt, dans le stylo de certains
eeri Is, os qui appartlent an dialects populalre. on an patois
do rovaume d'lsrael, on 4 rinflnence des temps de Is
eapttvtts." "11 est a remarqner, du rests, que las tsngaas
straiuqnes different molns dans la boucac du people qca
tans Its Urns" (Rensn L 141 143; and also Flint,
cognition of the affinities between Sanscrit (stht
lndo-Germaa r lamily) and Arabic ( = the Shetritic)
" in the main groundwork of language, in mono-
syllables, in the names of numbers, and the ap-
pellations of such things, as would be first do-
criminated on the immediate dawn of crriliaation." 1
These monosyllabic primitives may still be traced
in particles, and words least exposed to the ordinary
causes of variation. But differences are observabl*
in the principal parts of speech — the verb and the
noun. Secondary notions, and those of relation, are
grouped round the primary ones of meaning in a
single word, susceptible of various internal changes
according to the particular requirement. Hence,
in the Shemitic family, the prominence of format**,
and that mainly internal (or contained within the
root form). By such instrumentality are expressed
the differences between noun and verb, adjective
and substantive. This mechanism, within certain
limits, invests the Shemitic languages with consi-
derable freshness and sharpness ; but, as will be seen
in the sequel, this language-family does not (for
higher purposes) possess distinct powers of expression
equal to those possessed by the Japhetian family.
Another leading peculiarity of this branch of lan-
guages, is the absence (save in the case of proper
names) of compound words — to which the sister
family is indebted for so much life and variety. In
the Shemitic family — agglutination, not logical se-
quence—independent roots, not compound appro-
priate derivations from the same root, are used to
express respectively a train of thought, or different
modifications of a particular notion. Logical se-
quence is replaced by simple material sequence.
Both language-families are full of life j but lb*
life of the Japhetian is organic — of the Shemitic, ast
aggregate of unite. The one looks around to be
taught, and pauses to gather up its lessons into
form and shape: the other contains a lore within
itself, and pours out its thoughts and fancies as
they arisen
§§6-13. — Hebrew Laitouaqe. — Period op
Growth.
6. The Hebrew language is a branch of the so-
called Shemitic family, extending over a large por-
tion of South- Western Asia. The development and
culture of this latter will be found to have been
considerably influenced by the situation or fortune*
of its different districts. In the north (or Aram,
under which designation are comprehended Syria,
Mesopotamia, Babylonia), and under a climate par-
tially cold and ungenial— in the close proximity of
tribes of a different origin, not (infrequently masters
by conquest— the Shemitic dialect became in places
harsher, and its general character leas pure and dis-
tinct. Towards the south, opposite causes contri-
buted to maintain the language in its purity. In
Arabia, p reserved by many causes from foreign in-
vasion, the language maintained more e up hony
and delicacy, and exhibited greater variety of
itArpeo. $$3,4, a, 11).
• Hoffmann, Onmm. Syr. p. s-« ; Scoots, I p. 41. y,
p. M; Qesenius. l^rgebawlt (KIT), p. 1*44; Furat,
Iskrfftb.Mi.U; BawBneon, Journal <f Artaffe Js rf a rs.
XV. 133.
' Halhed's Grammar o/ (*s Bengal I isajnsyi. 'TIS,
quoted In Delltisch, JTuwrun, p. 113; Vint, l .mtut l
Zwtrler HanpttbnL
t Ewald, Qramsk d. A. J". 1833, it Berths**, Is
Hereof, T. Ml, 13; Erase, IM4. S9». «T3, lists, J
CrtsniaJs*. BM.
SHEMITIO LANGITAOE8 AND WMl'INQ
1255
wink and construction. A reference to the map
will serve to explain this — lying as did Judaea be-
wean Aram and Arabia, and chiefly inhabited by
the Hebrew race, with the exception of Canaanite
tnd Phoenician tribe*. Of the language of these last
few dtstinctire remains hare hitherto been brought
o light.* But its general resemblance to that of
the Terachite settlers is beyond all doubt, both in
the ess* of the Hamite tribes, and of the Philistine
tribes, another branch of the same stock. .
Originally, the language of the Hebrews pre-
sented more affinities with the Aramaic, in accord-
ance with their own family accounts, which bring
the Patriarchs from the N.E., — more directly from
northern Mesopotamia. In consequence of vicinity,
as was to be anticipated, many features of resem-
blance to the Arabic may be traced; but subse-
quently, the Hebrew language will bs found to
hare followed an independent course of growth and
development.
7. Two questions, in direct connexion with the
early movements of the ancestors of the subsequent
Hebrew nation, have been disctusei with great
earnestness by many writers— the first bearing on
the causes which set the Terachite family in motion
towards the Booth and west; the second, on the
origin and language of the tribes in possession of
Canaan at the arrival of Abraham.
In Gen. x. and xi. we are told of five sons of
Shem — Slam, Asshur, Arphaxad, Lud, and Aram.
The last of these (or rather the peoples descended
from him) will be considered subsequently. The
north has been supposed to be either the progenitor
(or the collective appellation) of the tribes which
originally occupied Canaan and the so-called Shemitic
regions to the south. Of the remaining three, the
tribes descended from Elam and called by his name
were probably subjugated at an early period, for in
Gen. xiv. mention is made of the headship of an
saraVTerachite league being vested in the king of
Khan, Chedorlaomer, whose name points to a
CnshKe origin. Whether Shemitic occupation was
succeeded at once (in the case of Elam') by
Aryan, or whether a Cushite (Hamite) domination
intervened, cannot now be decided. But in the
ease of the second, Asshur, there can be little doubt,
on the showing of Scripture (Gen. x. 11), that
Us daaeendanta were disturbed in their home by
the advance of the clearly traceable Cushite stream
of population flowing upwards on a return course
through Arabia, where plain marks are to be found
at its presence. 1 Whan we bear in mind the
etrangty marked differences existing between the
£bemitk and Cushite (= Hamite) races in habits
sod thought," and the manifestation of God's wrath
left en record, we can well understand an uneasiness
and a desire of removal among the Shemitic popula-
tion of the plains by the river. Scripture only tells
us that, led in a way which they knew not, chosen
Sheaarac wanderers of the lineage of Arphaxad
act forth on the journey fraught with such enduring
to the history of the world, as re-
» - The name of their country, MtSOB = the land ot
vv :
taiastanlli m ,— points to the net that the PhilUUno did
•at rests ja Una of coast from the Interior at alt events"
(taarl. So. lxzvill. 1J3).
• The word Euan Is simply the pronunciation, scoord-
toe la toe ortsns of Western Asia, of Iran = Alrvams =
Atrjana. Kenan, L 41, on lbs authority of Bnmoaf and
si. Mmer; J. O. MtUler, R. R. xfv. 283; Bawuason,
Searaaf s/ Asiatic axrfsrjr, *v 232.
corded in Scripture, in Ha second stage of pro*
grass. There is at least nothing unreasonable in
the thought, that the movement of Terab from TJr
of the Chaldeea (if modern scholarship is right in
the locality selected) was caused by Divine sugges-
tion, acting on a mind ill at ease in the neighbour-
hood of Cushite thought and habits. It may be
that the active cause of the movement recorded in
Gen. xi. 31 was a renewed manifestation of the
One True God, the influences of which were to be
stamped on all that was of Israel, and not least
palpably on its language in its purity and proper
development. The leading particulars of that me-
morable journey are preserved to us in Scripture,
which is also distinct upon the fact, that the new
comers and the earlier settlers in Canaan found
no difficulty in convening. Indeed, neither at the
first entrance of Terachite*, nor at the return of
their descendants after their long sojourn in Egypt,
does there appear to have been any difficulty in
this respect in the case of any of the numerous
tribes of either Shemitic or Hamltic origin of which
mention is made in Scripture. But, as wss to be
expected, very great difference of opinion is to be
found, and very much learned discussion has taken
place, as to whether the Terachites adopted ths
language of the earlier settle™, or established
their own in its place. The latter alternative it
hardly probable, although for a long time, and
among the earlier writers on Biblical subjects, it
was maintained with great earnestness — Walton,
for example, holding the advanced knowledge ani
civilisation of the Terachite immigration in all im-
portant particulars. It may be doubted, with a
writer of the present day, 1 whether this it a sound
line of reasoning, and whether " this contrast be-
tween the inferiority of the chosen people in all
secular advantages, and their pre-eminence In re-
ligious privileges," is not "an argument which
cannot be too strongly Insisted on by a Christian
advocate/' The whole history of the Jewish people
anterior to the advent of Christ would seem to
indicate that any great early amount of civilization,
being built necessarily on closer intercourse with
the surrounding peoples, would have tended to
retard rather than promote the object for which
that people was chosen. The probability is, that a
great original similarity existing between the dia-
lects of the actual po ssessor s of the country in their
various localities, and that of the immigrants, the
latter were leas likely to impart than to borrow
from their more advanced neighbours.
On what grounds is the undoubted similarity of
the dialect of the Terachites, to that of the occu-
pants at the time of their immigration, to be ex-
plained? Of the origin of its earliest occupants,
known to us in the sacred records by the mys-
terious and boding names of Nephilim, Zamzum-
mim, and the like, and of whose probable Titanic
size traces have been brought to light by recent
travellers, history records nothing certain. Some
that no reliable traces of Shemitic language
I Renan, i, 34, SIS, 315 ; Spiegel, In Renog, a. SSS-s,
■ Compare Gen. zL 6 with den. zvlll. 20, and note t,
Rawllnson, J. A. S. xv. 231. Does the cuneiform ortho-
graphy Bab-Il = -U» gate of God," point to the act of
Tltanio audacity recorded in Gen.? and Is the punish-
ment rec o rded In the confusion expressed In a Shemitts
word of kiwired sound*? Itattnmbn.MSangad'Biitmn,
113, Its.
» Bishop of St. DivUs* LHUrtofkeBn.R.>\raHamt
1254
SHEMITIC LANGUAGES AND WRITING
are to be found nortl of Mount Taurus, and
claim for the early inhabitants of Asia Minor a
Japhetian origin. Others affirm the descent of these
tarry tribes from lud, the fourth son of Shem, and
their migration from " Lydia to Arabia Petraea and
the southern borders of Palestine."* Bat these
must hat e disappeared at an early period, no men-
tion being made of them in Gen. i., and their
remains being only alluded to in references to the
tribe* which, under a well-known designation, we
find in occupation of Palestine on the return from
EgfT*.
i. Another view is that put forward by our coun-
tryman Rnwlinson, and shared by other scholars.
" Either from ancient monuments, or from tra-
dition, or from the dialects now spoken by their
descendants, we are authorised to infer that at some
Tery remote period, before the rise of the Shemitic
or Arian nations, a great Scythic" ( = Hamitic)
"population must have overspread Europe, Asia,
and Africa, speaking languages all more or less
dissimilar in their vocabulary, but possessing in
common certain organic characteristics of grammar
and construction." >
And this statement would appear, in its lead-
ing features, to be historically sound. As was to
be anticipated, both from its importance and from
its extreme obscurity, few subjects connected with
Biblical antiquities have been more warmly dis-
cussed than the origin of the Canaanitish occupants
of Palestine. Looking to the authoritative records
(Gen. ix. 18, x. 6, 13-20) there would seem to be
no reason for doubt as to the Hamitic origin of
these tribes.* Nor can the singular accordances dis-
cernible between the language of these Canaanitish
( = Hamitic) occupants, and the Shemitic ramily
be justly pleaded in bar of this view of the origin
of the former. "If we examine the invaluable
ethnography of the Book of Genesis we shall find
that, while Ham is the brother of Shem, and
therefore a relationship between his descendants and
the Shemitic nations fully recognised, the Hamites
are described as those who previously occupied the
different countries into which the Aramaean race
afterwards forced their way. Thus Scripture (Gen.
x. seqq.) attributes to the race of Ham not only the
aboriginal population of Canaan, with its wealthy
and civilised communities on the const, but also the
mighty empires of Babylon and Kineveh, the rich
kingdoms of Sheba and Havilah in Arabia Felix,
and the wonderful realm of Egypt. There is every
reason to believe — indeed in some cases the proof
amounts to demonstration — that all these Hamitic
nations spoke languages which differed only dialec-
tically from those of the Syro- Arabic family." •
9. Connected with this subject of the relation-
ship discernible among the early Noachidae is that
of the origin and extension of the art of writing
among the Shemites, the branch with which we are
at present concerned. Our limits preclude a dis-
cussion upon the many theories by which the stu-
dent is still bewildered : the question would seem
to be, in the case of the Terachite branch of the
• Benin, I. 46, lot; Arnold, In Hertog, vUL 310, 11;
Brabant, Cambridge Eoayt, IBM.
■ Bawlinsoa, /. of A. S. xv. 230, 233.
* "All the Canasnlles were, I am satisfied, Scythsj and
the inhabitants of Syria retained thel' distinctive ethnic
character until quite a late period or outcry. According
to lbs hacrijrtloos, the Khetta or KlttUs* were the doml-
nsnt Scytasso race Cross 'he earliest tunes.* Bawunsoc,
/. A. 8. XT. no.
Shemitic stock, did they acquire the si-; of writing
from the Phoenicians, or Egyptians, or As syrian *
—or was it evolved from given element* among
themselves 7
But while the truth with Vespect to the origin
of Shemitic writing is as yet involved in obscurity,
there can be no doubt that an indelible influ-
ence was exercised by Egypt upon the Terachite
branch in this particular. The language of Egypt
cannot be considered a* a bar to this theory, for. in
the opinion of most who have studied the subject,
the Egyptian language may claim an Asiatic, and
indeed a Shemitic origin. Nor can the changes
wrought be justly attributed to the Hyluos, instead
of the Egyptians. These people, when scattered after
their long sojourn, doubtless carried with them many
traces and result* of the superior culture of Egypt ;
but there is no evidence to show that they can be
considered in any way as instructors of the Te-
rachite*. The claim, so long acquiesced in, of the
Phoenicians in this respect, has been set aside oti
distinct grounds. What was the precise amount of
cultivation, in respect of the art of writing, pos-
sessed by the Terachites at the immigration or at
their removal to Egypt, we cannot now tell — pro-
bably but limited, when estimated by their social
position. But the Exodus found them possessed of
that priceless treasure, the germ of the alphabet of
the civilised world, built on a pure Shemitic basis,
but modified by Egyptian culture. " There can be
no doubt that the phonetic signs are subsequent to
the objective and determinative hieroglyphics, and
showing a* they do a much higher power of ab-
straction, they must be considered as infinitely more
valuable contribution* to the art of writing. But
the Egyptians have conferred a still greater boon
on the world, if their hieroglyphics were to any
extent the origin of the Shemitic, which has forroeu
the basis of almost every known system of letters
The long continuance of a pictorial and figurative
system of writing among the Egyptians, and their
low, and, after all, imperfect syUabarinm, must be
referred to the same source as their pictorial and
figurative representation of their idea of the Deity ;
just as, on the contrary, the early adoption by the
people of Israel of an alphabet properly so called
must be regarded as one among many proosj which
they gave of their powers of abstraction, and con-
sequently of their fitness for a mora spiritual wor-
ship," »
10. Between the dialects of Aram and Arabia, that
of the Terachitea occupied a middle place — superior
to the first, as being the language in wtudi are
preserved to us the inspired outpourings of so many
great prophets and poets — wise, learned, and elo-
quent—and different from the second (which does
not appear in history until a comparatively recent
period) in its antique simplicity ana majesty.
The dialect, which we are now considering, hot.
been ordinarily designated as that of the Hebrews,
rather than of the Israelites, apparently for the fol-
lowing reason*. The appellation Hebrew is of old
standing, but has no reference to the history of the
' Qvartrrti /ore. Irxvill. ITS. Seeaquntatkn tnJ.A. 8.
xv. J38, on the corruption of manners flowing from the
advanced dvlUiaUon of the "*—"-*
• <?. K. IxxvlU. 166; Ewald, Gack. I »«M:«; Ho*?.
mum. Cram. Syriae. pp. 60-63; Leyrer. Hertog, sir.
358, 359 ; LrpeJu*, Zxa Abttandluneai, 39. *«, t*. *»
J. O. MUller, In Henog, xiv. 233 ; Rswlftnoa. J. 1.8.x*
m, 236, 230; BvalschtUa. £*r OoAtdUt d. flkcaitafaa,
•nVrirt, M«. IT. 1> ; VaDilnatr, In Hcraog, ad. St*.
HHEMTTiO LANGUAGES AMD WRITING
1235
pmk, a* ooonected with it* glories or eminence,
while that of Israel is round up with its historical
grandeur. The people is addressed as Israel fey
their priests and prophjts, on solemn occasions,
■rhile by foreigners they are designated as Hebrews
Gen. xL 15), and indeed by some of their own
suiy writers, where no point is raised in connec-
ts) with their religion ( Gen. xliii. 32 ; Ex. xzi. 2 ;
1 Sam. xiii. 3, 7, xiv. 21 ). It was long assumed that
their designation (D r O}f = of mpdVoi) had reference
Lj Eber, the ancestor of Abraham. More probably
it should be regarded as designating all the Shemitio-
spesking tribes, which had migrated to the south
from the other side of the Euphrates ; and in that
rase, might have been applied by the earlier inha-
bitants of Canaan. But in either case, the term
" Hebrews " would comprise all the descendants of
Abraham, and ^ieir language therefore should be
designated as the Hebrew, in accordance with the
mora usual name of the people. " The language
of Canaan " Is used instead (Is. ziz. 18), but in
this passage the country of Canaan is contrasted
with that of Egypt The expression " the Jews'
language" (Is. xxirvi. 11, 13) applies merely to
the dialect of the kingdom of Judah, in all proba-
bility, more widely used after the fall of Samaria.
11. Many causes, all obvious and intelligible,
combine to make difficult, if not impossible, any
formal or detached account of the Hebrew language,
anterior to its assuming a written shape. But
various reasons occur to render difficult, even within
this latter period, such a reliable history of the
Hebrew language ss befits the exceeding interest of
the subject. In the first place, very little has come
down to us, of what appears to have been an ex-
tensive and diveisified literature. Where the facts
requisite for a judgment are so limited, any attempt
of the kind is likely to mislead, as being built on
speculations, erecting into characteristics of an entire
period what may he simply the peculiarities of the
author, or incidental to his subject or style. Again,
attempts at a philological history of the Hebrew
language will be much impeded by the fact — that
the chronological order of the extant Scriptures is
not in all instances clear — and that the history of
the Hebrew nation from its settlement to the 7th
osntury RXJ. is without changes or progress of the
marked and prominent nature required for a satis-
stetory critical judgment. Unlike languages of the
Japhetsaa stock, such as the Greek or German,
the Hebrew language, like ail her Shemitic sisters,
is firm and hard as from a mould — not suscep-
tible of change. In addition to these characteristics
of their language, the people by whom it was spoken
were of a retired and exclusive cast, and, for a long
tone, exempt from foreign sway. The dialects also
of' the few conterminous tribes, with whom they
had any intercourse, were allied closely with their
The extant remains of Hebrew literature are des-
titute of any important changes in language, during
the period from Moses to the Captivity. A certain
and intelligible amount of progress, but no con-
siderable or remarkable difference (according to one
school), is really observable in the language of the
Pentateuch, the Books of Joshua, Judges, Ruth,
Samuel, the Kings, the Psalms, or the prophecies of
• It MUer, Scitmc* tf Language, If -M : a most In-
strectrre passage renter. Fete «/ Jenet, 11. "Tletes
aach, was una Jetst sum ersten mal In den DenknUUsm
ler nnuiaail linen Weluett begefnrt, mac wool alter
Isaiah, Hoses, Amos, Joel, Micah, Nanmu, Habak-
kuk, and Jeremiah — widely separated from each
other by time as are many of these writings.
Grammars and lexicons are confidently referred
to, as supplying abundant evidence of unchanged
materials and fashioning; and foreign words, when
occurring, are easily to be recognised under their
Shemitic dress, or their introduction as easily to be
explained.
At the first sight, and to modern judgment,
much of this appears strange, and possibly untenable.
But an explanation of the difficulty is sought in
the unbroken residence of the Hebrew pecple, with-
out removal or molestation — a feature of history
not unexpected or surprising in the case of a people,
preserved by Providence simply as the guardians of
a sacred deposit of truth, not yet ripe for publica-
tion. An additional illustration of the immunity
from change, is to be drawn from the history of
the other branches of the Shemitic stock. The
Aramaic dialect, as used by various writers for
eleven hundred years, although inferior to the
Hebrew in many respects, is almost without
change, and not essentially different from the lan-
guage of Daniel and Ezra. And the Arabic language,
subsequently to its second birth, in connexion with
Mahometanism, will be found to present the same
phenomena.
12. Moreover, is it altogether a wild conjecture,
to assume as not impossible, the formation of a
sacred language among the chosen people, at so
marked a period of their history as that of Moses?
Every argument leads to a belief, that the popular
dialed of the Hebrews from a very early period was
deeply tinged with Aramaic, and that it continued
so. But there is surely nothing unlikely or incon-
sistent in the notion that he who was " learned in
all the wisdom of the Egyptians" should have been
taught to introduce a sacred language, akin, but
superior to the every-dsy dialect of his people —
the property of the rulers, and which subsequent
writers should be guided to copy. Such a lan-
guage would be the sacred and learned one — that
of the few, — and no clearer proof of the limited hold
exercised by this classical Hebrew on the ordinarr
language of the people can be required than its
rapid withdrawal, after the Captivity, before a
language composed of dialects hitherto disregarded,
but still living in popular use. It has been well
said that " literary dialects, or what are commonly
called classical languages, pay for their temporary
greatness by inevitable decay. " If later in history
we meet with a new body of stationary language
forming or formed, we may be sure that its tribu-
taries were those rivulets which for a time were
almost lost to our sight." *
13. A few remarks may not be out of place here
with reference to some leading linguistic pecu-
liarities in different books of the 0. T. For ordi-
nary purposes the old division into the golden and
silver ages is sufficient. A detailed list of peculi-
aritieB observable in the Pentateuch (without, how-
ever, destroying its close similarity to other 0. T.
writings) is given by Scholi, divided under lexical,
grammatical, and syntactical heads. With the style
of the Pentateuch (as might be expected) that of
Joshua very closely corresponds. The feeling of
hostility to the neighbouring peoples of mixed da-
eevn, sbsr dsmals snerst sos dem Donkel tier Voltes-
apache, die Je nberall rekher bt als die (ler rlssslsrliss
Legttimttlt," Keuss, In Hereof, v. f Of
1266
8HEMTTIC LANGUAGES AND WRITING
scent»*o prevalent it the time of the l e stoiati on,
makes strongly against the a sserted late origin at*
the Book of Kuth, in which it cannot be traced.
Bat (with which we are at present concerned) the
style points to an earlier date, the asserted Ara-
ataitms being probably relics of the popular dia-
led.* The asm* linguistic peculiarities are observ-
able (among other merits of style) in the Books of
Samuel. 1
The Books of Job and Eoclesiastes contain many
asserted Arsmaisms, which have been pleaded in
support of a late origin of then two poems. In
the case of the first, it is argued (on the other side)
that these peculiarities are not to be considered so
much poetical ornaments as ordinary expressions
and usages of the early Hebrew language, affected
necessarily to a certain extent by intercourse with
neighbouring tribes. And the asserted want of
study and polish, in the diction of this book, leads
to the same conclusion. As respects the Book of
Eoclesiastes the case is more obscure, as in many
Instances the peculiarities of style seem rather re-
ferable to the secondary Hebrew of a late period
of Hebrew history, than to an Aramaic origin. But
our acquaintance with Hebrew literature is too
limited to allow the formation of a positive opinion
on the subject, in opposition to that of ecclesiastical
antiquity J In addition to roughnesses of diction,
growing probably out of the same cause— close in-
tercourse with the people — so-called Arsmaisms are
to be found in the remains of Jonah and Hoses, and
expressions closely allied in those of Amos.* This
is not the case in the writings of Nahum, Zepha-
niah, and Habakkuk, and in the still later ones of
the minor prophets ; the treasures of past times,
which filled their hearts, served as models of style.*
As with respect to the Book of Eoclesiastes (at
the hands of modern critic*), so, in the case of
KzekieL, Jewish critics have sought to assign its
peculiarities of style and expression to a secondary
Hebrew origin.* But the references above given
may serve to aid the consideration of a most in-
teresting question, as to the extent to which Ara-
maic elements entered into the ordinary dialect of
the Hebrew people, from early times to the Cap-
tivity.
The peculiarities of language in Daniel belong
to another field of inquiry ; and under impartial
consideration more difficulties may be found to dis-
appear, as in the case of those with regard to the
a ss er te d Greek words. The language and subject-
matter of Daniel (especially the latter), in the
opinion of scholars, led Kirs and Nehemiah to place
this book elsewhere than among the prophetical
writings. To their minds, the apocalyptic character
of the book might seem to assign it rather to the
Hagiographa than the roll of prophecy, properly so
called. Inquiries, with respect to the closing of the
canon, tend to shake the comparatively recant date
which it has been so customary to assign to this
book.*
With these exceptions (if so to be considered)
•Sehnla.JflW.SJ3, and not* j NXtetsbaca, In Hereof,
aULlM.
> Nlfalsbach, <M<L 412.
f Bebob, Bad. UL §5-«7. ISO. 181; Ewsld. IU, as.
• Scaola, Mi. Ml. sst, Ut.
■ Sefaols, Ond. StS, 600, 60S; Ewsld, OssoV tl.ll,
|SM.
* Zam. Cottesdaautffefe Vortrigc dtr JuOm, IB.
« See also RawUnson, J. A. £. xv. 247 ; Ucuuscfa. In
Henog, lit 214 ; Vaihuigar. StwL u. JCtU. 18*7, 834*.
few tram of dialects are discernible hi the smsS
remain* still extant, for the most pari composed hi
Judah and Jerusalem. The dialects of the northern
districts probably were influenced by thtir Aramaic
neighbours; and local expressions are to be detected
in Judg. v. and xii. 6. At a later period Philistine
dialects are alluded to (Neb. xiii. 23, 34), and that
of Galilee (Matt. xxvi. 73).
As has been remarked, the Aramaio tl en jt nt*
above alluded to, un most plainly observable m thai
remains of some it the less educated writers. The
general style of Hebrew prose literature it plain
and simple, but lively and pictorial, and rising with
the subject, at times, to considerable elevation. But
the strength of the Hebrew language lies in its
poetical and prophetical remains. For simple and
historical narrative, ordinary words and formations
sufficed. But the requisite elevation of poetical
composition, and the necessity (growing out of that
general use of parallelism) for enlarging the supply
of striking words and expressions at command, lad
to the introduction of many expressi ons which we
do not commonly find in Hebrew prose literature.*
For the origin* and existence of these we must
look especially to the Aramaic, from which expi ea-
sious were borrowed, whose force and peculiarities
might give an additional ornament and point not
otherwise attainable. Closely resembling that of
the poetical books, in its general character, is the
style of the prophetical writings, but, as might
be anticipated, more oratorical, and running into
longer sentences. Nor should it be forgotten, by
the side of so much that is uniform in lang ua ge
and construction throughout an long a period, that
diversities of individual dispositions and standing arc
strongly marked, in the instances of several writer*.
But from the earliest period of the existence of a
literature among the Hebrew people to B.C. 600.
the Hebrew language continued singularly exempt
from change, in all leading and general feature*,
and in the general laws of its expressions, forma,
and combinations.
From that period the Hebrew dialect will be
found to give way before the Aramaic, in what baa*
been preserved to us of its literature, although, as
is not unfrequeutly the case, some later writers
copy, with almost regretful accuracy, the i laaaii al
anil consecrated language of a brighter period.
§§14-19. Abamaio Lahouaob.— Scholastic
Period.
14. The language ordinarily called Aramaic is •
dialect of the great Shemitic family, deriving its
name from the district over which it was spoken,
Aram = the high or hill country (as Canaan = the
low country). But the name is applied, both by
Biblical and other writer*, in a wider and a more
restricted sense. The designation — Aram warn
imperfectly known to the Greek* and Romans, by
whom the country was called Syria, an abbrevia-
tion of Assyria, according to Herodotus (vii. 63).'
In general practice Aram was divided into Eastern
* * L'lmportanot da verset dans le style des Semites
est la meUleure preuve du manque absolu d> nwtrnctlaei
tntertoure qal csracterlse leur phrase. Le versrl a'* item
de common avec la periods grecqne et latme, paiaqo"U
c'oflre pa* one suite de membra* dependants las una dee
autrcs: cfert one coupe a pen ores arbttrsn* dm* une**r*a
as propositions *ep«r«>* par d« vtrgnlea." Ren*n,L*t.
• Reus, In Henog. v. *06-»; Bees. ja Wetr sea. ao-S.
r Other derlvanoos are given and refuted ty Qualm
mere, Milmgn d'Butoin. 122.
BHEMITIO LANGUAGES AND WRITING
1257
•ad Western. The dialects of then two district*
were severally called Cnaldaic and Syriae— designa-
tions not happily chosen, but, as in the case of
fiasmitic, of too long currency to be changed with-
out gnat inconvenience. Mo traces remain of the
numerous dialects which must have existed in so
targe an aggregate of many very populous districts.
Nothing can be more erroneous, than the applica-
tion of the word "Chaldeic" to the East Aramaic
dialect. It seems probable that the Chaldaeana
were a people of Japhetian extraction, who probably
look the name of the Shemitio tribe whom they dis-
lodged before their connexion with Babylon, so long,
so varied, and so fall of interest. Bat it would be
an error to attribute to> these conquerors any great
or early amount of cultivation. The origin of the
peculiar and advanced civilisation to be traced in the
basin of Mesopotamia must be assigned to another
came — the influences of Cushita immigration.
The colossal scientific and industrial characteristics
ef Assyrian civilisation are not reasonably deducible
tram Japhetian influences — that race, in those early
times, having evinced no remarkable tendency for
construction or the study of the applied sciences.
Accordingly, it would seem not unreasonable to
•lacs on the two rivers a population of Cushite
(Hamtte) aocompliahments, if not origin, subsequent
to the Shemitie occupation, which established its
own language as the ordinary one of these districts ;
and thirdly, a body of warriors and influential men
—of Japhetian origin — the true Chaldeans, whose
been applied to a Shemitie district and
The eastern boundary of the Shemitie languages
is obaanre; but this much may be safely assumed,
that this family had its earliest settlement on the
up pe r basin of the Tigris, from which extensions
ware doubtless made to the south. And (as has
been before said) history points to another stream,
flowing northward (at a subsequent but equally
aate-lustorie period), of Cushite population, with
,ts distinctive accomplishments. These settlements
would seam to comprise the wide extent of country
extending from the ranges bounding the watershed
of the Tigris to the N. and E., to the plains in the
S. and W. towards the lower course of the " great
river," = Assyria (to a great extent), Mesopotamia
and Babylonia, with its southern district, Chaldea.
There are few more interesting linguistic questions,
than the nature of the vernacular language of this
last-named region, at the period of the Jewish de-
portatsoa by Nebuchadnezzar. It was, mainly and
mcontestaMy, Shemitie; but by the side of it an
Aryan one, chiefly official, is said to be discern-
ible. [Chaldea; Chaldbans.] The passages
onUa s uu y relied on (Dan. i. 4, ii. 4) are not very
mod naive in support of this latter theory, which
derives more aid from the fact, that many proper
■ames of ordinary occurrence (Belshsxxar, Merodach-
fUlanan, Nshooassar, Nabopolassar, Nebo, Nebu-
chadnexxar) are certainly not Shemitie As little,
rhaps, are they Aryan — but in any case they may
naturalised relics of the Assyrian supremacy.
The same question has been raised as to the
Shemitie or Aryan origin of the vernacular language
•f Assyria — •'. e. the country to the E. of the
Euphrates. As in the case of Babylonia, the lan-
guage appears to have been, ordinarily, that of a
bsSssdsd Shemitio and Cushita population— and a
. p. all. Qnatraroare,
Si Its, and sapeda'ly UJ-IM.
JUtm/a SBitMrt, pp.
similar difficulty to he connected with the ordinary
proper names — Nibchaz, Pul, Sslmanassar, Sarda-
napaliis, Sennacherib, Tartak, and Tiglath-Pileser.
Is. xxxiii. 19, and Jer. v. 15, have been leferred
to as establishing the difference of the vernacular
language of Assyria from the Shemitie Our
knowledge of the so-called Cushite stock in the
basins of the two rivers is but limited ; but in any
case a strong Shemitie if not Cushite element is
so dearly discernible in many old local and proper
names, as to make an Aryan or other vernacular
language unlikely, although incorporation v may be
found to have taken place, from some other lan-
guage, probably that of a conquering race.
Until recently, the literature of these wide dis-
tricts was a blank. Yet " there must have been
a Babylonian literature, as the wisdom of the
Chaldeans had acquired a reputation, which could
hardly hare been sustained without a literature.
If we are ever to recover a knowledge of that
ancient Babylonian literature, it must be from the
cuneiform inscriptions lately brought home from
Babylon and Nineveh. They are clearly written
in a Shemitie language " (M. Mflller, S.o/L. 263).
As has been before remarked [Babylonia, §16]
the cirilixation of Assyria was derived from Baby-
lonia in its leading features — Assyrian art, however,
being progressive, and marked by local features,
such as the substitution of alabaster for bricks as a
material for sculpture. With regard to the dialects
used for the class of inscriptions with which we are
concerned, namely, the Assyrian — as distinguished
from the Zend (or Persian) and Tartar (?) families of
cuneiform memorials — the opinion of scholars is all
but unanimous — Lassen, Burnouf (as far as he pro-
nounces an opinion), Layard, Spiegel, all agree with
the great authority above cited. Kenan differs, un-
willingly, from them.
From what source, then, don it seem most pro-
bable that future scholars will find this peculiar
form of writing deducible? One of the latest
writers on the subject, Oppert, divides the family,
instead of three, into two large classes — the Aryan
or Old Persian, and another large class containing
various subdivisions of which the Assyrian forms
one. The character itself he asserts to be neither
Aryan nor Shemitie in its origin, but ancient
Central Asiatic, and applied with difficulty, as
extraneous and exotic, to the languages of totally
different races. But it is quite as likely that the
true origin may be found in an exactly different
direction — the 8.W. — for this peculiar system nf
characters, which, besides occupying the great river
basins of which we have spoken, may be traced
westward as far as Beyrout and Cyprus, and east-
ward, although less plainly, to Bactra. Scholars,
including Oppert, incline to the judgment, that (as
Hebrew, Greek, and Arabic writers all show) from
a Cushite stock (Gen. x. 8-12) there grew up
Babylon and Nineveh, and other great homes of
civilisation, extending from the level plains of
ChsMaea far away to the N. and E. of Assyria.
In these districts, far anterior to the deportation of
the Jews, but down to that period, flourished the
schools of learning, that gave birth to results,
material and intellectual, stamped with affinity to
those of Egypt. It may well be, that in the pro-
gress of discovery, from Shemitio — Cushite records
— akin to the Himyaritic and Ethiopic — scholars
may carry back these researches to Shemitie—
Cushite imitations of kindred writing from southern
lands. Already the notion has obtained currency
1258
8HEMITIC LANGUAGES AND WBITOKv
Uut the a)-called primitive Sbemitic alphabet, of
Assyrian or Babylonian origin, ia transitional, built
est the older formal and syllabic one, prewired in
uneifbru remain*. To this fact we shall in the
•quel reenr— passing now to the condition of the
Aramaic language at the time of the Captivity.
Little weight can be attributed to th- argument,
that the ancient literature of tho district being
called "Chaldean," an Aryan origin is implied.
The word " Chaldean " naturally drove ont "Baby-
lonian," after the establishment of Chaldean ascen-
dancy, in the latter country ; but as in the case of
Greece and Borne, intellectual aacenilancy held its
ground after the loss of material power and rule.*
15. Without entering into tfie discussions re-
specting the eiact propriety of the expressions, it
will bo sufficient to follow the ordinary division of
the Aramaic into the Chaldaic or Eastern, and the
Western or Syriac dialects.
The term "Chaldaic" is now (like "Shemitic")
firmly established, but Babylonian would appear
more suitable. We know that it was a spoken lan-
guage at the time of the Captivity.
A valuable outline of the different ages and styles
observable in the Aramaic branch of the Shemitic
family has been given by both Delitzsch and Flint,
which (with some additions) is here reproduced for
the reader.!
(1.) The earliest extant fragments an the wall-
known ones to be found at Dan. ii. 4-vii. 28 ; Ear.
iv. 8-vi. 18; vii. 12-26. Affinities an to be traced,
without difficulty, between these fragments, which
differ again in some very marked particulars from
the earliest Targums.*
To those who in the course of travel have ob-
served the esse, almost the unconsciousness — with
which persons, living on the confines of cognate
dialects, pass from the use of one to another— or who
am aware, how dose is the connexion, and how very
alight the difference between conterminous dialec-
tical varieties of one common stock, then can be
nothing strange in this juxtaposition of Hebrew and
Aramaic portions. The prophet Daniel, we may
bo sure, cherished with true Israelite affection the
holy language of his early home, while his high
official position must have involved a thorough
acquaintance not only with the ordinary Baby-
loni&b-Aramaic, but with the Chaldaic (properly so
called). Accordingly, we may understand how the
prophet might pass without remark from the use of
one dialect to the other. Again, in the case of Eire,
although writing at a later period, when the holy
language bad again been adopted as a standard of
style and means of expression by Jewish writers, —
there is nothing difficult to be understood in his
incorporating with his own composition accounts
written by an ays-witness in Aramaic, of events
which took place before his own arrival."
(2.) The Syro-ChaMaic originals of several of
the Apocryphal books am lost; many Hebraisms
wen engrafted on the Aramaic as spoken by the
Jews, but the dialect of the earlier Targuma con-
tains a perceptibly smaller amount of such admix-
ture than later compilations.
k Lepstas, Zteri Abkandttmgm, p. SB. Qoatrenwre,
Civda Biloriqua, as qnoted shove. Renan, 66-T*.
Henog/a Jieal-nie.. vol. L Batd, HabyUmim (RuetschI).
-VOL IL CkaUOa (Arnold). -voL x. JVwuse (Spiegel),
M3. 3Ts, Ml. Block, 1*0. i.A.A.7. 43-tA.
• iMUaaeh. /own, pp. 66-tO; Wrst, lOrgA Jit.
a Rsnsslenberg, Damid, pp. 302-30S.
• Urnastanliera, ibid. 2M. Hence In our own One
(3.) The language of the Gemaras is extremely
composite — teat of the Jerusalem Gemaim being
less pun than that of Babylon. Still lower in the
scale, according to the same authority, are those
of the fast-expiring Samaritan dialect, and that of
Galilee.
(4.) The curious book Zohar — an adaptation of
Aramaic expressions to Judaixing Gnosticism—
among its foreign additions contains very many
from the Arabic, indicative (according to Dstitaach)
of a Spanish origin.
(5.) The Mason, brief and symbolical, is chiefly
remarkable for what may be called vernacular pe-
culiarities.
(6.) The Christian or ecclesiastical Aramaic ia
that ordinarily known as Syrian — the language of
early Christianity, as Hebrew and Arabic, respec-
tively, of the Jewish religion and Btabometanism.
The above classification may be useful as a guide
to the two great divisions of the Aramaic dialect
with which a Biblical student is directly concerned,
ror that, ordinarily called the Samaritan, contains
very little calculated to afford illustration among Its
scanty remains; and future discoveries in that
branch of pagan Aramaic known as the dialect of
the Nabathaeans, Mendaltes, or Zabians of Meso-
potamia (not the Sabeans of Southern Arabia), can
only exercise a remote or secondary influence on
the study of Aramaic as connected with the Scrip-
tures.
The following sketch of the three leading varieties
of the West- Aramaic dialect, is built on the account
given by Fflrst.»
a. What ia known of the condition of Galilee
corroborates the disparaging statements given by
the Talmudnts of the sub-dialect (for H is no more)
of this district. Close and constant communication
with the tribe) to the north, and a large admixture
of heathens among the inhabitants would necessarily
contribute to this. The dialect of Galilee appears
to have been marked by confusion of letters B and
3, 3 with p (as in various European dialects) — and
aphaeresis of the guttural— a habit of connecting
words otherwise separate (also not uncommon in
rude dialects) — carelessness about vowel-sounds, —
and the substitution of T| final for 3.
b. The Samaritan dialect appears to have been •
compound of the vulgar Hebrew with Aramaic,
as might have been anticipated from the elements
of which the population was composed, remains ot
the " Ephraimite " occupiers, and Aramaic immi-
grants. A confusion of the mute letters, and also
of the gutturals, with a predilection for the letter
JJ, has been noticed.
c. The dialect called that of Jerusalem or Judea,
between which and the purer one of the Babylonish
Jews so many invidious distinctions have bean
drawn, seems to have been variable, from frequent
changes among the inhabitants — and also to have
contained a large amount of words different Gum
those in use in Babylonia — besides being somewhat
incorrect, in its orthography.
Each dialect, it will be seen, was directly influ-
Latin and Welsh, and Latin and Saxon passages, are to ha
round In the same Juxtaposition In chartulartea sad hlsio-
rlcal records ; but the Instances are more apposite (green
in Delltssch, Wtaaudutft, Smut, JudmVun*, xM, seqq.)
of the sminllaneons use of Hebrew, Babbtnlo, and Arable,
among Jewlan writers after the so-called revival of Uia>
nuure under Mahometan Inflaeace.
• LeArpeO. }} 16-11.
8HKMITI0 LANGUAGES AND WRITING
1259
awed by tim arcumstanoes— physical or social— of
its locality. For instance, in the remote and un-
lettered Galilee, peculiarities and word* could not
Sail to be engrafted from the neighbouring tribes.
The bitter hatred which existed between the Sa-
maritans and the Jews, effectually precluded the
admission of any leavening influences from the latter
•ram. A dialect originally impure — the Samaritan
became m course of time largely interspersed with
Aramaic words. That of Judea, alone being spoken
•y Jews to whom nationality was most precious,
Was preserved in tolerable immunity from corre-
sponding degradation, until overpowered by Greek
and Roman heathenism.
The small amount of real difference between the
two branches of Aramaic has been often urged as an
argument for making any division superfluous. But
it has been well observed by Fflrst,* that each is
asmnatrri by a very different spirit The chief relics
of Chaldaic, or Eastern Aramaic — the Targums —
are filled with traditional faith in the varied pages
of Jewish history : they combine much of the better
Pharisaism — nourished as it was on lively concep-
tions of hallowed, national lore, with warm, ear-
nest, longings for the kingdom of the Messiah.
Western Aramaic, or Syrian literature, on the other
hand, ia essentially Christian, with a new termin-
ology especially framed for its necessities. Ac-
cordingly, the tendency and linguistic character of
the first is essentially Hebrew, that of the second
Hellenic. One is full of Hebraisms, the other of
16. Perhaps few lines of demarcation are traced
with greater difficulty, than those by which one
age of a language is separated from another. This
is remarkably the case in respect of the cessation
of the Hebrew, and the ascendancy of the Aramaic,
or, as it may be put, in respect of the date at which
the period of growth terminates, and that of expo-
sition and scholasticism begins, in the literature of
the chosen people.
Much unnecessary discussion has been roused
with respect to the introduction of interpretation.
Not only in any missionary station among the
heathen, but in Europe at the Reformation, we can
find substantially the germ of Targums. During
the 16th century, in the eastern districts of the
present kingdom of Prussia, the desire to bring the
Gospel home to the humbler classes, hitherto but
little touched by its doctrines, opened a new field
of activity among the non-German inhabitants of
those provinces, at that time a very numerous body.
Assistant* were appointed, under the name of
Tolken (interpreters), who rendered the sermon,
sentence by sentence, into the vernacular old Prussian
dialect" Just so in Palestine, on the return, an
eager desire to bring their own Scriptures within
the reach of the people, led to measures such ss that
described in Nehemiah viii. 8, a passage of difficult
interpretation. It is possible, that the apparent
vagueness of this passage may represent the two
methods, which would be naturally adopted for such
different purposes, as rendering Biblical Hebrew in-
telligible to the common people, who only spoke a
• Xearyse-yli.
» RtBkt.D.O.i»ZalaUa-d.Jtytirwtatwn,b.\r.cMp.T.
p.irti»»rth£mj8LBi\atTe,UB(wUkattiaIltlifUM,
Paris, lseo, p. 386. "Ordmsirement an ne recite qaele
texts Fall loot seal, et alors le people n'en compreod
pas an mot ; mala quekraefola susst, quaud le teste Pall
» et* radii, un pram en donae one interpretation en
lioahslals sour le Tulgalre."
dialect of Aramaic — and supplying a commentary
after such deliberate reading.
Of the several Targums which are presaved, the
dates, style, character, and value are exceedingly
different. An account of them is gfen under
Versions (Chaldaic).
17. In the scholastic period, of which we now treat,
the schools of the prophets were succeeded by
" houses of enquiry," — BHTip 'R3. For with
Vitringa, in preference to Rabbinical writers, we
prefer considering the first named institutions as
pastoral and devotional seminaries, if not monastic
retreats — rather than schools of law and diaiectia-
as some would explain them. It was not until thr
scholastic period that all Jewish studies were so
employed. Two ways only of extending the bless-
ings hence derivable, seem to have presented them-
selves to the national mind, by commentary — WITH
and enquiry — BH'I. In the first of these — Tar-
gnmic literature, but limited openings occurred for
critical studies; in the second, still fewer.* The
vast storehouse of Hebrew thought reaching
through so many centuries — known by the name
of the Talmud— Hand the collections of a similar
nature called the Hidrashim, extending in th*
case of the first, dimly but tangibly, from the
period of the Captivity to the times of Kabbi
Asher— the closer of the Talmud (a.d. 426),
contain comparatively few accessions to linguistic
knowledge. The terms by which serious or philo-
sophical inquiry is described, with the names of
its subordinate branches — Halacha (rule) — Hagada
(what is said or preached) — Toeiphta (addition)—
Boraitha (statements not in the Mishna) — Mechilta
(measure, form) — the successive designations of
learned dignitaries — Sopherim (scribes)— Chacamim
(sages)— Tannaim (sShouim, teachers) — Amoraim
(speakers) — Seburaim (disputants) — Geonim (emin-
ences) — all bear reference to the study and exposi-
tion of the rules and bearing of the Mosaic law,
with none, or very little to the critical studv of
their own prized language — the vehicle of the law.
The two component parts of the Talmud, the
Mishna and the Gemara — republication and final
explanation — are conceived in the same spirit The
style and composite nature of these works belong
to the history of Rabbinical literature.
18. Of the other main division of the Aramaic
language — the Western or Syriao dialect — the
earliest «ri«Mng document is the Peshito version
of the Scriptures, which not improbably belongs to
the middle of the second century. Various sub-
dialects probably existed within the wide area over
which this Western one was current : but there are
no means now attainable for pursuing the inquiry
— what we know of the Palmyrene being only de-
rivable from inscriptions ranging from A.D. 49 tc
the middle of the third century. The Syrian dialect
is thickly studded with foreign words, Arabic, Per-
sian, Greek, and Latin, especially with the third.
A comparison of this dialect with the Eastern branch
will show that they are closely allied in all the
most important peculiarities of grammar and syn-
q Vitringa, Dt Synagogt. 16M, p. 1, cap. v. vl. vll,
p. II. cap. V.-VUL — no scholar should be wttbont this
storehouse of learning; Caasel, In Henug, ix. 5M-62*;
Fnlxk, Ktuda Oriental**, 171 ; Odder, In Henog, xlL SIS,
235 ; Shins, GattniiautUdit Vortrifft dor Aden, cap. 10.
This last volume Is most valuable ss a guldmg summary
In s Utile knofrn sod bewildering Arid.
1260
6HEMITIO LANGUAGES AND WRITING
tax, aa wd] ai is their store of original word* — tba
true standard in linguistic researches.
A few lines may be here allowable on the fortunes
vt a dialect which (as will be shown hereafter) has
•ecu 30 couspicuous an instrument in extending a
knowledge of the truths originally given, and so
long preserved in the sacred language of the He-
brews. Subsequently to the GUI of Jerusalem its
chief sett of learning and literature was atEdessa —
tram A.D. 4*0, at Nisibis. Before the 8th and 9th
centuries its decline had commenced, in spite of the
protests made by James of Edesta in favour of its
own classical writers. But, as of old the Hebrew
language had given way to the Aramaic, so in her
tarn, tie Western Aramaic was driven out by the
advances of the Arabic during the 10th and 1 1th
centuries. Somewhat later it may be said to have
died out — its last writer of mark, Barhebraeus (or
Abolphanigius) composing in Arabic as well as
Syriac.'
19. The Chaldaic paraphrases of Scripture are
exceedingly valuable for the light which they throw
on Jewish manners and customs, and the meaning
of passages otherwise obscure, as likewise for many
happy renderings of the original text. But they
are valuable also on higher reasons— the Christian
interpretation put by their authors on controverted
passages. Their testimony is of the greatest value,
as showing that Messianic interpretations of many
important passages must have been current among
the Jews of the period. Walton, alluding to Jewish
attempts to evade their own orthodox traditions,
says that " many such passages," i. e. of the later
and evasive kind, " might be produced which find
no sanction among the Jews. Those very passages,
which were applied by their own teachers to the
Messiah, and are incapable of any. other fair appli-
cation save to Him in whom they all centre, are
not (infrequently warped into meanings irreconcile-
abk alike with the truth, and the judgment of their
own most valued writers." ■
A comparative estimate is not yet attainable, as
to what in Targumk literature is the pure expres-
sion and development of the Jewish mind, and what
is of foreign growth. But, as hat been said, the
Targums and kindled writings are of considerable
dogmatical and exegetical value ; and a similar good
work has been eflected by means of the cognate
dialect, Western Aramaic or Syriac From the
3rd to the 9th century, Syriac was to a great part
of Asia — what in their spheres Hellenic Greek and
mediaeval Latin have respectively been — the one
ecclesiastical language of the district named. Be-
tween the literally preserved records of Holy Scrip-
ture, aa delivered to the Terachites in the infancy
of the world, and* the understandings and hearts of
Arvan peoples, who were intended to share in these
treasures hilly and to their latest posterity, tome
TWir*-t i "g medium was necessary. This was
supplied by the dialect in question— neither to spe-
cific, nor so clear, nor so sharply subjective as the
pure Hebrew, but for those very reasons (while in
itself essentially Shemitic) open to impressions and
thoughts aa well as words from without, and theie-
fore well calculated to act as the pioneer and intro-
t Beak, JfaMhty. »l-*T.
• Walton. /YeL ztL 18, 11. See also Delttasch, Wit-
tesxeaq/t, Ahu(. JudmOmm. p. 1T3. aeqa, (In respect of
Chr'atUn anticipations In the Tsitumi and fynaapgal
aerotfcxul poetrvt and alio p. 1*0, note (In respect or
moderate tone of Talmud) ; Oehter, In Hersug. U. a MM ;
dncer of Biblical thoughts and Biblical truth*
among minds, to whom these treasures wjuH ether*
wise long have remained obscure and unintelligible
§§20-24. Arabic Language.— Period cr Re-
vival.
20. The early population of Arabia, its antiqui-
ties and peculiarities, have been described •ju'er
Arabia.' We find Arabia occupied by a confluence
of tribes, the leading one of undoubted Ishmaditish
descent— the others of the teed or lineage of Abra-
ham, and blended by alliance, language, neighbour-
hood, and habits. Before these any aboriginal in-
habitants must have disappeared, as the Ganaanitish
nations before their brethren, the children of the
greater promise— as the Edomitat and Ishmaclitea
were of a lesser, but equally certain one.
We have seen [Ababiaj that the peninsula of
Arabia lay in the track of Cushite civilisation, in
its supposed return-course towards the north-east.
At in the basin of Mesopotamia, so in Arabia it hat
left tracts of its constructive tendencies, and predi-
lections for grand and colossal undertakings. Modern
research has brought to light in addition many
valuable remains, full of philological interest. There
may now be found abundant illustration of the
relationship of the Himyaritic with the early Shemi-
tic before adverted to; and the language of the
Ehkili (or Mahrah), on which so much light has
recently been thrown, presents us with the singular
phenomenon, not merely of a specimen of what the
Himyaritic (or language of Yemen) must have been
before its expulsion by the Koreishite, but of a
dialect leas Arabic than Hebrew, and possessing
close affinity with the Ghex, or Ethiopian.*
21. The affinity of the Obex (Gush? the tiered
language of Ethiopia) with the Shemitic'hat been
long remarked. Walton supposes its introduction
to nave been consequent on that of Christianity.
But the tradition is probably correct, according to
which Ethiopia was colonized from S. W. Arabia,
and according to which this language should be
considered a relic of the Himyaritic. In the O. T.,
Cush, in addition to Ethiopia in Africa, comprises
S. Arabia (Gen. x. 7, 8 ; 2 Chr. xiv. 9 ; xxi, 16 ;
Hah. iii. 7), and by many the stream of Hamite
civilization is supposed to have flowed in a northerly
course from that point into Egypt. In its lexical
peculiarities, the Ghex is said to resemble the Ara-
maic, in its grammatical the Arabic. The alphabet
it very curious, differing from Shemitic alphabets in
the number, order, and name and form of the
letters, by the direction of the writing, and espe-
cially by the form of vowel notation. This is ex
tremely singular. Each consonant contains a short
r — the vowels are expressed by additions to the
consonants. The alphabet is, by this means, con-
verted into a " tyllabarium " of 202 signs. Various
points of resemblance have been traced between this
alphabet and the Samaritan ; but recent discoveries
establish its kindred (almost its identity) with that
of the Himyaritic inscriptions. The language and
character of which we have spoken briefly, have
now been succeeded for general purposes by the
Amharic —probably in the first instance a Lindnsd
and Westcott, Mn t mU a t, lio-lli.
• Dump, tor the early history of the Arabic linguae tat
recent work by Frejtsg (Bonn, leei), alike remsrkahle te
interest sad research. Sinltitwig <n dee StuM mm «Vr
droMsdkes) Spradu Wi J f otg m e n d vnd turn IMIqsMar
• Kenan, L MMJJ
SHEMITIC LANGUAGES AN1) WHITING
1261
falr?t with the Chez, bnt now altered by subse-
quent extraneous additions.*
23. Internal evidence demonstrates, that the
Arabic language, at the time when it first appears
an the field of history, was being gradually developed
m its remote and barren preinsular home. Mot to
dwell on its broken (or internal) plurals, and its
system of cans, there are peculiarities in the earliest
extant remains, which evince progress made in the
cultivation of the language, at a data long anterior
to the period of which we speak.
A well-known legend speaks of the present
Amnio language as being a fusion of different
andante, effected by the tribe of Koreish settled
round Mecca, and the reputed wardens of the
Caaba. In any case, the paramount purity of the
Koreijhite dialect is asserted by Arabic writers on
grammar, in whose judgment the quality of the
spoken dialects appeal's to have declined, in propor-
tion to their distance from Mecca. It is also
asserted, that the stores of the Koreishite dialect
were Increased by a sort of philological eclecticism —
all striking elegancies of construction or expression,
observable in the dialects of the many different tribes
visiting Mecca, being engrafted upon the one in ques-
tion J But the recognition of the Koran, as the ulti-
mate standard is linguistic as in religious matters,
established in Arabic judgment the superior purity
of the Koreishite dialect
That the Arabs possessed a literature anterior to
the birth of Mohammed, and expressed in a language
marked with many grammatical peculiarities, is
beyond doubt. There is no satisfactory proof of
the assertion, that all early Arabic literature was
destroyed by the jealous disciples of Islam. "Of
old, the Arab gloried in nothing bnt his sword, his
hospitality, and his fluent speech."* The last gift,
if we may judge from what has been preserved to
us of the history of those early times, seems to
have been held in especial honour. A zealous
purism, strange as it sounds amid the rude and
uneducated children of the desert, seems, as in
later times, to have kept almost Masoretic watch
over the exactitude of the transmission of these
early outpourings.*
Even in our own times, scholars have seemed
unwilling altogether to abandon the legend — how at
the fidr of Ocadh ('• the mart of proud rivalry"*)
goods and traffic — wants and profit — were alike ne-
glected, while bards contended amid their listening
countrymen, anxious for such a verdict as should
entitle their lays to a place among the Moallakat,
the tra*%iara of the Caaba, or national temple at
Mecca. But the appearance of Mohammed put an
end for a season to commerce and bardic contests ;
nor was it until the work of conquest was done,
that the faithful resumed the pursuits of peace.
And enough remains to show that poetry was
not alone cultivated among the ante-Mohammedan
Arabians. " Seeds of moral truth appear to have
been embodied in sentences and aphorisms, a form
of instruction peculiarly congenial to the temper of
Orientals, and proverbially cultivated by the inha-
bitants of the Arabian peninsula." « Poetry and
romance, as might be expected from the degree of
Arab civilisation, would stfln to have been the
chief objects of attention.
Against these views it has been urged, that
although of such compositions as the Moallakat,
and others less generally known, the substance may
be considered as undoubtedly very ancient, and il-
lustrative accordingly of manners and customs— ■
yet the same antiquity, according to competent
judges, cannot reasonably be assigned to their pre-
sent form. Granting (what is borne out from
analogy and from references in the Hebrew Scrip-
tures) the existence of philosophical compositions
among the Arabs at an early period, still no traces
of these remain. The earliest reliable relics of
Arabic literature are only fragments, to be found in
what has come down to us of pre-Islamite composi-
tions. And, as has been said already, various argu-
ments have been put forward against the probability
of the present form of these remains being their
original one. Their obscurities, it is contended, are
less those of age than of individual style, while their
uniformity _of language is at variance with the de-
monstrably late cultivation and ascendancy of the
Koreishite dialect. Another, snd not a feeble argu-
ment, is the utter absence of allusion to the early
religion of the Arabs. Most just is Renan's remark
that, sceptical or voluptuaries as were most of
their poets, still such a silence would be inexpli-
cable, but on the supposition of a systematic re-
moval of all traces of former paganism. No great
critical value, accordingly, can fairly be assigned to
any Arabic remains anterior to the publication of
the Koran.*
It is not within the scope of this sketch to touch
upon the theological teachingof the Koran, its objects,
sources, merits, or deficiencies. But its style is very
peculiar. Assuming that it represents the best form*
of the Koreishite dialect about the middle of the
7th century, we may say of the Koran, that its
linguistic approached its religious supremacy. The
Koran may be characterized as marking the transi-
tion from versification to prose, from poetry to elo-
quence. Mohammed himself has adverted to his
want of poetical skill — a blemish which required
explanation in the judgment of bis countrymen —
but of the effect of his forcible language and
powers of address (we can hardly call it oratory)
there can be no doubt. The Koran itself contains
distinct traces of the change (to which allusion has
been made) then in progress in Arabic literature.
The balance of proof inclines to the conclusion, that
the Suras of the Koran, which are placed last in
order, are earliest in point of composition— out-
pourings bearing some faint resemblance to those of
Hebrew prophecy.*
23. It would lead to discussions foreign to the
present subject, were we to attempt to follow the
thoughts respecting the future, suggested by the
almost universal prevalence of the Arabic idiom
over so wide a portion of the globe. A comparison
of some leading features of the Arabic language,
with its two sisters, is reserved for the next division
of this sketch. With regard to its value in illus-
tration two different judgments obtain. Accord-
ing to one, all the lexical riches and grammatical
> Walton, PrA tt. sasj Jones. Caam. 1174, p. 18;
Uixuus. 2oei -at*. t8, J»; Kenan, t. 311-330 ; Priohird,
fastfcut IStt. <f ManJcmd. li. 168, quoted by i'orster.
i Fbcoeke (ed. White, Oxford), 161-158.
• rnncke, iss-ies.
• Umbrrlt In TWootaac Bind. u. Krititm, 1841, pp.
83, »i ; EwjH, (lest*. I. W, 25.
> Fresnel, 1™ Lettn no- la Araba, p. 3s.
• Forsttr, II. 388, Sit.
• Benin, Ijokq. Sim. I iv. c 11, a lucid i
recent researches on tbls subject.
• Renin. 398-3W; Umbrelt, Stud. n. KrU 1841 »
1262
HEMITIC LANGUAGES ANX. WETTING
rarietiesof the Shemitie family are to be found com-
bined in the Arabic. What elsewhere ia imperfect
at exceptional ia here said to be fully developed —
forma elsewhere rare or anomalous, are here found m
regular use. Great faults of style cannot be denied,
but its superiority in lexical riches and grammatical
precision and variety ia incontestable. Without this
means of illustration, the position of the Hebrew
student may be likened to that of the geologist,
who should have nothing whereon to found a judg-
ment, beyond the scattered and imperfect remains
of some few primeval creatures. But the Arabic,
it is maintained, for purposes of illustration, is to
the Hebrew precisely wliat, to such an inquirer,
would be the discovery of an imbedded multitude
of kindred creatures in all their fulness and com-
rJeteness— even more, for the Arabic (it ia urged)
— -as a means of comparison and illustration — is a
living breathing reality.
24. Another school maintains very different
opinions with respect to the value of Arabic in
illustration. The comparatively recent date (in
their present form at least) and limited amount
of Arabic remains are pleaded against its claims, as
a standard of reference in respect of the Hebrew.
Its verbal copiousness, elaborate mechanism, subtlety
of thought, wide and diversified fields of literature,
cannot be called in question. But it ia urged (and
colourably) that its riches are not all pure metal,
and that no great attention to etymology has been
evinced by native writers on the language. Nor
should the follies and perversions of scholasticism
(in the case of Rabbinical writers) blind us to the
superior parity of the spirit by which the Hebrew
language is animated, and the reflected influences,
for elevation of tone and character, from the sub-
jects on which it was so long exclusively employed.
" My doctrine shall drop as the rain, my speech
shall distil as the dew, as the small rain upon the
tender herb, and as the showers upon the grass."
Mo more fitting description of the spirit and power
of the holy language can be found than these words
of the Lawgiver's last address to his people. The
Arabic language, on the other band, is first, that of
wandering robbers and herdsmen, destitute of reli-
gion, or filled with second-hand superstitions; in
its more cultivated state, that of a self-satisfied,
luxurious, licentious people, the vehicle of a bor-
rowed philosophy, and a dogmatism of the most
wearisome and captious land.'
Undoubtedly schools such as that of Albert
Schultens (d. 1730) have unduly exalted the value
of Arabic in illustration ; but in what may be
designated as the field of lower criticism its im-
portance cannot be disputed. The total extent of
the canonical writings of the Old Testament is so
very limited as in this respect to make the assist-
ance of the Arabic at once welcome, trustworthy,
and copious. Nor can the proposed substitute be
aooepted without demur — the later Hebrew, which
has found an advocate so learned and able as
Dditzscb.* That its claims and usefulness have
been undeservedly overlooked few will dispute or
deny ; but it would seem to be recent, uncertain,
' DeUtSKfa. Sensnss, 7t-st.
s lbl<L, pp. 89-108.
* Guanos, Ltkrgtbiudt, pp. 1*1-186; Hoffmann, Or.
Hfr. »; Kenan, 449, 454; Scholi, SM. L 31, Si, ST;
M. MiUler, Se. o/ Long. 368, 369, 3»0.
I Walton, Prol. (ed. Wrangbam), L 111. • Hoc rstlonl
aibuxoe conaenuneum est, ut Dvus m lllo looo Ungnam
prlmani eervaret, ubi linxuarom diverviutrui tramlseral.
and heterogeneous, to a degree which ley* A open
to many objections taken by the admirers of the
Arabic as a trustworthy means of illustration.
§§25-33. Stbccttjre op the Shemitic Lam-
QUAOE8.
25. The question, aa to whether any large amount
of primitives in the Shemitic languages is fairly de-
ducible from imitation of sounds, has been answered
very differently by high authorities. Gesenius
thought instances of onomatopoeia very rare ia
extant remains, although probably more numerous
at an early period. Hoffmann's judgment is the
same, in respect of Western Aramaic. On the other
hand, Renan qualifies his admission of the identity
of numerous Shemitic and Japhetian primitives by a
suggestion, that these, for the most part, may be
assigned to biliteral words, originating in the imi-
tation of the simplest and most obvious sounds.
Scholx also has an interesting passage in which he
maintains the same proposition with considerable
force, and attempts to follow, in some particular
cases, the analogy between the simple original sign
and its distant derivatives. But on a careful
examination, it is not unlikely that, although many
are lost, or overlaid, or no longer as appreciable by
our organs as by the keener ones of earlier noes,
yet the truth is, as the case has. been put by a
great living comparative philologist — " The 400 ox
500 roots which remain aa the constituent elements
in different families of languages are not interjec-
tions, nor are they imitations. They are fhometie
types, produced by a power inherent in human
nature.''*
26. The deeply curious inquiry, as to the extent oj
affinity still discernible between Shemitic and Japbe*
tian roots, belongs to another article. [Towiues."
Nothing in the Scripture which bears upon the sob*
ject, can be fairly pleaded against such an affinity
being possible. A literal belief of Biblical records
does not at all call upon us to suppose an entire
abrogation, by Divine interference, of all eliding
elements of what must have been the common lan-
guage of the early Noachidae.' That such resem-
blance is not dimly to be traced cannot be denied —
although the means used for establishing instances,
by Deutzxch and the analytical school, cannot be
admitted without great reserve.* But in treating
the Shemitic languages in connexion with Scripture,
it is most prudent to turn away from this tempting
field of inquiry to the consideration of the simple
elements — the primitives — the true base of every
language, in that these rather than the mechanism
of grammar, are to be regarded as exponents of
internal spirit and character. It is not denied,
that these apparently inorganic bodies may very
frequently be found resolvable into constituent parts,
and that kindred instances may be easily found in
conterminous Japhetian dialects."
27. Humboldt has named two very remarkable
points of difference between the Japhetian and
Shemitic language-families — the latter of which he
also, for the second reason about to be named,
assigns to the number of those which have deviated
no eoepto open progrederentor. ProuabUlos Itaqne ert,
Ungual alias In cos Ueum InludlHe, qui IN commoraU
sunt, ne se matuo Intelllgereot, et sb insane structure
desUterent." M. Mtiller, Sc. qf Lamg. 26*.
> Comparative tables are to be fonnd m DclitiKe,
Javrufi, p. Ill- Kenan, 461-464; Scboli, L 37.
- Merlan, /Ttiwpet rfe Itstadt. OnaaratTO da)
Lmgua, Parti, IMS. pp. 10. w 1*, Co.
BHEMITIC LANGUAGES AND WRITING
1263
from tkengular course of development The fint
peculiarity is the triliteral not (as the language ii
at praent known) — the second the expression of
significations by consonants, and relation* by vowels
—both forming part of the flexions within words,
M remarkable in the Shemitie family. Widely dif-
ferent from the Japhetian primitive, a fully formed
and independent word— the Shemitie one (eren in its
present triliteral state) appears to have consisted
of three separate articulations, aided by an indefinite
sound like the Shiva of the Hebrews, and to have
varied m the shades of its meaning according to the
rowels assigned to it. In the opinion of the same
scholar, the prevalent triliteral root was substituted
for an earlier or biliteral, as being found imprac-
ticable and. obscure in use. B
Traces of this survive in the rudest, or Aramaic,
branch, where what is pronounced as one syllable,
in the Hebrew forms two, and in the more elaborate
Arabic three — e. g. ktal, katal, katala. It is need-
less to say, that much has been written on the
question of this peculiarity being original or
secondary. A writer among ourselves has thus
stated the case : — " An uniform rr»-t~fonnation by
three letters or two syllables developed itself out of
the original monosyllabic state by the addition of a
third letter. This tendency to enlargement pre-
sents itself in the Indo-Germanio also : but there is
this difference, that in the latter monosyllabic roots
remain besides those that have been enlarged, while
in the other they have almost disappeared." * In
thai judgment most will agree. Many now tri-
literal root-words (especially those expressive of the
primary relations of life) were at -first biliteral
only. Thus 3M is not really from 1131*, nor DK
from DDK. In many cases a third (assumed) root-
letter has been obviously added by repetition, or
by the use of a weak or moveable letter, or by
prefixing the letter Nun. Additional instances may
be found in connexion with the biliterals 30, TT,
and *U, and many others. Illustrations may also
be drawn from another quarter nearer home — in the
Japhetian languages of Europe. Fear is variously
expressed by <pp imi or (ppicrato, pavere, pew,
panto, potior (Span.), fear, fwcht, frykt (Scandin.),
and brain (Old Celtic). In all these cognate
words, the common rudimentary idea is expressed
by the same two sounds, the third correspond-
ing with the various non-essential additions, by
which apparent triliteral uniformity is secured
in Shemitie dialects. Again, in the Shemitie family
many primitives may be found, having the same
two letters in common in the first and second
pieces, with a different one In the third, yet all
■ive of different modifications of the same
idea, as 1. TJ and its family; 2. m=— i, &c. ;
3. *B=w, Ac.; 4. fp = fc>5, &c. — each with
a similar train of cognate words, containing the
same two consonants of the biliteral form, but with
a third active consonant added.*
28. We now approach a question of great in-
terest. Was the art of writing invented by Hoses
and his contemporaries, or from what source did
the Hebrew nation acquire it? It can hardly be
doubted, that the art of writing wis known to the
Israelites in the time of Hoses. An art, such as
* Humboldt, Vbtrdle FsrsdUsdsaMt d.
farosUsMss, 301-311.
• IMrtdsco. mUaal OrUieim, I !L
that of writing, is neither acqui el ncr invented at
once. No trustworthy evidenct can be alleged of
such an exception to the ordinary course. The
writing on the two tables of the law (Ex. xxiv. 4) — •
the list of stations attributed to the hand of Moses
himself (Num. xxxiii. 2) — the prohibition of print-
ing on the body (Lev. xix. 28) — the writing of
" the curses in a book " by the priest, in the trial ot
jealousy (Num. v. 23) — the description of the land
(literally, the writing) required by Joshua (Josh,
xviii. 6)— all point to the probability of the art of
writing being an accomplishment already possessed
by the Hebrews at that period. So complex a system,
as alphabetic writing, could hardly have been invented
in the haste and excitement of the desert pilgrimage.
Great difference of opinion has prevailed, as to
which of the Shemitie peoples may justly claim tht
invention of letters. As has been said, the award
to the Phoenicians, so long unchallenged, is now
practically set aside. The so-called Phoenician al-
phabet bears no distinctive traces of a Phoenician
origin. None of the selected objects, whose initial
letters were to rule the sounds of the several pho-
netic characters, are in keeping with the habits and
occupations of the Phoenicians. On the contrary,
while no references to the sea and commerce are to
be found, the majority of the objects selected are
such as would suggest themselves to an inland and
nomadic people, e. g. Aleph=an ox, Gimel=a
camel, Teth = a snake. Lamed = an ox-goad.
A more probable theory would seem that, which
represents letters as having passed from the Egyp-
tians to the Phoenicians and Hebrews. Either
people may have acquired this accomplishment
from the same source, at the same time and in-
dependently—or one may have preceded the other,
and subsequently impaited the acquisition. Either
case is quite possible on the assumption, that the
Egyptian alphabet consisted of only such characters
as were equivalent to those used by the Hebrews
and Phoenicians — that is, that the multiplicity ot
signs, which is found to exist in the Egyptian
alphabet, was only introduced at a later period.
But the contrary would seem to be the case —
namely, that the Egyptian alphabet existed at a
very early period in its present form. And it is
hardly likely that two tribes would separately turn
made the same selection from a larger amount oi
signs than they required. But as the Hebrew and
Phoenician alphabets do correspond, and (as has been
said) the character is less Phoenician than Hebrew
— the latter people would seem to have been tht
first possessors of this accomplishment, and to have
imparted it subsequently to the Phoenicians.
The theory (now almost passed into a general
belief) of an early uniform language overspreading
the range of countries comprehended in Gen. x.
serves to illustrate this question. There can be no
doubt as to the fact of the Hamite occupants of
Egypt having migrated thither from Asia ; nor (on
this hypothesis) can there be any difficulty in
admitting, in a certain degree, the correspondence
of their written character with the Hebrew. That
changes should subsequently have been introduced
in the Egyptian characters, is perfectly intelligible,
when their advances in civilisation are considered
— so different from the nomadic, unlettered con-
dition of the Hebrew people. On such a prinuury,
p Oossnlus, UhrgtbimU, p. 181; Renin, Umg.1*^
p JOB, «S, 158. M. Mailer, *. «/ [jmg. 371.
1264
SHEMITIC LANGUAGES ANO WRITING
generic agreema t u this between the advanced
language of Egypt, and that of the Hebrews—
inferior from necessary caosea at the time, the
mighty intellect of Moses, divinely goided tor men
a task (at has bean before suggested), would find
little difficulty in grafting improvements. The
theory that the Hyksos built a syllabic alphabet on
the Egyptian, ia fuU of difficulties.*
According to the elaborate analysis of Lepsius,
the original alphabet of the language-family, of
which the Shemitic formed a part, stood as follows:
AJ«oh = A . Beth + Ohnel + Deletta = M«B»
He = E + l . Vsv + Heth + Teth = Aspirmles
Chain— 0+0 Pe + Knph + Tan = Tonnes
As the processes of enunciation became more de-
licate, the liquids Lamed, Mem, Nun, were appa-
rently interposed as the third row, with the original
S, Samech, from which were derived Zain, Tsaddi,
and Shin — Caph (soft A), from its limited functions,
is apparently of later growth ; and the separata ex-
istence of Hah, in many languages, is demonstrably
of comparatively recent date, as distinguished from
the kindled sound Lamed. In this manner (accord-
ing to Lepsius), and by such Shemite equivalents,
may be traced the progress of the parent alphabet.
In the one letter yet to be mentioned — Yod — as in
Kupl) and Lamed, the same scholar finds remains of
tie ancient Towel strokes, which carry us back to
the early syllabaria, whose existence he maintains,
with great force and learning.
Apparently, iu the case of all Indo-Germanic and
Shemitic alphabets, a parent alphabet may be traced,
in which each letter possessed a combined rowel
and consonant sound— each in fact farming a distinct,
well understood syllable. It is curious to mark the
different processes, by which (in the instances given
by Lepsius), these early syllabaria hare been affected
by the course of enunciation in different families.
What has been said above (§ 21), may serve to
show how far the system is still in force in the
EOuopic. In the Indo-Oennanic languages of Eu-
rope, where a strong tendency existed to draw a line
of demarcation between vowels and consonants, the
primary syllables aleph, be, gho=a, i, u, were
soon stripped of their weak guttural (or consonant)
element, to be treated simply as the vowel sounds
named, in combination with the more obvious con-
sonant sounds. A very similar course was followed
by the Shemitic family, the vowel element being in
most letters disregarded ; but the guttural one in
the breath-syllables was apparently too congenial,
and too firmly fixed to allow of these being con-
verted (as in the case of the Indo-Germanic family)
into simple vowels. Aleph, the weakest, for that
reason terms the exception. As apparently contain-
ing (like the Dtvanagari) traces of its people's
syllabarium, as well for its majestic forms, befitting
Babylonian learning, Lepsius with others attributes
a very high antiquity to the square Hebrew cha-
racter. But this ia difficult to be maintained.'
29. Passing from the growth of the alphabet, to
the history of the formation of their written cha-
racters among the three leading branches of the
Shemitic family, that of the Hebrews has been thus
* " Sont-os les Hyksos, slnst que le suppose M. Ewald,
qui final passer rfcrtlure egypUeone de l'eial pbantttqoe
e l'eut ivIUblqne oo slphabeUque, conune let Japonsis
*t lea Gortons lout (alt pour 1'eeritnre Chlnouw" 'Kenan,
p. K»; Seal white, Z*rGackidUed*rff»ttitnt>mK*rifl,
ksntssbn* imi M It, IT, is. '.amp. ulsf Iflynr.
sketched. " In its oldest, though not its oritjua.
state, it exists in Phoenician monument*, both
stones and coins. It consists of 22 letters, written
from right to- left, and ia characterised generally by
stiff straight down strokes, without regularity and
beauty, and by dosed heads round or pabtted
We have also a twofold memorial of it, via*, the
inscriptions on Jewish coins, struck under toe Mao
cabean princes, where it is evident that its char
meters resemble the Phoenician, and the Samaritan
character, in which the Pentateuch of the Sama-
ritans is written."'' This latter differs from the
first named, merely by a few freer and finer strokes.
The development of the written character in the
Aramaic branch of the Shemitic family illustrates the
passage from the stiff early character, spoken of
above, to the more fully formed angular one of later
times in the case of the Hebrew family, and ia that
of the Arabic, to the Curie and Heshiti. Aramaic
writing may be divided into two principal families
— 1. ancient Aramaic, and 2. Syriacmore properly
so called. Of the first, the most early specimen
extant ia the well-known Carpentras stone, pre-
served at that place in France, since the end of the
17th century.* Its date ia very doubtful, bat an-
terior to those of the inscriptions from Palmyra,
which extend from A.D. 49 to the 3rd century.
The first very closely resembles the Phoenician
character — the tops of the letters being but slightly
opened ; in the second, these are more fully opened,
and many horizontal strokes of union added, showing
its cursive character. From these remains may be
fairly deduced the transitional nature of the w ri tten
character of the period preceding the invention (or
according to others the revival) of the square
character.
Hupfeld, Fttrst, and all leading writers on the
subject, concur iu designating this last aa a gradual
development from the sources mentioned above.
A reference to these authors will show, how con-
fused were even Jewish notions at an early period
aa to its origin, from the different explanations of the
word rtrttBfe (Assyrian), substituted by the Bab-
bins for V3TD (" square "), by which this eharactei
was distinguished from their owu — 7WB 3113—
" round writing," as it was called. But assuming
with Hupfeld sod Fttrst, the presence of two active
principles — a wish to write quickly, and to write
pictorially — the growth of the square Hebrew
character from the old Phoenician ia easily dis-
cernible through the Carpentras and Palmyreaa
relics. " Thus we find in it the points of the letten
blunted off, the horizontal union-strokes enlarged,
figures that had been divided rounded and closed,
the position and length of many cross lines altered,
and final letters introduced agreeably to tachy-
graphy. On the other hand, the caligxapbionl
principle is seen in the extraordinary uniformity
and symmetry of the letters, their separation from
one another, and in the peculiar taste which adorns
them with a stiff and angular form." *
Few important changes are to be found from tin
period of Kara, until the close of the 5th century
of our era. During this period, tie writtei
character of the text (as well aa the text itself) was
tn Henog. xlv. 9.
' Lepsius, 2wa Abkamjhmgm, t-zt.
• Dsvldsoo, Biblical Criticum. J. 13.
• A copy of It Is given tn Font, Xesrpsb. S3.
• Darldioo, BQlic Criticism, i. 29 ( Hoffmann,
Ayrtaco, yt, M; and Fttrst, fears, i. y , ax-tr.
BHKMITIC LANGUAGES AND WRITING
120J
CUioi as it freseet, and likewise, to a great
crteat, the reading and divisions of the text. During
thh period, the groundwork of very much contained
in the subsequent Mason was laid, but as jret only
in an unwritten, traditional shape. The old cha-
racter gave way to the square, or Assyrian cha-
racter—not at Once and by the authority of Bam,
but (as has been proved with much clearness)
by gradual transitions. 11 The square character is,
de monst rably, not an exact copy of any existing
Aramaic style, but grew by degrees out of the
earner one, although greatly modified by Aramaic
influence. No exact date can be assigned to the
actual change, which probably was very gradual ;
but tLtt the new character had become generally
adopted by the first oentury of our era, may be
inferred from the Gospels (Matt. t. 18). It is,
moreover, alluded to in the Mishna as the Assyrian
character, and by Origen as settled by long usage,
and was obviously well-known to Jerome and the
Tahnudists. The latter writers, sided powerfully
by the ceremonious (not to say superstitious) tone
engendered among the Jews by the fall of Jeru-
salem, secured the exclusive use of its square cha-
racter for sacred purposes. All that external care
and scrupulous veneration could accomplish for the
exact transmission of the received text, in the con-
secrated character, was secured. It is true that
much of a secondary, much of an erroneous kind
was included among the objects of this devout
veneration; bat in the absence of sound princi-
ples of criticism, not only in those early, but
many subsequent generations, this is the less to
be deplored. The character called Rabbinic is
best described as an attempt at Hebrew cursive
writing.
The history of the characters, ordinarily used in
the Syriac (or Western) branch of the Aramaic
family, is blended with that of those used in Jtidea.
like the square characters, they were derived from
the old Phoenician, but passed through some inter-
mediate stages. The first variety is that known
by the name of Estrangelo — a heavy cumbrous cha-
racter said to be derived from the Greek adj.
rrpayyiXot, but more probably from two Arabic
words signifying the writing of the Gospel. It is
•o be found in use in the very oldest documents.
Concurrently with this, are traces of the existence
of a smaller and more cursive character, very much
resembling it. The character called the ** double **
(a large, hollow variety), is almost identical. There
are also other varieties, slightly differing — the Nes-
torlan for example — but that in ordinary use, is the
Peshito= simple (or lineal according to some). Its
origin is somewhat uncertain, but probably may be
assigned to the 7th century of our era. It is a
modification of the Estrangelo, sloped for writing,
and hi some measure altered by use. This variety
of written characters in the Aramaic family is pro-
tab'y attributable to the fact, that literature was
more extensively cultivated among them than among
kindred tribes. Although not spared to us, an ex-
tensive literature probably existed among them
anterior to the Christian era ; and subsequently, for
a long period, they were the sole importers of know-
ledge and learning to Western Asia,
The history of the Arabic language has another
• Levrar, In Herat xfv. 12.
I Anther ttrmolotq- of Uris word is strsn by Upstos,
Amm. nna J£mn "India."
••ol. m.
peculiar feature, beyond it» excessive purism, whit h
has been alluded to, at first sight, ss singuhi
among the dwellers in the desert. Until a compa-
ratively short time before the days of Mohammed,
the art of writing appears to have been practically
unknown. For the Himyarites guarded with jealous
care their own peculiar character — the " musnad,"
or elevated \t in itself unfitted for general use. Pos-
sibly different tribes might hare possessed approaches
to written characters ; but about the beginning of
the 7th century, the heavy cumbrous Cufic cha-
racter fso called from Cufa, the city where it wiu>
most early used) appears to hare been generally
adopted. It was said to have been invented by
Muramar-Ibn Murrat, a native of Babylonian Irak.
But the shapes and arrangement of the letters in-
dicate their derivation from the Estrangelo; and
the name assigned to their introducer— containing
the title ordinarily borne by Syrian ecclesiastics— is
also indicative of tlvir real origin. But it is now
only to be found in the documents of the early ages
of Islamism.
The well-known division of "the people of the
book " = Christians, who were educated, and " the
common people" who could not read = the tribe;
round Mecca, and the summary way in which
an authoritative text of the Koran was established
(in the Caliphate of Othman), alike indicate a very
rude state of society. It is generally asserted that
Mohammed was unable to write : and this would at
first sight appear to be borne out by his description
of himself as an illiterate prophet. Modern writers,
however, generally are averse to a literal interpre-
tation of these and kindred statements. In any ca»e,
about the 10th oentury (the fourth of the Hegira),
a smaller and mora flowing character, the Nisliki,
waa introduced by Ibn Moklah, which, with con-
siderable alterations and improvements, is that
ordinarily in present use.*
30. As in the Hebrew and Aramaic branches, so
in the Arab branch of the Shemitic family, various
causes rendered desirable the introduction of dia-
critical signs and vowel points, which took place
towards the close of the 7th century of our era —
not however without considerable opposition at the
outset, from Shemitic dislike of innovation, and ad-
dition to the roll of instruction already complete in
itself. But the system obtained general recognition
after some modifications in deference to popular
opinion, though not carried out with the fulness of
the Masoretes.*
Ewald, with great probability, assumes the ex-
istence and adoption of certain attempts at vowel
marks at a very early period, and is inclined to
divide their history into three stages.
At' first a simple mark or stroke, like the dia-
critical line in the Samaritan MSS., was adopted to
mark unusual significations as 13*1, " a pestilence,"
as distinguished from 131, "to speak," or "a
word." A further and more advanced stage, like the
diacritical points of the Aramaic, was the employ-
ment (in order to express generally the difference
of sounds) of a point aoortf the line to express sounds
of a high kind, like a and o — one below for feebler
and lower ones like i and * — and a third in the
centre of the letters for those of a harsher kind, as
distinguished from the other two.* 1
• A much earlier existence is claimed for this cbsracta
by Forster, One Prim. long. I. lf».
» Pbcockc. Mnitftda. ed. While; Walton, PnU. D:
LtmguA Arabic* , Lrvrer, Hence, »lv. IS.
» KwaU, C hxm'm a l iX (1H3SX p. «Z
4M
1266
8HKKITI0 LANGUAGBB ADD WBITOIG
Origraalrr. the number of towel mnmdt among
the Shemitic ncn (u distinguished from vowel
•Mb) was only three, and apparently used in oom-
■inatiai with the consonants. Origen and Jerome
vera alike ignorant of rowel points, in the ordinary
acceptation. Many reading! in the LXX. indicate
the want of aome each eystem — a want to which
gome directions in the Talmud are said to refer.
But until a later period, a regular system of punc-
tuation remained unknown; and the number of
towel sounds limited. The cue is that put by
Walton. " The modern points were not either from
Adam, or affixed by Moses, or the Prophets that
were before the captivity, nor after the captivity,
devised either by Exra, or by any other before the
completing of the Talmud, but after five bundled
years after Christ, invented by some learned Jews far
the help of those who were ignorant of the Hebrew
tongue. " We neither affirm that the vowels and
accents were invented by the Masoretes, hot that
the Hebrew tongue did always consist of vowels
and consonants. Aleph, Vau, and Yod were the
vowels before the points were invented, as they
were also in the Syriac, Arabic, and other Eastern
.ongne*.''*
We will add one more quotation fiom the same
author, with reference to the alleged uncertainty
.ntroduccd into the rendering of the text, by any
doubts on the antiquity of the system of vowel-
points, a question which divided the scholars of his
day. •' The Samaritan Pentateuch, Chaldean Para-
phrase of the Pentateuch and Prophets, and the Syriac
translation of the Bible, continued above a thousand
years before they were pointed." " That the true
raiding might be preserved above a thousand years,
U not against all reason, since wa see the same done
in the Samaritan, Syriac, and Chaldee, for a longer
time ; and the same may be said of tie Arabic,
though not for so long a time after the Alcuan was
written."*
3h The reverence of the Jews, for their sacred
writings, would have been outraged by any
attempts to introduce an authoritative system of
interpretation at variance with existing ones. To
reduoe the reading of the Scriptures to authoritative
and intelligible uniformity was the object of the
Masonries by means of a system of vowels and
accents.
What would have suggested itself to scholars,
not of Shemitic origin, was at utter variance with
Hebrew notions, which looked U|«d the established
written character* as sacred. No other plan was
possible than the addition of different external marks.
And, in fact, this plan was adopted by the three
great divisions of the Shemitic family ; probably
being copied to a certain extent by the Hebrew and
Arabic branches from the Synac, among whom there
existed school* of some repute during the tint cen-
turisa of our era. Of the names of the inventors,
or the exact time of their introduction, nothing
can be stated with certainty. Their use probably
began about the sixth century, and appears to have
been completed about the tenth. The system has
been carried out with far greater minuteness in the
iiebrew, than in the two sister dialects. The Arabic
grammarians did not proceed beyond three signs for
a, i,n; the Syriac added e and o, whkh they repre-
sented by figures borrowed from the Greek alphabet,
net very much altered. In both these case* all the
voweh are. strictly speaking, to he considered a*
abort ; wmle the Hebrew has five Irng as wail *» five
short, and a half-vowel, and other auxiliary agn*.
Connected with this ia the system of accents, whack
is involved in the same obscurity of origin. Bat
it bears rather on the relation of words and that
1 members of sentences, than on the construction of
, individual words.
| The chief agents in this laborious and peculiar
• t undertaking were the compilers of the Mason,
as it is called = " tradition, ' as distinguished from
the word to be read. As the Talmud has its pro-
; vince of interpreting legal distinctions and regula-
! turns, under the sanction of the sacred text, and
the Kabbala its peculiar function of dealing with
theological and esoteric tradition, so the object of
i the Masora (irABD, "tradition"), and its com-
I pliers the Masoretes (or miDD \?JJ3, " masters of
tradition"), was to deal critically, grammatically,
! and lexically, with a vast amount of tradition bear-
, ing on the text of Scripture, and to reduce this ta
a consistent form. Little is known with accuracy
of the authors, or the growth of this remarkable
collection. Tradition assigns the commencement (as
usual) to Ezra and the great synagogue ; but other
authorities— Jewish and Christian — to the learned
membeia of the school of Tiberias, about the begin-
ning of the sixth century. These learned collections,
comprising some very early fragments, were pro-
' bably in progress until the eleventh centurv, and are
! divided into a greater and leas Mason, the second
a compendium of the former. " The masters of the
Masora, " in the well-known quotation of Elias
Levita, " were innumerable, and followed each other
in successive generations for many years; nor is the
beginning of them known to as, nor the end thereof."
Walton, who was by no means blind to its deficiencies,
has left on record a very just judgment on the
real merits of the Masora.* It is in truth a \«y
striking and meritorious instance of the devotion
of the Jewish mind to the text of Scripture — of the
earnestness of its authors to add the only proof in
their power of their zeal for its preservation and
elucidation.'
32. A comparison of the Shemitic languages, aa
known to us, presents them as very unevenly de-
veloped. In their present form the Arabic is un-
doubtedly the richest: bat it would have heru
rivalled by the Hebrew had a career been vouch-
safed equally long and favourable to this Utter.
The enmping and perverting conditions of its
labours depressed the Rabbinic dialect (child of the
old age of the Hebrew) into bewildering confusion
in many instances, but there are many valiuble
signs of life about it. Ancient Hebrew, as has been
truly said, possesses in the bud almost all the
mechanisms which constitute the riches of the
Arabic. In the preface to hi* great work (Z«Ar-
gcbiudt, p. vii.) Geaeniua has pointed out various
instances, which will repay the labour of com-
parison. It is true that to the Aramaic has been
extended a longer duration than to the Hebrew ;
but for various causes its inferiority is remarkable,
as regards it* poverty — lexical and grammatical —
its want of harmony and flexibility, and the con-
sequent necessary frequency of periphrases and
particles in aid.
A brief comparison of some leading graonst tical
• wallon, fotvnderalar Cmridtnd, U. B*. lit.
' U'.li/m. \bH. m Mi
* />«*. vtlL IT.
< Arnold, in Henog.li. i. » ; Leyrer in UenafcX*. It
SHEMrriC LANGUAGES AND WHITING
1267
ad siwteUenl peculiarities, in the three main dia-
lects of tfat Shenritio family, will Dot be out of place
u the end of this aketch. To scholars it will neces-
orily appear meagre ; but, brief at it is, it may not
at without interast to the general reader. The
root-form* with the consonants and vowels have
been already considered.
Conjugation or their equivalent otrb-forvj. —
The following is the tabulate! form given by KwaU
for the ordinary Hebrew verb :—
1. (Snnple farm) Kal.
(Forma extranet/ eugamted)
X (Causative farm)
JNaULw.
Passive BofkaL
3. (Reflexive torn)
JtipUL
f
4. (Intensive form)
psss.1 PuaL
I. (Kt-sexlve ami Intensive form)
JIMpaH.
In the Aramaic the first, third, and fourth of
Seeae appear, with another ( = Hithpael), all with
passives, marked by a syllable prefixed. In the
Arabic the verb-forms, at the lowest computation,
•re nine, but are ordinarily reckoned at thirteen,
mi sometimes fifteen. Of these, the ninth and
rirventh forms are comparatively rare, and serve
to express colours and defect!. As may be seen
from the table given, the third and fourth forms in
Hebrew alone have passives.
Equivalents to Conjunctive Moods, $c. — One of
the most remarkable features of the Arabic language
■ what is ordinarily described as the "futurum
%tmtum." As in almost all Shemitic grammars
imperfect is now substituted for future, this may
I* explained, by statins; that in Arabic there are
torn- forms of the imperfect, strongly marked, by
which the absence of moods is almost compensated.
TV germs of this mechanism an to be found in
the common imperfect, the jussive, and the cobor-
tstive of the Hebrew, but not in the Aramaic.
Arsis, a curious conditional and subjunctive usage
fit first sight almost amounting to an inversion)
applied to the perfect and imperfect tenses by the
addition of a portion, or the whole, of the sub-
stantive verb is to be found in both Hebrew and
Arabic, although very differently developed.
ifoenr. — The dual number, very uncommon in
tic Syriae, is less so in Hebrew — chiefly limited,
Iwwever, to really dual nouns — while in the Arabic
its usage niar be described sa general. What is
oiled the * status emphaticus," i. e. the rendering
> word definite by appending the article, is found
MKtantly recurring' in the Aramaic (at some loss
to clearness in the singular). This usage brings to
Bind the addition of the definite article aa a post-
mtitrte in Swedish— ekib, ship; •host, the ship.
la the Arabic it is lost in the inflexions of cases,
•bile is the Hebrew it may be considered as un-
™p»tmt As regards nouns of abstraction, also,
'he Aramaic is fuller than the Hebrew; but in this
■at ssxtietdar, aa in the whole family of nouns,
'i* Arabic is rich to excess. It is in this last only
"at we find not only a regular system of cases,
»l of comparison, but especially the numerous
pluul formations called broken or internal, which
*na » singular a part of the language. As re-
-w!> their meaning, the broken plurals are totally
itftreat from the regular for, as they are techni-
allr oiled, sound) plunus— the latter denoting
"■"ral individuals of a genus, the former a
•raher of individuals viewed collectively, the
•as of individuality being wholly suppressed.
1 *ris>fs Jnbk Grammar, pert I p. lis. "Cette
•aik s> Is grsmmaire Arsse est celte on II regno le pins
Broken plurals accordingly are singulars with ■
collective meaning, and are closely akin to abstract
nouns.*
33. To the scholar, aa before remarked, this re-
capitulation of some leading peculiarities may appeal
unnecessary, while to those unacquainted with the
Shemitic languages, it is reared, these instances must
unavoidably appear like fragments or specimens,
possibly new and peculiar, but conveying no very
definite instruction. But in any case some of the
chief grammatical features of the family have been
enumerated — all, moreover, illustrative of the in-
ternal self-contained type so peculiarly Shemitic.
In this respect — its with its formal, so with its
syntactical peculiarities. Of one fertile parent of
new words in the Japhetian language-family — the
power of creating compound words— the Shemitic is
destitute. Different meanings are, it is true, ex-
pressed by different primitives, but these stand
necessarily divided by impassable barriers from eack
other; and we look in vain for the shades and gra-
dations of meaning in a word in the Shemitic Ian-
guagea which give such copiousness and charm to
the sister-family. It is so with regard to the
whole range of privative and negative words. The
prefixes of the other family, in conjunction with
nouns, give far more life and clearness than do the
collective verbals of the Shemitic. Even the pregnant
and curiously jointed verb-forms, spreading out
from the sharply defined root, with pronominal
adjuncts of obvious meaning, and the aid of a deli-
cate vowel-system, have an artificial appearance.
The Japhetian, whose spiritual fulness would pro-
bably never have reached him, but that its sub-
stance was long preserved in these very forms, will
gratefully acknowledge the wisdom of that Almighty
Being who framed for the preservation of the know-
ledge of Himself— the One True God— so fitting a
cradle aa the language of the Old Testament. Of
other families, the Japhetian was not ripe for such a
trust. Of those allied with the Shemitic, the Aramaic
was too coarse and indefinite, however widely and
early spread, or useful at a later period as a means
of extension and explanation, and (aa baa been
before observed) the Arabic in its origin was essen-
tially of the earth, earthy. The Japhetian cannot
then but recognise the wisdom, cannot but thank
the goodness of God, in thus giving and preserving
His lessons concerning Himself in a form so fitting;
and so removed from treachery. He will do aU
this, but he will see at the same time in his own
languages, so flexible, so varied, so logical, drawing
man out of himself to bind him to his neighbour.
d'srbitratre, et oil tea regies gennales seat ssdettos s> ua
ulussiand ■■ombre d'exeeptiuns.' DeSacy,tl1((ed.MM>
4ii a
1268
8HEMUEI.
mans far more likely to spread the treasurer,
of the holy language than even iU general adoption.
It u Homboldt who has said, in nferan to the
wonderful mechanism discernible in the eonsonant
knd rowel systems of the Sbemitio langnagea —
that, admitting all this, there is more energy and
weight, more truth to nature, when the elements
of language can be recognised independently and in
order, than when fused in such a combination, how-
ever remarkable.
And from this rigid self-contained character the
Shemitic language-tamily finds difficulty in deput-
ing. The more recent Syriac has added various
auxiliary forms, and repeated pronouns, to the cha-
racteristic words by which the meaning is chiefly
conveyed. But the general effect is cumbrous and
contused, and brings to mind some feature* of the
ordinary Welsh version of the Epistles. In Arabic,
again, certain prefixes are found to be added for the
sake of giving defiaiteness to portions of the verb,
and prepositions mora frequently employed. But
the character of the language remains unaltered —
the additions stand out as something distinct from
the original elements of the sentence.
In what consists the most marked point of dif-
ference between the Indo-European family of lan-
guages and the Shemitic family as known to us?
The first has lived two lives, as it were : in its case
a period of synthesis and complexity has been suc-
ceeded by another of analysis and decomposition.
The second family has been developed (if the word
may be used) in one way only. No other instance
of a language-family can probably be found cast in
a moukT equally unalterable. Compared with the
living branches of the Indo-European family, those
of the Shemitic may be almost designated as in-
organic: they have not vegetated, hare not ijrown ;
they have simply existed. » [T. J. 0.]
SHEHVELC^MOe?: SaJUuirljX; Samuel).
1. Son of Ammihud, appointed from the tribe of
Simeon to divide the land of f>n«»" among the
tribes (Num. xxxiv. 20).
2. (StuuvrfA.) Samuel the prophet (1 Chr.
vi. 33).
3. Son of Tola, and one of the chiefs of the tribe
of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 2).
8HEN (JB>n, with the def. article: vflj m-
Xiuas : Sm). A place mentioned only in 1 Sam.
vii. 12, defining the spot at which Samuel set up
the stone Eben-exer to commemorate the rout of
the Philistines. The pursuit had extended to « below
Beth-car," and the stone was erected " between the
Hixpah and between the Shen." Nothing is known
of it. The Tsrgum has 8/mna. The Peshito-
Syriac and Arabic Versions render both Beth-car
and Shen by Btit-Jatan, but the writer has not
succeeded in identifying the name with any place
is the lists of Dr. Bobmson (1st edit. App. to
vol. iii.) The LXX. read ]B^ yathin, old. [O.]
SHEN'AZAROVKW': So»<rd>: Snmtmr).
SonofSelathieUor Shealtiel (1 Chr. iii. 18). Ac-
cording to the Vulgate he is reckoned as a son of
Jechoniah.
SHEMTB CCp, fc«. Sentr; Sam. Vera.
, L4U-t.
• The or at the end of the IJCX version of the name Is
partly due Is the a* (particle of motion) which u affixed
to 1". In the onglnsl of ver. 10, and parity derived from
SHEPHERD
I P 3 D » yO : iattip: Sanir). This nana occurs la
j bint. iii. 9, Cant. iv. 8. It is an inaccurate eqin-
' valeat for the Hebrew Stntr, the AmorKe name for
Mount Hermon, and, like Shibmah (for Sibmah), has
; found its way into the Authorised Version without
1 any apparent authority. The correct form is found
1 in 1 ChrT'v. 23 and Ex. xxvii. 5. [Sesir.] [G.]
8HEPHAV (DB-»: 2e**o«d>»: AnVmw).
A place mentioned only in the specification by
Hoses of the eastern boundary of the 1 remised
Land (Num. xxxiv. 10, 11), the first landmark from
Hatser-enan, at which the northern boundary termi-
nated, and lying between it and Riblah. The an-
cient Interpreters (Targ. Pseudojon ; Saadiah) render
the name by Apameia*; but it seems uncertain
whether by this they intend the Greek city of that
name on the Orontes, 50 miles below Antioch, or
whether they use it as a synonym of Bauias or
Dan, as Schwarx affirms {Deter. Qtogr. 27). No
trace of the name appears, however, in that direc-
tion. Mr. Porter would fix Hatser-enan at ATu-
ryeieta, 70 miles K.N.E. of Damascus, which
would remove Shepham into a totally different
region, in which there is equally little trace of it.
The writer ventures to disagree with this and
similar attempts to enlarge the bounds of the Holy
Land to an extent for which, in his opinion, there
is no warrant in Scripture. [G.]
SHEPHATHI'AHOTBDB': Xtufncrla: 8a-
phatia). A Benjamite, father of Meshoixaji S
(1 Chr. ix. 8). The name is properly Shkfha-
TTAII.
8HEPHATIAH (njDBB ! : SoaVrrfo; Alex.
iapatia, iwparlas: Saphatiua, Saphatiat). X.
The fifth son of David by his wife Abital (2 Sam.
Ui. 4;1 Chr. iii. 3).
2. (taparia: Stphatia, Saphatia.) The family
of Shephatiah, 372 in number, retained with Ze-
rubbeiel (Exr. ii. 4 ; Neh. viL 9). A second de-
tachment of eighty, with Zebadiah at their head,
came np with Exm (Exr. viii. 8). The name is
written Si I'll at (1 Esdr. v. 9), and Saphahas
(1 Esdr. viii. 34).
3. {Saphatia.) The family of another Shepha-
tiah were among the children of Solomon's servants,
who came up with Zerubbahel (Exr. ii. 57; Neh.
vii. 591
4. A descendant of Perex, or Pharea, the son
of Judah, and ancestor of Athaiah (Neh. xt. 4)
6. {lapaniat : Saphatiat.) The ton of Marian ;
one of the princes of Judah who counselled Zedekiab
to put Jeremiah in the dungeon (Jer. xxxviii. 1).
6. (liVpBtP: laparlat ; Alex. XioVrrrfa; FA.
Zapeertia. Saphatia.) TbeHaruphite.orHariphite,
one of the Benjamite warriors who joined David in
his retreat at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5).
7. (laQaria: Saphatiat.) Son of Maachah, and
chief of the Simeonites in the reign of David (1 Chr.
xxvii. 16).
3. (SoaVrridx; Alex. 3adwr(at.) Son rf Jehe-
sbaphat (2 Chr. xxi. 2).
SHEPHEBD (rOl; Tgta, Am. vii. 14;
1£>1, Am. i. 1). In a nomadic state of society every
the eesnasenoEUKnt of Rlblali, which fouowe It la ver. 11,
and which they have given wtlhoat Its r, as Bate.
• n»W)tJR: t*Ai : Sam. Vers. rWStt».
SHEPHERD
ntao, from the sheikh down to the stare, la mora or
lew a shepherd. As many regions in the East an
adapted sold? to pastoral pursuits, tin institution
af the nomad life, with its appliances of tents and
uunp equipage, was regarded as one of the most
memorable inrentions (Ken. iv. 20). The proge-
nitors of the Jews in the patriarchal age were
nomads, and their history is rich In scenes of pns-
torj life. The occupation of tending the flocks
was undertaken, not only by the sons of wealthy
chiefc (Gen. xxx. 29 8°, xxxvii. 12 ff.), but even by
their daughters (Gen. xxix. 6 ff. ; Ex. ii. 19j. The
Egyptian captivity did much to implant a love of
settled abode, and consequently we nod the tribes
which still retained a taste for shepherd life select-
ing their own quarters apart from their brethren in
the Transjordanic district(Num. xiiii. 1 ff.). Hence-
tVrward in Palatine Proper the shepherd held a
subordinate position ; the increase of agriculture in-
volved the decrease of pasturage ; and though large
flocks were still maintained in certain parts, parti-
cularly on the borders of the wilderness of Judah,
as about Canned (1 Sam. xxr. 2), Bethlehem (1 Sam.
xri. 11 ; Luke ii. 8), Tekoah (Am. i. 1), and more
to the south, at Gedor, (1 Chr. iv. 39), the nomad
life was practically extinct, and the shepherd be-
came one out of many classes of the labouring popu-
lation. The completeness of the transition from
the pastoral to the agricultural state is strongly
exhibited in those p a s sag e s which allude to the pre-
senoa of the shepherd's tent as a token of desolation
(*.g. fa. xxt. 4; Zeph. ii. S). The bumble posi-
tion of the shepherd at the same period is implied
■n the notices of David's wondrous elevation (2 Sam.
ril. 8 ; Vs. Iixriii. 70), and again in the self-depre-
ciating confession of Amos (ril. 14). The frequent
and beautiful allusions to the shepherd's office in
the poetical portions of the Bible («. g. Ps. xxiii. ;
Is-xl. ll.xlii. 9,10; Jer. xxiii. 8,4; Ex.xxxiv. 11,
12, 23), rather bespeak a period when the shepherd
bad become an ideal character, such as the Roman
poets painted the pastors of Arcadia.
The office of the Eastern shepherd, as described
m the Bible, was attended with much hardship, and
even danger. He was exposed to the extremes of
heat and cold (Gen. xxxi. 40) ; his food frequently
consisted of the precarious supplies afforded by
assure, such as the fruit of the " sycomore," or
Egyptian fig (Am. vii. 14), the " husks" of the
caret-tree (Luke xv. 16), and perchance the locusts
and wild honey which supported the Baptist (Matt.
iii. 4) ; be had to encounter the attacks of wild
beasts, oacanonallr of the larger species, such as
lions, wolves, panthers, and bears (1 Sam. xvii. 34;
Is. xxxi. 4; Jer. v. 6; Am. iii. 12); nor was be
free from the risk of robbers or predatory hordes
(Gen. xxxi. 39). To meet these various foes the
shepherd's equipment consisted of the following
arttcla.:— a mantle, made probably of sbeep's-ekin
with the fleece on, which he turned inside out in
raid weather, as implied in the comparison in Jer.
xliii..U (cf. Juv. xiv. 187); a scrip or wallet, con-
taining a small amount of food (1 Sam. xvii. 40;
Port»r\i Damataa, ii. 100) ; a sling, which is still
the favourite weapon of the Bedouin shepherd (1
Sam irii. 40; Burckhardt's Kotet, i. 57); and,
last]) , a staff, which served the double purpose of a
weapon against foes, and a crook for the manage-
ment of the flock (I Sam. xvii. 40; Pa. xxiii. 4;
Zseh. ii. 7). If the shepherd was at a distance
trcsn his home, he was provided with a light tent
'Cant. i. 8 ; Jer. xxxr. 7), the removal of which
8HBPHBBD
1269
was easily effected (Is. xxxviii. 18). hi certain
localities, moreover, towers were erected for the
double purpose* of spying an enemy at a distance,,
and protecting the flock : such towers were erecbd
by Uxsiah and Jotbam (2 Chr. xxvi. 10, xxrii. 4),
while their existence in earlier times is testified by
the name Migdal-Eder (Gen xxxv. 21, A. V.
" tower of Edar ;" Mic iv. 8, A. V. " tower of the
flock").
The routine of the shepherd's duties appears to
have been as follows : — in the morning he led forth
his flock from the fold (John x. 4), which he did
by going before them and calling to them, as is still
usual in the East; arrived at the pasturage, he
watched the flock with the assistance of dogs (Job
xxx. 1), and, should any sheep stray, he had to
search for it until he found it (Ex. xxxiv. 12 ; Luke
xv. 4) ; he supplied them with water, either at a
running stream or at troughs attached to wells (Gen.
xxix. 7, xxx. 38 ; Ex. ii. 16 ; Ps. xxiii. 2) ; at evening
he brought them back to the fold, and reckoned
them to see that none were missing, by passing them
" under the rod " as they entered the door of the en-
closure (Lev. xxvii. 32 ; Ex. xx. 37), checkiBg each
sheep as it passed, by a motion of the hand (Jer. xxxiii.
13); and, finally, he watched the entrance of the
fold throughout the night, acting as porter (John
i. 3). . We need not assume that the same person
was on duty both by night and by day; Jacob,
indeed, asserts this of himself (Gen. xxxi. 40), but
it would be more probable that the shepherds took
it by turns, or that they kept watch for a portion
only of the night, as may possibly be implied in
the expression in Luke ii. 8, rendered in the A. V.
"keeping watch," rather "keeping the watches"
{<pv\inaavrtt <pvkaxdt). The shepherd's office
thus required great watchfulness, particularly by
night (Luke ii. 8 ; cf. Nab. iii. 18). It also re-
quired tenderness towards the young and feeble (Is.
xt. 11), particularly in driving them to and from
the pasturage (Gen. xxxiii. 13). In large establish-
ments there were various grades of shepherds, the
highest being styled ''rulers" (Gen. xhrii. 6), or
" chief shepherds " (1 Pet. t. 4) : in a royal house-
hold the title of aMr,» " mighty," was bestowed on
the person who held the post (1 Sam. xxi. 7).
Great responsibility attached to the office; for
the chief shepherd had to make good all losses
(Gen. xxxi. 39) ; at the same time he had a per-
sonal interest in the flock, Inasmuch sa he was not
paid in money, but received a certain amount of
the produce (Gen. xxx. 32 ; 1 Cor. ix. 7). The
life of the shepherd was a monotonous one; he
may perhaps have wilei .way an nour in playing
on some instrument (1 Sam. xvi. 18; Job xxi. 12,
xxx. 31), as his modern representative still occa-
sional 1 v does (Wortabet's Syria, I. 234). He also
had his periodical entertainments at the shearing-
time, which was celebrated by a general gathering
of the neighbourhood for festivities (Gen. xxxi. 19,
xxxviii. 12; 2 Sam. xiii. 23) ; but, generally speak-
ing, the life must have been but dull. Nor Jid it
conduce to gentleness of manners ; rival shepherds
contended for the possession or the use of water
with great acrimony (Gen. xxi. 25, xxvi. 20 ff. ;
Ex. ii. 17) ; nor perhaps is this a matter of surprise,
ss those who ooine late to a well frequently have to
wait a long time until their turn comes (Burck-
hardt's Syria, p. 63).
The hatred of the Egyptians towards shepherds
'"WW"
1370
BHKPHI
(Gen. xlvi. 34) may here bean mainly doc to their
con te mpt for the aheap itaelf, which appears to have
been rallied neither for food (Plutarch. Dt It. 72),
nor generally for sacrifice (Herod, ii. 4*2), the only
diatriot where they were offered being about the
Natron lakes (Strab. zrii. p. 803). It may hare
been increased by the memory of the Shepherd
invasion (Herod, ii. 128). Abundant confirmation
of the fact of this hatred is supplied by the low po-
sition which all herdsmen held in the castes of
Egypt, and by the caricatures of them in Egyptian
paintings (Wilkinson, ii. 169).
The term " shepherd " is applied in a metapho-
rical sense to princes (Is. xliv. 28 ; Jer. ii. 8, iii.
15, xxil 22 ; Ex. xxxlv. 2 Ac.), prophets (Zech. zi.
5, 8, 16), teachers (Eccl. xii. 11). and to Jehovah
himself (Gen. xlix. 24; Ps. xxiii. 1, box. 1): to the
same effect are the references to " reeding in Gen.
xlviii. 15 ; Ps. xrviii. 9 ; Hes, iv. 16. [W. L. B.]
SHEPHI' (»»*> : 3a*{ ; Alex. 2»*d> : flepAQ.
Sou of Sbobal, of 1 the sons of Seir (1 Chr. i. 40).
Called also Shepho (Gen. xxxvi. 23) ; which Bur-
rington concludes to be the true reading (Qmeai.
1.49.
SHE'PHO (toB>: Im+df. Sepho). The same
da) Shephi (Gen. xxxvi. 23).
BHEJPJT UPHAN 0WDB> : X^mfin ; Alex.
SafdV: Septotptum). One of the sons of Bela the
firstborn of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 5). His name
is also written Shephupham (A. V. " Shuphsm,"
Num. xxvi. 39), Sbdppim ( 1 Chr. vii. 12, 15),
and Muppim (Gen. xlvi. 21). Lord A. Herrey
conjectures that Shephnphan may have been a son
of Benjamin, whose family was reckoned with those
of Iri the son of Bda. [Mcppim. ]
BHE'BAH (frV$, ie- Bhcirih: tofaA ; Alex.
tmapi ! Sara). Daughter of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii
24), and foundress of the two Beth-horons, and of
a town which was called after her Uzzbn-Sherah.
BHBBEBI'AH(nnTB': aaaafa.Ezr.viii.24;
Xapafilas, Neh. viii. 7,'ix. 4; lapaBta, Xeh. x. 12,
xii. 8 24 ; Alex. Saoa/tfa, Neh. viii. 7 ; iupafiata,
Men. x. 4: Sarabias, Ezr. ; Serstna, Neh. viii. 7,
x. 12, xii. 24 ; Sarebias, Neh. ix. 4 ; Sarebia, Neh.
zii. 8). A Lerite in the time of Ezra, of the family
of Mahli the son of Hemri (Ezr. viii. 18, 24). He
was one of the first of the ministers of the Temple
to join Ezra at the river of Ahava, and with Hashn-
biah and ten of their brethren* had the charge of
the vessels and gifts which the king and his court,
and the people of Israel had contributed for the
service of the Temple. When Ezra read the Law
to the people, Sherebiah was among the Lerites
who assisted him (Neh. viii. 7). He took part in
the psalm of confession and thanksgiving which was
sung at the solemn fast after the Feast of Taber-
nacles (Neh. ix. 4, 5), and signed the covenant
with Nehemiah (Neh. z. 12). He is again men-
tioned as among the chief of the Levites who be-
longed to the choir (Neh. xii. 8, 24). In 1 Esdr.
viii. 54 he is called EsicnftiAi.
BHEB'ESH (trw? in pause: SoSpor; Alex.
Sopor : Sans). Son of Msshir the son of Msnasseh
by his wife ilaachah (1 Chr. vii. 16).
SITCRE'ZER p»re>: 3asa*-a>: Orator)
1 Tnej s>« caned -priests;" bat toe km Is ossd
sriv, ss in Josh. US. 3.
8HBBHBAZZAB
Properly " Sbarexer;" one of the messengers sent
in the fourth year of Darius by the people who bad
returned from the Captivity to inquire caccsmiag
fasting in the fifth month (Zech. vH. Sj. [Sea
Reoemmelech.]
HHE'SHACH C%W: Saach) is a term ehich
occurs only in Jeremish (xxv. 26, li. 41), who evi-
dently nan it as a synonym either for Babylon or
for Babylonia. According to some cotmoantaton.
it represents " Babel " on a principle well known to
the later Jews — the substitution of letters according
to their position in the alphabet, counting back-
wards from the last letter, for those which hold the
same numerical position, counting in the ordinary
way. Thus n re pre se n ts K, J? r ep re s en ts 3,
1 represents 2, and so on. It is the fact that in
this way Tftft) would represent 733. It may
well be doubted, however, if this fanciful practice
is as old as Jeremiah. At any rate, this explana-
tion does not seem to be so satisfactory as to make
any other superfluous. Now Sir H. Rawlinson has
observed that the name of the moon-god, which was
identical, or nearly so, with that of the city of
Abraham, Ur (or Hur), " might have been read in
one of the ancient dialects of Babylon as S/iis/iati,"
and that consequently "a possible explanation is
thus obtained of the Sheshach of Scripture" (Haw-
lioson's Herodotus, vol. i. p. 616). Shesh ach may
stand for Ur, Or itaelf, the old capital, berag taken
(as Babel, the new capital, was constantly) to re-
present the country. [G. R.]
SHE8HA1(W: Ssevf, Num. and Judg.;
Zovo-f, Josh. ; Alex. Sspsf, So vai, TsM : Smri,
Num.; Setof). One of the three sons of Anak who
dwelt in Hebron (Num. ziii. 22) and were driven
thence and slain by Caleb at the head of the chil-
dren of Judah (Josh. zv. 14; Judg. i. 10).
BHE8HA'N(1W6>: a-o-dV: Sam). A de-
scendant of Jerahmeel the son of Hezron, and repre-
sentative of one of the chief families of Judah. In
consequence of the failure of male issue, he gave his
daughter in marriage to Jarha, his Egyptian slave,
and through this union the line was perpetuated
(1 Chr. ii. 31, 34, 35).
SHESHBAZ'ZAB (TOBfe?: Itfafiaoip;
Alex. SatraSaovdp : Sbssaiasar : of uncertain
meaning and etymology). The Chaldean or Persian
name given to Zerubbabel, in Ezr. I. 8, 1 1, v. 14,
16 ; 1 Esdr. U. 12, 15, after the analogy of Sha-
drach, Hesbach, Abednego, Belteshazzar, and Esther.
Ir. like manner also Joseph received the name of
Zaphnath-Paanesh, and we learn from Manetho, as
quoted by Jowphus (c. Apim. i. 28), that Moses'
Egyptian namn was Osarsiph. The change of name
in the case of Jeboiakim and Zedekiah (2 K. xxiii.
34, xxiv. 17) may also be compared. That Shesh-
bazzar means Zerubbabel is proved by his being
called the prince of Judah (KT'jn), and govemoi
(nni), the former term marking him as the head
of the tribe in the Jewish sense (Num. vii. 2, 10,
11, &c), and the latter as the Persian governor ap-
pointed by Cyrus, both which Zerubbabel was ; and
yet more distinctly, by the assertion (Ezr. v. 16)
that " Sheslibazzar laid the foundation of the House
of God which is in Jerusalem," compared with the
promise to Zerubbabel (Zech. iv. 9), "The hands
of Zerubbabel have laid the foundation of this bouse,
his hands shall also finish it." It is also apparent
RHETH
*' om li.e mere comparison of Exr. i. 1 1 with ii. 1,
2, and the whole history of the returned exiles. The
Jewish tradition that Sheshbnxair is Daniel, is utterly
without weight. [Zerubuauel.] [A.C. H.J
8HETH (rXf : Hfi : Seth). 1. The patriarch
Skth (1 Chr. L 1).
2. In the A. V. of Num. xxiv. 17, DC' is ren-
dered as a proper name, bat there is reason to regard
it as an appellative, and to translate, instead of " the
sons of Sheth," " the tons of tumult," the wild
warriors of Moah, for in the parallel passage, Jer.
xlviii. 45, flHV, sAdVSn, "tumult," occupies the
lace of aW(A. tW, thitk, is thus equivalent to
Twtt*, tMth, as in'Lam. HI. 47. Ewald proposes,
very unnecessarily, to read Tiff, stth = DKC, and
to translate " the sons of haughtiness " (ffochmutks-
tBhne). Kashi takes the word as a proper name,
sod refers it to Seth the son of Adam, and this
s t e ms to hare been the view taken by Onkelos, who
renders " he shall rule all the sons of men." The
Jerusalem Targum gives " all the sons of the East ; "
the Targum of Jonathan ben-Uxxiel retains the He-
brew word Sheth, and explains it of the armies of
Gog who were to set themselves in battle array
against Israel. [W. A. W.]
SHETHA'R (in^ : ZapcaScuot ; Sapeirftubt,
Cod. Alex : Setter s " a star," Pen.). One of the
■w an princes of Persia and Media, who had access
to the king's presence, and were the first men in
the kingdom, in the third year of Xerxes (Esth. i.
14). Compare Exr. vii. 14 and the h-ro tsV
tltpvmn Mernnoiot Ctesias (14), and the state-
ment of Herodotus with regard to the seven noble
Persians who slew Smerdis, that' it was granted to
them ns a privilege to have aeons to toe king's
presence at all times, withoat being sent for,
excrpt when he was with the women ; and that the
king might only take a wife from one of these seven
fiuniuVa, iii. 84, and Gesen. s. v. [Carshena ;
Ksthkb.] [A. C. H.]
SHBTHATJ-BOZNAI ('3^3 "1110 : fetty-
0ovforat — r/i, Cod. Alex. : Stharinuani: " star of
splendour "). A Persian officer of rank, having
• command in the province "on this side the
river" under Tatnai the satrap (flnB), in the reign
•f Darius Hystaspis (Exr. v. 3, 6, vi. 6, 13). He
ioined with Tatnai and the Apharsachites in trying
to obstruct the progress of the Temple in the time
of Zerubbabel, and in writing a letter to Darius, of
which a copy is preserved in Exr. v., in which
the* reported that " the house of the great God"
in Judaea was being builded with great stones, and
that the work was going on fast, on the alleged au-
thority of a decree from Cyrus. They requested
that search might be made in the rolls court whe-
ther such a decree was ever given, and asked for
the king's pleasure in the matter. ' The decree was
found at Egbstana, and a letter was sent to Tatnai
and bnethar-boxnai from Darius, ordering them no
more to obstruct, but, on the contrary, to aid the
elders of the Jews in rebuilding the Temple, by
supplying them both with money and with beasts,
earn, salt, wine, and oil, for the sacrifices. Shethar-
boxnai after the receipt of this decree offered no
farther obstruction to the Jews. The account of
the Jewish prosperity in Exr. vi. 14-22, would in-
tricate that the Persian governors acted fully up to
«»e spirit ol their instructions from the king.
SHEW BREAD
1271
As regards the n.une Shethar-boxnal, it seems tc
be certainly Persian. The first element of lb appears
as the name Shethar, one of the seven Persian
princes in Esth. i. 14. It is perhaps also contained
in the name Pharna-xathres (Herod, vii. 65) ; and
the whole name ••. not unlike Sati-barxanes, a Per*
sian in the time of Artaxerxes Mnemon (Ctoiias, 57).
If the names of the Persian officers mentioned in
the Book of Exra couM be identified in any inscrip-
tions or other records of the reigns of Darius,
Xerxes, and Artaxerxes, it would be of immense
value in clearing up the difficulties of that book.
[A. C. H.]
SHETA (K# Keri; HTf, 2 Sam.: Somra,
Alex. 'Itrais : Sim). 1. The scribe or royal secre-
tary of David (2 Sam. xx. 25). He is called else-
where Seraiah (2 Sam. viii. 17), Shuha (IX. iv.
3), and Shavsha (1 Chr. xvi. 18).
2. (3oo£; Alex. Xaoi\: Sue.) Son of Caleb
ben-Hexron by his concubine Haachah, and founder
or chief of Machbena and Gibea (1 Chr. ii. 49).
SHEW BREAD. (1MB Orb, or D'JDn "h
(Ex. xxv. 30, xxxv. 13, xxxix. 36, &c), literally
" bread of the face" or "faces.'' D'DK Dr6, Onk.
rDTPOn '6, • bread set in order," 1 Chr. ix. 32,
xxiii. 29, 2 Chr. xxix. 18, Neh. x. 34, n«"ft7D.
In Num. iv. 7, we find TODM 'b," the perpetual
bread." In 1 Sam. xxi. 4-6, it is called trip b, " holy
bread." Syr. )»!Y>> «TT»oAja» )YI»«N
« bread of the Table of the Lord." The LXX.
give us Kotoi iv&ntm, Ex. xxv. 30 ; &otoi rqt
■rpoaipopas, 1 K. vii. 48. N. T. : tprot t%* tpo-
ttirm, Matt. xii. 4, Luk* vi. 4 ; 4 vpoSitrit t«>
iprmy, Heb. ix. 2. The \ ulg. panel proposition!!.
Wiclif, " loaves of proposition." Luther, Schau-
brode ; from which our subsequent English versions
have adopted the title Shew-bread.
Within the Ark it was directed that there should
be a table of sbittim wood, i. e. acacia, two cubits
in length, a cubit in breadth, and a cubit and a halt
in height, overlaid with pure gold, and having " a
golden crown to the border thereof round about,"
i. e. a border or list, in order, as we may suppose, to
hinder that which was placed on it from by any
accident falling off. The further description of
tiiis table will be found in Ex. xxv. 23-30, and a
representation of it aa it existed in the Heiodian
Temple forms an interesting feature in the bas-
reliefs within the Arch of Titus. The accuracy of
this may, as is obvious, be trusted. It exhibits one
striking correspondence with the prescriptions in
Exodus. We there find the following words: "and
thon shalt make unto it a border of a handbreadth
round about." In the sculpture of the Arch the
hand of one of the slaves who is carrying the
Table, and the border, are of about equal breadth.'
This table is itself called D'lDH \rfoff, "the Talis
of the Faces," in Num. iv. 7, and "lnBfl \xblff,
" the pure table " in Lev. xxiv. 6 ; and 2 Chr
xiii. 11. This latter epitiet is generally referred
by commentators to the unalloyed gold with which
so much of it was covered. It may, however, mesa
somewhat more than this, and bear something of the
force which It has in Malachi i. 11.
• Taking, i. a, the four fingers, when dosed toartner.
as the measure of a handbreadth, as we are hutroctad tc
do by a aumpartua of 1 K. vii. M and Jar. lu. II.
1373
SHEW BREAD
. It wu thought by Philn and Clement of Alex-
andria that the Table was a symbol of the world,
It* four sides or legs typifying the four seasons. In
the utter abaence of any argument in their support,
we may feel warranted in neglecting such fanciful
nnjectnres, without calling in the aid of Bihr's
irgument* again.it _nem.
In 2 Chr. iv. 19 we hare mention of " the tables
whereon the shewbread was set," and at ver. 8
we rand of Solomon making ten tables. This is pro-
bably explained by the statement of Josephus ( Ant.
rtii. 3, §7), that the king made a number of tables,
and one great golden one on which they placed the
loares of God. [See TEMPLE.]
The table of the second Temple was carried away
by Antiochns Epiphanea (1 Mace i. 23), and a new
one made at the refurnishing of the sanctuary under
Jddas Maecabaeus (1 Mace iv. 49). Afterwards
Ptolemy Philadelphus presented a magnificent table
(Joseph. Ant. xii. 2, §8, »).
The Table stood in the sanctuary together with
the seven-branched candlestick and the altar of in-
cense. Every Sabbath twelve newly-baked leaves
were put an it in two rows, six in each, and sprinkled
with incense (the LXX add soft), where they
remained till the following Sabbath. Then they
were replaced by twelve new ones, the incense was
burned, and they were eaten by the priests in the
Holy Place, out of which they might not be re-
moved. Besides these, the Shewbread Table was
adorned with dishes, spoons, bowls, he., which were
of pore gold (Ex. xxv. 29). These, however, were
manifestly subsidiary to the loaves, the preparation,
presentation, and sulmequent treatment of which
manifestly constituted the ordinance of the shew-
bread, whose probable purport and significance must
now be considered.
The number of the loaves (twelve) is considered
by Philo and Josephus to represent the twelve
months. If there was such a reference, it must
surely have bean quits subordinate to that which is
obvious at once. The twelve loaves plainly answer
V> the twelve tribes (compare Rev. xxii. 2). But,
taking this for granted, we have still to ascertain
the meaning of the rite, and there is none which is
left in Scripture so wholly unexplained. Though
it is mentioned, as we have seen, in other parts of
the 0. T. besides the Pentateuch, it is never more
than mentioned. The narrative of David and his
companions being permitted to eat the shew-
bread, does but illustrate the sanctity which was
ascribed to it ; and besides our Saviour's appeal to
that narrative, the ordinance is only once referred
to in the N. T. (Heb. ix. 8), and there it is merely
named among the other appurtenances of the first
sanctuary.
But although unexplained, It is referred to as
one of the feeding and most solemn appointments of
the sanctuary. For example, the appeal of Abijam
to the revolted tribes (2 Chr. xiii. 10, 11) runs
thiu— " but as for us, the Lord is our God, and
we liavt not forsaken Him ; and the priests, which
minister unto the Lord, are the sons of Aaron, and
the Levitea wait upon their business ; and they burn
unto the Lord every morning and every evening
burnt-sacrifices and sweet incense ; the shewbread
also set they in order upon the pure table," esc &e.
In this absence of explanation of that which is
yet regarded as so solemn, we have but to seek
whether the names bestowed on and the rites con-
nected with the shewbread will lead us to some
apprehension of its
8HEW BREAD
The first name we find given it it obvious' » the
dominant one, D»3D Oft?, "breed or the face,
or faces." Thie is explained by some of the
Rabbis, even by Maimonides, as referring to the
four sides of each leaf. It is difficult to believe
that the title waa given on a ground which in no
way distinguished them from other loaves. Besides,
it is applied in Num. iv. 7, simply to the Table,
O'JBn JtT>B\ not, as in the English version, the
"table of shewbread," but the "shew table," Uie
*' table of the face, or faces."
We- have used the words foot or /noes, for (3*30,
it needs scarcely be said, exists only in the plural,
aud is therefore applied equally to the face of one
person and of many. In connexion with this mean-
ing, it continually bean the secondary one of pre-
tence. It would be superfluous to cite any of the *
countless passages in which it does so. But whose
face or presence is denoted t That of the people t
The rite of the shewbread, according to some, was
performed in acknowledgment of God's being the
S" ver of all our bread and sustenance, and the loaves
v slways on the Table as a memorial and monitor
of 1 this. But against this, besides other reasons,
there is the powerful objection that the shewbread
waa unseen by the people ; it lay in the sanctuary,
and was eaten there by the priests alone. So that
the first condition of symbolic instruction was want-
ing to the rite, had this been its meaning.
The 0'3D, therefore, or Presence, is that not of
the people but of God. The tfret tVenrui and
the aprei ttji *p*o-0ecxu of the LXX. seam to
indicate as much. Tossy nothing of 1 Sam. xxi. 6.
where the words mif *3bSd OnOIDTI D»3Bfl •*?
seem decisive of the whole question. But in whet
sense f Spencer and others consider it bread offered
to God as wss the Minchah. a symbolical meal for
God somewhat answering to a heathen Lectider-
m'um. Bat it is not easy to find this meaning in
the recorded appointments. The incense is no doubt
to be burnt on the appointed altar, but the breed,
on the Sabbath following that of its presentation,
is to be eaten in the Holy Place by the priests.
There remains, then, the view which has been
brought out with such singular force and beauty
by Bihr — a view broad and clear in itself, and
not disturbed by those fanciful theories of numbers
which tend to abate confidence in some parts of
his admirable Symhotik.
He remarks, and justly, that the phrase 0*30 is
applied solely to the table and the bread, not to the
other furniture of the sanctuary, the altar of in-
cense, or the golden candlestick. There fat some-
thing therefore peculiar to the farmer which is
denoted by the title. Taking ETSBD as equivalent
to the Pretence {of God subaud.), he view* the
application of it to the table and the bread aa ana-
logous to its application to the angel, 0*3D "JK7D
(Is. lxiii. 9, compared with Ex. xxxiii. 14, 15 ;
Drut. iv. 37). Of the Angel of God's Presence it
is said that God's " Name is in Him " (Ex. xxiii.
20). The Presence and the Mama may therefore be
taken as equivalent. Both, in reference to tbeii
context, indicate the manifestation of God to Hi*
creatures. " The Name of God," be remarks, " is
Himself, but that, in so far as He reveals Himself,
the face u that wherein the being of a man pro-
claims itself, and makes known its individual per-
sonality. Hence, aa Name stands for He or Himself,
so Face for Person: to see the Face, for, to see Ux
Person. The Biesd of the Face is therefore that
SHIBBOLETH
lend -through which God is seen, that Is, with
the participation of which the seeing of God is
Utunil up, or through the participation of whiah
■nan attains the sight of God. Whence it follows
that we have not to think of bread merely as such,
as the means of nourishing the bodily life, but as
spiritual food, as a means of appropriating and
retaining that life which consists in seeing the face
of God. Bread is therefore here a symbol, and
stands, ss it so generally does in all languages, both
for life and life's nourishment ; but by being entitled
the Bread 0/ tke Fact it becomes a symbol of a
life higher than the physical ; it is, since it lies on
the table placed in the symbolic heaven, heavenly
bread ; they who eat of it and satisfy themselves
with it see the fan of God" (Bahr, Symbolik,
book i. c 6, §2). It is to be remembered that the
ahewbread was " taken from the children of Israel
by an everlasting covenant" (L»v. xxiv. 8), and
may therefore be well expected to bear the most
solemn meaning. Bahr proceeds to show very beau-
tifully the connexion in Scripture between seeing
God and being nourished by God, and points, as the
coping-stone of his argument, to Christ being at
ouce the perfect Image of God and the Bread of
Lite. The references to a table prepared fur the
righteous man, such as Pa. xxiii. 5, Luke xxii. 30,
should also be considered. [F. G.J
SHIKBOLETH (rfalt?: Sdbboteth), Jodg.
*fl. 6. The Hebrew word which the Gileadites
under Jephthah made use of at the parages of the
Jordan, after a victory over the Ephraimitea, to
teat the pronunciation of the sound sh by those
who wished to cross over the river. The Ephraim-
itas, it would appear, in their dialect substituted
for a* the simple sound s; and the Gileadites, re-
garding every one who failed to pronounce (A as an
Ephraimite and therefore an enemy, put him to
death accordingly.
The word "Shibboleth," which has now a
second life in the English language in a new signi-
fication, has two meanings in Hebrew: 1st, an ear
of corn ; 2ndly, a stream or flood : and it was,
perhaps, in the latter sense that this particular
ward suggested itself to the Gileadites, the Jordan
being a rapid river. The word, in the latter sense,
is used twice in the 69th Psalm, In verses 2 and
15, where the translation of the A. V. is "the
floods overflow me," and " let not the water-ylood
overflow me." If in English the word retained
its original meaning, the latter passage might be
translated " Let not a shibboleth of waters drown
me." There is no mystery in this particular word.
Any word beginning with the sound «A would have
answered equally well as a test.
Before the introduction of vowel points (which
tank place not earlier than the 6th century a.d.)
there was nothing in Hebrew to distinguish the
letters Shin and Sin, so it could not be known by
the eye in reading when A was to be sounded
■star s, just as now in English there is nothing to
show that it should be sounded in the words sugar.
Alia, Persia ; or in German, according to the most
common pronunciation, after a in the words Sprache
Spiel, Sturm, Stiefel, and a large class of similar
words. It is to be noted that the sound th is
SHIELD
1273
■ In proper names not naturalized la TEna;ii«>» through
lb* IXX, we Hebrew form is retained, as In Mephl-
botfeetb, Ishboabeth. The latter name Is melted down In
■D* IXX. to IiSktM; is, with the e ferine, the French
kasr Mifieoed many Latin words beginning with ft, sock
unknown to the Greek language, as the Eng ish til
is unknown to so many modern languages, ITenoi
in the Septuagint proper names commence simply
with s, which in Hebrew commence with sA ; and
one result has been that, through the Septuagint and
the Vulgate, some of these names, such as Samuel,
Samson, Simeon, and Solomon, having become*
naturalised in the Greek form in the English
language, have been retained in this form in the
English version of the 0. T. Hence, likewise, it
is a singularity of the Septuagint version that, in
the passage in Judg. lii. 6, the translator could
not introduce the word " Shibboleth," and has
substituted one of its translations, crrdxur, " an ear
of corn," which tells the original story by analogy.
It is not impossible that this word may have been
ingeniously preferred to any Greek word signifying
"stream, or "flood," from its first letters being
rather harsh-sounding, Independently of its contain-
ing a guttural. [E. T.]
SHIB'llAH (ri03fc>, 1. e. Sibmah: Ss0aua:
Sabama). One of the places on the east of Jon-
dan which were taken possession of and rebuilt
by the tribe of Reuben (Num. xxxii. 381. It is
probably the same with Shebam (i. e. Sebam)
named in the list at the beginning of the chapter,
and is certainly identical with Sibmah, so celebrated
at a later date for its vines. Indeed, the two names
are precisely the same in Hebrew, though our trans-
lators have chosen to introduce a difference. Sib-
mah, and not Shibmah, is the accurate representative
of the Hebrew original. [G.]
SHICBON (|T13B> : 2e«x<M; Alex. 'Asata-
ptwa : Sechrona), One of the landmarks at the
western end of the north boundary of Judah (Josh.
rv. 11, only). It lay between Ekron (AUr) and
Jabneel ( Tebnd), the port at which the boundary
ran to the sea. No trace of the name has been disco-
vered between these two places, which are barely
four miles apart. The Alex. LXX. (with an un-
usual independence of the Hebrew text) has evi-
dently taken Shicron as a repetition of Ekron, but
the two names are too essentially different to allow
of this, which is not supported by any other ver-
sion. The Targum gives it Shicaron, and with this
agrees Eusebius ( Onom. Sax—pa*), though no know-
ledge of the locality of the place is to be gained
from bis notice. [G-]
SHIELD (fUV; J1D; t&?; nVjb). The
three first of the Hebrew terms quoted have been
already noticed under the head of Arms, where it
is stated that the tzinndh was a large oblong shield
or target, covering toe whole body ; that the might
was a small round or oral shield ; and that the term
shelet is of doubtful import, applying to some orna-
mental piece of armour. To three we may add
sochirdh, a poetical term occurring only in Pa.
xci. 4. The ordinary shield consisted of a frame-
work of wood covemi with leather; it thus admitted
of being burnt (Ex. xxxix. 9). The m&jtn was
frequently cased with metal, either brass or copper ;
its appearance in this cam resembled gold,* when
the sun shone on it (1 Mac-, vi. 39), and to this,
rather than to the practice of smearing blood on the
as 8ludlum=fitude, Strenae^fStrennes, ax. a».
• In the passage quoted, the shields carried by tM
soldiers of Anttochus are said to nave been actually of
sold. This, however, must have been a mbtaks, as even
silver shields were very rare (Mod. Sir. svtl. H\
1274
8RIGGAI0N
thidd, we may refer the redness noticed by Nohum
(ii. 3). The surface of the shield was kept bright by
the application of oil, u implied in Is. xxi. 5 ; hence
Saul's shield is described as " not anointed with oil "
i. e. dusty and gory (2 Sam. i. 21). Oil would be
as useful for the metal as for the leather shield. In
order to preserve it from the effects of weather, the
shield was kept covered, except in actual conflict (Is.
xxii. 6 ; camp. C*e». S.Q. ii. '21 ; Cic Nat. Dear. ii.
14). The shield was worn on the left arm, to which
it was attached by a strap. It was used not only
in the field, but also in besieging towns, when it
served for the protection of the head, the combined
shields of the besiegers forming a kind of tatudo
(Ex. xxvi. 8). Shields of state were covered with
beaten gold. Solomon made such for use in reli-
gious processions (1 K. x. 16, 17) ; when these were
carried off, they were replaced by shields of bras,
which, as being less valuable, were kept in the
guard-room (IK. xiv. 27), while the former had
been suspended in the palace for ornament. A large
golden shield was sent as a present to the Romans,
when the treaty with them was renewed by Simon
Maccabaeus (1 Mace. xiv. 24, xv. 18); it was in-
tended as a token of alliance {tTipfioXor viji «v/»-
uaxfas, Joseph. Ant. xiv. 8, §5), bat whether any
symbolic significance was attached to the shield in
particular as being the weapon of protection, is un-
certain. Other instances of a similar present occur
(Suet. Calig. 16), as well as of complimentary pre-
sents oft different kind on the part of allies (Cic.
Verr. 2 Act. iv. 29, $67). Shields were suspended
about public buildings for ornamental purposes (1 K.
x. 17 ; 1 Mice. iv. 57, vi. 2) ; this was particularly
the case with the shields (assuming thelet to have
thin meaning) which David took from Hadadexer
(2 Sam. viii. 7 ; Cant. iv. 4), and which were
afterwards turned to practical account (2 K. xi. 10 ;
2 Chr. xxiii. 9;: the Uammadim similarly sus-
pended them about their towers (Ex. xxvii. 11 ; see
<i AMMA DIMS). In the metaphorical language of the
Bible the shield geneiully represents the protection
of God (e.g. Pa. iii. 3, xxviii. 7); but in Ps. xlvii.
9 it is applied to earthly rulers, and in Eph. vi. 16,
to faith. [W. L. B.]
SHIGGAION (|V>je>: TsAjsox: Ptalnm),
Ps. vii. 1. A particular kind of Psnlm ; the specific
character of which ia now not known.
In the singular number the word occurs no-
where in Hebrew, except in the inscription of the
7th Psalm, and there seems to be nothing peculiar
in that psalm to distinguish it from numerous
others, in which the author gives utterance to his
feelings against his enemies, and implores the
assistance of Jehovah against them; to that the
contents of the psalm justify no conclusive in-
ference as to the meaning of the word. In the
inscription to the Ode of the Prophet Habakkuk
iii. 1, the word occurs in the plural number; but
the phrase in which it stands " 'al iliigytnSth " ia
deemed almost unanimously, as it would seem, by
modern Hebrew scholars to mean " after the man-
ner of the Shiggaion," and to be merely a direction
as to the kind of musical measures by which the
ode was to be accompanied. This being so, the
ode is no real help in ascertaining the meaning of
Shiggaion ; for the ode itself ia not so called,
though it ia directed to be sung according to the
measures of the shiggaion. And, indeed, if it
wfre called a shiggaion, the difficulty would not
e» dimiirahrd ; for, independently of the macrip-
SHIHON
lion, no one would have ever thought that the ode
and the psalm belonged to the same species oi
sacred poem ; and even since their poatible simi-
larity bat been suggested, no one hat definitely
pointed out in what that similarity consist*, so at
to justify a distinct classification. In this state el
uncertainty it is natural to endeavour to form a
conjecture as to the meaning of shiggaion from iff
etymology; but unfortunately there are no less
than three rival etymologies, each with plausible
claims to attention. Gesenius and Fiirst, $. v.,
concur in deriving it from TWff (the Piel of
t\J&), in the sense of magnifying or extolling
with praises ; and they justify this derivation by
kiudred Syriac words. Shiggaion would thus mean
a hymn or psalm ; but its specific meaning, if it
has any, as applicable to the 7th Psalm, would
continue unknown. Ewakl, Die Poetitchrn BOc/ur
da often Bmda, i. 29; Rodiger, ». v. in his
continuation of Gesenius's Thaaurut; and Oelitxsch,
Commmtar iter den Ptalttr, i. SI, derive it from
rUt?, in the sense of reeling, as from wine, and
consider the word to be somewhat equivalent to a
dithyrambtis ; while De Wette, Dit Pfahnen, p.
34; Lee, s. c. ; and Hitxig, Die Zuttf klemm
Prophtttn, p. 26, interpret the word as a psalm
of lamentation, or a psalm in distress, as derived
from Arabic. Hupfeld, on the other hand, Itie
Ptalmm, i. 109, 199, conjectures that shiggaion it
identical with higgaion Ps. ix. 16, in the tense of
poem or song, from iUn, to meditate or compose;
but even so, no information would be conveyed as
to the specific nature of the poem.
At to the inscription of Habakkuk 't ode, ** 'of
thiqyantth," the translation of the LXX. ia fiera
*)oij*> which conveys no definite meaning. The
Vulgate translates "pro ignorantiis," at if the
word had been thegAyoth, transgressions through
ignorance (Lev. iv. 2, 27; Num. xv. 27; End.
v. 6), or shegUth (Ps. xix. 13), which seems tc
have nearly the tame meaning. Perhaps the
Vulgate was influenced by the Targum of Jona-
than, where tUfiytmoth seems to be translated
ttrn?E!0. In the A. V. of Hab. iii. 1, the rendering
is " upon ahigionoth," as if shigionoth were tome
musical instrument. But under any circumstances
'at (?») must not be translated "up™" in the
sense of playing upon 'an instrument. Of this usa
there is not a single undoubted example in prose,
although playing on musical instruments is fre-
quently referred to ; and in poetry, although there
is one passage, Ps. xcii. 3, where the word might
be so translated, ft might equally well be ren-
dered there " to the accompaniment of" the musical
instruments therein specified — and this translation
is preferable. It seems likewise a mistake that
'al is translated " upon " when preceding the sup-
posed musical instrument*, Gittith, Machalatn,
Negfoath, Nedhlloth, .shotban, Shoshannlm (ra,
viii. 1, lxxxi. 1, Uxxiv. 1, liii. 1, lxxxviii. 1, lxi.
1, r. 1, Ix. 1, xiv. 1, brix. 1, lux. 1). Indeed,
ail these words are regarded by Ewakl (1'oct.
Bach. i. 177) at meaning musical keys, and by
Kfint (at. to.) as meaning musical bands. What-
ever may be thought of the proposed substitutes, it
is very singular, if those six words signify musical
instruments, that not one of them should be men-
tioned elsewhere in the whole Bible. [E. T.]
BHIHON (#XW, i.«. Shion: luni: Stem,
A town of Issachar, named only in Josh. xix. IP
SHIHOR OF EGYPT
R eoeurs between Haphraim and Anaharath. Eu-
■eirius and Jerome (Onomast.) mention if ts then
existing " near Mount Tabor. The only name at
all resembling it at present in that neighbourhood
m the CMrbet ScAfin of Dr.Schuli (Zimmermann's
Map of QalUet, 1861) 1) mile N.W. of Debarieh.
Thia is probably the place mentioned by Schwan
'.166) as " Sain between Duberieh and Jafa." The
identification is, however, very uncertain, since
SchCin appears to contain the Ain, while the He-
brew name does not.
The redundant A in the A. V. is an error of the
recent editions. In that of 1611 the name is
Shioo. [0.]
BHTHOB OP EGYPT (DJTO? iirr>^ : Spia
Aly6wra»: SAor Atgypti, 1 Chr. xiii. 5) is spoken
of as one limit of the kingdom of Israel in David's
time, the entering in of Hamath being the other,
tt most correspond to •' Shihor," " the Shihor which
[is] before Egypt" (Josh. xiii. 2, 8), A. V. « Sihor,"
sometimes, at leart, a name of the Nile, occurring
in other passages, one of which (where it has the
article) is parallel to thia. The use of the article
indicates that the word is or hat been an appella-
tive, rather the former if we judge only fiom the
complete phrase. It must also be remembered that
Shihor Mixrahn is used interchangeably with Mahal
Mizrahn, and that the name Shiiiou-Libhath,
in the north of Palestine, unless derived from the
Egyptians or the Phoenician colonists of Egypt, as
we are disposed to think possible, from the connec-
tion of that country with the ancient manufacture
of glass, shows that the word Shihor is not re-
stricted to a great river. It would appear there-
fore that Shihor of Egypt and " the Shihor which
[is] before Egypt " might designate the stream of
the WfdM-'Aneeh : Shihor alone would still be
the Mile. On the other hand, both Shihor, and
even Natal, alone, are names of the Nile, while
Nahal Miiraim is used interchangeably with the
river ("irO, not ?PU) of Mizrahn. We therefore
are disposed to hold that all the names designate
the Nile. The fitness of the name Shihor to the
Nile must be remembered. [Nile; River or
Eotpt ; Smos.] [R. S. P.]
SHI'HOB-LIBTJATH (n»V lAlTO?: rf
S«sW eel AojsW*; Alex, lump m. A. : 8ickor el
CaHanath). Named only in Josh. xix. 26 sa one of
the landmarks of the boundary of Aaher. Nothing
is known of it. By the ancient translators and
commentators (as Peshito-Syriac, and Eusebius and
Jerome in the Ommatticon) the names are taken as
belonging to two distinct places. But modem com-
mentators, beginning perhaps with Matins, have
inclined to consider Shihor as identical with the
name of the Nile, and Shibor-Libnath to be a river.
Led by the meaning of Libnath as " white," they
h i t o pi rt the Shibor-Libnath as the glass river,
which they then naturally identify with the Belus>
of Pliny (&. B. v. 19), the present Sahr Noma*,
which drams part of the plain of Akka, and enters
the Mediterranean a short distance below that city.
It is a pity to disturb a theory at once so ingenious
and so enns is ta n t, and supported by the great name
of Kcbaelis (8appi. No. 2462), but it is surely
very far-fetched. There is nothing to indicate that
SHILOAH. THE "WATERS OF 1271
Shthor-Libnath is a stream at all, except tte agree
meat of the first portion of the name with a ran
word need for the Nile — a river which oan have
nothing in common with an insignificant streamlet
like the Naman. And even if it be a river, tot
position of the Naman is unsuitable, since, sa far as
eau be gathered from the very obscure list in which
the name occurs, Shihor-Libnath was the south
pivot of the territory of Aaher, below Mount Osrmel.
Rebnd's conjecture of the Crocodeilon river, pr>
bably, the Moieh tt Temseh, close to Kaitariyek, is
too far sooth. [G.]
SHIL'HI (tr$t7 : SoAol, SoAf ; Alex. SoAoAd,
SaXtl : Salai, Salahi). The father of Azubah, Je-
hoshaphat's mother (1 K. xxii. 42 j 2 Chr. xx. 31).
SHILTHM (D'n^: 5o\«; Alex. 3aAee,u:
83m). One of the cities in the southern portion
of the tribe of Judah. Its place in the list is
between Lebaoth and Ain, or Ain-Rimmon (Josh,
xv. 32), and it is not elsewhere mentioned. It ia
not even named by Eiiaebius and Jerome. No
trace of it has yet been discovered. In the list of
Simeon's cities in Josh. xix. Sharohes (ver. 6)
occupies the place of Shilhim, and in 1 Chr. iv. 31
this is still further changed to Shaaraim. It is
difficult to say i f these are mere corruptions, or denote
any actual variations of name.
The juxtaposition of Shilhim and Ain has led to
the conjecture that they are identical with the
Salim and Aenon of St. John the Baptist ; but their
position in the south of Judah, so remote from the
scene of St. John's labours and the other events of
the Gospel history, seems to forbid this. [G.]
BHIL'USM(D]*B?: SoAA*>, SeXX^u; Alex.
SvAA^MinGen.: Sallem, Sellem). Son of Naphtali,
and ancestor of the family of the Shillemites (Gen.
xlvi. 24 ; Num. xxvi. 49). The same as SHALLUM 7.
8HIL/LEMITE8, THE ('oWil : i JUAAijaf :
8tttemitae\ The descendants of Shillem the son of
Naphtali (Num. xxvi. 49).
BHILO AH, THE WATERS OF (rf??n ^
to Stop tov SciAvdV; Alex. SiXomlu: Saad.
l^laJLw ..(&,* Am Selwin: aquas Siloe). Acer-
tain «o(Vflowing stream employed by the prophet
Isaiah (riii. 6) to point his comparison between
the quiet confidence in Jehovah which he was
urging on the people, and the overwhelming vio-
lence of the king of Assyria, for whose alliance
they were clamouring.
There is no reason to doubt that the waters in
question were the same which are better known
under their later name of Siloam — the only per-
ennial spring of Jerusalem. Objection has been
taken to the fact that the "waters of Siloam"
run with an irregular intermittent action, and
therefore, could hardly be appealed to as flowing
" softly." But the testimony of careful investigators
(Rob. B. R. i. 341, 2; Barclay, Citg, 516) esta-
blishes the fact that the disturbance only takes place,
at the oftenest, two or three times a day, say three
to four hours out of the twenty-four, the flow being
" perfectly quiescent " during the rest of the time.
In summer the disturbance only occurs once in two
or three days. Such interruptions to the quiet flow
• II is angular, too, that
Ikere was a mm ui we n t of
kusi'S./.tl 10.42).
Josephus atonal slate that
ttasnng close to Ike
» The Targuxi Jonathan, PesUtc end Arabic Ver-
sions of 1 K. .XI, rod allot* tor the fillbDn of tta>
Hebrew
1276
SHILOH
•f the ttrmm would therefore not interfere with
the contrast enforced in the prophet'* metaphor.
The fern of the name employed by Isaiah if
midway between the kas-Shelack of Nehemiah
(A. V. Siloah) and the Siloem of the N. T. A
similar change is noticed under Shtloni.
The spring and poo! of Siloax are treated of
under that head. [G.]
8HTLOH (T?r<&: tA iiron(/uva afaf : qui
mittmdus est). In the A. V. of the Bible, Shiloh
is once used as the name of a person, in a very
difficult passage, in the 10th verse of the 49th
chapter of Genesis. Supposing that the translation
is correct, the meaning of the word is Peaceable, or
Pacific, and the allusion is either to Solomon, whose
name ha* a similar signification, or to the expected
Messiah, who in Is, ix. 6 is expressly called the
Prince of Peso*. This was once the translation
of Gesenius, though he afterwards saw reason to
abandon it (see his Lexicon, s. T.), and it is at
present the translation of Hengstenberg in his
Chritioiogie dee Allen TatamenU, p. 69, and of too
Grand Rabbin Wogue, in his Translation of Generis,
a work which is approved and recommended by the
Grand Rabbins of France (Le Pentateuque, on let
Cinq Lore* de Moist, Paris, 1860). Both then
writers regard the passage as a Messianic prophecy,
and it is so accepted by the writer of the article
Messiah in this work (p. 340).
But, on the other hand, if the original Hebrew text
is correct as it stands, there are three objections to
this translation, which, taken collectively, seem fatal
to it 1st. The woid Shiloh occurs nowhere else
in Hebrew as the name or appellation of a person.
2ndly. The only other Hebrew word, apparently,
of the same form, is Giloh (Josh. xv. 51 ; 2 Sam.
xr. 12); and this is the name of a city, and not
of a person. Srdly. By translating the word as it
is translated everywhere else in the Bible, vis. as
the name of the city in Ephraim where the Ark of
the Covenant remained during such a long period,
a sufficiently good meaning is given to the passage
without any violence to the Hebrew language, and,
indeed, with a precise grammatical parallel else-
where (compare ffXP K3>1, 1 Sam. iv. 12). The
simple translation is, " The sceptre shall not depart
from Jndah, nor the ruler's staff from between his
feet, till be shall go to Shiloh." And, in this case,
the allusion would be to the primacy of Jndah in
war (Judg. i. 1, 2, xx. 18; Num. ii. 3, x. 14),
which was to continue until the Promised Land
was conquered, and the Ark of the Covenant was
solemnly deposited at Shiloh. Some Jewish writers
had previously maintained that Shiloh, the city of
Ephraim, was referred to in this passage; and Ser-
vetus had propounded the same opinion in a fanciful
dissertation, in whioh he attributed a double
ing to the words (De Trmlate, lib. ii. p. 61, ed.
of 1513 A.D.), But the above translation and
i iplanation, a* proposed and defended on critical
(.rounds of reasonable validity, was first suggested
in modern days by Teller (Notae Critical et Exege-
tieae m Oen, ilix M Devi, xxxiii., Ex. xv., Judg. t H
Halae et Helmstadii, 1766), and it has since, with
modifications, found favour with numerous learned
men belonging to various schools of theology, such
m Eichhorn, Hitxig, Toon, Bleak, Ewald, Dditisch,
Kddiger, Kalisch, Liizaatto, and Davidson.
The objections to this interpretation are set forth
U length by Hengstenberg (I. c), and the reason*
in us favvnur, with an account of the various inter-
SHILOH
pretatJons which have been suggested by others,
are well given by Davidson ( Introduction to Ms
0M Testament, LI 99-2 10). Supposing always thai
the existing text is correct, the reasons in favour on
Teller's interpretation seem much to preponderate.
It may be observed that the main obstacle to inter-
preting the word Shiloh in its simple and obvious
meaning seems to arias from an imaginative view
of the prophecy respecting the Twelve Tribes, which
finds in it more than is justified by a sober exami-
nation of it. Thus Hengstenberg says: — "The
temporal limit which is here placed to the pre-
eminence of Judah would be in glaring contradk.
tion to verses 8 and 9, in which Judah, without
any temporal limitation, is raised to be the Lion of
God.'* But the allusion to a lion is simply the fol-
lowing: — « Judah is a lion's whelp: from the prey,
my son, thou art gone up: be stooped down, he
couched as a lion, and as an old lion ; who shall
rouse him up ?" Now, bearing in mind the general
colouring of Oriental imagery, there is nothing in
this passage which makes a reference to the city
Shrloh improbable. Again, Hengstenberg says that
the visions of Jacob never go into what is special, but
always have regard to the future as a whole and on
a great scale («m game* und gronen). If this
is so, it is nevertheless compatible with the follow-
ing geographical statement respecting Zebulua : —
" Zebnlun shall dwell at the haven of the sea, and
be shall be for an haven of ships, and his border
shall be unto Sdon." It is likewise compatible
with prophecies respecting some of the other tribe*.
which to any one who examined Jacob's bleafug
minutely with lofty expectations would be disap-
pointing. Thus of Benjamin, within whose territory
the glorious Temple of Solomon was afterwards
built, it is merely said, " Benjamin shall ravin as *
wolf; in the morning he shall devour the prey, and
at night he shall divide the spoil." Of Gad it is
said, " A troop shall overcome him, but he shall
overcome at tin last." Of Asher, " Out of Asher
his bread shall be fat, and he shall yield royal
dainties." And of Napbtali, « Naphtall is a hind
let loose; he giveth goodly words" (w. 19, 20,
21, 27). Indeed the difference (except in the bless-
ing of Joseph, in whose territory Shiloh was situ-
ated) between the reality of the prophecies and the
demands of an imaginative mind, explains, perhaps,
the strange statement of St. Isidore of Petusium,
quoted by Teller, that, when Jacob was about to
an n ou n ce to his sons the future mystery of the
Incarnation, he was restrained by the finger of God;
silence was enjoined him : and he was sailed with loss
of memory. See the letter of SL Isidore, Lib. i. Epist.
365, in SibUotAeca Maxima Patrum, vii. 570.
2. The next best translation of Shiloh is perhaps
that of " Rest." The passage would then run thus :
" The sceptre shall not depart from Judah ... till
rest come, and the nations obey him" — and the
reference would be to the Messiah, who was tc
spring from the tribe of Judah. This translation
deserves respectful consideration, as having been
ultimately adopted by Gesenius. It was preferred
by Vater, and is defended by Knobel in the Exogo-
tischet Handbuch, Gen. xlix. 10. There is on*
objection less to it than to the use of Shiloh aa »
person, and it is not without some probability.
Still it remains subject to the objection that Shiloh
occurs nowhere else in the Bible except a* the name
of a city, and that by translating' the word hare «
the name of a city a reasonably good manning nuy
be given to the passage.
SHILOH
3. A thirl explanation of Shiloh, on the assump-
tion that St u not the name of a person, is a translation
by Tarioua learned Jews, apparently countenanced
by the Taxgum of Jonathan, that Shiloh merely means
■' his son," i. e. the son of Judah (in the sense of
the Messiah), from a supposed word ShU, " a son."
There is, however, no such word in known Hebrew,
and as a plea for it* possible existence reference is
made to an Arabic word, shaft!, with the same sig-
nification. This meaning of " his son " owes, per-
haps, its principal interest to its having been sub-
stantially adopted by two such theologians as Luther
*j>d Calvin. (See the Commentaries of each on
wen. xlix. 10.) Luther, connected the word with
cchilyah in Deut. xxviii. 57, but this would not
now be deemed permissible.
The translation, then, of Shiloh as the name of a
city is to be regarded as the soundest, if the present
Hebrew text is correct. It is proper, however, to
Tear in mind the possibility of there being some
•jrror in that text. When Jerome translated the
word *■ qui missus est," we may be certain that he
did not read it as Shiloh, but as some form of
TTfV, " to send," as if the word t iartcrcAiiivot
might have been used in Greek. We may likewise
be certain that the translator in the SepU'agint did
not read the word as it stands in our BibUs. He
read it as Tfo&= WP, precisely corresponding to
f? X?K, and translated it well by the phrase to
Awa** tpsra a&rf ; so that the meaning would be,
** The sceptre shall not depart from Judah ... till
toe things reserved for him come." It is most pro-
bable that Esekial read the word in the same way
when he wrote the words QNTSil fctTK tQ~*iy
(Eg. xii. 32, in the A. V. verse 27) ; and "it seems
likely, though not certain, that the author* of the
Paraphrase of Jacob's Inst words in the Targum of
Onkelos followed the reading of Exekiel and the
Septuagiut, substituting the word NDID^D for the
DOB?} of Ezekiel. It is not meant by these re-
marks that IW is more likely to have been correct
than Shiloh, though one main argument against
TWlf, that & occurs nowhere else in the Pentateuch
as an equivalent to TCK, is inconclusive, as it
ocean In the Song of Deborah, which, an any
hypothesis, must be regarded as a poem of great
antiquity. But the tact that there were different
readings, in former times, of this very difficult pas-
sage, neoessarily tends to suggest the possibility that
the correct reading may have been lost.
Whatever interpretation of the present reading
may be adopted, the one which must be pronounced
entitled to the least consideration is that which sup-
poses the prophecy relates to the birth of Christ as
occurring in the reign of Herod just before Judaea
became a Roman province There is no such inter-
pretation in the Bible, and however ancient this
mode of regarding the passage may be, it must sub-
mit to the ordeal of a dispassionate scrutiny. In the
first place, it is impossible reasonably to regard the
dependent rnlo of King Herod the Idumaean as an
instance of the sceptre being still borne by Judah.
la order to appreciate the precise position of Herod,
it may be enough to quote the unsuspicious testi-
* Tata writer, however, was so fanciful, that no reliance
can be placed on his Judgment on any point where It was
Feasible for nun to go wrong. Thus his paraphrase of the
snpaeej respecting Benjamin Is : " '11m sbecblnah shall
BHTLOH
1271
mony of Jerome, who, in his Commentaries or
Matthew, lib. iii. c. 22. writes as follows : — " Catau
Augustus Herodcm fiLum Antipatris alienigenam et
proselytum regem Judaeis constituent, qui tributu
prvttmt, et Romano parent impcrio." Secondly,
it must be remembered that about 588 years before
Chritt, Jerusalem had been taken, its Temple de-
stroyed, and its inhabitants led away into captivity
by isebuchadnexxar, king of the Chaldees, and during
the next fifty years the Jews were subjects of the
Chaldaean Empire. Afterwards, during a period
of somewhat above 200 years, from the taking of
Babylon bv Cyrus to the defeat of Darius by Alex-
ander the Great at Arbela, Judaea was a province of
the Persian Empire. Subsequently, daring a period
of 163 years, from the death of Alexander to the
rising of the Maccabees, the Jews were ruled by the
suc ce s s ors of Alexander. Hence for a period of
more than 400 years from the destruction of the
Temple by Nebuchadneszar the Jews were deprived
of their independence; and, as a plain undeniable
matter of fact, the sceptre had already departed
from Judah. Without pursuing this subject farther
through the rule of the Maccabees (a family of the
tribe of Levi, and not of the tribe of Judah) down
to the capture of Jerusalem and the conquest of
Palestine by Pompey (B.C. 63), it is sufficient to
observe that a supposed fulfilment of a prophecy
which ignores the dependent state of Judaea during
400 years after the destruction of the first Temple
cannot be regarded as baaed upon sound principles
of interpretation. [E. T. ]
SHI'LOH, as the name of a place, stands in
Hebrew as nW ( Josh - «'"• 1 ' 10 )> ^ C 1
Sam. i. 24, iii. 21 ; Judg. xxi. 19), r&V (1 K.
ii. 27), fr*B> (Judg. xxi. 21 ; Jer. vii. 12), and
perhaps also foW, whence the gentile *p't?
(1 K. xi. 29, xii. 15) ; in the Sept, as SnAei,
SnXdV, 1o\i, 2i>Aii (Jos. Ant. riii. 7, §7 ;
11, §1 ; and 2iA«, SiXoGk, v. 1, $19 ; ii. 9,
§12); and in the Vulg. as Silo, and more rarely
Selo. The name was derived probably from il/B',
"bf, " to Te * t >" an<l "Prowled the idea that'tJie
nation attained at this place to a state of rest, or
that the Lord Himself would here rest among His
people. Taanath-Skiloh may be another name
of the same place, or of a different place near it,
through which it was customary to pass on the
way to Shiloh (as the obscure etymology may indi-
cate). [Taanath- Shiloh.] (See also Kurtz's
Gtsek. da A, Bund. ii. p. 569).
The principal conditions for identifying with con-
fidence the site of a place mentioned in the Bible,
are: (1) that the modem name should bear a
proper resemblance to the ancient one; (2) that
its situation accord with the geographical notion
of the Scriptures ; and (8) that the statements of
early writers and travellers point to a coincident
conclusion. Shiloh affords a striking instance of
the combination of these testimonies. The de-
scription in Judg. xxi. 19 is singularly explicit.
Shiloh, it is said there, is " on the north side of
Bethel, on the east side of the highway that goeth
up from Bethel to Shechem, and on the south of
abide In the land of Benjamin ; and in his possession a
aonctnarj shall be built. Morning and evening IbeprlesU
shall offer oblations ; and In the evening the/ shall dlvkb
the residue of their porUuu."
1278 SHILOH
LcbooBh." In agreement with this the traveller at
the present day (the wrhcr quotes here h» own
notebook), going north from Jerusalem, lodges the
tint night at Bmtkt, the ancient Bethel ; the next
da/, at the distance of a few hours, turns aside to
the right, in order to visit 8eMn, the Arabic for
Shiloh ; and then passing through the narrow Wady,
which brings him to the main road, leaves ei-Leb-
Mn, the Lebooah of Scripture, on the left, as he
pursues "the highway" to If Abba, the ancient
Shechem. [SnECiiEH.] Its present name is suffi-
ciently like the mote familiar Hebrew name, while
it is identical with ShUvn (sea above), on which
it is evidently founded. Again, Jerome (ad Zeph.
i. 14), and Kusebius (Onomast. art. " SUo ") cer-
iainly have Seilftn in view when they speak of
the situation of ."-hiloh with reference to Ncupolis
or Nttbhi*. It discovers a strange oversight or' the
sata which control the question, that some of the
older travellers have placed Shiloh at Ntby Sarmcii,
about two hours north-west of Jerusalem.
Shiloh was one of the earliest and most sacred of
the Hebrew sanctuaries. The ark of the covenant,
which had been kept at Gilgal, during the progress
of the Conquest (Josh, zriii. 1 sq.) was removed
thence on the subjugation of the country, and
kept at Shiloh from the last days of Joshua to
the time of Samuel (Josh. xviii. 10; Judg. xviii.
31 ; 1 Sctn. iv. 3). It was here the Hebrew con-
queror divided among the tribes the portion of the
west Jordan-region, which had not been already
allotted (Josh, xviii. 10, xix. 51). In this distri-
bution, or an earlier one, Shiloh fell within the
limits of Ephraim (Ju»h. xvi. 5). The seizure
here of the "daughters of Shiloh" by the Ben-
jamites, is recorded as an event which preserved
one of the tribes from extinction (Judg. xxi. 19-23).
The annual " feast of the Lord" was observed at Shi-
loh, and on one of these occasions, the men lay in wait
m the vineyards, and when the women went forth
" to dance in dances," the men took them captive
and carried them home as wives. Here Eli
judged Israel, and at last died of grief on hearing
that the ark of the Lord was taken by the enemy
(1 Sam. iv. 12-18). The story of Hannah and
her vow, which belongs to our reooUectiens of
Shiloh, transmits to us a characteristic incident ill
the life of the Hebrews (1 Sam. L 1 4c) ; Samuel,
the child of her prayers and hopes, was here brought
up in the sanctuary, and called to the prophetic office
(1 Sam. ii. 26, lit. 1). The ungodly conduct of the
sons of Eli occasioned the loss of the ark of the
covenant, which had been carried into battle against
the Philistines, and Shiloh from that time sank into
insignificance. It stauds forth in the Jewish history
as a striking example of the Divine indignation. "Go
ye now," says the prophet, " unto my place which
which was in Shiloh, where I set my name at the
first, and see what I did to it, for the wickedness
of my people Israel" (Jer. vii. 12). Some have
inferred from Judg. xviii. 31 (comp. Ps. lxxviii.
60 so.) that a permanent structure or temple hod
been built for the tabernacle at Shiloh, and that it
continued there (as it were sow monaw) for a long
time after the tabernacle was removed to other
places. But the language in 2 Sam. vii. 6 Is too
expl icit to admit of that conclusion. God says there
to David through the mouth of Nathan the prophet,
" I have not dwelt in any house since the time that
I brought up the children of Israel out of Egypt,
even to this day, but have walked in a tent and in
• taVwuacle." So in 1 K. iii. 2, it is said expressly
SHILOH
that no "house "had been built far the wtnJiip of
God till the erection of Solomon's Temple at Je-
rusalem. It oust be in a spiritual sense, there-
fore, that the tabernacle is called a "house" oi
"temple" in those passages which refer to Shilub.
God is mid to dwell where He is pleased to inniteJt
hla presence or is worshipped ; and the place thus
honoured becomes His nbode or temple, whether it
be a tent or a structure of wood ar stout, or eventhv
sanctuary of the heart alone. Ahijah tne prophet
had his abode at Shiloh in the time of Jeroboam I.,
and was visited there by the messengers of Jero-
boam's wife to ascertain the issue of the sickness of
their child (1 K xi. 29, xii. 15, xiv. 1, &c). The,
people there after the time of the exile (Jer. xli. '
5) appear to have been Cuthites (2 K. xvii. 30)
who had adopted some of the forms of Jewish wor-
ship. (SeeHitsig, ZaJtrtm.\>. 331.) Jerome, who
surveyed the ruins in the 4th century, says: " Via
ruinarum parva vestigia, vix altaris fundament*,
monstrantur."
The contour of the region, as the traveller views
it on the ground, indicates very closely where the
ancient town must have stood. A TelL or mo-
derate hill, rises from an uneven plain, surrounded
by other higher hills, except a narrow valley on the
south, which hill would naturally be choxen as the
principal site of the town. The tabernacle may
have been pitched on this eminence, where it would
be a conspicuous object on every side. The ruins
found there at present are very inconsiderable. They
consist chiefly of the remains of a comparatively
modern village, with which some large stones and
fragments of columns are intermixed, evidently
from much earlier times. Near a ruined monk
flourishes an immense oak, the branches of which
the winds of centuries have swayed. Just beyond
the precincts of the hill stands a dilapidated edifice,
which combines some of the architectural properties
of a fortress and a church. Three columns with
Corinthian capitals lie prostrate on the floor. An
amphora between two chaplets, perhaps a work of
Roman sculpture, adorns a stone over the doorway.
The natives call this ruin the " Mask of S«7*». •
At the distance of about fifteen minutes from the
main site, is a fountain; which is approached
through a narrow dale. Its water is abundant,
and, according to a practice very common in the
East, flows first into a pool or well, and thence into
a larger r e servo ir, from which flocks and herds are
watered. This fountain, which would be so na-
tural a resort for a festal party, may have been the
place where the " daughters of Shiloh" were dan-
cing, when they were surprised and borne off by
their captors. In this vicinity are rock-hewn se-
pulchres, in which the bodies of some of the unfor-
tunate house of Eli may hare been laid to rest.
There was a Jewish tradition (Asher*s Benj. of
Zud. ii. 435) that Eli and his sons were buried here.
It is certainly true, as some travellers remark, that
the scenery of Shiloh is not specially attractive ; it
presents no feature of grandeur or beauty adapted to
impress the mind, and awaken thoughts in harmony
with the memories ot the place. At the same time,
it deserves to be mentioned that, for the objects U
which Shiloh was devoted, it was not unwisely
chosen. It was secluded, and therefore favourable
to acts of worship and religious study, in which
•i .
» This U on tbs aulborlty uf Dr.Rosinson. Itt.Wllsur
understood It was called " Musk ol the 8u>tv" i,HdXn
iLamU <if (A* Btbk, Ii. »*V
BtHLOHI
SBOta 11TB
with 1 Chr. ix. It ii identical ia the
Ike joaik of <caudaxa sad devotees, tike Samuel,
«as to as spat. Yearly festivals were celebrated - original except a slight contra c tio n, but ia the A. V
acre, and brought together assemblages watch : it ia preen k Shiumti.
"f ^JST .""S" °i ""^-p""' P ^ 0r, *l^ ' BHILBHAH '"C*** : Uut. : AVb- Se>
•out obtained id each a place. Terraces are stall • 7 •
rmbfe oa the sides of the rocky hills, which show '*«*•: Sihaa). Son rf Zophah of the triie oi
Oat every toot and inch of the toil once teemed Asher (1 Car. rii. 37).
sitawtstore and fertility. The ceremaniee of such '
rnmiatfri hugely of precessions and dances,
s*l the place afforded ample scope for such move-
Bans. The a m ro un ding hills eerred as an amphi-
thatre, whe n ce the spectators could look, and hare
the eetire aeene under their eyes. The position
lot, in times of sudden danger, admitted of an easy
itiaa, as it was a hill itself, and the neighbour-
ing hills could be turned into bulwarks. To
iu Kher adTaotages we shook! add that of its
antral position tor the Hebrews on the west of
1st Jordan. An air of oppressive stillness hangs
sow orer oil the scene, and adds force to the re-
Section that truly the " oracles " so long consulted
there "are durnb;" they had fulfilled their pur-
pwt, and given place to "a more sure word of
pspheey." A risit to Shiloh requires a detour of
■roil miles from the ordinary track, and it baa
i*a leu frequently described than other more ac-
owUe plants, (The reader may consult Reland 's
talaaUna, 1016 ; Bachiene's Bachretinmg, ii.
\Hi; Ritumers Palaest. 201 ; Hitter's Erdk. zv.
631 ■).; Robinson's Bib. Res. ii. 269-276 ; Wilson's
Lmatoftiie Bible, ii. 284 ; Stanley, Sin. and Pal.
►.231-3; Porter's Bamlb. of Syria, ii. 328; and
lienors Rcat-Sncyk. xir. 369.) [H. B. H.]
8HTL0TJI (»&S*n, i. e. •' the Sliilonite :" too
asAnW : Sikmites). This word occurs in the A. V.
adj in Ken. xi. 5, where it should be rendered — as
it is u other cases—" the Shilonite," that is, the
inceodut of Shelah the youngest son of Judah.
IV passage is giving an account (like 1 Chr. ix.
**j of the families of Judah who lived in Jeru-
"•*• at the date to which it refers, and (like that)
•t <uYklas them into the great houses of Pharez and
SWah.
Tie change of Shelanl to Shiloni is the same
•vch srftos to have occurred in the name of
>iaar- .-helech in Nehemiah, and Shiloach in
laah. [G.]
SHIXOHITE, THE ('.Wil : In Chron.,
ikvn and 'JuWll : i JijAjsWtui ; Alex. 2n-
tsvrrnt: SUmiUe) ; that is, the native or resident
of aUeh :— a title ascribed only to Ahijah, the pro-
ps* whs foretold to Jeroboam the disruption of
«* swthem and southern kingdoms (1 K. xi. 29,
A 15, iv. 29; 2 Chr. ix. 29, x. 15). Its con-
■xsa with Shiloh is fixed by 1 K. xir. 2, 4, which
■••> that that sacred spot was still the residence
•f the prophet The word is therefore entirely
taiect from thai examined in the following article
ad under SuiLOBI. [G.]
8HIXOKITES, THE ('iV_»n : w Jw-
*••»( : SHrni) are mentioned among the descendants
«f Judah dwelling is Jerusalem at a date difficult
Ou.lChr.ix.5). They are doubtless the mem-
Ua of the house of Shelah, who in the Penta-
*««Asre more accurately designated Shelamtes.
^ « supported by the reading of the Targum
wph oa the passage — " the tribe of Shelah," and
» Aiwed by Gesenius The word occurs' again in
*■• u., a document w.«.ch eziilbits a cerL'.;.-i cor-
SHDC^lA(tt^r^:lasuu{:5Jmiwia^ 1. Son
of David by Bathsheha (I Chr. ill. 5). Called also
SUAMMLA. and SlIAMMUAH.
a. (Alec Xtuid.) A Hararite Levite (1 Chr. vi.
30 [15]).
3. (Samoa.) A Gershonite Levite, ancestor of
Asaph the minstrel (I Chr. vi. 39 [24]).
4. (Alex. ■Xanais.) The brother of David ( I
Chr. xx. 7), eUewhere called SifAJUIAH, Shim* a,
and SiiutEAH.
SrmTEAH {"VOff ; Keri,V$a0: 2<jwt,
Alex, Se/ieef : Samoa). 1. Brother of David, and
father of Jonathan and Jonadab (2 Sam. xii. 21):
called also SHAXMAII, Shimea. and Shimha. In
2 Sam. xiii. 3, 32, his name is wiitten ntfDP
(2cuuua ; Alex. Souut in ver. 32 : Sommu).
2. (DKQs7: Scuiod; Alex. Jcuua: Samoa).
A descendant of Jehiel the father or founder of
Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 32).
SHTM'EAH(Dt<Qs?: Zeutad; Alex. Xuid.
8anuum). A descendant of Jehiel, the fouuJer oi
prince of Gibeon (1 Chr. ix. 38). Called Siiimeah
in 1 Chr. viii. 32.
8HIM r EATH (njfOB': 'ItMoudS. 2o*uui*)
Alex. lapiS in Chr. : Smooth, Semmnath). An
Ammonitess, mother of Juxachar, or Zabad, one of
the murderers of King Joaiih (2 K. xii. 21 [22] ;
2 Chr. xxiv. 26).
SHIM'EI ('ynB> : Xtiut: Sonet). 1. Son of
Gershom the son of Levi (Num. iii. 18; 1 Chr.
vi. 17, 29, xziii. 7, 9, 10; Zcch. xii. 13); called
Shimi in Ex. vi. 17. In 1 Chr. vi. 2), according
to the present text, he is called the son of Likui, and
both are reckoned as sons of Meraii, but there is
reason to suppose that there is something omitted in
this verse. [See LlHM 2 : Mahli l.J [W. A. W.1
2. (Alex. Xfintl.) Snimei the s» of Gem, a
Beujamite of the house of Saul, who lived at
Bahurim. His residenoe there agiees with the
other notices of the place, as if a marked spot OB
the way to and from the Jordan Valley to Jeru-
salem, and Just within the border of Benjamin
[Bahurim.] He may hare received the unfortu-
nate Phaltiel after his separation from Michel
(2 Sam. iii. 16).
When David and his suite wen seen descending
the long defile, on his Bight from Absalom (2 Sam.
xvi. 5-13), the whole feeling of the clan of Benjamin
burst forth without restraint in the person of shimei.
His house apparently was separated from the road
by a deep valley, yet not so far as that anything
that be did or said could not be distinctly heard. He
ran along the ridge, cursing, throwing stones at the
King and his companions, and when he came to t
patch of dust on the dry hill-side, taking it up, and
throwing it over them. AbUhai w.ts so irritated,
that, but for David's remonstrance, he would have
darted across the ravine (2 Sam. xvi. 9) and torn
or cut off bis head. The whoV ccnteisaticn ii
remarkable, » showing what may almost oe '-ailed
1280
BHnOD
lbs alang terms of abuse prevalent in the two rival
wort*. The cant name for Dark! in Shimei's mouth
• "the man of blood," twice emphatically repeated :
" Come out, come out, thou man of blood ■ — "A man
of blood art thou" (2 Sam. xvi. 7, 8). It Menu to
nave been derived from the alanghter of the ions of
Saul (2 Sum. xxi.), or generally perhapa from Da-
vid's predatory, warlike lift (comp. 1 Chr. xxtl. 8).
The cant name for a Benjamite in Abishai's mouth
waa " a dead dog "(2 Sam. ivi. 9; compare Aimer's
expression, '* Am I a dog'a head," 2 Sam. iii. 8).
" Man of Belial " also appears to have been a fa-
vourite term on both sides (2 Sam. xvi. 7, «. 1).
The royal party passed on ; Shimei following them
with his stones and cartes as long as they were in
sight.
The next meeting was very different. The king
waa now returning from hi* successful campaign.
Just as be waa crossing the Jordan, in the ferry-
boat or on the bridge (2 Sam. xix. 18 ; LXX. Sia-
daiyarrox; Jos. Ant. vii. 2, §4, M rhr •ytQiiptai),
the first person to welcome him on the western,
or perhaps even on the eastern side, was Shimei,
who may hare seen him approaching from the
heights above. He threw himself at David's feet in
abject penitence. " He was the first," he said, " of
all the house otJoteph," thus indicating the close
political alliance between Benjamin and Ephraim.
Another altercation ensued between David and
Abtshai, which ended in David's guaranteeing
Shimei's lift with an oath (3 Sam. xix. 18-23), in
consideration uf the general jubilee and amnesty
of the return.
But the king's suspicions were not set to rest by
this submission ; and on his deathbed he recalls the
whole some to the recollection of his son Solomon.
Shimei's head was now white with age (1 K. ii. 9),
and he was living in the favour of the court at
Jerusalem (ib. 8). Solomon gave him notice
that from henceforth he must consider himself con-
fined to the walls of Jerusalem on pain of death.
The Kidron, which divided him from the road to
his old residence at Bahurim, was not to be crossed.
He was to build a house in Jerusalem (1 K. ii. 36, 37).
Kor three years the enga g eme n t waa kept. At the
end of that time, for the purpose of capturing two
slaves who had escaped to Gath, he went out on his
ass, and made his journey successfully (ib. u. 40).
On hi* retain, the king took him at his word, and
he was slain by Benaiah (ib. ii. 41-46). In the
acred historian, and anil more in Jowpbus (AnL
vrii. 1, §5), great stress is laid on Shimei's having
broken his oath to remain at home ; so that his death
a regarded aa a judgment, not only for bis previous
treason, bat for his recent sacrilege. [A. P. S.]
3. One of the adherent* of Solomon at the time
of Adonijah's usurpation (1 K. i. 8). Unless he is
the same aa Shimei the son of Elan (1 K. iv. 18V
Solomon's commissariat officer, or with Shimeah,
ar Shammah, David's brother, as Ewald (Oach.
iii. 266) «aggests, it is impossible to identity him.
From the mention which is made of " the mighty
men " in the same verse, one might be tempted to
conclude that Shimei ia the same with Shammah
the Hararite (2 Sam. xxiii. 11); for the difference
.u the Hebrew names of Shimei and Shammah is
aot greater than that between those of Shimeah and
Shammah, which are both applied to David's brother
4. Solomon's commissariat officer in Benjamin
(I K.iv. 18); son of Elan.
6. Son of Pedaiah, and brother of Zrruubabel
(1 Chr. iii. 19V
SHDfRATH
6. A Simeonite, son of Zanchur v i Chr. iv. 36
27). lie hid sixteen sons and six daughters. IV*
haps the same aa Shemaiah 3.
7. (Alex. Jepeir.) Son of Jog, a ReubeniU I
Chr. r. 4). Perhapa the same as Srema 1.
8. A Gershonite Levite, son of Jahath (1 Chr.
Ti.42).
9. (Scpeta; Alex. Septf: Semeias.) Son of Je-
duthun, and chief of the tenth division of the
singers (1 Chr. xxv. 1 7). Hia name is omitted from
the list of the son* of Jeduthun in ver. 3, bat is
evidently wanted there.
10. (Seauf : Stmrita.j The Ramathite who wat
over David's vineyards (1 Chr. xxvii. 27). In the
Vat MS. of the LXX. he ia described as i it "Pa**.
11. (Alex. Soyufcu: Sem*.) A Invite of the
sons of Heman, who took part in the purification
of the Temple under Hetekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 14).
12. The brother of Cononiah the Levite in the
reign of Hezekiah, who had charge of the offerings,
the tithes, and the dedicated things (2 Chr. xxzi.
12, 13V Perhaps the «ame as the preceding.
13.'(Ja/M*; FA. Saaott.) A Levite in the
time of Ezra who had married a foreign wife (Bar.
x. 23). Called also Semis.
14. (Seatef ; FA. SeiusL) One of the family of
Hashum, who pat away hia foreign wife at Ezra's
command (Ear. x. 33).' Called SezTEI in 1 Btdr.
ix. 33.
15. A son of Bani, who had also married a
foreign wife and pat her away (Ear. x. 38). Callea
Sahib in I Etdr. ix. 34.
16. (Xtfulas; Alex. *ap**Uu.) Son of Kislt
a Benjamite, and ancestor of Mordeori (Bath.
ii. 5). rw- A. W.]
8HIM , E0N(|iP0e>: 3e/u*?>-: Simem). A
layman of Israel, of the family of Harim, who had
married a foreign wife and divorced her in the time
of Ezra (Ear. x. 31). The name ia the same aa
SlatEOn.
SHIM'HI (Toe?: Sopott; Alex. Impat-
iSrmrf). A Benjamite, apparently the same aa
Shema the ton of Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 21). The
name is the tame at Shimei.
8HOTI {yt&: 1*iirt: 8tm* = Shimei 1,
Ex. vi. 17V ' '
BHIMTTE8, THE C)»Vn: o Setwt: 8-
mrttica, sc. famSia). The descendants of Shimei
the son of Gerebom (Num. iii. 21). They are again
mentioned in Zech. xh. 13, where the LXX. have
Sv/teeV.
BHIM*KA. (Kftpe': Xapei; Alex, lapmla
Sbnmaa). The third son of Jesse, and brother of
David (1 Chr. ii. 13). He ia called also Sham-
mah, Shimea, and Suimeah. Joseph™ calls him
XifuAot (Ant. vt 8, §1), and Sauti (Ant. vii.
12, §2\
8HTMON (jto^ : Setufr; Alex. aeawieV:
Simon). The four sons of Shimon are enumerated
in an obscure genealogy of the tribe of Jadah (1
Chr. iv. 20). There ia no trace of the name else*
where in the Hebrew, but in the Alex. MS. of the
LXX. there is mention made of "Someioo tht
father of Joman " in 1 Chr. iv. 19, which waa pos-
sibly the same aa Shimon.
8HIM'BATH(n-ipc/: Xmufto: &mant\)
A Beojamite, tf be tons'of Shimhi (1 Chr. rtu. 'ill
8H1MK1
8HHTBI (nOP: 2«W<: Alex. Sottas :
Sonri). 1. A Simeonite, son of Shemaiah (1 Cbr.
tv. 37*.
2. (Soyiepf ; Alex. Softool: Samri.) The father
•f Jediael, on* of David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 45).
3. (Zap£p{;Alei. lafiPpl.) A Kohathite Levite
in the rejgn of Hexekiah, of the tons of Elixaphan
(2 Chr. xxix. 13). He assisted in the purification
•f the Temple.
8HIMT1ITH (nnDe>: 2aiiapl>e: Alex. 2a>
liaplt: Semarith). A Moabitess, mother of Je-
noxabad, one of the assassins of King Joash (2 Chr.
xxiv. 26). In 2 K. xii. 21, the is called Shomeju
Tlie Peshito-Syriac giro A'eturuth, which appear*
to be a kind of attempt to translate the name.
SHISrEOM (tf "IDP : 1*\i.tpA» ; Alex, ia^pdfi ••
Santron). Shimron' the son of Issachar (1 Chr.
rii. 1). The name is correctly given "Shimron*
in the A. V. of 1611.
SHIM'BON Oiioe' : Xviu&v, Alex. lo/itpar,
Stppmr : Semeron, &mron). A city of Zebulnn
(Joan. xix. 15). It is previonsly named in the list
of the places whose kings were called by Jabin, king
of Haxor, to his as sist ance against Joshua (xi. 1).
Its fall appellation was perhaps ShimiiON-mebon.
Schwars (172) proposes to identify it with the
Simonies of Josephus ( Vita, §24), now Simuntyeh,
• village a few miles W. of Nazareth, which is
mentioned in the well known list of the Talmud
(Jerrn. MegUlah. cap. 1) as the ancient Shimron.
Thin has in its favour its proximity to Bethlehem
(eomp. xix. 15). The Vat. LXX., like the Talmud,
omita the r in the name. [6.]
SHIM'BON <pDC>: in Gen. Zatfpin; in
Nam. asyuycV ; Alex. Kfk&par : Simron, Semrm).
The fourth son of Issachar according to the lists of
Genesis (xlvi. 13) and Numbers (xxvi. 24), and the
bead of the family of the Shimrokitks. In the
catalogues of Chronicles his name is given ns
Shimtom. [G.]
BHIM'BONITBS, THE ('JIDB'n : i 2auo-
partl ; Alex, o A/t/fyxuu: Semronitae). The family
of Shimron, eon of Issachar (Num. xxvi. 24).
BHDTBOIT-MB'KON (pNTO JViet/; the
Keri omita the K: Su/uoW . . . Mappe>S ; Alex.
iaftpwr . . *4Wjw . . Ma/mr: Simeron Moron).
The king of Shimron-meron is mentioned as one of
the thirty-one kings vanquished by Joshua (Josh,
rii. 20). It is probably (though not certainly) the
complete name of the place elsewhere called Shim-
bow. Both are mentioned in proximity to Achshaph
(xL 1, xii. 20). It will be observed that the LXX.
treat the two words as belonging to two distinct
places, and it is certainly worth notice that Madon
— in Hebrew so easily substituted for Meron, and
in fact so read by the LXX., Pesbito, and Arabic —
occurs next to Shimron in Josh. xi. 1.
There are two claimants to identity with Shim-
rtnMnsron. The old Jewish traveller hap-Parchi
fixe* it at two hour* east of Engannim (Jemtn),
south of the mountains of Gilboa, at a village called
in hi* day Oar Meron (Asher's Benjamin, ii. 434).
No modern traveller appear* to have explored that
district, and it is consequently a blank on the maps.
Taw other 1* the village of Simuntyeh, west of Nnxa-
• TU* aoaitlon, especially In the Alex. MS.-Bra*lly
so dcee to the Hebrew— Is remarkable. Ttere I* notling
to fee ortdrU taxi to sagamt iL
VOL III
SH1NAB
1281
reth, which the Talmud assert* to be tie same will
Shimron. [G. 1 ]
BHLMSH Al (TO : ZapiM ; Alex, 2<uW :
Samsat). The scribe or secretary of Rehum, who
wu a kind of satrap of the conquered province of
Judea, and of the colony at Sarmria, supported by
the Persian court (Exr. iv. 8, 9, 17, 23). He was
apparently an Aramean, for the letter which he
wrote to Artaxerxes wu in Syriac (Ext. iv. 7), and
the form of his name is in favour of this supposition.
In 1 Eadr. ii. he is called SjHELUrjs, and by Jose-
phus 2*fit\iot (Ant. xi. 2, §1). The Samaritans
were jealous of the return of the Jews, and for a
long time plotted against them without effect. They
appear ultimately, however, to have prejudiced the
royal officers, and to have prevailed upon them to
address to the king a letter which set forth the
turbulent character of the Jews and the dangerous
character of their undertaking, the effect of which
was that the rebuilding of the Temple ceased for
a time.
SHIN'AB(3sOB>: terraip: Sennaab). The
king of Admah in the time of Abraham : one of the
five kings attacked by the invading army of Che-
dorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2). Josephus (Ant. i. 9) call*
him itvafidpnt.
8HTNAB py?B> : Itvaif, Imaif : Sennaar)
seems to have been the ancient name of the great
alluvial tract through which the Tigris and Eu-
phrates pass before reaching the sea — the tract
known in later times as Chaldaea or Babylonia. It
was a plain country, where brick had to be used for
stone, and slime (mud?) for mortar (Gen. xi. 3).
Among its cities were Babel (Babylon), Erech or
Orech (OrchoS), Calneh or Calno (probably Niffer),
and Accad, the site of which is unknown. These
notices are quite enough to fix the situation. It
may, however, be remarked further, that the LXX.
render the word by " Babylonia" (Ba/SvAarfa) in
one place (Is. xi. 11), and by "the land of Babylon"
(•yfj hafSvKuvoi) in another (Zech. v. 11).
The native inscriptions contain no trace of the
term, which seems to be purely Jewish, and un-
known to any other people. At least it is extremely
doubtful whether there is really any connexion be-
tween Shinar and Singara or Sinjar. Singara was
the name of a town in Central Mesopotamia, well
known to the Romans (Dion Cass, lxviii. 22 : Amm.
Marc, xviii. 5, &sc.), and still existing (Layard,
Nin. and Bab. p. 249). It is from this place that
the mountains which run across Mesopotamia from
Mosul to Kakkeh receive their title of " the Sinjar
range" CZiyyipat Spot, Ptol. v. 18). As this nam*
first appears in central Mesopotamia, to which tho
term Shinar is never applied, about the time of the
Antoninei, it is very unlikely that it can represent
the old Shinar, which ceased practically to be a
geographic title soon after the time of Mo*a>
It may be suspected that Shinar was the name
by which the Hebrews originally knew the Iowa
Mesopotamian country, where they so long dwelt,
and which Abraham brought with him from " Ur at
the Chsldees " (Mugheir). Possibly it means " thsj
country of the Two Rivera," being derived from
*}$, " two " and 'or, which was used in Baby-
lonia, as well as nahr or n&har (TTIJ), for " a river."
t In Isaiah and Zechariah, Shinar, mot nstd by i
writer. Is an araaoim.
«x
1282
SHIP
(Comparethe "Ar-malchar" of Pliny, B. If. r\. M.
led " Ar-macales" of Abydenus, Fr. 9, with the
Naar-malcha of Ammianas, xxiv. 6, called N«o-
*i%a by Indole, p. 5, which is translated as " til*
Royal River;" ana compare again the " Narragam"
of Pliny, B. N. Ti. SO, with the " Aracnnus" of
Abydenus, {. ,. c .) [G. R.]
8±tl±*. No one writer in the whole range of
Greek and Roman literature has supplied us (it may
be doubted whether all put together hare supplied
us) with so much information concerning the mer-
chant-ships of the ancients as St. Luke in the nar-
rative of St. Paul's voyage to Rome (Acts xxvii.
xxviii.). la illustrating the Biblical side of this
question, it will be best to arrange in order the
various particulars which we learn from this nar-
rative, and to use them as a basis for elucidating
whatever else occurs, in reference to the subject, in
the Gospels and other parte of the N. T., in the
0. T. and tbe Apocrypha. As regards the earlier
Scriptures, the Septuagintal thread will be fol-
lowed. This will be the easiest way to secure tbe
mutual illustration of the Old and New Testaments
in regard to this subject. The merchant-ships of
various dates in the Levant did not differ in any
fssmtial principle; and the Greek of Alexandria
mn tains the nautical phraseology which supplies
our bast linguistic information. Twe preliminary
remarks may be made at the outset.
As regards St. Paul's voyage, it is important to
remember that he accomplished it in three ships :
first the Adramyttian vessel [Adramttttuji]
which took him from Caesaxea to Myra, and
which was probably a roasting vessel of no great
size (xxvii. 1-6); secondly, the large Alexandrian
eorn-ebip, in which he was wrecked on the coast of
Malta (xxvii. 6-xxviii. 1) [Meltta]; and thirdly,
another large Alexandrian corn-ship, in which he
sailed from Malta by Syracuse and Rbeoicm to
Potbou (xxviii. 11-13).
Again, the word employed by St. Luke, of each
sf these ships, is, with one single exception, when
no uses poSt (xxvii. 41), the generic term w\oun>
(xxvii. 2, 6, 10, 15, 22, 30, 37, 38, 39, 44, xxviii.
11). The same general usage prevails throughout.
Elsewhere in the Acts (xx. 13, 38, xxi. 2, 3, 6) we
, bare w\otor. So in St. James (iii. 4) and in the
Revelations (viii. 9, xviii. 17, 19). In the Gospels
we have xAoior {pastim) or a-Attdpior (Mark iv.
36 ; John xxi. 8). In the LXX. we find v\o7or
used twenty-eight times, and rsvi nine times. Both
words generally correspond to the Hebrew 'JK or
>"Wt(. In Jon. i. 5, wAator is used to represent
the Heb. ."WOD sJpAtvSA, which, from its etymo-
ksry, appears to mean a vessel covered with a
deck or with hatches, in opposition to an open
boat. The senses in which o-«ts>o> (2 Msec. iii.
3, 6) and amis}* (Acts xxvii. 16, 32) are employed
we shall notice as we proceed. The use of rpi^pnt
is limited to a single passage in the Apocrypha
(2 Mace iv. 20).
(1.) Size of Ancient Shift.— The narrative
which we take as our chief guide affords a good
standard for estimating this. The ship in which
St. Paul was wrecked had 276 persons on boari (Acts
xxvii. 37), besides a cargo (jiaprlov) of wheat (ib.
10, 38; ; and all these passengers seem to have been
* Dr. W o r dswort h gives a re-v OtmsUng Qbutrsuan
from Hlppotrtns, bl«bop or Parrot fd> AtUieXr. •), where.
In * ddUUef allrrortail rampsiit-n sf ibe (lurch to a
SHU*
taken on to Pnteoli in another ship (liviii. H)
which had its own crew and Ha own cargo : not
•a there a trace of any difficulty in the matter,
though the emergency waa unexpected. Now
in English transport-ships, prepared for carrying
troops, it is a common estimate to allow a ton ana
a half per man : thus we see that it would be a
mistake to suppose that these Alexandrian corn-ships
were very much smaller than modern trading vessels.
What is here stated is quite in harmony with other
instances. The ship in which Josephus was wracked
( Vtt. c. 3), tt the same part of the Levant, had
600 souls on board. The Alexandrian corn-ship
described by Ludan (Navig. i. rota) as driven
into the Piraeus by stre s s of weather, and aa ex-
citing general attention from its great size, would
appear (from a consideration of the measurements,
which are explicitly given) to have measured 1 100
or 1200 tons. As to the ship of Ptolemy Phila-
delphus, described by Athenaeus (v. 204), this must
have been much larger ; but it would be no mora
fair to take that as a standard than to take the
" Great Eastern " as a type of a modem steamer.
On the whole, if we say that an ancient merchant-
ship might range from 500 to 1000 tons, we are
clearly within the mark.
(2.) Steering Apparatus. — Some commentators
have fallen into strange perplexities from observing
that in Acts xxvii 40 (rat (tunrnplas rip wmta-
AWthe fastenings of the rudders") St Lake uses
vnaaAior in the plural. One even suggests that the
ship had one rudder fastened at the bow and another
fastened at the stern. We may say of him, aa a
modern writer says in reference to a similar comment
on a passage of Cicero, " It is hardly possible that
he can have seen a ship." The sacred writer's uaa
of s-nJdAio is just like Pliny's use of ow&trsxwMa
(X. H. xi. 37, 88), or Lucretius's of gubena (iv.
440). Ancient ships were in truth not steered at all
by rudders fastened or hinged to the stern, but by
means of two paddle-rudders, one on each quarter,
acting in a rowlock or through a port-hole, as the
vessel might be small or large.* This fact k made
familiar to as in classical works of art, as on coins, and
the sculptures of Trajan's Column. The same thing
is true, not only of the Mediterranean, but ef the
early ships of the Northmen, as may be seen in the
Bayeux tapestry. Traces of the " two rudders "
are found in the time of Louis IX. The hinged
rudder first appears on the coins of our King Ed-
ward III. There is nothing out of harmony with
this early system of steering in Jam. iii. 4, where
wir&dAioy occurs in the singular ; for " the go-
vernor" or steersman (i thQvrar) would only use
one paddle-rudder at a time. In a case like that
described in Acts xxvii. 40, where four anchors
were let go at the stern, it would of course be ne-
cessary to lash or trice up both paddles, lest they
should interfere with tbe ground tackle. When it
became necessary to steer the ship again, and the
anchor-ropes woie cut, the lashings of the paddles
would of course be unfastened.
(3.) Build and Ornament! ef the Butt.—W. is
probable, from what has been said about the mode
of steering (and indeed it is nearly evident from
ancient works of art), that there wss no very
marked difference between the bow (rosfoa, ** fore-
ship," ver. 30, " fore part," ver. 41; and the stern
ship, be sirs " her two rudders are the two Testaments,
by which she steers her course."
SHIP
(rpiurn, " hinder port," ver. 41 ; tee Hark It. 8ft).
The " bold " (mlXi), " the tides of the ship," Jonah
1. 5) would present no special peculiarities. One
riiaricteristk ornament (toe yrqrUnot, or aplvstre),
rising in a lolly curve at the stem or the bow, is
familiar to us in works of art, but no allusion to it
occurs in Scripture. Of two other customary orna-
ments, however, one is probably implied, and the
aroond is distinctly mentioned in the account of St.
Paul's voyage. That personification of ships, which
seems to be instinctive, led the ancients to paint an
eye on each side of the bow. Such is the custom
still in the Mediterranean, and indeed our own sailors
speak of " the eyes" of a ship. This gives vivid-
ness to the word inro^taXfitiy, which is used
(Acts nvii. 15) where it is said that the vessel
could not " bear up into" (literally " look at")
the wind. This was the vessel in which St. Paul
was wrecked. An ornament of that which took him
an from Malta to Pozzuoli is more explicitly re-
ferred to. The " sign " of that ship (-wapimtiuir.
Ads xzviii. 11) was Castor and Pollux; and
the symbols of these heroes (probably in the form
represented in the coin engraved under that article)
were doubtless painted or sculptured on each side of
the bow, as was the case with the goddess his on
Lucian's ship {v *pa>fw tV eWrv/tor rijt »«if
Mr Ixovaa rqr^Io'u' iKaripatty, Navy. c. 5).
(4.) Undergirders. — The imperfection of the
build, and still more (see below, 6} the peculiarity of
the rig, in ancient ships, resulted in a greater ten-
dency than in our times to the starting of the planks,
and consequently to leaking and foundering. We
see this taking place alike in the voyages of Jonah,
St. Paul, and Josephus ; and the loss of the fleet
of Aeneas in Virgil (" laxis laterum compagibus
omnes," Am. i. 122) may be adduced in illustra-
tion. Hence it was customary to take on board
peculiar contrivances, suitably called " helps "
{PonteUus, Acts xxvii. 17), as precautions against
such dangers. These were simply cables or chains,
which in case of necessity could be passed round
the frame of the ship, at right angles to its length,
and made tight. The process is in the English
navy called /rapping, and many instances could be
given where it has been found necessary in modern
experience. Ptolemy's great ship, inAthenaeus(/.c),
carried twelve of these undergirders (forofcSfurraj.
Various allusions to the practice are to be found in
the ordinary classical writers. See, for instance,
Thucyd. i. 29; 'Plat. Rtp. x. 3, 616; Hor. Od. i.
14, 6. But it is most to our purpose to refer to
the inscriptions, containing a complete inventory of
the Athenian navy, as published by Boeckh ( Vr-
hmdrn Sber das Seewesm da Attuchm Staates,
Berl. 1940). The editor, however, is quite mis-
taken in supposing (pp. 133-138) that these under-
girders were passed round the body of the ship from
atom to stem.
(5.) Anchors. — It is probable that the ground
tackle of Greek and Roman sailors was quite as
good as our own. (On the taking of soundings,
sea below, 12.) Ancient anchors were similar in
form (as may be seen on coins) to those which we
use now, except that they were without flukes
Two allusions to anchoring are found in the N. T.,
one in a very impressive metaphor concerning
Christian hope (Heb. vi. 19). A saying of
Socrates, quoted here by Kypke (ofrrs vavv «"{
trlt Aynftov oCre 0iof Ik /uas i\*l8ot tfitl-
rorfa), may serve to carry our thoughts to the
other passage, which is part of the literal narrative
BHTJ»
i28a
of St. Paul's voyage at its most critical point. The
ship in which he was sailing had four anchois on
board, and these were all employed in the night,
when the danger of falling on breakers was immi-
nent. The sailors on this occasion anchored bs
the stem (ex Tpiprnt ^tyturcr iyxipas rio-
oupas, Acta xxvii. 29). In this there is nothing
remarkable, if there has been time for due prepara-
tion. Our own ships of war anchored by the stem
at Copenhagen and Algiers. It is clear, too, that
this was the right course for the sailors with whom
St. Paul was concerned, for their plan was to run
the ship aground at daybreak. The only motives
for surprise are that they should have been able so
to anchor without preparation in a gale of wind,
and that the anchors should have held on such a
night. The answer to the first question thus sug-
gested is that ancient ships, like their modern suc-
cessors, the small craft among the Greek islands,
were in the habit of anchoring by the stern, and
therefore prepared for doing so. We have a proof
of this in one of the paintings of Herculaneum,
which illustrates another point already mentionc 1,
viz. the necessity of tricing np the moveable rud-
ders in case of anchoring by the stern (see ver. 40).
The other question, which we have supposed to
arise, relates rather to the holding-ground than
to the mode of anchoring; and it is very inte-
resting here to quote what an English sailing book
says of St. Paul's Bay in Malta:— "While tin
cables hold, there is no danger, as the anchors will
never start" (Purdy*s Sailing Direction; p. 180).
(6.) Martt, Sails, Ropes, and Tarda.— These wera
collectively called oKtin) at axrvt], or gear (ra t«
aipTayra <mtvi) KoAcrrcu, Jul. Poll.). We find
this word twice used for parts of the rigging in the
narrative of the Acts (xxvii. 17, 19). The rig of nn
ancient ship was more simple and clumsy than that
employed in modem times. Its great feature was
one large mast, with one large square sail fastened
to a yard of great length. Such was the rig also of
the ships of the Northmen at a later period. Hence
■ painting at Fompatt.
the strain upon the hull, and the danger of storting
the planks, were greater than under the present
system, which distributes the mechanical pressure
more evenly over the whole ship. Not that there
were never more masts than one, or more sails than
one on the same mast, in an ancient merchantman.
But these were repetitions, so to speak, of the same
general unit of rig. In the account of St. Paul's
shipwreck very explicit mention is made of the
aprtfidv (xxvii. 40), which is undoubtedly tot
" foresail " (not " mainsail," as in the A. V.). Such
a sail would be almost necessary in putting a larps.
4 n a
1284
SHIP
ship about. On that occasion it was mail In the
pi oo— of running the Tend agronnd. Nor n it
•at of place here to quote a Crimean letter in the
tona (Dec 5, 1855) :—" The 'Lord Raglan'
'merchant-ship) is on shore, but taken there in a
most sauorlike manner. Directly her captain found
"je could not tare her, be cut away his mainmast
and mizen, and setting a toptail on her foremast,
m her cohort stem on." Snch a mast may be
seen, raking over the bow, in representations of
ships in Roman coins. In the 0. T. the mast (larit)
is mentioned (Is. zxxiii. 23) ; and from another pro-
phet (Ex. xxvii. 5) we learn that cedar-wood from
Lebanon was sometimes used for this part of ships.
There is a third passage (Prov. xxiii. 34, VtfTl
?3H) where the top of a ship's mast is probably
intended, though there is some slight doubt on the
subject, and the LXX. take the phrase differently.
Koto ropes (o-xoiWa, Acts xxxvii. 32) and sails
Jfrrta) are mentioned in the shore-quoted passsge
of Isaiah; and from Ezekjel (zxrii. 7) we learn
that the latter ware often made of Egyptian linen (if
such is the meaning of orpm/urii). There the word
XaAeW (which we find also in Acts xxvii. 17, 30)
is used for lowering the sail from the yard. It is
interesting here to notice that the word eVoe-rtV
Aofuu, the technical term tor furling a sail, is twice
used by St. Paul, and that in an address delivered
Jn a seaport in the course of a royage (Acts xx. 20,
27). It is one of the toy few cases in which the
Apostle employs a nautical metaphor.
This seems the best place tor noticing two other
points of detail. Though we must not suppose that
merchant-ships were habitually propelled by rowing,
yet sweeps must sometimes have been employed. In
Ex. xxvii. 29, oars (B^tTO) are distinctly mentioned ;
and it seems that oak-wood from Bashan was used
in making them (in rqr Bao-oWrieot sWqo-ar
rat nrvax o-ov, ib. 6). Again, in Is. xxxui. 21,
D'l? 'H! UtenUr meun " b shhp of oar," i. e. an
oared vessel. Rowing, too, is probably implied in
Jon. 1. 13, where the LXX have simply Tapt&id-
(orro. The other feature of the ancient, as of the
modern ship, is the flag or o-nuewe at the top of
the mast (Is. 7. c, and xxx. 17). Here perhaps, ss
in some other respects, the early Egyptian paintings
supply our best illustration.
(7.) Bate of Sailing.— St. Paul's voyages furnish
excellent data for approximately estimating this ;
and they are quite in harmony with what we learn
from other sources. We must notice here, however
(what commentators sometimes curiously forget),
that winds are variable. Thus the voyage between
Troai and Philippi, accomplished on one occasion
(Acts xvi. 11, 12) in two days, occupied on another
occasion (Acts xx. 6) five days. Such a variation
might be illustrated by what took place almost any
week between Dublin and Holyhead before the
application of steam to seafaring. Willi a fair wind
an ancient ship would sail fully seven knots so hour.
Two very good instances are again supplied by
St. Paul's experience: in the voyages from Caeaarea
to Sidon (Acts xxvii. 2, 3), and from Rhegium to
Puteoli (Acta xxviii. 13). The result given by
compering in these cases the measurements of time
and distance corresponds with what we gather from
Gnak and Latin authors generally ; e. g., from
Pliny's story of the fresh fig produced by Gato in
Ike Roman senate before the third Punic war:
SHIP
" This fruit was gathered fresh at Carthage the*
days ago : that is the distance of the enemy from
your walls" (Plin. H. ST. xv. 20).
(8.) Sailing before the wind, and near the vaso*.
—The rig which has been described is, like the rig
of Chinese junks, peculiarly favourable to a quick
run before the wind. We have in the N. T. (Acts
xvi. 11, xxvii. 16) the technical term tUvSpouim
for voyages made under such advantageous condi-
tions.* It would, however, be a great mistake to
suppose that ancient ships could not work to wind-
ward. Pliny distinctly says : " Iisdem ventis in
contrarium navigator prolatia pedibus" (ff. if. ii.
48). The superior rig and build, however, of mo-
dern ships enable them to sail nearer to the wind
than was the case in classical times. At one very
critical point of St. Paul'a voyage to Rome (Acts
xxvii. 7) we are told that the ship could not hold
on her course (which was W. by S., from Cnidus
by the north side of Crete) against a violent wind
(m *peo*eetrre* liuas rov aWpov) blowing from
the N.W., and that consequently she ran down to
the east end of Crete [Saucoue], and worked
np under the shelter of the sooth side of the island
(vers. 7, 8). [Pars Havers.] Here the technical
terms of our sailors have been employed, whose
custom is to divide the whole cirde of the compass-
card into thirty-two equal parts, called points. A
modern ship, if the weather is not very boisterous,
will sail within six points of the wind. To aa
ancient vessel, of which the hull was more clumsy,
and the yards could not be braced so tight, it would
be safe to assign seven points as the limit. This
will enable us, so far as we know the direction of
the wind (and we can really ascertain it in each case
very exactly), to lay down the tacks of the ships
in which St. Paul sailed, besting against the wind,
on the voyages from Philippi to Tross (ignis i)/it-
pev wirrt. Acts xx. 6), from Sidon to Myra (tia
to voir AWpovi tlrm irtanUm, xxrii. 3-51, from
Myia to Cnidiis (eV (await iiiiipaa UpattrrXo-
ourrtt, xxvii. 6, 7), from Saimone to Fair Havens
(fti\it irapaXryiium, xxvii. 7, 8), and from
Syracuse to Rhegium (a-e«ieA0aWrr, xxviii. 12, 13).
(9.) Lying-to. — This topic arises naturally out
of what has preceded, and it is so important in
reference to the main questions connected with the
shipwreck at Malta, that it is here made the subject
of a separate section. A ship that could make pro-
gress on her proper course, in moderate weather,
when sailing within seven points of the wind, would
lie-to in a gale, with her length making about the
same angle with the direction of the wind. This
is done when the object is, not to make progress at
all hazards, but to ride out a gale in safety ; and
this is what was done in St. Paul's ship when she
was undergirded and the boat taken on board (Acta
xxvii. 14-17) under the lee of Clauda. It is here
that St. Luke uses the vivid term aWoaXaAjstj',
mentioned above. Had the gale been leas violent,
the ship could easily have bald on her course. To
anchor was out of the question ; and to have drifted
before the wind would have been to run into the
final Syrtis on the African coast. [Quicxbamds.]
Hence the vessel was laid-to (« close-hauled," aa the
sailors say) " on the starboard tack," i". «. with her
right side towards the storm. The wind was E.N.E.
[Eobooltdom], the ship's bow would point N. by
* With this compare re* iw nttUt Spin** hi an Inte-
resting psasasjw of PhHo concerning Ibc Alexandrian hi ipi
(<a Mac p. M8 ed. Prankf. 1MI).
SHIP
VT, the direction of drift (six points bring added
fcr « lee-way '*) would be W. by N., and the rate
of drift about a mile and a half an hour. It is
from these materials that we easily come to the
conclusion that the shipwreck must have taken place
on the coast of Malts. [Adbia.1
(10.) Ship'e Boat.— This is perhaps the best place
fcr noticing separately the mityn, which appears
prominently in the narrative of the voyage (Acts
xxvii. 16, 33). Every large merchant-ship most
bare had one or more boats. It is evident that the
Alexandrian corn-ship in which St. Paul was sailing
from Fair Havens, and in which the sailors, appre-
hending no danger, hoped to reach Phenice, had
her boat towing behind. When the gale came, one
of their first desires most have been to take the
boat on board, and this was done under the lee of
Claude, when the ship was undergirded, and brought
round to the wind for the purpose of lying-to ; bat
it was done with difficulty, and it would seem that
the pssseng eri gave assistance in the task (fii\u
irxiomfur wtputpartit ytrMcu T?r o-«(<pni,
Acta xxvii. 16). The sea by this time must have
been furiously rough, and the boat must have been
filled with water. It is with this very boat that
one of the most lively passages of the whole narra-
tive) is connected. When the ship was at anchor
in the night before she was run aground, the sailors
lowered the boat from the davits with the selfish
desire of escaping, on which St. Paul spoke to the
soldiers, and they cut the ropes (tA a-gois-us) and
the boat fell off (Acts xxvii. 30-32).
(11.) Offietrt and Crete.— In Acts xxvii. 11 we
hare both Kv/S«prftrn> and raixAripos. The latter
is the owner (in part or in whole) of the ship or the
cargo, receiving also (possibly) the fares of the pas-
sengers. The former has the charge of the steering.
The same word occurs also in Rev. xviii. 17;
Prov. xxiil. 34 ; Ex. xxvii. 8, and is equivalent to
wpmptit in Ex. xxvii. 29 ; Jon. i. 6. In James iii. 4
t tUintf, " the governor," is simply the steers-
man for the moment. The word for " shipmen "
(Acts xxvii. 27, 30) and " sailors" (Rev. xviii. 17)
is simply the usual term ravrtu. In the latter
passage ffuAot occurs for the crew, but the text is
doubtful. In Ex. xxvii. 8, 9, 26, 27, 29, 34, we
have acanraAoVm for " those who handle the oar,"
and in the same chapter (ver. 29) iwi$arat, which
may mean either passengers or mariners. The only
other passages which need be noticed here are 1 K.
ix. 27, and 2 Chr. viii. 18, in the account of Solo-
mon'a ships. The former has r&r raitmr ainov
trtpet ravrurol iXaivw tltirts diXaaaay ; the
latter, nuSft ctSoVet t&\aa<m.
(12.) Stormi and Shipwreck*. — The first cen-
tury of the Christian era was a time of immense
tramo in the Mediterranean ; and there must have
been many vessels lost there every year by ship-
wreck, and (perhaps) as many by foundering. This
last danger would be much increased by the form
of rig described above. Besides this, we must
remember that the ancients had no compass, and
very imperfect charts and instruments, if any at
all ; and though it would be a great mistake to
suppose that they never ventured out of sight of
land, yet, dependent as they were on the heavenly
bodies, the danger was much greater than now in
bad weather, when the sky was overcast, and
"neither son nor (tars io many days appeared"
(Acta xxvii. 20). Hence also the winter season
was considered dangerous, and, if possible, avoided
[Imti %tn twurfaAoit rov r\o6%, Sid to «ol
8HTP
1286
tV rnorttar IjSv waptAiiAvSipai, ib. 0). Certain
coasts too were much dreaded, especially the African
Syrtis (ib. 17). The danger indicated by breakers
(ib. 29), and the fear of falling on rocks (tobxsJs
ri*oi), are matters of course. St. Paul's expe-
rience seems to have been full of illustrations of all
these perils. We learn from 2 Coi n. 25 that,
before the voyage described in detail by St. Lake,
he had been " three times wrecked," and further
that he had onoe been "a night and a day in the
deep" probably floating on a spar, as was the esse
with Josephus. These circumitanaes give pecaliai
force to his using the metaphor of a shipwreck
(iraviynaxv, 1 Tim. i. 19) in speaking of those
who had apostatised from the faith. In connexion
with this general subject we may notice the caution
with which, on the voyage from Trosa to Patara
(Acta ix. 13-16, xxi. 1), the sailors anchored for
the night during the period of dark moon, in the
intricate passages between the islands and the main
[Mitylene ; Samos ; Tbogyllium], the evident
acquaintance which, on the voyage to Rome, the
sailors of the Adramyttian ship had with the cur-
rents on the coasts of Syria and Asia Minor (Act*
xxvii. 2-5) [Adbamtttium], and the provision
for taking soundings in case of danger, as clearly
indicated in the narrative of the shipwreck at
Malta, the measurements being apparently the same
as those which are customary with us ($o\laar-
Tft floor ipyviat sta-oar 0pax> M tuurrfirarrts,
xal iriMr fioXltramr, floor ioyviai StKawim,
Acts xxvii. 28).
(13.) Boat* m tie Sea of ffaKfe*.— There is a
melancholy interest in that passage of Dr. Robin-
son's Beeearohe* ( iii. 253), in which he says, that on
his approach to the Sea of Tiberias, he saw a single
white sail. This was the sail of the one rickety
boat which, as we learn from other travellers (see
especially Thomson, The Land and the Book, 401-
404), alone remains on a scene represented to us in
the Gospels and in Josephus as full of life from the
multitude of its fishing-boats. In the narratives of
the call of the disciples to be " fishers of men "
(Matt. iv. 18-22; Mark 1. 16-20; Luke v. 1-11),
there is no special information concerning the cha-
racteristics of these boats. In the account of the
storm and the miracle on the lake (Matt. viii. 23-27 ;
Mark ir. 35-41 ; Lake viii. 22-25), it is for every
reason instructive to compare the three narra-
tives ; and we should observe that Luke is more
technical in his language than Matthew, and Mark
than Luke. Thus, instead of o-iitrpbbt piyai iytvtra
«V vf faAdVaw (Matt. viii. 24), we have Karifin
XoiXaif- eW/uv fit tV Af/mp> (Luke viii. 23), and
again t«J icXitxvi rov ESaroi (ver. 24) ; and instead
of Sort TO rAoior KaAirrtoSai we have evrf-
vAnpoSrro. In Mark (iv. 37) we have to niiuert
iri&aWtv sir to itAotor, Sort aflro tJ8vj yt/ti-
fto-fai. This Evangelist also mentions the rpoaitt-
$AAaiov, or boatman's cushion," on which our Blessed
Saviour was sleeping b rS *pii&n< &ud he usee the
technical term in&natr for the lulling of the storm.
See more on this subject in Smith, Dinertatim on
the Gospel* (Lond. 1853). We may turn now to
St. John. In the account he give* of what fol-
lowed the miracle of walking on the tea (vi. 16-25),
rAoiov and rXoiipwr seem to be used indifferently,
and we have mention of other s-Xoidouu There
• The word In Pollux U vwnpiatw, tt*t
lives xpomctaXaior as the equivalent Bee Kuan's nata
on JuL Poll. One*, t p. H. (Ed. AmsteL lioa.)
1286
SHIP
would of course be boats of various steal on the lake.
The reading, however, is doubtful.' Finally, in the
eolemn scene after the resurrection (John xxi. 1-8),
we hare the terms ni-ytaXos and to o>{id ptpi) too
wkotov, which should be noticed as technical. Here
agiin wXoior and *\aidpuw appear to be synony-
mous. If we compare all these passages with Jose-
phus, we easily come to the conclusion that, with
the large population round the Lake of Tiberias,
there must have been a vast number both of fUhing-
boats and pleasure-boats, and that boat-building
must hare been an active bade on its shores (nee
Stanley, Sin. and Pal. p. 367). The term used by
Joaephue is sometimes arXoTov, sometimes niQot.
There are two passages in the Jewish historian to
which we should carefully refer, one in which he
describes his own taking of Tiberias by an expe-
dition of boats from Tarichaea {VU. 32, 33, B. J.
ii. 21, §§8-10). Here he says that he collected
all the boats on the lake, amounting to 230 in
number, with four men in each. He states also
incidentally that each boat had a " pilot " and an
"anchor." The other passage describes the opera-
tions of Vespasian at a later period in the same neigh-
bourhood (B. J. iii. 10, §§1, 5, S, 9). These opera-
tions amounted to a regular Roman sea-fight : and
large rafts (o*x«o7ai) are mentioned besides the
boats or <FKa%n.
(14.) Merchant-Ship* in the Old Testament.—
The earliest passages where seafaring is alluded to
in the 0. T. are the following in order. Gen. xlix.
13, in the prophecy of Jacob concerning Zebulun
(fcaroiK^o-ei rap' tppor rAslw) ; Num. xxiv. 24,
iu Balaam's prophecy (where, however, ships are not
mentioned in the LXX.«) ; Deut. xxviii. 68, in one
of the warnings of Moses (awoffrptyei «r« YL&piot
(ii Myvrrov tr l-Xoiou); Judg. v. 17, in Debo-
rah's Song (Adj> <!> rl vapoiKti tAo(oii ;). Next
after these it is natural to mention the illustrations
and descriptions connected with this subject in Job
(ix. 26, fl Kal eori ravalr Ix' ' ttoS) ; and in
the Psalms (xlvii. [xlviii.l 7, tr mipart $ial<?'
nrrpfyeis wXota ©ofwli, ciii. [civ.] 26, tut?
wAota oianropevorrat, cvi. 23, ol KaraBairorrts
sir diXatraay tr tXoIois). Prov. xxiii. 34 has
already been quoted. To this add xxx. 19 (rpt&ovi
rt)az TorroTopoinis), xxxi. 14 (rait (Vs-ope vouifxq
puutpiiiv). Solomon's own ships, which may have
suggested some of these illustrations (1 K. ix. 26 ;
2 Chr. viii. 18, ix. 21), have previously been msn-
tioned. We must notice the disastrous expedition
of Jehoshaphat's ships from the same port of Kzion-
geber (1 K. xxii. 48, 49 ; 2 Chr. xx. 36, 37). The
passages which remain are in the prophets. Some
have been abeady adduced from Isaiah and Exe-
kiel. In the former prophet the general term
" ships of Tarshish " is variously given in the
LXX, *Xoior faXdVirnt f (ii. 16), s-Xoid Kapxq-
Siros (xxiii. 1, 14), *-Xom Bapals (lx. 9). For
another allusion to seafaring see xliii. 14. The
celebrated 27th chapter of Exekiel ought to be care-
fully studied in all its detail ; and in Jonah i. 3-16,
the following technical phrases (besides what has
been already adduced) should be noticed: ravhor
[3), cwrpi/JiJMu (4), «*73oXV i-wo^aam-o rir
* So to Hark lv. 3*. - little ships." the true reading
ippesrs to be wKoU, not xAsispia.
• bo in Dan. xL 30, where the same phrase "ships of
Chi tUm * oocun, there Is no strktlj corresponding phrase
In the LXX. The Umnslalorr tppear to have read KV^I
8HTP
ewevstr, row Kot>o>.j0>ji>ai (5), mrdVti 4 Jikairea
(11, 12). In Dan. xi. 40 (e-vrax^"™ Boe-iA
tbt tov Bodpa In tpiuurt ml tr Irwtvn aal it
ravo-1 woXXair) we touch the sufject of ships of war.
(15.) Ships of Warm the Apocrypha.— Military
operations both by land and water (tr T§ to-
XaWn col M riji {iipSi, 1 Mace. viii. 23, 32)
are prominent subjects in the Books of Maccabees.
Thus in the contract between Judas Marcahatus
and the Romans it is agreed fib. 26, 28) that ns
supplies are to be afforded to the enemies of either,
whether e*rret , (rXa, apyiptow, or wXeSss. In s
lster passage 'xv. 3) we have more explicitly, it
the letter of King Antiochus, tXoIo vsXftuca (see
v. 14;, while in 2 Mace. iv. 20 (as observed above*
the word rpthpta, " galleys," occurs in the account
of the proceedings of the infamous Jason. Here we
must not forget the monument erected by Simon
Maccabaens on his father's grave, on which, with
other ornaments and military symbols, were wXow
txtytyXvufitm, th to fea>p<i<rtVu fari w*We»»
ritr whtirrmr tV MKurtrar (1 Mace. xiii. 29).
Finally must be mentioned the noyadc at Jnppa
when the resident Jews, with wives and children
200 in number, were induced to go into boats «d*
were drowned (2 Mace xii. 3, 4), with the venge-
ance taken by Judas (rer iter Xiucra rinrtrp M
wpna-c Kal to aitiipi) mrWf X«(«, ver. 6). It seems
sufficient simply to enumerate the other passages in
the Apocrypha where some allusion to sea-faring is
made. They are the following : Wiad. r. 10, xiv,
I ; Ecclus. xxxiii. 2, xliii. 24 ; 1 Esd. iv. 23.
(16.) Kavtiud Terms. — The great repertory ot
such terms, as used by those who spoke the Greek lan-
guage, is the Onomasticon of Julius Pollux ; sod it
may be useful to conclude this article by mention-
ing • raw out of many which are found there, and
also in the N. T. or LXX. First, to quote some which
have been mentioned above. We find the following
both in Pollux and the Scriptures : a%oirla, bk*v4\,
K\vt<&», gcuuiy, (piprtoy, iicfioKl), aiipris, ebttr
vTOffTc'XXcoifai, wk J)r rbr IjXior litir, fficiifnj,
OTceupor, ravXor, irvrrpi^vai, od>0aX/iof cVot.
Kal -roGvofjjx tr\t «&i IvrypAtyovoi (compared
with Acts xxrii. 15, xxviii. 11), Tpax*'* eJyieXol
(compared with Acta xxvii. 29, 40). The following
are some which have not been mentioned in this
article :— kyiytvOai and kot iyta9ai («. g. Acts
xxviii. 11, 12), aariZti (Ezek. xxvii. 5), Tporit
(Wisd. v. 10), ayafialn, (Jon. i. 3 ; MarkvL •>>).
yaMirn (Matt. viii. 26), afupfSAnorooi' (Matt. iv.
18, Mark i. 16), k*oQopr(oaa6tu (Acts xxi. 4),
Intawrim (xxvii. 13), TvetaSr (oVcfWf TvfVKw^i,
xxvii. 14), iyitipas Kararttmr {hyit&pas imt-
rur, ib. 30), i&purriii aVc/tox (Sfiptvt, 10, 8$pw,
21), tpoaoKiKKm {iroKiKXt, ib. 41), iroAvpdfr
(ib, 42), tioXvtfebrni rqr rttis (t) vpifwa IX&tTj,
ib. 41). This is an imperfect list of the whole
number ; but it may serve to show how rich the
N. T. and LXX. are in the nautical phraseology oi
the Greek Levant. To this must be added a notice
of the peculiar variety and accuracy of St. Luke's
ordinary phrases for sailing under different circum-
stances, Thiti, cWoirXs'sf, 0raeWXoV*», t.atXim,
ittkftt, KO.Ta-m\(m, intmhitt, wapaw\4», titu-
and 'HV* for O'W and D M V In these ,
Uvely."' "' '
' The LXX. hers rcad pOP-
Q , "lp> ktdlm. -east"
f This 1/ perhaps a tnisUke of the copyist, who tnuv
scribed from dilution, and mistook Gapvii lorQitimxt
■sosll," n»
8H1PH1
ttmutn. frrorptx», mpa\4yopeu, *)tpouai, oto-
+ift)*cu, tuartpam.
(17.) .AuMorirKS. — The preceding list of St.
Lake's nautical verba is from Mr. Smith's work
on the Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul (London,
1st ed. 1848, 2nd ed. 1856). No other book need
be mentioned here, since it has for some time been
recognised, both in England and on the Continent,
at the standard work on ancient ships, and it con-
tains a complete list of previous books on the
■abject. Reference, however, may be made to the
memoranda of Admiral Penrose, incorporated in the
notes to the 27th chap, of Conybeare and Howson's
Tht 14ft and Epistles of St. Paul (London, 2nd
ed. 1856). [J. S. H.].
SHTPH1 ('}««': So**; Alex. 3««Wr :
Sephef). A Simeonite, father of Ziza, a prince of
the .tribe in the time of Hezebah (1 Chr. iv. 37).
BHIPHIfTTE, THE CDB&* n : t rot 2<«W ;
Alex, i r. X«pri ; Saphonites). Probably, though
not certainly, the native of Shepham. Zabdi, the
officer in David's household who had charge of the
wine-making (1 Chr. xxvii. 27), is the only person
so distinguished. [G.]
SHIPHTtAH (!TTDB>: SeiraVtpa : Sephora,
Ex. i. 15). The name of one of the two midwives of
the Hebrews who disobeyed the command of Pharaoh,
the first oppressor, to kill the male children, and
were therefore blessed (vers. 15-21). It is not
certain that they were Hebrews : if they were, the
name Shiphrah would signify " brightness " or
" beauty." It has also an Egyptian sound, tho last
syllable resembling that of Potiphar, Poti-phra,
BHI8TTAK 1287
and Hophra, in all which we recognise the word
PH-RA, P-RA, " the sun," or " Pharaoh.' in com-
position, when alone written in Her-. flJnB : in these
esses, however, the J> is usual, as we should expect
Cm the Egyptian spelling. [Puah.] [R. S. P.]
SHIPHTAN (\0&?: SojSofroV: Sephthan).
Father of Kemuel, a prince of the tribe of Ephraim
(Num. xxriv. 24).
SHI'SHA(Ke^: 3i|/M; Alex. 3«ure?: Sua).
Father of Elihoreph and Ahiah, the royal secretaries
in the reign of Solomon (1 E. iv. 3). He is appar-
ently the same as Shavsha, who held the same
position under David.
SHTSHAK ((**(!>•: Sowrojcfc: Suae), king
of Egypt, the Sheshenk I. of the monuments, first
sovereign of the Bubsstite
xxiind dynasty. His name
is thus written in hiero-
glyphics.
Chronology. — The reign
of Shishak offers the first
determined synchronisms of
Egyptian and Hebrew his-
tory. Its chronology must
therefore be examined. We
first give a table with the
Egyptian and Hebrew data
for the chronology of the
dynasty, continued as far
as the time of Zerah, who was probably a successor
of Shishak, in order to avoid repetition in treating oi
the latter. [Zebah.]
TABLE OF FIBST 8IZ REIGNS OF DYNASTY ZXH.
EamiA* Data.
Data
Bugs,
I. SHSSHZNT. (i.)
a DBAUIK p.)
a TKKEBOT p.]
4. OBAWKNpi.)
01.]
«. TEIKRCTPI.]
XXI.
a ABHak
Tn.
.17
Respecting the Egyptian columns of this table,
ft is only necessary to observe that, as a date of the
23rd year of Usarken II. occurs on the monuments,
it is reasonable to suppose that the sum of the
third, fourth, and fifth reigns should be 29 years
mutead of 25, K« being easily changed to KC
(Lepshu, KSnigtbuch, p. 85). We follow Lepsius's
arrangement, our Tekerut I., for instance, being the
same as his.
The synchronism of Shishak and Solomon, and
that of Shishak and Rehoboam may be nearly fixed,
as shown in article Chbowolotv, where a slight
correction should be made in one of the data. We
there mentioned, on the authority of Champollion,
that an inscription bore the date of the 22nd year
of Shishak (L p. 327). Lepsius, however, states
that it is of the 21st year, correcting Champollion,
who had been followed by Bunsen and others
(xxii Atg. KBiugsdyn. p. 272 and note 1). It
must, therefore, be supposed, that the invasion of
Judah took place in the 20th, and not in the 21st
» The text h> 1 K. xtf. » has P&V0, bat the Jter"
proposes p6»B>.
1288
8HKIIAR
rear of Shishak. The tint year 01 Shishsk would
thus about correspond to the 26th of Solomon, and
the 20th to the 5th of Kehoboam.
The synchronism of Zerah and Asa is more diffi-
cult to detenr'ne. It seems, from the narrative in
Chronicles, that the battle between Asa and Zerah
took place early in the reign of the king of Judah.
It is mentioned before an event of the 15th year of
hu reign, and afterwards we read that " there was
so [more] war unto the five and thirtieth year of the
reigu of Asa " (2 Chr. xv. 1 9). This is immediately
followed by the account of Baasha's coming up against
Judah " in the six and thirtieth year of the reign of
Asa" (rvi. 1). The latter two dates may perhaps
be reckoned from the, division of the kingdom, unless
we can read the 15th and 16th, k for Baasha began
to reign in the 3rd year of Asa, and died, after a
reign of 24 years, and was succeeded by Elah, in
the 26th year of Asa. It seems, therefore, most
probable that the war with Zerah took place early
in Asa's reign, before his 15th year, and thus also
early in the reign of Usarken II. The probable
identification of Zerah is considered under that name
[Zerah.1
The chronological place of these synchronisms
may be calculated on the Egyptian as well as the
Biblical side. The Egyptian data enable us to cal-
culate the accession of Shishak approxunatively,
reckoning downwards from the xixth dynasty, and
upwards from the xxvith. The first 60 years of
the Sothic Cycle commencing B.C. 1322 e appear to
have extended from the latter part of the reign of
Kameses II. to a year after the 12th of Rameses III.
The intervening reigns are Men-ptah 19, Sethee
II. x, Seth-nekht x, which added to Kamesea II. x
and Rameses 111. 12, probably represent little 1
than 50 years. The second 60 years of the same
Cycle extended from the reign of one of the sons of
Kameses III., Rameses VI., separated from his
father by two reigns, certainly short, one of at least
5 years, to the reign of Rameses XI., the reigns in-
tervening between Kameses VI. and XI. giving two
dates, which make a sum of 18 years. We can
thus very nearly fix the accession of the xxth
dynasty. In the order of the kings we follow M. de
Rouge 1 (£tude, pp. 183, seqq.).
ate. % Rameses IL
3. Men-ptah
«. Sethee II. . .
6. Stih-nekht
sat L Rameses IIL .
1. Rameses IV. .
a. Rameses V.
4. Rameses VL. .
a. Rameses VII
a. Rameses Till.
7. Barneses IX .
a. KameeeaX. .
». Rameses XL .
13 <14)J
(»)
• 0«)|
1313
I
12M
12M
I
1303
The eommenoement of the xxth dynasty would,
on this evidence, fall abont B.o. 1280. The dura-
tion of the dynasty, according to Manetho, was 178
(Eus.) or 135 (Afr.) years. The highest dates
(bund give us a sum of 99 years, and the Sothic
data and the circumstance that there were five if
not six kings after Rameses XL, show that the
SHISHAK
'emrth cannot have been lets than 120 years. Stay
netho's numbers would bring as to B.C. 1103 oi
1 145, for the end of this dynasty. The monuments
do not throw any clear light upon the chronology
of the succeeding dynasty, the xxist : the only kiaX-
cations upon which we can found a conjecture art
those of Manetho 's lists, according to which it ruled
for 130 years. This number, supposing that the
dynasty overlapped neither the xxth nor the xiiind,
would bring the commencement of the xxiind and
accession of Shishak to B.C. 972 or 1015.
Reckoning upwards, the highest certain date is
that of the accession of Psammitichns I, B.O. 664.
He was preceded, probably with a abort interval, by
Tirhakah, whose accession was B.C. cxr. 695.* The
beginning of Tirhakah's dynasty, the xxvth, waa
probably 719. For the xxivth and xxhird dy-
nasties we have only the authority of Manetho'*
lifts, in which they are allowed a sum of 95 (Afr.
6+89) or 88 (Eus. 44+44) years. This carries
as up to B.C. 814 or 807, supposing that the dy-
nasties, as here stated, were whollv consecutive.
To the xxiind dynasty the lists allow" 120 (Afr.) or
49 (Ens.) years. The latter sum may be discarded
at once as merely that of the three reigns mentioned.
The monuments show that the former needs correc-
tion, for the highest dates of the individual kings
and the length of the reign of one of them, She-
shenk III., determined by the Apis tablets, oblige us
to raise its sum to at least 166 years. This may
be thus shown:— 1. Sesonchis 21. (1 Sheshenk I.
21). 2. Osorthfin 15. (2. Usarken I.) 3, 4, 5.
Three others, 25 (29?). (8. Tekerut I. 4. Usar-
ken II. 23. 5. Sheshenk II.) 6. Takelothis 13.
(6. Tekerut II. 14.) 7, 8, 9. Three others, 42.
(7. Sheshenk III. date 28 reign 51. 8. Peshee 3.
9. Sheshenk IT. 37). (21+15+29+13+51+
1+36 = 166.) It seems impossible to trace the
mistake that has occasioned the difference. Tin
most reasonable conjectures seem to be either that
the first letter of the sum of the reign of She-
shenk III. fall ont in some copy of Manetho, and
51 thus was changed to 1, or that this reign fell
out altogether, and that there was another king not
mentioned on the monuments. The sum would
thus be 166+x, or 169, which, added to our last
number, place the accession of Sheshenk I. B.O. 980
or 983, or else seven years later than each of these
dates.
The results thus obtained from approximative
data are sufficiently near the Biblical date to make
it certain that Sheshenk I. is the Shishak of Solo-
mon and Rebobonm, and to confirm the Bible chro-
nology.
The Biblical date of Sheahenk's conquest of Judah
has been computed in a previous article to be B.C.
cir. 969 [Chbonoloot, i. p. 327], and this having
taken place in his 20th year, his accession would
have been B.C. dr. 988. The progress of Assyrian
discovery has, however, induced some writers to
propose to shorten the chronology by taking 35
years a* the length of Manasseh's reign, in which
case all earlier dates would have to be lowered 20
years. It would be premature to express a positive
• Ths 36th and Stth are out of the question, unless
the or— lion of war referred to relate to thai with Zerah,
tor It Is said thst Ass and BaasbawarreU against each other
•all than- days" (1 K. xv. 16, 33).
• We prefer the date sx. 1333 to M. Blot's BX.dr. 1300,
lor reasons we cannot here explain.
• In a previous article (Ckboxoloot, I. Ms) we dated
the Best yrer of Tirhakah's retg-i over alcjrpt no. tsa.
This date la founded noon an Interpretation of an Apis-
tablet, which Is not certain. It concludes with the words
"done" or"mada In year 31?" which we formerly read,
as had been previously done, " completing 21 years,"
referring the number to the life of the boll, not to the vest
of the tdof In which the tablet wasuecnted oro
(See the text In Lepstus, Ktnigtbvck, p. •*.)
BHTSIIAK
•pijcm an this matter, but it must be remarked that,
save only the taking of Samaria by Sargon, although
this is a moat important exception, the Assyrian
chronology appears rather to favour the reduction,
and that the Egyptian chronology, as it is found,
does not seem readily reroncileable with the re-
wired dates, but to require some small reduction.
The pioposed reduction would place the accession of
Sheshenk 1. B.C. cir. 968, and this date is certainly
more in accordance with those derived from the
Egyptian data than the higher date, but these data
are too approximative for us to lay any stress upon
minute results from them. Dr. Hindu has drawn
attention to what appears to be the record, already
noticed by Brugsth, in an inscription of Lepsiturs
Tekerut II, of an eclipse of the moon on the 24th
Meson (4th Apr.) B.C. 945, in the 15th year of
iris father. The latter king must be Usarken I, if
these data be correct, and the date of Sheshenk I.'s
accession would be B.C. 980 or 981. Bat it does
not seem certain that the king of the record must
be Tekerut I. Nor, indeed, are we convinced that
the eclipse was lunar. (See Jown. Sac. Lit. Jan.
1863 ; Lepsius, DenhnUer, iii bl. 356, a).
flutary.—ln order to render the following obser-
vations clear, it will be necessary to say a few
words on the history of Egypt before the accession
of Sheshenk I. On the decline of the Theban line
or Barneses family (the xxth dynasty), two royal
houses appear to hare arisen. At Thebes, the
higb-priests of Amen, after a virtual usurpation, at
last took the regal title, and in Lower Egypt a
Tanite dynasty (Manetho's xxist) seems to have
gained royal power. But it is possible that there
wss but one line between the xxth and xxiind dy-
nasties, and that the high-print kings belonged to
the xxist. The origin of the royal line of which
Sheshenk I. was the head is extremely obscure.
Mr. Birch's discovery that several of the names of
the family are Sbemitic has led to the supposition
that it was of Assyrian or Babylonian origin. Shi-
shak, p(T&, may be compared with Sheshak,
sJW?, a name of Babylon (rashly thought to be for
Babel by Atbash), Usarken has been compared with
Sargon, and Tekerut. with Tiglnth in Tiglath-Pileser.
If there were any doubt as to these identifications,
some of which, as the second and third cited, are
certainly conjectural, the name Namuret, Nimrod,
which occurs as that of princes of this line, would
afford conclusive evidence, and it is needless here to
compare other names, though those occurring in the
genealogies of the dynasty, given by Lepsius, well
Bent the attention of Semitic students (xxii
Aeg. Kenigsdyn. and Ktnigtbuch). It is worthy
of notice that the name Nimrod, and the designa-
tion of Zerah (perhaps a king of this line, otherwise
a general in its service), as " the Cushite," seem to
indicate that the family sprang from a Cushite
origin. They may possibly have been connected
with the M ASHUWASHA, a Shemitic nation, appa-
rently of Libyans, for Tekerut II. as Prince is called
"great chief of the M ASHUWASHA," and also
"great chief of the MATU," or mercenaries; but
they can scarcely have been of this people. Whether
eastern or western Cushites, there does not seem to
be say evidence in favour of their having been Nigri-
tians, and as there is no trace of any connexion be-
tween them and the zxvth dynasty of Ethiopians,
they must rather be supposed to be of the eastern
tomeb. Their names, when not Egyptian, are trace-
able to Sbemitic roots, which is not the case, as far ss
6HI8HAK
128*
we know, with the ancient kings of Ethiopia, whose
civilization is the same as that of Egypt. We find
these foreign Shemitic names In the family of the
high-priest-king Her-har, three of whose sous ar»
called, respectively, MASAHARATA, MASAKA.
HABATA, and MATEN-NEB, although the names
of most of his other sons and those of his lint
appear to be Egyptian. This is not a parallel case
to the preponderance of Shemitic names in the line o>
the xxiind dynasty, but it warns ns against too
positive a conclusion. M. de Koagt, instead ot
seeing in those names of the xxiind dynasty a Shem-
itic or Asiatic origin, is disposed to trace the line
to that of the high-priest-kings. Manetho calls the
xxiind a dynasty of Bubastites, and an ancestor of the
priest-king dynasty bears the name Meres-bast, " be-
loved of Bubastis. Both lines used Shemitic names,
and both held the high-priesthood of Amen (comp.
tftude tur uni Stile JZgyptieme, pp. 203, 204).
This evidence does not seem to us conclusive, for
policy may have induced the line of the xxiind
dynasty to effect intermarriages with the family of
the priest-kings, and to assume their functions.
The occurrence of Shemitic names at an earlier time
may indicate nothing more than Shemitic alliances,
but those »Hi»n/-— might not improbably end in
usurpation. Lepsius gives a genealogy of Sheshenk I.
from the tablet of Har-p-een from the Serapeum,
which, if correct, decides the question (xxii KSnigt-
dyn. pp. 267-269). In this, Sheshenk I. is the
son of a chief Namuret, whose ancestors, excepting
his mother, who is called "royal mother," not as
Lepsius gives it, "royal daughter" (£ttti», he.,
p. 203, note 2), are all untitled persons, and, all
but the princess, bear foreign, apparently Shemitic
names. But, as M. de Rouge" observes, this gene-
alogy cannot be conclusively made out from the
tablet, though we think it more probable than ha
does (ttvde, p. 203, and note 2).
Sheshenk I, on his accession, must hare found
tile state weakened by internal strife snd deprived
of much of its foreign influence. In the time of the
later kings of the Rameses family, two, if not three,
sovereigns had a real or titular authority ; but
before the accession of Sheshenk it is probable that
their lines had been united: certainly towards the
close of the xxist dynssty a Pharaoh was powerful
enough to lead an expedition into Palestine and cap-
ture Gezer (1 K. ix. 16). Sheshenk took as the title
of his standard, " He who attains royalty by uniting
the two regions [of Egypt]." (De Rouge; £tade,
&c., p. 204 ; Lepsius, KBnigsbuch, iliv. 567 A a).
He himself probably married the heiress of tne Ra-
meses family, while his son and successor Usarken
appears to nave taken to wife the daughter, and
perhaps heiress, of the Tanite xxist dynasty. Pro-
bably it was not until late in his reign that he was
able to carry on the foreign wars of the earlier king
who captured Gezer. It is observable that we
trace a change of dynasty in the policy that induced
Sheshenk at the beginning of his reign to receive
the fugitive Jeroboam (1 K. xi. 40). Although it
was probably a constant practice for the kings of
Egypt to show hospitality to fugitives of import-
ance, Jeroboam would scarcely hare been included
in their class. Probably, it is expressly relsted
that he fled to Shishak because be wss well received
as an enemy of Solomon.
We do not venture to lay any stress upon the
LXX. additional portion of 1 K. xii., as the narra-
tire there green seems irreconcileable with that of the
1290
8HIBHAK
previous chapter, which agrees with the Has. text.
In the latter chapter Hadad (LXX. Ader) the
Edomite flees from the daughter of hie people by
Joab and David to Egypt, and marriea the elder
aister of Tahpencs (LXX. TUekemina), Pharaoh's
queen, returning to Idumaea after the death of
David and Joab. In the additional portion of the
former chapter, Jeroboam — already said to hare
fled to Shishak (LXX. Soeadmj — it married after
Solomon's death to Anft, elder sister of Thakemina
the queen. Between Hadad's return and Solomon's
death, probably more than thirty years elapsed, cer-
tainly twenty. Besides, how are we to account for
the two elder sisters? Moreover, Shishak"! queen,
his only or principal wife, is called KARAAMA,
which is remote from Tahpenes or Thekemina.
[Taiipknes.]
The king of Egypt does not seem to have com-
menced hostilities during the powerful reign of So-
lomon. It was not until the division of the tribes,
that, probably at the instigation of Jeroboam, ha
attacked Rehoboam. The following particulars of
Vhis war are related in the Bible: "In the fifth
year of king Rehoboam, Shishak king of Egypt
came np against Jerusalem, because they had trans-
gressed against the Lord, with twelve hundred
chariots, and threescore thousand horsemen: and
the people [were] without number that came with
him out of Egypt; the Lubim, the Snkkiim, and
the Cushim. And he took the fenced cities which
f pertained] to Judah, and came to Jerusalem"
2 Chr. lii. 3-4). Shishak di1 not pillage Jeru-
salem, but exacted all the treasures of his city from
Rehoboam, and apparently made him tributary
(5, 9-12, esp. 8). The narrative in Kings men-
tions only the invasion and the exaction (1 K. xiv.
85, 26). The strong cities of Rehoboam are thus
enumerated in an earlier passage : " And Rehoboam
dwelt in Jerusalem, and built cities for defence in
SHISHAK
Judah. He built even Beth-Iehom, and Etna,
and Tekoa, and Beth-cur, and Sboco, and Aaullam,
and Gath, and Mareahah, and Ziph, and Adoraim,
and Lachish, and Axekah, and Zorah, and Aijaloo,
and Hebron, wiich [are] in Judah and in Benjamin
fenced cities" (2 Chr. xL 5-10).
Shishak has left a record of this expedition,
sculptured on the wall of the great temple of El-
Karnak. It is a list of the countries, cities, and
tribes, conquered or ruled by him, or tributary to
him. in this list Champotlion recognised a name
which he translated, as we shall see, incorrectly,
" the kingdom of Judah," and was thus led to trace
the names of certain cities of Palestine. The docu-
ment has since been more carefully studied by Dr.
Brugsch, and with less success by Dr. Blau. On
account of its great importance as a geographical
record, we give a full transcription of it.
There are two nodes of transcribing Hebrew or
cognate names written in hieroglyphics. They can
either be rendered by the English letters to which
the hieroglyphics correspond, or by the Hebrew
letters for which they are known from other in-
stances to be used. The former mode is perhaps
more scientific ; the latter is more useful for the
present investigation. It is certain that the Egyp-
tians employed one sign in preference for fl, and
another for H, but we cannot prove that these signs
had any difference when used for native words,
though in other cases it seems clear that there
was such a difference. We give Ihe list transcribed
by both methods, the first as a check upon the
second, for which we are indebted to M. de Rouge's
comparative alphabet, by far the most satisfactory
yet published, though in some parts it may be
questioned {Sew. Arch/ohgique, N. S. xi. 351-354).
These transcriptions occupy the first two columns of
the table, the third contains Dr. Brugsch's identifi-
cation, and the fourth, our own.*
THE GEOGRAPHICAL LIST OF SHESHENK L
No.
Tranecr. to Ens. Letf.
Tranecr. la Heb. Let".
Broeach's Identification.
Our IdmuflcaUoo.
u
BeBATA
Hmab
BabUlh.
Babbtthr
14
TAASKAU
ItOVMO
Taanacb.
Tasoeca,
M
SHeNeMA-AA
«tW»3B>
SnuneuL
Shunem.
It
BAT-SHeNRAA
tttruB'Twa
BeuVihan.
It
ReHeBAA
wort?
Behob.
Behob.
11
HePURMAl
Mttobon
Haphrahn.
nftfhnrMHi
IB
ATeBMA
KtAlK
Adoraim.
AttontllL
21
SHUATEE.
•ntoe>
aa
MARANKA
BDJKnyo
Hsbanahn.
■Tshanelm
IS
KeBAANA
, wjap
GHbeon.
Gibson.
at
BAT-HOABeN
pwn rata
Beth-heron.
Beth-boron.
St
KATMeT
ncrwp
Kedemota.
Kedemota.
as
AYUBeN
pvit
AJJalon.
AUalon.
17
MAKeTAO
imavo
Mefldoo.
Meajlddo.
aa
ATEEBA
, »6n«
• • • 1
Edrelr
at
YVTeH-MABK
•piramv
• *> • *
Kingdom of JUhhf
31
HAANelf
outttn
• > • •
Anem?
31
AARASTA
wms>
Egkn.
S3
BABHA
tmchta
BUesm, Hasan.
BUeam, Ibleam.
• The list of 8hislnk In the original hieroclTpoioi Is
polished by BoaelUni, MonmtmH Reati, no. cxlvill.;
Usems, DmUmtfr, Abth. I1L bl. Mi; and Brntseh,
Oxcor- Jtucer. tt. tat xxbt.; and commented span bi
Bros/cb (Id. pp. H seoq) and Dr. Bias (XsCscarf/t 4
Cewsoa. MtrgmUtni. OswBtoV. xv. pp. 393 sena,).
BHUSHAK
1291
Ho.
Tt— if. In Egg. Let».
Tmucr. In Bab. Let*.
Bragtch'i IdaoUflesttoa
Oar IdentaoUsa.
M
TATPaTeR
^nfiiw
•
St
A.H.M.
■D-n-K
38
BAT-AARMeT
rxhv. nta
Alemeth.
Alematb, Almon.
«7
KAKAREE
'ottpttp
. .
Ha-Ukkar (Clrela of JcrtatV.
S8
SHACKA
KPIKP
Shooo.
Sboco.
Si
BAT-TePU
1BO nK3
Betb-Tappnab.
Beth-Tappnah.
40
ABARAA
KK7K3K
AbfL
a
BAT-TAB..
• •3Kj nta
63
jnjPAR
?NBU
M
. PeTSBAT
n«en&
U
Po-KeTeT?
TIB3Q
M
atmaa
KKDIN
Edora.
Edomr
SI
TARHEH
DO^Kt
Zalmonah?
M
...RR.A
K.y>...
M
..RTAA
KKP--
Tlnab?
64
..APeN
|BM--
•5
PaAAHAK
PJ»VB
N
AA-AATeMAA
KKDTKKV
Aiem.
Amu, or Earn?
•7
AN ABA
(6K3K
«
PeHAKRAA
M&PKnfi
Bagaritaa.
Hagaritea.
•»
FeTTOBHAA
KKEh'no
.
LetuataJm*
>0
ARABeRaR
y>ntn*
Tl
PeHeKRAA
kkVid
Hagaritea.
Bagaritaa,
W
MeRSARAMA
jnMONDlD
.
GCSetata*
w
SBEBPoRaT
n^>3B»
SbepbeUh ?
Shephslah.*
74
NeKBoREE
*^3M
7*
SBeBPaRat
nW
Shephelah?
Sbrpbalab?
76
WARAKEET
rV3tOK*>
T7
PeHeKKAA
Hvbpna
Hagarltm.
Hagaritea.
ft
NAABAYT
rvtavi
. •
Nabalotb.
»
AATeTMAA
Httcrny
.
Tonal
SO
TePKeKA
Kppor
SI
MA. A..
• -K-PO
S3
TA
... KQ
a
KANAA
KWKJ
.
KenKaa?
M
PeXAKBU
133WB
Negeb.
Negeb.
m
ATeM-A-elkT-HeT
'nnno3or»
•
Aaem, or E—a
ss
TASBTNAU
• itoiefco
*7
PeHKARA
kSkptib
Hagaritea.
Bagaritaa.
M
SHNAYAA
KtrWi?
St
HAKA
«p«<n
to
PeNAKBO
UJtWB
Nageb.
Hegeb.
tl
WAHTURKA
to?innm
tl
PaNAKBU
U3JUD
Negab.
Negeb.
S3
ASB-ReTA
snntw
•4
PeBeKREB
^3riB
Hagaritea.
Bagaritaa.
ts
BANEENYAU
woKn
M
PeHeKRAO
wSina
Bagaritaa,
Bagaritaa.
t7
AKKAT
•wpbtt.
n
MERTMAM
DNDVID
.
Dome*
M
BAHANYKE
"mowi
lot
MERTRA-AA
KKK-mD
• . • •
OtBdoan
101
JYHeKett
?jnB
Hagaritea.
Hajaultam.
in
TBOAN
juAn
1292
SHBSHAK
Ha.
TraiucT. In Eng. L*t>. Tiwaer. in Heb. Let". Brogsch's Identification.
Oar IdenU&aslon.
18»
heetbaA
MKSTn
....
Adbeelr
10*
BHeRMeRAM
atbht?
1«
HEETBAi
ettCTn
. .
Adbed?
10*
TEEWATEE
vikvt
JOT
HAKeRMAor
jrefrptm.
HAReKMA
.
Bekem(Petu)r
1M
AARATAi
Ktaiby
.
Elduhf
lot
RABAT
nK3i6
Beth-lebsoth, Lebaoth.
Bath-leb.otta.Ub.ottr BtUafcf
110
aarataXy
•wtnvbg
And.
EUaabr
111
NeBPTeBeT
rooaj
113
YURAHHA.
yomnc
• • • •
JerahnMelltes?
11*
MeREE.M
D-no
Il»
MeRTRA-AA
KKtmio
...
CLEddarm?
111
PeBYAl
t«P3B
11*
MAHKaA.
KtUriPD
....
Maachahr
ISO
•ARYOK
•pm*.
Ml
FeRTMA-AA
KKyon-e
1«
MeRBARA
tntoio
US
BPAR-RATA
ttrtribto
Us
BAT-A-AlT
nppntu
Beth-moth.
BattMnolh. or Bath-anil r
MS
SHeRHATAU
wnKmc?
Shsruhen?
1M
ARMATaN
jnyoiN
12>
KeRNAA
WtAj
Golan f
US
MeRMA..
••KOTO
12*
..RHeT
nm-.
130
...RAA
urn-.
IS1
HA
....yD
US
AR....
....«*
1SS
YURA...
.••»&.♦
The fallowing identifications are ao erident that
It is not necessary to discuss them, and they may
be made the basis of onr whole investigation : — Nos.
14, 22, 24, 26, 27, 38, 39. It might appear at
first sight that there was some geographical order,
but a closer examination of these few names shows
that this is not the case, and all that we can infer
u, that the cities of each kingdom or nation are in
general grouped together. The forms of the names
show that irregularity of the Towels that charac-
terizes the Egyptian language, as may be seen in
the different modes in which a repeated name is
written (Nos. 68, 71, 77, 87, 94, 96, 101). The
consonants are used very nearly in accordance with
the system upon which we have transcribed in the
second column, save in the case of the Egyptian R,
which seems to be indifferently used for 1 and ^>.
There are several similar geographical lists, dating
for the most part during the period of the Empire,
but they differ from this in presenting few, if any,
repetitions, and only one of them contains names
certainly the same as some in the present. They
me lists of countries, cities, and tribes, forming the
Egyptian Empire, and so far records of conquest that
any cities previously taken by the Pharaoh to whose
reign thsy belong are mentioned. The list which
contains some of the names in Sheshenk's is
of Thothmes III., sixth sovereign of the xviiith
oycasty, and comprises many name of cities of
Palestine mainly in the outskirts of the Israelii!
territory. It i* important, in reference to this
list, to state that Thothmes III., in his 23rd year,
had fought a battle with confederate nations near
Megiddo, whose territories the list enumerates. The
narrative of the expedition fully establishes the
identity of this and other towns in the list of
Sbishak. It is given in the document known aa the
Statistical Tablet of El-Kamak (Birch, " Annals of
Thothmes III.," Archaeohgia, 1853; De Rougtf,
Bee. Arch. N. S. xi. 347 seqq. ; Brogsch, Otogr.
Ituchr. ii. pp. 32 seqq.). The only general result
of the comparison of the two lists is, that in the
later one the Egyptian article is in two cases pre-
fixed to foreign names, No. 56, NEKBU, of the list
of Thothmes III., being the same as Nos. 84, 90,
92, PeNAKBU of the list of Shishak ; and No.
105, AAMeKU, of the former, being the same aa
No. 65, PeAAMAK, of the latter.
We may now commence a detailed examination
of the list of Shishak. No. 13 may correspond to
Rabbith in Issachar. No. 14 it certainly Taanach,
a Levitical city in the same tribe, noticed in the
inscription of Thothmes commemorating the cam-
paign above mentioned, in some connexion with the
route to Megiddo: it is there written TAANAKA.
No. 15 is probably Shunem, a town of Issachar:
the form of the hieroglyphic name seems to indicate
a dual 'comp. Nos. 18.' 19, 22), nod it ii remark
ttmSHAK
vale that Sfaunem haj been thought to be originally
ft dual, DJW for DJMB> (Ges. 7fc». ■. r.). No. 16
ia supposed by Dr. Brugsch lo be Beth-shan ; but
the final letter of the Egyptian name is wanting in
the Hebrew. It was a city of Hanasseh, but in the
tribe of Inachar. No. 17 is evidently Rehob, a
Levities! city hi Asher; and No. 18 Haphraim, a
town in Inachar. No. 19 seems to be Adoraim,
one of Rehoboam's strong cities, in the tribe of
Judah : Adullam is out of the question, as it com-
mences with y, and is not a dual. No. 21 we can-
not explain. No. 22 is Mahanaim, a Levities] city in
Gad. No. 23 is Gibson, a Levitical city in Benja-
min. No. 24 is Beth-horon, which, though counted
to Ephraim, was on the boundary of Benjamin. It
was assigned to the Levites. The place consisted
of two towns or villages, both of which we may
suppose are here intended. No. 25 is evidently the
Levitical city Kedemoth in Reuben, and No. 26,
Aijalon, also Levitical, in Dan. No. 27 is the
famous Megiddo, which in the Statistical Tablet of
Thothmes III. is written MAKeTA, and in the same
king's list MAKcTEE, but in the introductory title
MAKeTA. It was a city of the western division of
Manosseh. No. 28 may perhaps be Edrei, in trans-
Jordanite Hanasseh, though the sign usually em-
ployed for J is wanting. No. 29 is the famous
name which ChampoUion read " the kingdom of
Judah." To this Dr. Brugsch objects, (1) that the
name is out of place as following some names of
towns in the kingdom of Judah as well ss in that of
Israel, and preceding others of both kingdoms ; (2)
that the supposed equivalent of kingdom (MARK,
"pyO) does not satisfactorily represent the Hebrew
fr137D, bat corresponds to "ipD ; and (3) that the
supposed construction is inadmissible. He proposes
to read "pon lUT as the name of a town, which
be does not find in ancient Palestine. The position
does not seem to ns of much consequence, as the
list is evidently irregular in its older, and the form
might not be Hebrew, and neither Arabic nor
Syriao requires the final letter. The kingdom of
Judah cannot be discovered in the name without
disregard of grammar ; but if we are to read
" Judah the king," to which Judah does the name
point? There was no Jewish king of that name
before Judas-Ariatobulus. It seems useless to look
for a city, although there was a place called Jehud
in the tribe of Dan. The only suggestion we can
propoje is, that the second word is " kingdom," and
was placed after the first in the manner of an
Egyptian determinative. No. 31 may be compared
with Anem in Isaschar (D3J), occurring, however,
only in 1 fjhr. vi. 73 (Heb. 58), but it is not cer-
tain that the Egyptian H ever represents ]>. No.
33 has been identified by Dr. Brugsch with Eglon,
but evidence as to its position shows that lie is in
error. In the Statistical Tablet of El-Karnak it is
placed in a mountain-district apparently southward
•f Megiddo, a half-day's march ft jm the plain of that
city. There can be little doubt that M. de Rouge
it correct in supposing that the Hebrew original
signified an ascent (comp. il'vJJ i -Bee. .drcA. p.
350). This name also occurs in the list of Thothmes
(Id. p. 360) ; there differing only in having another
character for the second letter. No. 33 has been
identified by Dr. Brugsch with Bileam cr Ibleam,
a Levitical city in the western division of Manas.«h.
'or No. 34 we can make no suggestion, and No. 35
8HI8HAK
1293
is too much effaced for any conjecture to be hazarded.
No. 36 Dr. Brugsch identifies with Alemeth, a
Levitical city in Benjamin, also called Almon, the
first being probably either the later or a correct
form. [Alemeth ; Amos.] No. 37 we think
may be the Circle of Jordan, in the A. V. Plain of
Jordan. No. 38 is Shoco, one of Rehoboam's strong
cities, and 39, Beth-Tappuah, in the mountainous
part of Judah. No. 40 has been supposed by Dr.
Brugsch to be an Abel, and of the towns of that
name he chooses Abel-shittim, the Abila of Josephus,
in the Bible generally called Shittim. No. 45,
though greatly effaced, is sufficiently preserved for
us to conclude that it does not correspond to any
known name in ancient Palestine beginning with
Beth : the second part of the name commences with
2KT, as though it were " the house of the wolf or
Zeeb," which would agree with the south-eastern
part of Palestine, or indicate, which is far less likely,
s place named after the Midianitish prince Zeeb, or
some chief of that name. No. 53 is uncertain in its
third letter, which is indistinct, and we offer no con-
jecture. No. 54 commences with an erased sign,
followed by one that is indistinct. No. 55 is doubt-
ful as to reading: probably it is Pe-KETET. Pa
can be the Egyptian article, as in the name of the
Hagarites, the second sign in Egyptian signifies
" little," and the remaining part corresponds to the
Hebrew ntSi? Kattath, "small," the name of a town
in Zebulun (Josh. ziz. 15), apparently the same as
Kitron (Judg. i. 30). The word KET is found in an-
cient Egyptian with the sense " little" (comp. Copt.
KO"o"2£I. De Rouge, £tude, p. 66). It seems, how-
ever, rare, and may be Shemitic. No. 56 is held by
Dr. Brugsch to be Edom, and there is no objection to
this identification but that we have no other names
positively Edomite in the list. No. 57 Dr. Brugsch
compares with Zalmonah, a station of the Israelites
in the desert. If it be admissible to read the first
letter as a Hebrew D, this name does not seem
remote from Telem and Telaim, which are probably
the names of one place in the tribe of Judah. Nos.
58, 59, and 64 are not sufficiently preserved for us
to venture upon any conjecture. No. 65 has been
well supposed by Dr. Brugsch to be the Hebrew
pDJ7, " a valley," with the Egyptian article pre-
fixed, but what valley is intended it seems hopeless
to conjecture: it may be a town named after a
valley, like the Beth-emek mentioned in the account
of the bonier of Asher (Josh. ziz. 27). No. 66
has been reasonably identified by Dr. Brugsch with
Azem, which was in the southernmost part of
Judah, and is supposed to have been afterwards
allotted to Simeon, in whose list an Ezem occurs.
No. 85 reads ATeM-ATfT-HeT? the second part
being the sign for " little" (comp. No. 55). This
suggests that the use of the sign for " great " ss
the first character of the present name is not
without significance, and that there was a great
and little Azem or Ezem, perhaps distinguished
in the Hebrew text by different orthography.
No. 67 we cannot explain. No. 68 la unques-
tionably " the Hagarites," the Egyptian article being
prefixed. The same name recurs Nos. 71, 77,
87, 94, 96, and 101. In the Bible we find the
Hagarites to the east of Palestine, and in the classical
writers they are placed along the north of Arabia.
The Hagaranu or Hagar are mentioned as conquered
by Sennacherib ( Kawlinson's Hdt. 1. p. 476 ; Oppert,
Sargonides, p. 42). No. 69 FeTTUSHAA. I
1294
BHISHAK
from the termination, to be a gentile name, and in
farm resembles Letuihim, a Keturahite tribe. But
fait ntu iblanoe seems to be more than superficial,
for Letushim, " the hammered or sharpened," comes
■Irom VCD, "be hammered, forged," and BT3B
(unused) signifies ** he bent or hammered." From
the occurrence of this name near that of the
Hagarites, this identification seems deserving of
attention. No. 70 may perhaps be Aroer, but the
correspondence of Hebrew and Egyptian scarcely
allows this supposition. No. 72 commences with
a sign that is frequently an initial in the rest
of the list If here syllabic, it must read MEB ;
if alphabetic and its alphabetic use is possible
A this period, H. In the terms used for Egyp-
tian towns we find HER, written with the same
sign, as the designation of the second town in a
Dome, therefore not a capital, but a town of im-
portance. That this sign is here similarly em-
ployed seems certain from its being once'followed by
a geographical determinative (No. 122). We there-
fore read this name SARAMA, or, according to
Lcpsiua, BAHAMA. The final syllable seems to
indicate a dual. We may compare the name Salma,
which occurs in Ptolemy's list of the towns of
Arabia Deserta, and his list of those of the interior.'
No. 73, repeated at 75, has been compared by
Dr. Brugsch with the Shephelah, or maritime plain
of the Philistines. The word seems nearer to Shib-
boleth, "a stream," but it is unlikely that two
places should have been so called, and the names
among which it occurs favour the other explana-
tion. No. 74 seems cognate to No. 87, though it
is too different for us to venture upon supposing it
as be another form of the same name. No. 76 has
been compared by Dr. Brugsch with Berecab, " a
fool," but it seems more probably the name of a
tribe. No. 78 reads NAABAYT, and is unques-
tionably Nebatoth. There was a people or tribe of
Nebaioth in Isaiah's time (Is. Lz. 7), and this
second occurrence of the name in the form of that
•f Iahmael's son is to be considered in reference to
the supposed Chaldaean origin of the Nabathaeans.
In Lepans's copy the name is N. TAYT, the
second character being unknown, and no doubt, as
well as the third, incorrectly copied. The occurrence
of the name immediately after that of the Hagarites
is sufiVtot evidence in favour of Dr. Brugsch's read-
ing, which in moat cases of difference in this lint is
to be preferred to Lepsius's.1 No. 79, A ATeTM AX,
may perhaps be compared with Tema the son of
Ishmael, if we may read AATTeMAA. No. 80
we cannot explain. Noa. 81 and 82 are too much
effaced for any conjecture. No. 83 we compare
with the Kenites : here it is a tribe. No. 84 is
also found in the list of Thothmes: here it has the
Egyptian article, PeNAKBU, there it is written
NeKBU (Rm>. Arch. pp. 364, 365). It evidently
corresponds to the Hebrew 323. " the south," some-
times r pecially applied to the southern district of
Palestine. No. 85 reads ATeM-A^r-HeT? The
second part of the name is " little " (comp. No. 55).
Wo have already shown that it is probably a
'little" town, corresponding to the " great" town
No. 66. But the final part of No. 85 remains
' We wen disposed to think last this might be Jem-
selem, especially on account of the dual termination ; but
the Impossibility of reading the Brat character ATUR or
AUK ON"), as an Ideographic den for " river." to nay
•.idling uf lbs doubt as to the aecuod character, makes us
BHISHAK
unexplained. No. 86 we ctnnot explain. No. 67
differs from the other occurrences of the name of
the Hagarites in being followed by the sign for
HER: we therefore suppose it to be a city of this
nation. No. 88 may be compared with Shen (1
Sam. vii. 12), which, however, may not be the name
of a town or village, or with the two Ashnahs
(Josh. xv. 33, 43). Nos. 89, 91, and 93 wa cannot
explain. No. 95 presents a nana, repeated with
slight variation in No. 99, which is evidently that
of a tribe, but we cannot recognixe it. No. 97
equal! v baffles us. No. 98 is a town TeMAM,
possibiy the town of Dumah in the north of
Arabia or that in Judah. No. 100 is a town
TRA-AX, which we may compare with Eddara
in Arabia Deserta. No. 102 may mean a restiiij:-
place, from the root |17. No. 103, repeated at
105, is apparently the name of a tribe. It may K
Adbeel, the name of a son of Ishmael, but the form
is not close enough for us to offer this aa more than
a conjecture. Noa. 104 and 106 we cannot explain.
No. 107 is either HAKeRMA or HAKeKMA. It
may be compared with Kekem or Arekeme, the old
name of Petra according to Joaephus {A.J. iv. 7),
but the form is probably dual. No. 108 has been
compared with Arad by Dr. Brugsch : it is a coun-
try or place, and the variation in No. 110 appears
to be the name of the people. No. 109 may be
Beth-lebaoth in Simeon, evidently the same as
Lebaoth originally in Judah, or else Rsbbah in
Judah. No. Ill we cannot explain. No. 112
is most like the Jerahmeelites in the south of Judah.
No. 116 is partly effaced. No. 117 is the same
name as No. 100 No. 118 is probably the name
of an unknown tribe. No. 119 may be Maachah,
if the geographical direction is changed. No. 120
is partly effaced. No. 121 we cannot explain. No,
122 appears to be a town of BARA or BALA.
No. 123 seems to read BAR-RATA, (KTJTI ^53),
but we know no place of that name. No. 124
reads BAT- AIT, but then can be little doubt
that it is really BAT-ANAT. In this case it
mi-ht be either Beth-anath in Naphtali or Beth-
anoth in Judah. No. 125 we cannot explain. No.
126 appears to commence with Aram, but the rest
does not correspond to any distinctive word known
to follow this name. No. 127 has been identified
by Dr. Brugsch with Golan, a Levities! city in
Bashan. The remaining names are more or less
effaced.
It will be perceived that the list contains three
classes of names mainly grouped together— (1) Le-
vitical and Canaanite cities of Israel; (2) cities of
Judah ; and (3) Arab tribes to the south of Pales-
tine. The occurrence together of Levitical cities
was observed by Dr. Brugsch. It is evident that
Jeroboam was not at once firmly established, and
that the Levi tea especially held to Rehobmm.
Therefore it may have been the policy of Jeroboam
to employ Shishak to capture their cities. Other
cities in his territory were perhaps still pvrris/»n«l
by Rehoboam's forces, or held by the Gmaanitcs,
who may have somewhat recovered their inde-
pendence at thj period. The small number of
cities identified in the actual territory of Reho-
reject this reading ; and the position In the list Is unsafe
able. The Rev. I). Halgh has learnedly supported this
view, at which be IndeprndenUy arrived, in a corre-
spondence.
* Lepstiu's copy prescn's many errors oreaTlessussa
SOITBAl
(mm it explained by the erasure of fourteen
of the put of the list where they occur. The
identification of some names of Arab tribes is of
rit interest and historical value, though it is to
feared that further progress can scarcely be
made in their part of the list.
The Pharaohs of the Empire passed through
northern Palestine to push thtir conquests to the
Euthmtea and Mesopotamia. Shiahak, probably
tumble to attack the Assyrians, attempted the
subjugation of Palestine and the tracts of Arabia
which border Egypt, knowing that the Arabs would
interpose an effectual resistance to any invader of
Egypt. He seems to have succeeded in consolidating
his power in Arabia, and we accordingly find Zerah in
alliance with the people of Gerar, if we may infer
this from their sharing his overthrow. [R. S. P.]
SHTTBA/I (npe»; Keri, «OX>: lor pat
Setrat). A Sharonite who was over David's herds
that fed in Sharon (1 Chr. xxvii. 29).
8HITTAH-TBEE, 8HITTIM (not?, thit-
Uk : ii\or turnwrov : Kgna tetim, spina) is with'
out doubt correctly referred to some species of
Acacia, of which three or four kinds occur in the
Bible lands. The wood of this tree — perhaps the
A. Seyal is more definitely signified — was exten-
sively employed in the construction of the tabor-
6UITTAH-TBEE
129*
a«Misa«*i,
cade, the boards and pillars of which were made
of it ; the ark of the covenant and the staves for
carrying it, the table of shew-bread with its
staves, the altar of burnt-offerings and the altar
»f incense vrith their respective staves were also
constructed out of this wood (see Ex. xxv., xxvi.,
lixri., xxxvii., xtxviiu). In b. xli. 19 the
"■ Livingstone (JVav. in s. Africa, abridged ed., p. 77)
finnfc! the Acacia gin fa (Camel- thorn) supplied the
■sod tot tbe Tabernacle, sc "It is," Ik adds, "an im-
Acaoia tree i» mentioned with the "ceiai, the
myrtle, and the oil-tree," as one which God would
plant in the wilderncx. The Egyptian nam* of
the Acacia is sons, sant, or lanM : see Jablonski,
Oputo. i. p. 261 ; Rossius, Etymoi. Aegyp. p. 273 ; .
and Prosper Alpinus {Plant. Aegypt. p. 6), who
thus speaks of this tree : " The acacia, which the
Egyptians call Sant, grows in localities in Egypt
remote from the sea ; and large quantities of this
tree are produced on the mountains of Sinai, nv»r-
hanging the Red Sea. That this tree is, without
doubt, the true acacia of the ancients, or the
Egyptian thorn, is clear from several indications,
especially from the fact that no other spinous tree
occurs in Egypt which so well answers to the
required characters. These trees grow to the
size of a mulberry tree, and spread their branches
aloft." " The wild acacia (J/imoja NUotioa),
under the name of SOnt," says Prof. Stanley (8.
#• P. p. 20), " everywhere r*j-"eseuts the ' seneh
or 'senna' of the Burning Bush." The Heb.
term (ntSC*) is, by Jablonski, Celsius, and many
other authors, derived from the Egyptian word,
the 3 being dropped; and, from an Arabic MSS,
cited by Celsius, it appears that the Arabic term
also comes from the Egyptian, the true Arabic name
for the acacia being Kuradh {Hierob. i. p, 508).
The Shittah tret of Scripture is by some writers
thought to refer more especially to the Acacia
Seyal, though perhaps the Acacia Nilotka and A.
Arabica may be included under the term. The
A. Seyal is very common in some parts of the
peninsula of Sinai (M. Bove, Voyage du Caire au
Mont Sinai, Ann. dee Scieno. Nat. 1834, i., sec.
ser. p. 166; Stanley, S. 4 P. pp. 20, 69, 298).
These trees are more common in Arabia than in
Palestine, though there is a valley on the west side
of the Dead Sea, the Wady Sey&l, which derives its
name from a few acacia trees there. The Acacia
Seyal, like the A. arabica, yields the well-known
substance called gum arabic which is obtained by
incisions in the bark, but it is impossible to say
whether the ancient Jews were acquainted with its
use. From the tangled thickets into which the
stem of this tree expands, Stanley well remarks that
hence is to be traced the use of the plural form of
the Heb. noun, Shitttm, the sing, number occurring
but once only in the Bible.* Besides the Acacia
Seyal, there is another species, the A. tortilis,
common on Mt. Sinai. Although none of the
above-named trees are sufficiently large to yield
plants 10 cubits long by 1 J cubit wide, which we
are told was the size of the boai-ds that formed the
tabernacle (Ex. xxxvi. 21), yet there is an acacia
that grows near Cairo, viz. tbe A. Serissa, which
would supply boards of the required size. There is,
however, no evidence to show that this tree ever
grew in the peninsula of Sinai. And though it
would be unfair to draw any conclusion from such
negative evidence, still it is probable that " the
boards" fDH5njj>n) were supplied by one of the
other acacias. There is, however, no necessity to
limit tbe moaning of the Hebrew \thjp (kmnh) to
" a single plank." In Ex. ixvii. 6 the same word,
in the singular number, is applied in a collective
sense to " the deck" of a ship (comp. our " on
board "). The hereeh of the tabernacle, therefore.
perishable wood, while that which la ttsoalr/ supposed to
be the SH tlra f Acacia yilotka) wants beantj sad sow
decays."
I2»6 BHITTOC
ay denote " two or mora board* joined together,'
which, from being thus united, may have been
expressed by a lingular noun. Thew ararias, which
are for the moat part tropical plants, most not
be confounded with the tree (Bobinia pseudo-
acacia) popularly known by tbit name in England,
which is a North American plant, and belongs to
a different geuus and sub-order. The true acacias,
most of which possess hard and durable wood
(comp. Pliny, H. N. liii. 1 9 ; Josephus, Ant. iii.
6. $1 ), belong to the order Legvmmotae, sub-order
Mimoieae. [W. H.]
BHITTIM (O'ljeyn, with the def. article :
%ar~tiy ; in the Prophets, to avoirs: Setrrm, Abel-
t'ltim). The place of Israel's encampment between
the conquest of the TransjorcUnic highlands and the
passage of the Jordan (Num. xxxiii. 49, zxr.l; Josh.
H. I, iii. 1 ; Mic. Ti. 5). Its full name appears to
be given in the first of these passages — Abel has-
Shittim — " the meadow, or moist j>lace. of the
acacias." It was " in the Arbotb-Moab, by Jordan-
Jericho:'* such is the ancient formula repeated over
and over again (Num. xxii. 1, xxvi. 3, xxxi. 12,
xxxiii. 48, 49). That is to say, it was in the Ara-
Sah or Jordan Valley, opposite Jericho, at that part
r( the Arabah which belonged to and bora the name
•f Moab, when the streams which descend from
the eastern mountains and force their winding way
through the sandy soil of the plain, nourished a vast
growth of the Seyal, Sunt, and Sidr trees, such as
is nourished by the streams of the Wady Kelt and
the A in Sultan on the opposite side of the river.
It was in the shade and the tropical heat of these
aencia-groTes that the people were seduced to the
licentious rites of Baal-1'eor by the Midianitea ; but
it was from the same spot that Moses sent forth
the army, under the fierce Phinehaa, which worked
so fearful a retribution for that licence (xxxi. 1-12).
It was from the camp at Shittim that Joshua sent
out the spies across the river to Jericho (Josh. ii. 1).
The Nachal-Shittim, or Wady-Bitnt, as it would
now be called, of Joel (iii. 18), can hardly be the
same spot as that described above, but there is
nothing to give a clue to its position. [G.J
SHTZA (Kre>: Scufcf; Alex. 'E(i: Sua).
A Keubenite, father of Adina, one of David's mighty
men ^1 Chr. xi. 42).
BHO'A (jVs 3W; Alex. *>«: tyrvmni).
A proper name which occurs only in Ex. xxiii. 23,
in connexion with Pekod and Koa. The three appa-
rently designate districts of Assyria with which
the southern kingdom of Judah had been intimately
connected, and which were to be arrayed against it
for punishment. The Peshito-Syriac has Lid, that
is Lydia ; while the Arabic of the London Polyglott
has Sit, and Lid occupies the place of Koa. Uashi
remarks on the three words, " The interpreters say
&at they signify officers, princes, and rulers." This
rendering must have been traditional at the time of
Aquila (faera-tWiii ml rtftumot <ro2 Kotw^oibs)
and Jerome (not/ties tyranni et principes). Geae-
uiu< {Thee, p. 1208a) maintains that the context
requires the words to be taken as appellatives, and
Dot as proper names; and Flint, on the same
ground, maintains the contrary (Handicb. s. v.
$hp). Those who take Shoa as an appellative refer
to the usage of the word in Job xxxiv. 19 (A. V.
"rich") and Is. juutii, 5 (A. V. "bountiful"),
•bare it signifies rich, liberal, and dands in the
stiter p— ay ; in parallelism with 3*13, nidtb, by
8HOJM
which Kimchi explain* it, and which is tlsewbsn
rendered in the A. V. " prince" (Prov. xvii. 7) and
" noble " (Prov. viii. 1$). But a c<natderation «.'
the latter part of the verse Ex. xxiii. 23, where th»
captains an/1 rulers of the Aatyrisns are distinctly
mentioned, and the fondness which Exekiel else-
where shows for playing upon the sound of proper
names (as in xxvii. 10, xxx. 5), lead to the conclu-
sion that in this case l'ekod, Shoa, and Koa are
proper names also ; but nothing further can be
said. The only name which has been found at all
resembling Shoa is that of a town in Assyria men-
tioned by Pliny, " Sue in rupibus," near Gsngameln,
and west of the Orontes mountain chain. Bochart
(PhaUg, ir. 9) derive* Sue from the Chakfee KJflB',
aftu'd, a rock, [W. A. W.]
BHO'BAB(33te*: X»$dfi; Alex. ImfrfU* in
Sam. ; Sobab). l! Son of David by Bathsheba (2
Sam. v. 14; 1 Chr. iii. 5, xiv. 4).
2. (3ovj8d£; Alex. Xs-fldfl). Apparently the
son of Caleb the son of Hezron by his wife Axubah
(1 Chr. ii. 18). But the passage is corrupt.
BHOBACH Cnl\V: *»Bok; Alex. XaMx,
2 Sam. x. 16: Sobach). The general of Hadarezer
king of the Syrians of Zoba, who was in command
of the army which was summoned from beyond tho
Euphrates against the Hebrews, after the defeat of
the combined forces of Syria and the Ammonites
before the gates of Rabbah. He was met by David
in person, who crossed the Jordan and attacked him
at Helam. The battle resulted in the total defeat
of the Syrians. Shobach was wounded, and died
on the Held (2 Sam. x. 15-18). In 1 Chr. rji.
16, 18 he is called Shophach, and by Josephus
( Ant. vii. 6, §3) 2<f£e«os.
BHOBA'I ('3B>: Xx/Mt, *a$l; Alex. 3a*ul
in Neh.: SoAal," Sobaf). The children of Shohai
were a family of the doorkeepers of the Temple,
who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 42; Neh.
vii. 45). Called Saw in 1 Esdr. ▼. 28.
BHOTBAL (^3te>: 3-fWA: Sobat). 1. The
second son of Seir the Horite (Gen. xxxvl. 20;
1 Cbr. i. 38), and one of the " dukea " or phylarchs
of the Horite* (Gen. xxxvi. 29). [E. S. P.]
2. Son of Caleb the son of Hur, and founder or
prince of Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. ii. 50, 52).
3. (SbviMA.) In 1 Chr. iv. 1, 2, Shobal appears
with Hur among the sons of Judah, and a* the
father of Reaiah. He is possibly the same a* the
preceding, in which case Reaiah may be identical
with Haroeh, the two names in Hebrew being not
very unlike.
8HO'BEK(p3te>: *»/H«: Sobee). One of the
bends of the people who sealed the covenant with
Nehemiah (Neh. x. 24).
SBOWUflV: OiWfH; Alex.OW0«f: 6obi).
Son of Nahash of Rabbah of the children of Ammon
'1 Sam. xvii. 27). He was one of the first to meet
David at Mahanaim on his flight from Absalom,
and to offer him the hospitality of a powerful and
wealthy chief, for he was the son of David's old
friend Nahash, and the bond between them was
strong enough to survive on the one hand the
Insults of Hanon, and on the other the conquest and
destruction of Rabbah. Josephus calls him Siphaf
{Ant. vii. 9, §8), " chief 'oWffTfjf) of the fw
monr> country."
8H000
tfflOOO (fcrtfcv : tV 3o«x«5»; and so Alex. ;
Solo), 3 Chi. xi. 7. A variation of the name
Sccch, mnecessarily increased in the A. V. by the
restitution of Sh for the 8 of the original.
BHO'CHO ( toW : tV2«X> : Soeho), 2 Chr.
xxviii. 18. One of the four varieties of the name
Socoh. In this case also the discrepancy in the
A. V. are needlessly multiplied by Sh being substi-
tuted for 5 and ch for o of the original.
SHOCHOH (nb'lb: 2o«x>6«; Alex, o«x»>
and croKX"'- Soccho), 1 Sam. xvii. 1. This, like
Shociio, Socmoh, and SlIOOO, U an incorrect vari-
ation of the name Soooh.
BHOHAM (Dnb: 'I<rod>; Alex. 'Urtraifi:
8oam). A Merarite Levite, son of Jaaxiah (1 Chr.
xiiv. 27).
SHOE. [Sakdau]
SHO'MER (TChV: *»idip: Somtr). 1. A
man of the tribe of Asber (1 Chr. vii. 32), who is
also called Shamer (ver. 34).
2. The fether of Jehoxahad, who slew King Joash
(2 K. xii. 2 1 ) : in the parallel passage in 2 Chr. xxiv.
'16, the name is converted into the feminine form
Shirarith, who is further described as a Moabitess.
This variation may have originated in the dubious
gender of the preceding name Shimeath, which is
also made feminine by -the Chronicler. [W. L. B.]
SHOTHACHOjBte': *.<(xi»; Alex. Simpd*
2*>0dx • Sophach). Shobaoh, the general of Ha-
darexer (1 Chr. xix. 16, 18).
SHOTHAN {\thV; Samar. D'DB>: tV So-
fip : Sophan). One of the fortified towns on the
east of Jordan which were taken possession of and
rebuilt by the tribe of Gad (Num. xxxii. 35). It
is probably an atfix to the second Atroth, to distin-
guish it from the former one, not an independent
place. No name resembling it has yet been met
with in that locality. [GJ
SHOSHAN'NIM. « To the chief musician
open Shcahannim" is a musical direction to the
leader of tlie Temple-choir which occurs in Fas.
xl*., lxix., and most probably indicates the melody
"after" or - in the manner of" (^JJ, 'al, A. V.
" upon ") which the Psalms were to be sung. As
" Sboahannim " literally signifies " lilies," it has
bean suggested that the word denotes lily-shaped
instruments of music (Simonis, Lex. a. v.), perhaps
cymbals, and this view appears to be adopted by
lJe Wette (Die Ptalmm, p. 34). Hengstenberg
gives to it an enigmatical interpretation, as indi-
cating " the subject or subjects treated, as lilies
figuratively for bride in xlv. ; the delightful con-
solations and deliverances experienced in lxix., etc."
(Davidson, fntrod. il. 246) ; which Dr. Davidson
vn-y truly characterises as " a most improbable
fancy." The LXX. and Vulgate have in both
Psalms toss ray hWoixthprofiiimr and pro Hi
qui immutabuntw respectively, leading apparently
ffJB'D by for 0'ie%> ty. Ben Zeb (Otsar
Sathshor. s. v.) regards it as an instrument of
psalmody, and Junius and Tremellius, after Kitochi,
render it " hexachonla," an instrument with six
atriugs, referriug it to the root sliith, " six," and
this is approved by Kiehhorn in his edition of
Simonis. [W. A. W.'l
SHOSHAN'XW-E'DIJTH. In the title of
rV Ixxx. is found the direction " to the chief mu-
"OL. ta.
8HUBAEL 120V
mlmo upon Shoshannim-eduth " (WTV D'lB&X
which appears, according to the most probable con
jecture, to denote the melody or air " after " oi
"In the manner of" which the Psalm was to be
sung. As the words now stand they signify " lilies,
a testimony," and the two are separated by a large
distinctive accent. In themselves they hare no
meaning in the present text, and must therefore be
regarded as probably a fragment of the beginning
of an older Psalm with which the choir were
familiar. Ewald gives what he considers the
original meaning — " ' lilies,' that is, pure, innocent
is ' the Law ;' " but the words will not bear ihis
interpretation, nor is it possible in their present
position to assign to them any intelligible sense.
For the conjectures of those who regard the words
as the names of musical instruments, see the articles
SHOaUANNlH, SHUSHAN-EDUTH. [W. A. W.]
SHTJ'A (JflB>: Sooa: Sue). A Canaanite of
Adullam, father of Judah's wife (1 Chr. ii. 3), who
was hence called Bath-Shua. In the LXX. of Gen.
xxxviii. 2, Shua is wrongly made to be the name of
the daughter. [Bath-shua.]
SHU' AH (me*: X»««\ W; Mtx.Xmui; But).
1. Son of Abraham by Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2 ;
1 Cbr. i. 32).
2. (nn1B»: 'A<rx<»: Sua.) Properly "Shuchah."
The name Shuah occurs among the descendants of
Judah as that of the brother of Chelub (1 Chr. iv.
11). For " Chelub the brother of Shuah," the LXX.
mad "Caleb the father of Achsah." In ten of
Kennicott's and De Rossi's MSS. Shuah is made the
son of Chelub.
3. (£%*: lavs!: Sue). The father of Judah's
wife, the Canaanitess (Gen. xxxviii. 2, 12); also
called Shda in the A. V. The LXX. make Shuan
the name of the woman in both instances.
SHTJAL^JM?: SovXa; Alex.SovaX: Sual„
San of Zophah, an Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 36).
SHTJ'AL, THE LAND OF (tyltf Yyt: yi
2wydA; Alex, is lost: terra Sual). A district
named only in 1 Sam. xiii. 17, to denote the direc-
tion taken by one of the three parties of maraudei-s
who issued from the Philistine camp at Miciimash.
Its connexion with Ophrah (probably Taiyibeh) and
the direction of the two other routes named in the
passage make it pretty certain that the land of
Shual lay north of Michmash. If therefore it be
identical with the "land of Shalim" (1 Sam. ix.
4) — as is not impossible — we obtain the first ami
only clue yet obtained to Saul's journey in quest of
the asses. The name Shual hns not yet been idea
tified in the neighbourhood of Taq/ibeh or elsewheif
It may have originated in the Hebrew significat*
of the word—-" jackal ;" in which case it would »
appropriate enough to the wild desolate regiou ea> .
of* Taiyibeh ; a region containing a valley or ravine
at no great distance from Taiyibeh which bore and
perhaps still bears the name of " Hyaenas." [Zb-
BOIM, Valley or.] Others (as Thenius, in Exen.
Handb.) derive the name from a different root, nod
interpret it as " hollow land." [G.J
SHU'BAEL i^O-IP: 2.0a<A. ; Alex. Sou
8a^A : Suball). 1. Shebuel the son of Gershon:
.'1 Chr. xxiv. 20).
2. (JcvftWjA.) Shkbufj. the son of Hemax
the minstnl (I Chr, xrr. 30).
4 Q
1298
8HUHAM
SHU'HAM (fimtf: 1atf\ Alex. Sevier!*-.
ftrAom). Sod of Don, and ancestor of the Siro-
Hiarra (Nam. xxvi. 42). In Gen. xlvi. 23 be
u called Hcshim.
HHTmAKTTES, THE (•OmWil : « Saute!;
Alex. Setstertnst, Imtul: Suhanttae, Smmitae).
The descendants of Shuham, or Hushim, the ton of
Dan (Knn. xxvi. 42, 43). In the census taken in
the plains of Moan they numbered 4460.
BHU'xUTK (W: 2avx<»f : «•**«*). This
ethnic appellative - Shuhite" ia frequent in the Book
of Job, bat only as the epithet of one person, Biilad
The local indications of the Book of Job point to a
region on the western side of Chaldean, bordering on
Arabia ; and exactly in this locality, above Hit and
on both sides of the Euphrates, are found, in the
Assyrian inscriptions, the TtukH, a powerful people.
It ia probable that these were the Shnhites, and that,
having been conquered by the Babylonian kings,
they were counted by Esekiel among the tribes of
the Chaldsesns. Having lost their independence,
(hey ceased to be noticed ; but it was no doubt from
them that the country on the Euphrates immedi-
ately above Babylonia came to be designated as
So/Hue, a term applied to it in the Peutingerian
Tables, The Shuhitei appear to have been descend-
ants of Abraham by Keturah. [Shu ah, 1.] [G. R.]
SHTJLAMITE, THE (JVJsfawn, t. e. the
Shulammite: $ Iwsmrru; Alex. 4i XovXafuris:
Hulam&ti and Svnamitis). One of the personages in
the poem of Solomon's Song, who, although named
only in one paaaage (vi. 13), is, according to some
interpreters, the most prominent of all the charac-
ters. The name— after the analogy of Shnnammite
— denotes a woman belonging to a place called
Shulem. The only place bearing that name, of which
we have any knowledge, is Shunem itself, which,
as far back as the 4th century, was so called (Euse-
bioa, quoted under Shunem). In fact there ia good
ground for believing that the two were identical.
Since, then, Shulammite and Shnnammite are equi-
valent, there is nothing surely extravagant in sup-
posing that the Shnnammite who was the object of
Solomon's passion was Abisbag, — the most lovely
girl of her day, and at the time of David's death
one of the moat prominent persons at the court or
Jerusalem. This would be equally appropriate,
whether Solomon was himself the author of the
Song, or it were written by another person whose
object was to personate him accurately. For the
light which it throws on the circumstances of Solo-
mon's s ece s si on, see SOLOMON. [G.]
8HITMATH1TES, THE (TOtfa. »'. <■ the
8huma*hite : 'Hcrruiaofi/t : Semathei). One of the
four families who sprang from Kirjatb-jearim (1 On-.
B. 53). Thar probably colonised a village named
Shumah somowhere in that neighbourhood. But
no t>ace of such a name has been discovered. [G.J
gHTTNAMMTTE, THE (n»BJWn«: i, Sa-
siewsrVu ; Alex. XotiMavmr : Stmamitii), i. t. the
native of Shunem, aa is plain from 2 K. tv. 1. It
ia applied to two persons : — Abisheg, the nurse of
King David (1 K. i. »3, 15, ii. 17, 21, 22), and the
nameless hostess of Elisha (2 K. iv. 12, 25, 381.
The modem representative of Shunem being
* In 1 K. II. 31, a, the shorter form of FMSXPn
kuserj.
» Tb» A. V. Is hen tneorract m omitting tha deflnlte
SHTJPPOl
Solm, some have riggsted (as Gueniua. Tfcsa
U7»&), or positively affirmed (at First, AjaaV*
ii. 422), that Shnaaaunite is identical rnth Shu-
lammite (Cant. vi. 13). Of this all that tan be
said ia, that though highly probable, it is not abso-
lutely certain. [G.I
SHUNEM (DJW*: Imv': S*mm,8mam)
One of the cities 'allotted to the tribe of ]
(Josh. xix. 18). It occur in tha list
CbesuUoth and Hapb""" It ia mentioned on
two occasions First as the place of the Philis-
tines' first encampment before tne battle of Gilloa
fl Sam. xxviiL4). Here it occurs in ooanexjen with
Mount Gilboa and En-dor, and also probably wita
Jesreel (xxix. 1). Secondly, aathe scene of Elis m'b
intercourse with the Shnnammite woman and her
son (2 K. iv. 8). Here it ia connected with adjer eat
corn-fields, and, more remotely, with Mount Can nl.
It was besides (he native place of Abisbag, thr at-
tendant on King David (1 K. i. 3), and possibly the
heroine of the poem or drama of " Solo mo n ' s Sea g."
By Eusebius and Jerome (Omm.) it ia mrsstrrned
twice: under SovfMju and "Sunam," as 5 miler
south of Mount Tabor, and then known aa Suletn:
and, under " Sonam," aa a village in Acra h a f tina
in the territory of Sebasto called Sanim. The latte*
of these two identifications probably refers to gan sT i
a well-known fortre ss some 7 miles from Sebattiyto
and 4 from AVraosA — a spot completely out of the
cirde of the associations which connect tbernsalres
with Shunem. The other has more in its favour,
since — except for the distance from Mount Tabor,
which ia nearer 8 Roman miles than 5 — it agrees
with the position of the present Sotam, a village
on the 8.W. flank of Jebtl Duky (the ao-called
" Little Herman"), 3 miles N. of Jested, 5 from
Gilboa {J. ftikva), foil in view of the sacred spot
on Mount Carmel, and situated in the midst of the
finest corn-fields in the world.
It is named, as Salem, by the Jewish traveller
hap-Parchi (Ashers Benjamin, ii. 431). It had
then its spring, without which the Philistines would
certainly not have chosen it for their enc a m p ment.
Now, according to the notice of Dr. Robinson (H
324), the spring of the village is but a poor one.
The change of the it in the ancient name to / in the
modem one, ia the reverse of that which has takes
place in Zerin (Jesreel) and Btiim (Bethel). [G.]
BHCNI ('Mt? : Sam's, tmnl ; Alex. Sanwtt ia
Gen. : Sum). Son of Gad, and founder of tha family
of the Shunites (Gen. xlvi. Id; Num. xxvi. 15).
8HTTNITE8, THE t'3v»7l : i Sow*: Smmlat).
Descendants of Shoal the son of Gad (Num. xxvi 1 5)
BHUTHAK. [Shcppim.]
8HCTHAMJTE8, THE (n?D«rrj: 4 3a
$ari : SupAamitae). The desoendsnts of ^baphsa]
or Shephupham, the Beojamite (Num. xxvi. 39).
SHUPTIM (DBtT, D*Bt7: XnwftV; Alex.
3os)ein, 3« a)c>tip : Sepham, SapJum). In the geoon*
logy of Benjamin " Shuppim and Huppim, the
children of Ir," are reckoned in 1 Chr. vii. 12. Ii
is the same aa Iri the son of Bela the son of Beu-
jarnin, so that Shuppim was the great-grandson of
Benjamin. In Num. xxvi. 39, he and nis brother
»Pmbt^oaa»tmeu4framQ > y(P(aaaam,nm.ltniK)
' It la |ivcn duTerrnlly en each occurrence la root
of Ihe two inat Oodkes :— Vat, (Mai), 3avm>, Xrvuit.
SevfUy ; Akz* Xemaji, IWrasae, lAHSuub
8HUK
■re called Shupnam, and Hupham, while in 1 Chr.
Ttii. 5 tiwy appear aa Shephuphan and Huram,
•one of Bela, and in Gen. xlri. 21 as Muppim and
Huppim, aone of Benjamin. To avoid the difficulty
of suppMing that Benjamin had a great-grandson
at the time he went down to Egypt, Lord A. Hervey
conjectures that Shuppim or Shephuphan was a
son of Benjamin, whose family was reckoned with
that of Ir or Iri. [Mowm.]
BHTJR {~W : lab?, reAauufetfp : 8ur\ a place
just without the eastern border of Egypt. Its name,
if Hebrew or Arabic, signifies "a wall," and there
can be little doubt that it is of Shemitic origin from
the position of the place. The LXX. seems to hare
thus interpreted it, if we may judge from the ob-
scure rendering of 1 Sam. xxvii. 8, where it must
be remarked the extraordinary form TtXafifyovp is
found. This word is evidently a transcription of
the words JTW - . • D?\$flO, the former, save
the initial particle, not being translated.
Sour is first mentioned In the narrative of Hagor's
flight from Sarah. Abraham was then in southern-
most Palestine, and when Hagar fled she was found
by an angel " by the fountain in the way to Shur "
(Gen. xvi 7). Probably she was endeavouring to
return to Egypt, the country of her birth — she may
not hare beeu a pure Egyptian — and had reached a
well in the inland caravan route. Abraham after-
wards " dwelled between Kadesh and Shur, and so-
journed in Gerar" (xx. 1). From this it would
seem either that Shur lay in the territory of the
Philistines of Gerar, or that this pastoral tribe
wandered in a region extending from Kadesh to
Shur. [Gebar.] In neither case can we ascertain
the position of Shur. The first clear indication of
this occur* in the account of Ishmael's posterity.
"And they dwelt from Havilah unto .Shur, that
[is] before Egypt, as thou goest toward Assyria "
(xxr. 18). With this should be compared the men-
tion of the extent of the Amalekita territory, given
iu this passage, " And Saul smote the Amalekites
from Uarilah [until] thou earnest to Shur, that [is]
over against fcgypt Sam - **• 7 )- ** " K '*°
important to notice that the Geshurites, Gexrites,
and Amalekites, whom David smote, are described
aa " from an ancient period the inhabitants of the
land, as thou eomest to Shur, even unto the land
of Egypt" (xxrii. 8). The Wilderness of Shur
was entered by the Israelites after they had crossed
the Red Sea (Ex. xr. 22, 23). It was also called
the Wilderness of Etham (Num. xxxiii. 8). The
first passage presents one difliciWty, upon which the
LXX. and Vulg. throw no light, in the mention of
Assyria. If, however, we compare it with later
places, we find iTHtPK H3XS here, remarkably
like iTHBt ^3 in 1 Sam. xxrii. 8, and "rtB> »ttf 3
in xr. 7, as though the same phrase had been ori-
ginally fbnnd in the first as a gloss, but it may
have beeu there transposed, and have originally fol-
lowed the mention of Havilah. In the notices of
the Amalekite and Ishmaelite region, in which the
letter succeeded the former, there can be no question
that a strip of northern A rabia is intended, stretching
from the Isthmus of .Suez towards and probably to
the Persian Gulf. The name of the wilderness may
perhaps indicate a somewhat southern position.
Bhur may tans have been a fortified town east of
Uk ancient head of the lied Sea, but in the hands
SHUSH AN
12*9
* Not only woe toe puses distant, but they wen to
Die fosoaaaoa of atari-independent tribes, who levied a
of the Arabs, or at one time the Philis-iocc, uot
of the Egyptians. From its being spoken of ta a
limit, it was probably the last Arabian town before
entering Egypt. The hieroglyphic inscriptions have
not been fouud to throw any light upon this ques-
tion. The SHARA or SHALA mentioned in them
is an important country, perhaps Syria, [R. 8. P.]
BHTJ8HAN (|B>M8»: Sova-a: Suta) is se,d to
have received its name from the abundance of the
lily (SAusAon or Shtohtmah) in its neighbourhood
(Athen. xii. 513). It was one of the most im-
portant towns m the whole East, and requires to
be described at some length.
1 . History. — Sum was originally the capital of
the country called in Scripture Elam, and by the
classical writers, sometimes Cissia (K«ro*fa), some-
times Susie or Suxbuia. [Elam.] Its foundation
is thought to date from a time anterior to Chedor-
laomer, as the remains found on the site have often
a character of very high antiquity. The first dis-
tinct mention of the town that has been as yet
found is in the inscriptions of Ass/mr-bani-pal, the
•on and successor of Esar-Haddon, who states that
be took the place, and exhibits a ground-plan of it
upon his sculptures (Layard, Kin. and Bab. pp
452, 456). The date of this monument is about
n.o. 660. We next find Su»a in the possession of
the Babylonians, to whom Klaro had piobably
passed at the division of the Assyrian empire made
by Cyaxares and NabopoU&sar. In the last year
of Belshanar (B.C. 538), Daniel, while still a Baby-
lonian subject, ia there on the king's business, and
" at Shushan in the palace" sees his famous vision
of the ram and he-goat (Dan. riii. 2). The con-
quest of Babylon by Cyrus transferred Sum to the
Persian dominion ; and it was not long before the
Achaemeuian princes determined to make it the
capital of their whole empire, and the chief place
of their own residence. According to some writers
(Xen. Cyrop. viii. 6, §22 ; Strab. xv. 3, §2), the
change was made by Cyrus ; according to others
(Ctes. Exc. Pert. §9; Herod, iii. 30, 65, 70), it
had at any rate taken place before the death of
Cambysts; but, according to the evidence of the
place itself and of the other Achaemenian monu-
ments, it would seem most probable that the trans-
fer was really the work of Darius Hystaspis, who
is found to have been (as Pliny said, a. K. vi. 27)
the founder of the great palace there— the building
so graphically described in the book of Esther
(i. 5, 6). The reasons which induced the change
are tolerably apparent. After the conquest of
Babylonia and Egypt, the western provinces of the
empire were become by far the most important,
and the Court could no longer be conveniently fixed
east of Zagros, either at Ecbatana (Hamadan) or
at Pasargadae (Afurgaub), which were cut off fiom
the Meaopotamian plain by the difficulty of the
passes for fully one half of the year.* It was neces-
sary to find a capital west of the mountains, and
here Babylon and Suaa presented themselves, each
with its peculiar advantages. Darius probably pre-
ferred Suaa, first, on acrcuut of ita vicinity to
Persia (Strab. xv. 3, §2); secondly, because it »n»
cooler than Babylon, being nearer the mountain-
chain ; and thirdly, because of the excellence of the
water there ( Oeograph. Journ. ix. 70). Suaa ac-
cordingly became the metropolis of Persia, and is
recognised as such by Aeschylus (Pers. 16,124,4c),
MO on all pa s s en g er s, nm the Persian kraai iemselvai
(■traU »». S. ftV
• 2
1300
SHUBHAN
Herodotm (r. 25, 49. &c.), Ctestaa (P«n. JSxt.
passim), Strabo (it. 3, §2), and almost all the best
writers. The Court must hare resided there during
the greater part of the Tear, only quitting it regu-
larly for Ecbaiana or Persepolis in the height of
summer, and perhaps sometimes leaving it for
Babylon in the depth of winter (see Kawlinson's
Herodotm, iii. 256). Sues retained its pre-eminence
to the period of the Macedonian - conquest, when
Alexander found there above twelve millions ster-
ling, and all the regalia of the Great King (Arrian,
Exp. Alex, iii. 16). Alter this it declined. The
preference of Alexander for Babylon caused the
neglect of Susa by his successors, none of whom
ever made it their capital city. We hear of it once
only in their wars, when it falls into the power
of Antigonus (8.0. 315), who obtains treasure there
to the amount of three millions and a half of our
money (Diod. Sic. xix. 48, $7). Nearly a century
later (B.C. 221) Sua was attacked by Molo in his
rebellion against Antiochus the Great; he took
the town, but failed in his attempt upon the citadel
;Polyb. v. 48, §14). We hear of it again at the
time of the Arabian conquest of Persia, when it was
bravely defended by Hormusan (Loftus, Chaldaea
and Sultana, p. 344).
2. Petition, fc. — A good deal of uncertainty has
existed concerning the position of Susa. While most
historians and comparative geographers have in-
clined to identify it with the modern Sua or Shun,
which is in let. 32° 10', long. 48° 26' E. from
Greenwich, between the Shapur and the river of
Dixfui, there have not been wanting some to main-
tain the rival claims of Shutter, which is situated
on the left bank of the Kuran, more than half a
degree further to the eastward. A third candidate
for the honour has even been started, and it has
been maintained with much learning and ingenuity
that Summ, on the right bank of the same stream,
50 or 60 miles above Shutter, is, if not the Susa
8HUSHAN
of the Greeks and Romans, at any rate the Sboihac
of Scripture (Geogr. Journ. ix. 85). But a evretul
examination of these sevei al spots has finally caused
a general acquiescence in the belief that Sua tlone
is entitled to the honour of representing at once the
Scriptural Shushan and the Susa of the classical
writers (see Loftus, Chaldaea and Susiana, p. 338 ;
Smith, Dictionary of Geography, sub voc ; Raw-
linson, Berodotva, iii. 254). The difficulties cause*:
by the seemingly confused accounts of the ancient
writers, of whom some place Susa on the Choaspes
(Herod, v. 49, 52 ; Strab. xv. 3, 64 ; Q. Curt. v.
2), some on the Eulaeus (Arr. Exp. Al. vii. 7 ;
Ptol. vi. 3 ; Plin. JT. N. vi. 27), have been removed
by a careful survey of the ground, from which it
appears that the Choaspes (Kerkhah) originally
bifurcated at Pat Put, 20 miles above Susa, the
right arm keeping its present course, while the let!
flowed a little to the last of Sua, and, absorbing
the Shapur about 12 miles below the ruins, flowed
on somewhat east of south, and joined the Kanm
(Pasitigris) at Ahwaz. The left branch of the
Choaspes was sometimes called by that name, but
more properly bore the appellation of Eulaeux
(Ulai of Daniel). Susa thus lay between the two
streams of the Eulaeus and the Shapur, the lattei
of which, being probably joined to the Eulaeus by
. canals, was reckoned a part of it ; and hence Pliny
said that the Eulaeus turroimded the citadel ol
' Susa (/. t. c). At the distance of a few miles
east and west of the city were two other streams —
the Coprates or river of Dixfui. and the right arm
of the Choaspes (the modern Eerkhah). Thus the
country about Susa was most abundantly watered ;
and hence the luxuriance and fertility remarked
alike by ancient and modem authors (A then. xii.
513; Qeograph. Journ. ix. 71). The Etrkhah
water was moreover regarded as of peculiar excel-
lence ; it was the only water drunk by the Great
King, and was always carried with him on his
J rrn in (i
V. Tlw hlrli crwiunj at t
S... 1 I'M,, or Ik, RnliM .< S
8HTJ8HAN
Kraituys and fo.-eign expeditions (Herod. I. 188;
Pljt. at Exi. J. €01, D; Athen. Deipn. li. 171,
Ik.). Even at the present day it is celebrated for
lightness and purity, and the natives price it above
that of almost all other streams (Qeogr. Jour*, ix.
70, 89).
3. General Iktcriptio* o/ th» Rain. — The ruins
of Susa cover a space about 6000 feet long from
east to west, by 4500 feet broad from north to
south. The circumference of the whole, exclusive
of outlying and comparatively insignificant mounds,
is about three miles. According to Mr. Loftus,
" the principal existing remains consist of tour
spacious artificial platforms, distinctly separate from
each other. Of these the western mound is the
smallest in superficial extent, but considerably the
most lofty and important. ... Its highest point is
1 19 feet above the level of the Shaour (Shapur).
In form it is an irregular, obtuse-angled triangle,
with its corners rounded off, and its base facing
nearly due east. It is apparently constructed of
earth, gravel, and sun-dried brick, sections being
exposed in numerous ravines produced by the rains
of winter. The sides are so perpendicular as to be
inaccessible to a horseman except at three places.
The measurement round the summit is about 2850
feet. In the centre is a deep circular depression,
probably a large court, surrounded by elevated piles
of buildings, the fall of which has given the present
configuration to the surface. Here and there are
exposed in the ravines traces of brick walls, which
show that the present elevation of the mound has
ben attained by much subsequent soperposition"
(CAaldaea and Susiana, p. 343). Mr. Loftus
regards this mound as indubitably the remains
ef the famous citadel (mtea or sWooreA.ii) of
Susa, so frequently mentioned by the ancient
writers (Herod, iii. 68; Polyb. v. 48, §14;
Slrab, xv. 3, §2 ; Air. Exp. Al. iii. 16, ic.).
" Separated from the citadel on the west by a
channel or ravine, the bottom of which is on
a level with the external desert, is the great
eeotial platform, covering upwards of sixty
arret (No. 3 on the Plan). The highest point
is on the south side, where it presents generally
% perpendicular escarpment to the plain, and
rises to an elevation of about 70 feet ; on the
nut and north it does not exceed 40 or 50 feet.
The east face measures 3000 feet in length.
Enormous ravines penetrate to the very heart
of the mound " (Loftus, p. 345). The third
platform (No. 2 on the Plan) lies towards the
north, and is " a considerable square mass,"
about a thousand feet each way. It abuts on
the central platform at its north-western ex-
tremity, but is separated from it by "a alight ' —
hollow," which " was perhaps an ancient road-
way " (Loftus, $>.). These three mounds form
together a lozenge-shaped mass, 4500 feet long and
nearly 3000 feet broad, pointing in its longer direc-
tion a little west of north. East of them is the
BHU8HAN
1301
Aschiteotube. — The explorations undertaken
by General, now Sir Fenwick Williams of Ears, is
the mounds at Susa, in the year 1851 , resulted in
the discovery of the bases of three columns, market"
5, 6, and 7 on the accompanying plan (woodcut
No. 2). These were found to be 27 feet 6 inches apart
from centre to centre, and aa they were very similar
to the bases of the great hall known popularly as the
Chel Miner at Persepolis, it was assumed that an-
other row would be found at a like distance inwards.
Holes were accordingly dug, and afterwards trenches
driven, without any successful result, as it hap-
pened to be on the spot where the walls originally
stood, and where no columns, consequently, could
have existed. Had any trustworthy restoration of
the Persepnlitan hnii been published at that time
the "»<«♦«*» would have been avoided, but as none
then existed the opportumtv was nearly lost for our
becoming acquainted witn one of the most interesting
ruins connected with Bible history which now exist
out of Syria. Fortunately in the following year Mr.
Loftus resumed the excavations with more saccecc,
and ascertained the position of all the 72 columns
of which the original building was composed. Only
one base had been entirely removed, and as that
was in the midst of the central phalanx, it* absence
threw no doubt on any part of the arrangement.
On the bases of four of the columns thus uncovered
(shaded darker on the plan, and numbered 1, 2,
3, 4) were found trilingual inscriptions in the
languages adopted by toe Achaemenian kings at
Behistun and elsewhere, but all were so much
injured by the fall of the superincumbent mass that
/*-o
o
oo
tattt
Ufft
O
o
o
o
mr-
hl FlaataiOMOnu raises at aaaa.
not one was complete, and unfortunately the Persian
text, which could have been read with most cer-
tainty, was the least perfect of any. Notwithsuuvi-
fourth platform, which is very extensive but of much ing this, Mr. Edwin Norris, with his usual ingenuity,
lower elevation than the rest (No. 4 on the Plan), by a careful comparison of the whole, made out the
Its plan is very irregular : in its dimensions it meaning of the first part certainly, of the latter half
ibout equals all the rest of the ruins put together. ; with very tolerable precision. As this inscription
Beyond this eastern platform a number of low j contains nearly all we know of the history of this
mounds are traceable, extending nearly to the Ditful building we quote it entire fiom Jonrn. A*. 8oc., vol.
fiver; but there are no remains of walls in any ! xv. 162: — "Says Artaxerxes (Mnemon), the Great
Unction, and no marks of any buildings west of j King, the King of Kings, the King of the Country,
lie Shamir. All the ruins are contained within a the King of the Earth, the son of King Darius —
dicucferenoe of about seven muse (Geograph. | Darius was the son of King A rtaxerxet — Artaxrnes
A*-n.ix. 71. XG. R.] was the .on of Xerxes —Xerxes was the son of Kinf
1302
8HU8HAN
Dariiu— Deri js was the son of Hystaspes the Aehae- I
meniao — Duiu* my ancestor anciently built this
ton] 1c, and afterwards it win repaired by Artaxerxes
my grandfather. By the aid of Ormazd I placed
the effigies of Tanaites and Mithrs in this temple.
May Ormacd, Tanaites, and Mithra protect me, with
the other Gods, and all that I have done ..."
The bases uncovered by Mr. Loftus were arranged
as on the woodcut No. 2, reduced from that given
at page 366 of his Chaldaea and Siaiana, and most
fortunately it is found on examination that the build-
ing was an exact counterpart of the celebrated Chel
Ulnar at Persepolis. They are in fact more like one
another than almost any other two buildings of an-
tiquity, and consequently what is wanting in the
one may safely be supplied from the other, if it
exists there.
Their age is nearly the same, that at Suaa having
been commenced by Darius Hystaspis, that at Perse-
polis — if one may trust the inscription on its stair-
case (J. A.S.x. 326)— was built entirely by Xerxes.
Their dimensions are practically identical, the width
of that at Suaa, according to Mr. Loftus, being
346 feet, the depth N . and S. 244. The correspond-
ing dimensions at Persepolis, according to Flandin
and Coste's survey, aie 357-6 by 254-6, or from
10 to 12 feet in excess; but the difference may
arise as much from imperfect surveying as from
any real discrepancy.
The number of columns and their arrangement
are identical in the two buildings, and the details
of the architecture are
practically the same so
fur as they can be made
out. But as no pillar
is standing at Susa, and
uo capital was found
entire or nearly so, it is
not easy to feel quite
sore that the annexed
restoration (woodcut
No. 3) is in all respects
correct. It is reduced
from one made by Mr.
Churchill, who accom-
panied Mr. Loftus in his
explorations. If it is
so, it appears that the
great difference between
the two buildings was
that double bull capitals
were used in the inte-
rior of the central square
hall at Susa, while their
use was appropriately
confined to the porticoes
at Persepolis. In other
respects the height of
the capital, which mea-
sures 26 feat, is very
nearly the same, but it
is fuller, and looks some-
what too heavy for the
shaft that supports it
This detect was to a
great extent corrected at Persepolis, and may have
arisen from those at Susa being the first transla-
tion of the Ninevite wooden original into stone
architecture.
The pillars at Persepolis vary from 60 to 67 feet
in height, and we may therefore assume that those
it Susa were nearly the same. No ti ace of the walU
Hi. S. Katond •knttaa at
BHU8HAN
which enclosed these pillars was detected al Sena,
from which Mr. Lottos assumes, somewhat is*
hastily, that none existed. As, however, he couM
not make out the traces of the walls of any other
of the numerous buildings which he admits ones
existed in these mounds, we ought not to be sur-
prised at his not finding them in this instance.
Fortunately at Persepolis sufficient remains still
exist to enable us to supply this hiatus, though
there also sun-burnt brick waa too much used fin
the walls, and if it were not that the jambs of the
doors and windows were generally of stone, we
should be as much at a loss there as at Susa. The
annexed woodcut (No. 4), representing the plan < f
the hall at Persepolis, is restored from data so com-
plete as scarcely to admit of doubt with regard to
any part, and will suffice to explain the arrange-
ment of both.*
Both buildings consisted of a central hall, as
nearly as may be 200 feet square, and consequently,
so far as we know, the largest interior of the ancient
world, with the single exception of the great ball
at Karnac, which covers 58,300 square feet, while
this only extends to 40,000. Both the Persian halls
are supported by 36 columns, upwards of 60 feet
in height, and spaced equidistant from one another
at about 27 feet 6 inches from centre to centre.
On the exterior of this, separated from it by
walls 18 feet in thickness, were three great porches,
each measuring 200 feet in width by 65 in depth,
and supported by 12 columns whose axes were
coincident with those of the interior. These were
beyond doubt the great audience halls of the palace,
and served the same purposes as the House of the
forest of Lebanon in Solomon's palace, though its
dimensions were somewhat different, 150 feet by
75. These porches were also identical, as far as
use and arrangement go, with the throne-rooms in
the palaces of Delhi or Agra, or those which are
used at this day in the palace at Ispahan.
The western porch would be appropriate to
morning ceremonials, the eastern to those of the
afternoon. There was no porch, as we might expect
in that climate, to the south, but the principal one,
both at Suss and Persepolis, waa that which faced
the north with a slight inclination towards the east
It waa the throne-room, par exoetlmce, of the
palace, and an inspection of the plan will show how
easily, by the arrangement of the stairs, a whole
army of courtiers or of tribnte-bearai could fiU
before the king without confusion or inconvenieui-e
The bsssi relievi in the stqirs at Persepolis in feet
represent permanently the procession that on great
festivals took place upon their steps; and a simib>r
arrangement of stairs was no doubt to be found at
Susa when the palace was entire.
It is by no means so clear to what use the centra)
hall was appropriated. The inscription quoted above
would lead us to suppose that it was a temple, pro-
perly so called, but the sacred and the secular func-
tions of the Persian kings were so intimately blended
together that it is impossible for us to draw a line
anywhere, or say how far " temple cells " or
" palace hall " would be a correct designation for
this part of the building. It probably was used
for all great semi-religious ceremonies, each as the
coronation or enthronixation of the king — at such
ceremonies as returning thanks or making offerings
• For details of this restoration, see TSt Palatrt of
A'tsersk and PmrKfdii Rutorrd. By Jas. Fersuwc
I'ubllsasa' to 1HL
SHUSHAN
to the gods fin: victories — for any purpose in fact '
requiring mora than usual state or solemnity; bit
than team* no reason to suppose it ever was uasd
for purely festal or convivial purpo ses, for which it
a singularly ill suited.
SHUSH AN
1803
From wna e know of the buildings at Pev
•epulis, we may assert, almost with certainty, that
the " King's Gate," where Mordecai sat (Esth. ii.
21), and when so many of the transactions of
the Book of Esther took place, was a square haD
So. 4. Bauond plan ol Oral H»U pf Xanai at FanapoDa. Sola 109 bat to u took.
(waodout No. 5), measuring probably a little more
than 100 feet each way, and with its roof supported
by four pillars in the centre, and that this stood at
a distance of about 150 or 200 feet from the front
of the northern portico, where its remains will
probably now be found when looked for. We may
also be tolerably certain
rPM fe?BB that the inner court,
■W ■'■•'■■■^B wnere Esther appeared
^M to implore the king's
M favour (Esth. r. 1),
* • ^H was the space between
H the northern portico
L0 O BB and this square build-
■ ing, the outer court
K5 being the space be-
m M HP] '»««> f» " King's
I, IH HcvJ Gate" and the northern
"' a terrace wall. We may
"JJS^ also predicate with to-
lerable certainty that
the " Royal House "
% l. •) and the " House of the Women '' (ii. 9, 11)
wen situated behind this great hall to the south-
ward, or between it and the citadel, and having a
direct communication with it either by means of a
bridge over the ravine, or a covered way under
found, most probably the former.
There seems also no reasonable doubt but that it
wa* in front of one of the lateral porticoes of this
twilling that King Ahamutrus ^Xeraes
■kva. Biaaaria pan of the
Oaaa* a: paiaea ef ParaapollaT
Oaala ISO ft. io »kx*.
feast unto all the people that were present in Shu-
shan the palace, both unto great and small, seven
days in the court of the garden cf tht king't palact
where were white, green, and blue hangings, fastened
with cords of fine linen snd purple to silver rings
and pillars of marble : the beds were of gold and
silver upon a pavement of red and blue and white
and black marble" (Esth. i. 5, 6). From this
it is evident that the feast took place, not in the
interior of any hall, but out of doors, in tents
erected in one of the courts of the palace, such at
we may easily fancy existed in front of either the
eastern or western porches of the great centra,
building.
Tha whole of this great group of buildings was
raised on an artificial mound, nearly square in plan,
measuring about 1000 feet each way, and rising to
a height apparently of 50 or 60 feet above the
plain. As tie principal building must, like those
at Persepolis, have had a talar or raised platform
[Temple] above its roof, its height could not have
been less than 100 or 120 feet, and Hs elevation
above the plain must consequently have beer 1 70
or 200 feet.
It would be difficult to conceive anything much
grander in an architectural point of view than such
a building, rising to such a height out of a group
of subordinate palace-buildings, interspersed with
trees and shrubs, and the whole based on such e
terrace, rising from the flat bat fertile plains that
are watered by the Eulaeus at its base. [J. K.]
1904
8HUBHAN-EJUUTH
BHU'SHAN-E'DUTH. " To the chief musi-
cian upoaShushan-Eduth" (nil)? ]WWP) u plainly
a musical direction, whatever else may be obscure
about it (Pa. lx.). In Pa. lxxx. we have the fuller
phrase " Shoshannim-eduth," of which Roediger
regards Shushan-eduth as an abbreviation (Getesi.
Tue». p. 1385). As it now stands it denote* " the
lily of testimony," and possibly contains the first
words of some Psnlm to the melody of which that
to which it was prefixed was sung ; and the pre-
position *7f, 'al (A. V. " upon ") would then signify
*' after, in the manner of," indicating to the con-
ductor of the Temple-choir the air which he was to
follow. If, however, Koediger is correct in his con-
jecture that ShHshan-eduth is merely an abbrevia-
tion for Shoshannim-eduth, the translation of the
words above given would be incorrect. The LXX.
and Vulgate appear to have read Q*3&Cr7y, for
they render voir iXKoixBrfc o^rou and pro hit qui
immutabuntur respectively. It the LXX, IW1J7,
td&th, becomes "i\y, 'id, fri. There does not appear
to be much support for the view taken by some
(as by Joel Bril) that Shushan-eduth is a musical
instrument, to called from its resemblance to a lily
in shape (Simonis), or from having lily-shaped
ornaments upon it, or from its six (sMsft) strings.
Hirst, in consistency with his theory with respect
to the titles of the Psalms, regards Shushan-eduth
a-i the name of one of the twenty-four divisions of
singers appointed by David, so called after a band-
master, Shusban, and having its head-quarters at
Eduth, which he conjectures may be the same as
Adithaim in Josh. xv. 36 (Handmb. s. v.). As a
conjecture this is certainly ingenious, but it has the
disadvantage of introducing as many difficulties as
it removes. Simonis {Lex. a. v.) connects 'td&th
B *
with the Arabic 3»x, '«td, a lute,* or kind of
guitar played with a plectrum, and considers it
to he the melody produced by this instrument ; so
that in his view ShushaL-edutb indicates that the
lily-shaped cymbals were to be aewmpanied with
playing on the lute. Geseuius prcpoaes to render
'Sd&th a " revelation," and hcure n psalm or song
revealed ; but there seems no reason why we should
depart from the usual meaning as above given, and
we may therefore regaid the words in question as a
fiagment of an old psalm « melody, the same in cha-
racter as Aijeleth SKah.ir.md others, which contained
• direction to the leader of the choir. [W. A. W.]
PHTJTHALHITEa, THE {"rhnvn : itoo-
0uAat: SuthaldUae). The descendants of Shuthelah
u.e mo of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 35).
SHUTHELAH (H>mV: SoveW; Oov-
vaxA, Cod. Alex.: Suthala). Head of an Ephraimite
fhmily, called after him Shuthalhites (Num. xxvi.
35), and lineal ancestor of Joshua, the son of Nun
( 1 Chr. vii. 20-27). Shuthelah appears from the
former passage to be a son of Fphraim, and the
father of Gran, from whom sprung a family of
Eratites (ver. 36). He appears al«o to have had
two brothers, Becher, father oi tin Rachrites, and
Tahan, father of the Tahanitcs. But in 1 Chr.
vii. we have a further notice of Shuthelah, where
SHUTHELAH
he appears first of all, as in Num., as the soa)
of Ephraim ; but in ver. 21, he is placed six gene-
rations later. Instead, too, of Becher and Tahan,
as Shuthelah's brothers, we find Bered and Tahath,
and the latter twice over; and instead of Eran,
we find Eladah ; and there is this strange ano-
maly, that Ephraim appears to be alive, and to
mourn for the destruction of his descendants in the
eighth generation, and to have other children bora
after their death. And then again at ver. 25, the
genealogy is resumed with two perunaget, Rephah
and Resheph, whose parentage is not distinctly
stated, and is conducted through Telah, and another
Tahan, and Laadan, to Joshua the son of Nun, who
thus appeals to be placed in the twelfth generation
from Joseph, or, as some reckon, In the eighteenth.
Obviously, therefore, the text in 1 Chr. vii. is cor-
rupt. The following observations will perhaps assist
ns to restore it.
1. The names that are repeated over and over
again, either in identical or in slightly varied forms,
represent probably only owe person. Hence, Ela-
dah, ver. 20 ; Elead, ver. 21 ; and Laadan, ver.
20, are the names of one and the eune person. And
a comparison of the last name wim Num. xxvi. 36,
where we hare " of Eran," will further show thai
Eran is also the same person, whether Eran* sa
Laadan be the true form of the name. So again,
the two Tahatht in ver. 20, and Tahan in ver. 25,
are the same person as Tahan in Num. xxvi. 35;
and Shvtlielah in vers. 20 and 21, and Tdah in ver.
25, are the same as the Shuthelah of Num. xxvi.
35, 36; and the Bered of ver. 20, and Zabad of
ver. 21, are the same as the Becher of Num. xxvi.
35. The names written in Hebrew are subjoined U
make this clearer.
nnn. Taba««.
jnn.TW'sn-
"I3t
• Win U» article, el 'ad Is U» urlgm of tba ItaL Uioo.
r*. Ut, and English htU.
• The SWaarlUn twt, followed by the LXX. and Use
PJTJ, of Eran.
J-T}/), Laadan.
rrah». H~d»b.
nj^K-Ekad-
r6niE>. 8uuthelah.
rbnV andTelan.
2. The words " his son " are improperly added
after Bered and Tahath in 1 Chr. vii. 20.
3. Tahan is improperly inserted in 1 Chr. vii.
25 as a son of Shuthelah, as appeals from Num.
xxvi. 35, 36. The result is that Shuthelah's line
may be thus restored : (1) Joseph. (2) Ephraim.
(3; Shuthelah. (4) Eran, or Laadan. (5) Ammi-
hud. (6) Elishama, captain of the host of Ephraim
(Num.i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48). (7) Nun. (8) Joshua;
a number which agrees well with all the genealogies
in which we can identify individuals who weie living
at the entrance into Canaan ; as Phinehas, who was
sixth from Levi ; Salmon, who was seventh from
Judah; Bealeel, who was seventh; Achan, who
was sixth ; Zelophehad's daughter, seventh, fko.
At regards the interesting story of the destruc-
tion of Ephraim's tons by the men of Oath, which
Ewald (U each. i. 491), Bunsen (Egypt, vol. i.
p. 177), LepsuH (Lcttert from Egypt, p. 460),
and others nave variously explained [Kphraim ;
Bebiah], it is impossible in the contused state oi
the text to speak positively as to the part borne ir
it by the house of Shuthelah. But it teems not
Svrtacaod two or three Hek M8S, read Mm ; and oat
Bel>. US. reads Mm for Laadan at 1 tihi vtt. 3f (JBur
riot ton, b'eneai. HsMsi).
SHUTHELAH
oalikery that the repetition of the names in 1 Chr.
rii. SO, 21, if it was not merely caused by vitiated
U3S. like 2 Sam. v. 14-16 (LXX.) arose from their
having been really repeated in the MS., not as ad-
ditional links in the genealogy, but as having borne
part, either personally or in the persons of their
descendants, in the transaction with the men of
Gath. If so, we hare mention first in ver. 20
of the four families of Ephraim reckoned in Num.
xivi., viz., Shuthelah, Bend or Becher, Tabath or
Tahan, and Eladah or Eras, the son of Shuthelah ;
and we are then, perhaps, told how Tahath, Bered,
and Shuthelah, or the clans called after them, went
to help (1"1tJ>) Laadan (or Eran), Shothelah's son,
snd were killed by the men of Gath, and how their
Cither mourned diem. This leads to an account of
another branch of the tribe of Ephraim, of which
Beriah was the head, and whose daughter or sister
(for it is not clear which was meant) was Sherah
(iTON?),' who built the upper and lower Beth-
boron (on the border of Benjamin and Ephraim),
and (Juen-Sherah, a town evidently so called from
her (Sherah's) earring. The writer then returns
to his genealogy, beginning, according to the LXX,
with Laadan. But the fragment of Shnthelah's
name in ver. 25, clearly shows that the genealogy of
Joshua, which is here given, is taken up from that
naine in ver. 20* The clause probably began.
" the tons of Shuthelah, Laadan (or, of Eran) his
son," Ac. But the question remains whether the
transaction which was so fatal to the Ephraimites,
occurred really in Ephraim's lifetime, and that of
his sons and grandson, or whether it belongs to the
times after the entrance into Canaan ; or, in other
words, whether we are to understand, by Ephraim,
Shuthelah, be, the individuals who bore those
names, or the tribe and the families which sprung
from them. Ewald and Bunsen, understanding
the names personally, of course refer the transaction
to the time of the sojourn of the Israelites in
Goshen, while Lepsius merely points out the con-
fusion and inconsistencies in the narrative, though
he apparently suspects that the event occurred in
Palestine after the Exodus. In the Qeneal. of our
Lord Jam Christ, p. 365, the writer of this article
bad suggested that it was the men of Gath who
had come darn into Goshen to steal the cattle of
the Israelites, in order to obviate the objection from
the word "came down." [See too EphraTaH.] But
subsequent consideration has suggested another pos-
sible way of understanding the passage, which is
nlso advocated by Bertbeau, in the Kurig. exeuet.
Hnndb. t. A. T. According to this view the
slaughter of the Ephraimites took place after the
settlement in Canaan, and the event related in 1
Chr. viii. 13, in which Beriah also took part, had a
doss connexion with it. The names therefore of
the patriarch, and fathers of families, must be un-
derstood of the families which sprung from them
[Nkhemiah, p. 490 a], and Bertheau well com-
pares Judg. xxi. 6. By Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 22, 23),
we must in this case undei stand the then head of
the tribe, who was probably Joshua,* and this would
go far to justify the conjecture in Genealog. p. 364,
that Sherah ( = IT1D) was the daughter of Joshua,
SIBBOLFTH
1306
• It leans highly Improbable, not to say Impossible,
rial a literal daughter or granddaughter of Sphrslm should
hare built these cities, which must have been built after
the entrance Into Canaan.
< It dors not appear who Rephab and Resbeph srr.
feban wma to be repeated out of its place, ss In the
arrived at by comparison of Josh. xlx. 49, 50,
1 Chr. vii. 30, and by observing that the latter
passage is Joshua's genealogy. Beriah would seem
from 1 Chr. viii. 13, to have obtained an inherit*
ance in Benjamin, and also in Asher, where we find
him and " his sister Serah " (JTJff) in 1 Chr. rii
SO. It is, however, impossible to speak with cer-
tainty where we have such scanty information,
Bertheau's suggestion that Beriah was adopted into
the family of the Ephraimites, is inconsistent with
the precision of the statement (1 Chr. vii, 23), and
therefore inadmissible. Still, putting together the
insuperable difficulties in understanding the passage
of the literal Ephraim, and his literal sons and
daughter, with the fact that the settlements of the
Ephraimites in the mountainous district, when
Beth-boron, Gezer, Timnath-Serah, ace, lay, were
exactly suited for a descent upon the plains of the
Philistine country where the men of Gath fed their
cattle, and with the further facta that the Ephraim-
ites encountered a successful opposition from the
Canaanites in Gezer (Josh. xvi. 10; Judg. i. 29),
and that they apparently called in later the Ben-
jainites to help them in driving away the men of
Gath (1 Chr. viii. 13), it seems best to understand
the narrative as of the times after the entrance into
Canaan. [A. C. H.]
SI'A (K*rp: 'AoWa; Alex. tuOm: Ska).
" The children of Sia " were a family of Nethinim
who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 47). The
name is written Siaha in Ear. ii. 44, and SuD in
1 Esd. v. 29.
SrAHA(Krryp: *«d; Alex.'Ao-od': Siaa
=Sia (Ezr. ii. 44V
BIBBECA'I (03D : 2*0«X«> "> Sam., So/Jox*
in Chr.; Alex. a»0ox»«>> *>3ox«l: Sobochat).
SiRHECHA! the Hushatbjte (2 Sam. xxi. 18; 1 Chr.
xxvii. 11).
SIBBECHA'I ('330: *>0ox«i; Alex. 2o0-
Poxal ill 1 Chr. xx. 4:' Sobbochat, Sobochai). One
of David's guard, and eighth captain for the eighth
month of 24,000 men of the king's army (1 Chr.
xi. 29, xxvii. 11). He belonged to one of the prin-
cipal families of Judah, the Zarhitea, or descendants
of Zerah, and is called " the Hushathite," probably
from the place of hit birth. Josephus (Ant. vii.
12, §2) calls him " the Hittitc," but this is no
doubt an error. Sibbechai's great exploit, which
gave him a place among the mighty meu of David's
army, was his single combat with Saph, or Sippni,
the Philistine giant, in the battle at Gezer, or Gob
(2 Sam. xxi. 18; 1 Chr. xx. 4). In 2 Sam. xxiii.
27 hit name is written Mebuxsai by a mistake
of the copyist. Josephus says that he slew " many "
who boasted that they were of the descent of the
giants, apparently reading 0'31 for 'BD in 1 Chr.
xx. 4.
SIB'BOLETH (Tl&D : ZOboUK). The Eph.
raimite (or, according to the text, the Ephrathite)
pronunciation of the word Shibboleth (Judg.xii. 6).
The LXX. do not represent Sibboleth at all. [See
Shibboleth.] [G.]
Alex. LXX. It is after Laadan, there corrupted Into
' There is no mention elsewhere of sir* posterity «*J
Josbna. The Jewish tradition ssslgnsd him a wife sad
children, purul
130C
8IBMAH
SIB MAH (flMP : St fiapo, ti ler. sanowaa:
Stonma, Sabama). A town on the cut of the Jordan,
we of tbon which were taken and occupied by the
tribe of Reuben (Josh. »ii. 19). In the original
analogue of those placet it appean at Shebam
ukI ShibJsah (the latter merely an inaccurate va-
riation of the Auth. Veiaiou). Like moat of the
i rara'ordanic places, Sibmah disappears from new
dining the main pint of the Jewish history. We,
howtver, gain a parting glimpse of it in the lament
orer Mosb pronounced by Isaiah and by Jeremiah
;U. iri. 8, 9 ; Jer. xlviii. 32). It was then a Moab-
:te place, filmed for the abundance and excellence
of its grapes. They must hare been remarkably
good to hare been thought worthy of notice by
those who, like Isaiah and Jeremiah, lived close to
and were familiar with the renowned rineyards of
Sirek (Is. v. 2, where " choicest Tine " is " rine of
Sorek.") Its Tineyards were devastated, and the
town doubtless destroyed by the " lords of the hea-
then," who at some time unknown appear to hare
laid waste the whole of that once smiling and fertile
district.
Sibmah seems to hare been known to Eusebius
(OmoKufcon, "Sabama"),' and Jerome (Com-
ment: m Isaiam, lib. v.) states that it was hardly
500 paces distant from Heshbon. He also speaks
of it as one of the very strong cities ( Uriel validit-
limae) of that region. No trace of the name has
been discovered more recently, and nothing resem-
bling it is found in the excellent lists ot Dr. Eli
Smith (Bobinson, B.R.ei.1, App. 169, 170). [G.]
SIBRA'IM (Dn3p : «noa> *Eflpauii[Xuiu :
Sabarim). One of the landmarks on the northern
boundary of the Holy Land as stated by Kzekiel
(ilvii. 16). It occurs between Berothah and H&zar-
hntticon, and is described in the same passage as
lying between the boundary of Damascus and that
of Hamath. It has not been identitied — and in the
great obscurity of the specification of this boun-
dary it is impossible to say where it should be
sought. [G.]
8ICHEM (pyff, i.e. Shechem : %%«>:
Stefan). The same well-known name — identical in
the Hebrew — with that which in all other places in
the 0. T. is accurately rendered by our translators
Shechem. Here (Gen. xii. 6), its present form
arises from a too close adherence to the Vulgate, or
rather perhaps from its non-correspondence with
the Hebrew having been overlooked in the revision
ef 1611.
The unusual expression " the place of Sichem "
may perhaps indicate that at that early age the
dty did not exist. The " oaks of Horeh ' were
there, bur the town of Shechem as yet was not,
Ha "place'' only was visited by the great patriarch.
a. («V Zutfjuni : m SicMmii). Ecdus. 1. 26.
The Greek original here is in the form which is
occasionally found in the 0. T. as the equivalent of
Shechbm. If there could be any donbt that the
eon of Sirach was alluding in this passage to the
Samaritans, who lived as they stirl live at Shechem,
it would be disproved by the characteristic pun which
he has perpetrated on the word Moreh, the ancient
■ The statemrnt of this peatse* that Sibmah was *m
pleat," ceaptod with its dlsUooa from Heshbon as given
*/ Jerome, supports the local tradition which places
Poiint Ollead south of ibe Jsbbok, ft the Hody lark* be
owJaUmfc.
SICYOH
name of Shechem :—" that foolish teopli (Aoat
H» fit) that dwell in Sichem." [G. J
SICYON Chaw)*). A city mentioned with
several others [see Phaselb] in 1 Mace xr. 23.
The name is derived from a Punic root (sot, lik, «
so*), which always implies a periodical market;
and the original settlement was probably one to
which the inhabitants of the narrow strip of highly
fertile soil between the mountains and the southern
shore of the Corinthian Gulf brought their produce
for exportation. The oldest name of the town on
the coast (the Sicyon of the times before Alex-
snder) was said to hare been AiysaXn, or AfyioAei.
This wss perhaps the common native name, and
Sicyon that given to it by the Phoenician traders,
which would not unnaturally extrude the other as
the place acquired commercial importance. It is
this Sicyon, on the shore, which was the tut of
the government of the Orthagorids, to which the
Clehthenes celebrated by Herodotus (v. 67) be-
longed.* But the Sicj» referred to in the Book
of Maccabees is a more recent city, built on the
site which served as an acropolis to the old one,
and distant from the shore from twelve to twenty
stades. Demetrius Poliorcetes, in the year 303 B.C.,
surprised the garrison which Ptolemy had live years
before placed tnere, and made himself master of the
harbour and the lower town. The acropolis was
surrendered to him, and he then persuaded the
population, whom he restored to independence, to
destroy the whole of the buildings adjacent to the
harbour, and remove thither; the site being one
much more easily defensible, especially against any
enemy who might attack from the sea. Diodorus
describes the new town as including a large space
so surrounded on every side by precipices as to be
unapproachable by the machines which at that
time were employed in sieges, and as possessing the
great advantage of a plentiful supply of water
within its circuit. Modern travellers completely
confirm his account. Mr. Clark, who, in 1857,
descended upon Sicyon from " a ridge of hills
running east and west, and commanding a splendid
prospect of both the [Corinthian and Saronic] gulfs
and the isthmus between," after two hours and a
half of riding from the highest point, came to a
ruined bridge, probably ancient, at the bottom of
a ravine, and then ascended the right bank by a
steep path. Along the crest of this hill he traced
fragments of the western wall of Sicyon. The moun-
tain which he bad descended did not fall towards
the sea in a continuous slope, but presented a suc-
cession of abrupt descents and level terraces, severed
at intervals by deep rente and gorges, down which
the mountain-torrents make their way to the sea,
spreading alluvium over the plain, about two miles
in breadth, which lies between the lowest din's
and the shore. " Between two such forges, on a
smooth expanse of table-land overlooking the
plain," stood the city of Demetrius. " On every
side are abrupt cliffs, and even at the southern
extremity there is a lucky transverse rent sepa-
rating this from the next plateau. The ancient
walls may be seen at intervals along the edge of
the cliff on all sides." It is easy to conceive how
these advantages of position mutt at once have
» Tbe commercial connexion of (be Rtcyoe'.f (he Ortha-
gorids with Phoenicia, la shown by tbe quantity «f tan
latiOT brass In tbe treasnrv of the OrtbaaorW Mjms a
Olrmpia. The Phoenician (Carthaginian) Ireasniv «jt
wxt to It •'ftusaulss. vL 1», »l)i
uturos
find tin attention of the great enpuee of an-
tujait y — the Besieger.
Demetrius established the forms of republican
government in his new city; but republican go-
vernment had by that time become an impossibility
in Hellas. In the neit half-century a number of
tyrants succeeded one another, maintaining them-
selves by the aid of mercenaries, and by tempo-
rising with the rival sovereigns, who each endea-
voured to secure the hegemony of the Grecian ' historical record of which the early portion of the
race. This state of things received a temporary j book is cerapond.
v_ .i.- - fl ...... .e ,_..._ !.!_..,*. _„.!... I The mmaaag of tbe „„,„, b Toy doubtful.
8IDDIM, THE VALE Off 189/
S.5; Paiisauins. ii. 8, v. 14, 9, vi. 19,51-6, x. II, $1:
Ciark, Peloponnesus, pp. 338, stqq.) [J. W. B.J
BID'DtM, THE VALE OF {VFm\ pCj?':
f/ Qipayt {/ tiXuirfi, and 4 kocA if 4 iAwrfJ : VaBil
Silvestris). A place named only in one passage ol
Genesis (xiv. 3, 8, 10) ; a document pronounced by
Kwald and other eminent Hebrew scholars to be one
of the oldest, il not the oldest, of the fragments of
check by the efforts of Aratus, himself a native
of Sicyon, of which his father Cleinias for a time
became dynast. In his twentieth year, being at
the time in exile, he contrived to recover possession
of the city and to unite it with the Achaean league.
This was in the year 251 B.C., and it appears
that at this time the Dorian population was so
preponderant as to make the addition of the town
to a confederation of Achaeans a matter of remark.
For the half-century before the foundation of the
new city, Sicyon had favoured the anti-Lacedae-
mouian party in l'eloponuese, taking active part
with the Messenians and Argives in support of
Megalupolis, which Kpaminondas had founded as a
counter-check to Sparta.
The Sicyonian territory is described as one of
singular fertility, which was probably increased by
aitifidal irrigation. In the changeful times which
preceded the final absorption of European Hellas
by the Romans it was subject to plunder by
Gesenius says truly (The*. 1321 a) that every one
of the ancient interpreters has tried his hand at It,
and the results are so various as to compel the
belief that nothing is really known of it, certainly
not enough to allow of any trustworthy inferences
being drawn therefrom as to the nature of the spot.
Gesenius expresses his conviction (by inference
from the Arabic Jww, an obstacle) that the real
meaning of the words tlmek has-Siddtin is " a plain
cut up by stony channels which render it difficult
of transit ;" and with this agree Fflrst (Handicb. ii.
411 6) and Kaliseh (Genesis, 355).
Prof. Stanley conjectures (S. # P.) that Siddim
is connected with Sddeh* and thus that the signi-
fication of the name was the " valley of the fields,"
so called from the high state of cultivation in which
it was maintained before the destruction of Sodom
and the other cities. This, however, is to identify
whoever had the command of the sea ; and in the it with the Ckcar, the " circle (A. V. ' plain ') of
year 208 B.C. the Roman general Sulpicius, who
nad a squadrou at Naupactus, landed between
Sicyon and Corinth (probably at the mouth of the
little river Nemea, which was the boundary of the
two states'), and was proceeding to harass the
neighbourhood, when Philip king of Macedonia,
who was then at Corinth, attacked him and drove
him back to his ships. But vei-y soon after this
Roman influence began to prevail in the cities of
the Achaean league, which were instigated by dread
of Nabis the dynast of Lacedaemon to seek lioimui
protection. One congress of the league was held
at Sicyon under the presidency of the Romans in
198 B.C., and another at the same place six years
later. From this time Sicyon always appears to
have adhered to the Roman side, and on the de-
struction of Corinth by Mummius (B.C. 146) was
rewarded by tbe victors not only with a large
portion of the Corinthian domain, but with the
management of the Isthmian games. This dis-
tinction was again lost when Julius Caesar re-
founded Corinth and made it a Roman colony ; but
in tbe mean while Sicyon enjoyed for a century all
the advantages of an entrepot which had before
accrued to Corinth from her position between the
two seas. Even in the days of the Antonines the
pkacurt-grounds (re/iew) of the Sicyonian tyrant
Clean continued appropriated to the Roman go-
vernors of Achaia; and at the time to which
reference is made in the Maccabees, it was probably
the most important position of all over which the
Romans exercised influence in Greece.
(Diodorus Siculus, xv. 70, xx. 37, 102 ; Polybius,
ii.43; Strabo.viii. 7, §25; Livy.xxxii. 15, 19,xxxv,
* Tka following are the equivalents of the name given
!d tbe sndpnt versions :— Sam. Vers, iVp^n "IC'D •
Doketos, K^pn IB^Q ; Arabic, mtrj at koMI ; Feaaito,
JjOOO«JO* )fi"f>ON : AouUa. K. i*» ivpwrt-
Jordan," which there does not appear to be any
warrant for doing.
As to the spot itself: —
1. It was one of that class of valleys which the
Hebrews designated by the word Emek. This term
appeals to have beeu assigned to a broad flatfish
tract, sometimes of considerable width, enclosed on
each side by a definite range of hills. [VALLKr.]
Tbe only Einek which we can identify with any
approach to certainty is that of Jezreel, viz. the
valley or plain which lies between Gilboa and Little
Hermon.
2. It was so far a suitable spot for the combat
between the four and five kings (ver. 8) ; but,
3. It contained a multitude of bitumen-pits
sufficient materially to affect the name of the battle.
4. In this valley tbe kings of the five allied
cities of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboiiin, ud
Beta, seem to have awaited the approach of the in-
vaders. It is therefore probable that it was in the
neighbourhood of the " plain, or circle, of Jordan "
in which those cities stood. But this we can only
infer; it is not stated, and scarcely implied.
5. So much may be gathered from the passage
as it appears originally to have stood. But the
words which more especially bear on the subject of
this article (ver. 3) do not form part of the original
document. That venerable record has — with a care
which shows how greatly it was valued at a very
early date — been annotated throughout I y a later,
though still very ancient, chronicler, who has added
what in his day were believed to be the equivalents
for names of places that had become obsolete. Bela
is explained to be Zoar; En-Mishpat to be Kadesh;
3uw; Svmm. ami Theod., K. ■m» i\aiv (=fttPH)l
Josepbas, eptara aveWArav: Jerome (Quant, tn Gm.)
r«Bi« SaUnarum.
b Perhaps more accurately with SSAad, "to barrow.'
fVe kallscb (Gm. 355 a); who, however, disapproves si
seen s derivation, sod adheres to that a' lleseuiua.
1308 8IDD1M, THE VALE Of
the Ercek-Shaveh to be tbe Valley of the King;
the Eroek hat-Siddim to be the Salt Sea, that is, in
modern phraseology, the Dead Sea. And when we
letnembu how persistently the notion has been en-
tertained for the last eighteen centuries,* that tbe
Dead Sea coveia a district which before its submer-
sion was not only tbe Valley of Siddim but also the
Ilain of the Jordan, and what an elaborate account
of the catastrophe of its submeraion has been con-
structed even very recently by one of the moat able
schclars of oar day, we can hardly be surprised
that a chronicler in an age far lew able to interpret
natural phenomena, and at the name time long sub-
tequeot to the date of the actual treat, should
hare shared in the belief. Recent investigation,
however, of the geological evidence furnished by tbe
aspect of the spot itself, has not hitherto lent any
uipport to this view. On the contrary, it seems to
contradict it. Tbe northern and deeper portion of
the lske unquestionably belongs to a geological era
of rei y much older date than the time of Abraham ;
and as to even the southern and shallower portion,
if it has undergone any material change in historic
times, such change wouli seem to be one rather of
gradual elevation than of submersion.*
If we oonld venture, as some have done, to in-
terpret the latter clause of verse 3, " which is near,"
or - which is at, or by, the Salt Sea," then we
might agree with Dr. Robinson and others in iden-
tifying the Valley of Siddim with the enclosed plain
which intervenes between the south end of the lake
and the range of heights which terminate the GAdr
and commence the Wady Arabah. This is a dis-
trict in many respects suitable. In the ditches and
drains of the Sabkhah are the impassable channels
sf Geseniui. In the thickly wooded Ohir es 8afi«h
are ample conditions for the fertility of Prof. Stan-
ley. The general aspect and formation of the plain
answers fully to the idea of an emek.' But the
original of the passage will not bear even this slight
accommodation, and it is evident that in the mind
of the author of the words, no less than of the
learned and eloquent divine and historian of our
own time already alluded to, the Salt Sea covers
the actual space formerly occupied by the Vale of
Siddim. It should be remembered that if the
cities of the plain were, as there is much reason to
believe they were, at the north end of the Dead
*>ea, it is hardly probable that the fire kings would
have gone so tar from home as to the other end of
the lake, a distance of more than forty miles, espe-
cially as on their road they must hare passed
Haxexon-Tamar, the modem Am Jidy, where the
Assyrians were then actually encamped (ver. 7).
The course of the invaders at this time was appa-
rently northwards, and it seems most probable —
though after all nothing but conjecture on such
a point is possible — that the scene of the engage-
ment was somewhere to the north of the lake,
perhaps on the plain at its north-west corner. This
plain is in many of its characteristics not unlike the
Sabkkah already mentioned, and it is a proper and
natural spot for the inhabitants of the plain of
Jericho to attack a hostile force descending from
the passes of Ain Jidy. [G.J
• Josephns states It emphatically. His words (Ami. L
•) are, " Tuey encamped In the valley called the Wells of
Asphalt', for at that lime there were wells to that spot;
re- now that the dry of the Sodomites has disappeared,
that valley has become a lake wllch Is called Aa-
^rjOaux.' c .«e also Strabo. xvi. Ysi.
BIDE
SIDE (SiSii. Bids). A city on the mat of
Pamphylia, in lat. 36* 46', long. 31* 27', tan or
twelve miles to the east of the river Ejrymediv.
It is mentioned in 1 Mace zv. 23, among the list
of places to which tbe Roman senate sent letters
in favour of the Jews [see PHASKLn]. It was a
coliny of Cumaeana. In the time of Strabo a
temple of Athena stood there, and the name of
that goddess associated with Apollo appears in an
inscription of undoubtedly late times found on the
spot by Admiral Beaufort. Side was closely con-
nected with Aradus in Phoenicia by commerce,
even if there was not a considerable Phoenician
element in the population ; for not only are
the towns placed in juxtaposition in the passage
of the Maccabees quoted above, but Antjochuss
ambassador to the Achaean league (Livy, zzxr.
48), when boasting of his master's navy, told
his hearers that the left division was made uj
of men of Side and of AraduM, as the right was
of those of Tyre and of Sidon, own genta n<Ulae
unquam nee arte nee virtuie natali aeqiument.
It is possible that the name has the same root as
that of Sidon, and that it (as well as the Side on
tbe southern coast of the Euxine, Strabo, zii. 3)
was originally a Phoenician settlement, and that
the Cnmaean colony was something subsequent.
In the times in which Side appears in history H
had become a place of considerable importance. It
was the station of Antiochus's navy on the eve o{
the battle with the Rhodian fleet described by I.ivy
(xxxvii. 23, 24). The remains, too, which still
exist are an evidence of its former wealth. They
stand on a low peninsula runnkig from N.E. tc
S.W., and the maritime character of the former
inhabitants appears from the circumstance that the
walls towards the sea were but slightly built, while
the one which faces the land is of excellent workman-
ship, and remains, in a considerable portion, perfect
even to this time. A theatre (belonging appa-
rently to the Roman times) is one of the largest
and best preserved in Asia Minor, and is calculated
to have been capable of containing more than
15,000 spectators. This is so prominent an object
that, to persons approaching the shore, it appears
like an acropolis oi the city, and in fact, during the
middle ages, was actually occupied as a fort. The
suburbs of Side extend to some distance, but the
greatest length within the walk doss not exceed
1300 yards. Three gates led into the town from
the sea, and one, on the north-eastern side, iota
the country. From this last a paved street with
high curbstones conducts to an agora, 180 feet in
diameter, and formerly surrounded with a double
row of columns, of which only the bases remain.
In the centre is a large ruined pedestal, as if for a
colossal statue, and on the southern side the ruins
of a temple, probably the one spoken of by Strabo.
Opposite to this a street ran to the principal water-
gate, and on the fourth side of tbe agora the
avenue from the land-gate was continued to Use
front of the theatre. Of this last the lower half is,
after the manner of Roman architect* whenever
the site permitted, excavated from the native rock,
th« upper half built up of excellent masonry. The
* The (rounds of this conclusion an stated under Baa,
rax But.
• Tats Is tbe plain which Dr. Robinson sad others wools'
kJenttfy with the Valley of Salt, f tsetse*. It b harsai
pualala that It osn be both an auk and a or
UDON
state far the spectators, moat of which remain, an
oi white marble beautifully wrought.
The two principal harbours, which at first serai to
havs bean united in one, were at the extremity of the
peninsula: they were closed, and together contained
a surface of nearly 500 yards by 200. Besides
these, the principal water-gate on the N.W. side
eras connected with two small piers of 150 feet
mng, so that it is plain that vessels used to iie
here to discharge their cargoes. And the account
which Livy gives of the sea-fight with Antiochus
above referred to, shows that shelter could also be
found on the other {or S.K.) aide of the peninsula
whenever a strong west wind was blowing.
The country by which Side is backed is a
broad swampy plain, stretching out for some miles
beyond the belt of sand-hills which fringe the sea-
shore. Low hills succeed, and behind these, far
inland, are the mountains which, at Mount Climax
40 miles to the west, and again about the same
distance to the east, come down to the coast.
These mountains were the habitation of the
Pisidiana, against whom Antiochus, in the spring
of the year 192 B.C., made an expedition ; and as
Side was in the interest of Antiochus, until, at
the conclusion of the war, it passed into the hands
of the Romans, it is reasonable to presume that
hostility was the normal relation between its inha-
bitants and the highbinders, to whom they were
probably objects of the same jealousy that the
Spanish settlements on the African seaboard inspire
in the Kabyles round about them. This would not
prevent a large amount of traffic, to the mutual
interest of both parties, but would hinder the
people of Side from extending their away into the
interior, and also render the construction of effective
fortifications on the land side a necessity. (Strabo,
xii., xiv. ; Livy, xxxv., xxxvii. ; Beaufort, Kara-
mania; Cicero, Epp. ad Fan. iii. 6.) [J. W. B.]
SI'DON. The Greek form of the Phoenician
name Zidon, or (more accurately) Tsidon. As such
it occurs naturally in the N. T. and Apocrypha of
the Auth. Version (Siowr: Side*: 2 Ead. 1. 11,
Judg. ii. 28: 1 Mace v. 15 ; Mart xi. 21, 22 ; xv.
21 ; Mark iii. 8, Til. 24, 31 ; Lake iv.« 26, vi. 17,
x. 13, 14 ; Acta xii. 20,* xxviii. 3). It is thus a
parallel to Sioh.
But we also find it in the 0. T., where it imper-
fectly represents the Hebrew word elsewhere pre-
sented as Ziooh (Gen. x. 15, 19; }Vx : 3W»V,
a«I4r: Sftfon). [ZlDON.] [G.]
8HXyKUNB(D»ST*iinJudg. 'STY: Sei-
awKiei ; in Dent. *oIVuc» ; in Judg. SiSoViot :
Shtmii, Sidonitu). The Greek form of the word
ZidoriaKS, usually so exhibited in the Auth. Vers,
of the 0. T. It occurs Deut. iii. 9 ; Josh. xiii. 4,
6 ; Judg. iii. 8 ; IK. v. 6. [G.]
81 HON (]JTD, and fllTD': Samar. JWTD.
StjtSr ; Joseph, "iix&r : Behon) . King of the Amor-
<tvs when Israel arrived on the borders of the Pro-
mised Land (Num. xxi. 21). He was evidently a man
•f great courage and Budacity. Shortly before the
time of Israel's arrival he had dispossessed the Moab-
kes of a splendid territory, driving them south of the
SIHOB
130S
natural bulwark of the Arnnn with great alangntat
and the loss of a great number of captives (xxi. 26-
29). When the Israelite host appears, he does not
hesitate or temporise like Balak, but at once gathers
his people together and attacks them. But thr
battle was his last. He and all his host were de-
stroyed, and their district from Anion to Jabboi
became at once the possession of the conqueror.
Josephns (Ant. iv. 5, §2) ha» preserved sonv
singular details of the battle, which hare not sur-
vived in the text either of the Hebrew or LXX.
He represents the Amorite army as containing
every man in the nation fit to bear aims. He states
that they were unable to fight when away from the
shelter of their cities, and that being especially
galled by the slings and arrows of the Hebrews, and
at last suffering severely from thirst, they rushed
to the stream and to the shelter of the recesses of
the ravine of the Arnon. Into these recesses they
were punned by their active enemy and slaughtered
in vast numbers.
Whether we accept these details or not, it is plain
from the manner in which the name of Sihon* fixed
itself in the national mind, and the space which his
image occupies in the official records, and in tht
later poetry of Israel, that he was a truly formi-
dable chieftain. [G.]
SI'HOB, accurately BHITHOB, once THE
8HIHOB (-ftn»t?, -Antr, The': r*iV, fi
iofinrror 4 Kara wpirtrwor Alyiwrov : Niha,
flmius turbidia, I aqua) turbida : or SHIHOB OF
EGYPT (QnVD "ftrPB* : tpta Alyirrov : SSior
Aegypti), when unqualified, a name of the Nile. It
is held to signify "the black" or "turbid," from
TTI15>, " he or it was or became black f a word used
-T
in a wide sense for different degrees of dark colour,
as of hair, a face tanned by the sun, a skin black
through disease, and extreme blackness. [NILE,
p. 539 a."] Several names of the Nile mav be com-
pared. NeiXot itself, if it be, as is generally sup-
posed, of Iranian origin, signifies " the blue," that if
" the dark " rather than the turbid ; for wa must then
compare the Sanskrit afjfjs,! SUah, " blue," pro-
bably especially " dark blue," also even " black," as
wffcnTO'. "black mud." The Arabic asm*,
" blue," signifies " dark " in the name Bohr el-
Atrak, or Blue River, applied to the eastern of
the two great confluents of the Nile. Still nearer
is the Latin Mtlo, from fiikoa, a name of the Nile,
according to Kestus and Servins (Qeorg. iv. 291 ;
Am. 1. 745, iv. 246) ; but little stress can be laid
upon such a word resting on no better authority
I With the classical writers, it is the soil of Egypt
that is black rather than its river. So too in hiem
glyphics, the name of the country, KGM, mum
" the black;" bat there is no name of the Nile of
like signification. In the ancient painted sculptures,
however, the figure of the Nile-god is coloured dif-
ferently according as it represents the river during
the time of the inundation, and during the rest oi
the year, in the former case red, in the latter blue
There are but three occurrences of Shihor in tht
■ Is this passage the tonn XiWut Is used.
» Here the adjective Is employed— Xt&n-tow.
• This form Is round frequently, though not exclusively,
at the books subsequent to the Pentateuch. In the Pen*,
feali u ou-urs four times, two of which are la the sunt.
Num. xxi. 37. a*.
* It Is possible that a trace of the name may still
remain in the Jebel sh&kan, a kitty and conspicuous
nv'un'aln Just to the soath of th» RMy jqsss
1310
RILAB
Bible, und tmt one of Shlhor of Egypt, or Shihor
Mizraim. It is spoken of as oiw of the limits of
territory which was still anconquered when Joshua,
was old. " .'his [is] the laud that yet remaiueth :
all the regions of the Philistines, and all Geshuri,
from the Shihor ("nnWl), which [is] before Egypt,
tven unto the borders of Ekron northward, is
counted to the Canaanite " (Josh. xiii. 2, 3). The
enumeration of the Philistines follows. Here, there-
fore, • district lying between Egypt and the most
northern Philistine city seems to be intended. With
this passage must be compared that in which Shihor-
Mizraim occurs. David is related to hare "ga-
thered all Israel together, from Shihor of Egypt
even unto the entering of Hamath " (1 Chr. xiii. 5).
There is uu other evidence that the Israelites ever
spread westwaid beyond Gaza ; it may seem strange
that the actual territory dwelt in by them in David's
time should thus appear to be spoken of as extend-
ing sa for aa the easternmost branch of the Nile,
but it must be recollected that more than one tribe
at a later time had spread beyond even its first
boundaries, and also that the limits may be those of
David's dominion rather than of the land actually
folly inhabited by the Israelites. The stream may
therefore be that of the Wddi-l-'Areesh. That the
stream intended by Shihor unqualified was a nan-
gable river is evident from a passage in Isaiah,
where it is said of Tyre, " And by great waters,
the sowing of Shihor, the harvest of the river
(Jedr, *AO), [is] her revenue" (xxiii. 3). Here
Shihor is either the same as, or compared with,
ieor, generally thought to be the Nile [Nile],
but in this work suggested to be the extension of
the Red Sea. [Red Sea.1 In Jeremiah the iden-
tity of Shihor with the Nile seems distinctly stated
where it is said of Isrnei, " And now what hast thou
to do in the way of Egypt, to drink the waters of
Shihor? or what host thou to do in the way of
Assyria, to drink the waters of the river?" i. e.
Euphrates (ii. 18). lu considering these passages
it is important to distinguish i*>twoon •' the Shihor
which [is] before Egypt," and Siiihor of Egypt, on
the one band, and Shihor alone, on the other. In
articles Nile and River of Egypt it is maintained
too strongly that Shihor, however qualified, is always
the Nile. The later opinion of the writer is ezpi eased
here under Shihor OP Eovpt. The latter is, he
thinks, unquestionably the Nile, the former two
probably, but not certainly, the same. [R. S. P.]
8IXA8 CjUAm: Silos'). An eminent member
•if the early Christian Church, described under that
usme in the Acts, but as Silvanus* in St. Paul's
Epistles. He first appears as one of the leaders (yyoi-
imwm) of the Church at Jerusalem (Acta xr. 22),
holding the office of an inspired teacher (*piM>4rni,
it. 32). His name, derived from the Latin sitta,
" wood," betokens him a Hellenistic Jew, and he
appears to have been a Roman citizen (Acts xvi.
37). He was appointed as a delegate to accom-
pany Paul and Barnabas on their return to Antioch
with the decree of the Council of Jerusalem (Acts
xv. 22, 32). Having accomplished this mission,
he returned to Jeruankm (Arts xv. 33; the follow-
ing verse, Oefs Si re? KAa (VipeiMu mvroS, is de-
cidedly an interpolation introduced to haimonise
the passage with xv. 40). He must, however,
• The Alexamlilnc writers adopted *oi,*whit bold ab-
breviations of proper names, socta u Zenas for Znwdonn.
Ap-illoa ft* Apolloniia. Hennas for Hermodonis. TI-
■eihod bjr which th«-jr arrived al Due* r„rm» i. ml very
apparent
SILK
r-ave immediately revisited Antinch, for we final
him selected by St. Paul as the i»mpanion ol Ut
second missionary journey (Acts xv. 40-xrii. 40).
At Beroea he was left behind with Timothy while
St. Paul proceeded to Athens (Acts xvii. 14), and
we hear nothing more of his movements until he
rejoined the Apostle at Corinth (Acts xviii. 5),
Whether be had followed Paul to Athens in obe-
dience to the injunction to do to (Acts xvii. 15), and
had been sent thence with Timothy to Thesaalonira
(1 Then. iii. 2), or whether his movements war*
wholly independent of Timothy's, is uncertain
(Conyb. and Hows. St. Paul, i. 458, note *). His
presence at Corinth is several times noticed (2 Cor.
i. 19; 1 Thess. i. 1 ; 2 Then. i. 1). He probably
returned to Jerusalem with St, Paul, and from that
time the conneiion between them appeals to hare
terminated. Whether he was the Silvanus whe
conveyed St. Peter's First Epistle to Asia Minor
(1 Pet. v. 12), it doubtful ; the probabilities are in
favour of the identity; the question is chiefly inte-
resting as bearing upon the Pauline character of St.
Peter's Epistles (De Wette, Einltit. §4). A tra-
dition of very alight authority represents Silas to
have become bishop of Corinth. We have finally
to notice, for the purpose of rejecting, the theories
which identify Silas with Teitius (Rom. xvi.
22) through a Hebrew explanation of the name
(tTvtSr), and again with Luke, or at all events with
the author of the Acta (Alford'a ProUgcm. in Acts,
i. §1). [W. L. B.]
SILK (oiututdr). The only wtdoxtbted notice
of silk in the Bible occurs in Rev. xviii. 12, wheie
it is mentioned among the treasures of the typksd
Babylon. It is, however, in the highest degree
probable that the texture was known to the Hebrews
from the time that their commercial relations were
extended by Solomon. For, though we have ne
historical evidence of the importation of the raw
material to the shij'TS of the Mediterranean earlier
than that of Aristotle (H. A. v. 19) in the 4th
century B.C., yet that notice, referring as it does to
the island of Cos, would justify the assumption that
it had been known at a far earlier period in Western
Asia. The commercial routes of that continent aie
of the highest antiquity, and an indirect testimony
to the existence of a trade with China in the age of
Isaiah, is probably afforded us in his reference to the
Sinim. [SnflH.] The well-known classical name
of the substance (mif-sir, sericmi) does not occur
in the Hebrew language.* but this may be accounted
for, partly on the ground that the Hsbrews were
acquainted only with the texture and not with the
raw material, and partly on the supposition that
the name sericum reached the Greeks by another
channel, viz. through Armenia. The Hebrew terms
which hare been supposed to refer to silk are meski*
and demtshtk.* The Termer occurs only in Ex.
xvi. 10, 13 (A. V. "silk") and is probably con-
nected with the root math&h, " to draw out," at
though it were made of the finest drains silk in the
manner described by Pliny (vi. 20, xi. 26) : tht
equivalent term in the LXX. (rplxTor), thougs
connected in point of etymology with Aa«r as its
material, is nevertheless explained by Hesyduut
and Suidas as referring to silk, which may well
have bean described as resembling hair. Tht cthsi
» Oslmet conjectured that rtP'Ts? (Is. xxa. •, A. f
' line") wm connected with STV"»-v
• to. • aroi.
SILLA
tern dnnnkek ocean in Am. Hi. !2 (A. V.
" Damascus"), and his been supposed to refer to
■ilk from toe resemblance of the word to our
" damask," end of thii again to " Damascus," «•
the plan where the manufacture of silken textures
was carried on. It appears, however, that "da-
mask "si corruption of dimahto, a term applied
by the Arabs to the raw material alone, and not to
the manufactured article (Putef's Mat. Proph.
p. 183). We must, therefore, consider the reference
to silk aa extremely dubious.* We have notice of
silk under its classical name in the Mishna {Kit. 9,
$2), There Chinese silk is distinguished from floss-
silk. The Tain* set upon silk by the Romans, as
implied in Iter. xriH. 12, is noticed by Josephus
(B. J. Til. 5, §4), as well as by classical writers
{e.g. Socton. Calig. 52 ; Mart. xi. 9). [W. L. B.]
SII/LA (ybo : TaiKKa; Alex. roXooS: Seta).
u The house of Millo which goeth down to Slla,"
was the scene of the murder of King Joash (2 K.
Tii. SO). What or where Si I la was is entirely
matter of conjecture. Millo seems most probably
to hare been the citadel of the town, and situated
on Mount Zion. [See p. 367 a.] Sills must hare
been in the valley below, overlooked by that part
of the citadel which was used as a residence. The
situation of the present so-called Pool of Siloam
would be appropriate, and the agreement between
the two names is tempting ; but the likeness exi>ts
in the Greek and English versions only, and in the
original is too slight to admit of any inference.
Planting, with less than his usnal caution, affirms
Silts to be a town in the neighbourhood of Jeru-
salem. Others (as Thenius, in Kurxg. exeg.
Hcmdb. on the passage), refer it to a place on
or connected with the causeway or flight of steps
(il?UU) which led from the central valley of the
city up to the court of the Temple. To indulge in
such confident statements on tither side is ah
entire mistake. Neither in the parallel passage of
Chronicles,* in the lists of Nehemiah iii. and xii.,
the Jewish Commentator,* the LXX., in Josephus,
nor in Jerome, do we find the smallest clue; and
there is therefore no alternative but to remain for
the present in ignorance. [G.]
SILO'AH, THE POOL OF {rbvn T13TS :
«oAvfU?4tyM> ri» Ktetlur ; FA. k. ray osrov
XtXmafi: Piscina Siloe). This name is not accu-
rately represented in the A. V. of Neh. iii. 15 —
the only passage in which this particular form
occurs. It should be Sbektch, or rather has-She-
hrh, since it is given with the definite article.
This was possibly a corrupt form of the name
which is first presented as Shiloach, then as I
Silinm, and is now Selican. The meaning at She-
lach taken as Hebrew is " dart." This cannot be a
name given to the stream on account of its swiftness,
* rbe A, V. confounds VO with silk In Pmr.xixLZX
* 3 Chr. xxIt. 36, a passage tinged with the usual colour
of Uie narrative of Chronicles, sod containing some curious
variations from that of the Kings, but pssslng over the
place of the murder tub stAmtio.
» The reading or the two great MSS. of the LXX.—
sgrcemg In the r as the commencement of the name — Is
ma*rkab> ; and prompts the suggestion that the Hebrew
same may originally have begun with K), a ravine (as
We-amDom). The Karafwwra of the Alex. Is doobtless
I eernsptioa of nnjunm.
* Usrwee* appears to be the oldest of these forms, and
SILOAM
1311
it is not now, nor was It in the days oi
Isaiah, anything but a very soft and gentle stream
(Is. viii. 6). It is probably an accommodation to thj
popular mouth, of the same nature as that exempli
tied in the name Dart, which is now borne by more
than one river in England, and which has nothing
whatever to do with swiftness, bat is merely a cor-
ruption of the ancient word which also appears in
the various forms of Dei-went,' Darent, Trent. The
but of these was at one time supposed to mean
" thirty ;" and the river Trent was believed to have
30 tributaries, 30 sorts of fish, 30 convents on its
banks, Ace. : a notion preserved from oblivixra by
Milton in his lines—
* And Trent that like some earth-born giant spreads
His thirty snns along the Indented meads."
For the fountain and pool, see Siloam. [G.]
bilo'am (rbwri, shiloach, is. viii. e ; rbvr\
Shelach, Neh. iii. 15; the change in the Masoi-ti
punctuation indicating merely perhaps a change ii
the pronunciation or in the spelling of the word,
sometime during the three centuries between Isaiai
and Nehemiah. Rabbinical writers, and, following
them, Jewish travellers, both ancient and modern,
from Benjamin of Tudela to Schwarx, retain the
earlier Shiloach in preference to the later Shelac/i.
The Rabbis give it with the article, as in the Bible
(mS'SWl, Dach's Codex Talmudicut, p. 367). The
Sept. gives SiAaAu, in Isaiah ; but in Nehemiah «o»
XvfijEtyfya raV KuSlmr, the pool of the sheep-skins,
or " fleece-pool ;" perhaps because, in their day,
it was used tor washing the fleeces of the victims.*
The Vulgate has uniformly, both in Old and New
Testaments, Siloe; in the Old calling it pitcina,
and in the New nataioria. The Latin Fathers, led
by the Vulgate, have always Siloe ; the old pilgrims,
who knew nothing but the Vulgate, Siloe or Syloe.
The Greek Fathers, adhering to the Sept., hare
Siloam. The word does not occur in the Apocrypha.
Josephus gives both Siloam and Siloae, generally
the fbimer.)
Siloam is one of the few undisputed localities
(though [{eland and some others misplaced it) in the
topography of Jerusalem ; still retaining its old ■ June
(with Arabic modification, Silicon), while every
other pool has lost its Bible-designation. This is
the mora remarkable as it is a mere suburoan tank
of no great sixe, and for many an age not particu-
larly good or plentiful in its waters, though Jo-
sephus tells us that in his day they were both
"sweet and abundant" (£. J.'r. 4, §1). Apart
from the identity of name, there is an unbroken
chain of exterior testimony, during eighteen cen-
turies, connecting the present Birket Silicon with
the Shiloah of Isaiah and the Siloam of St. John.
There are difficulties in identifying the Btr Eyiib
(the well of Salah-ed-du, Ibn Eyub, the great
digger of wells, Jalal-Addin, p. 239;, but none in
to he derived from dentnm, an ancient British word,
meaning ** to wind about" On the Ooutinent the name
Is found In the folLo<v[ng forms :— Pr. Durance; Germ.
Dmcau; It Trrnto, Buss. Duma (Ferguson's Biter
Santa, tic).
* In Talmndlcsl Hebrew SMaeh signifies -s skin"
(Levi's Lingua Sacra) ; tot the Alexandrian tranilmtrn
attached this meaning to It, they and the earlier Babbts
considering Nehemlab's Shelsch as a different pool from
Siloam ; probably the same as Bethesda, by the sheep-
gate (John v. 3), the spoftsruri) xoAvfi£if*pa of KnasMus
the prebatuui fieeima of Jerome. If so, then it Is F;u>
esda, snd not gtlosm. that Is mentioned by Nehemlsr.
I
131?
6IL0AM
fixing Si asm. Josephus mention* it frfo.in.Jy In
his Jcwith War, and his reteieuce* indicate Uiat it
was a somewhat noted place, a sort of city land-
mark. From him we learn that it was without
the city (!{«. rev lurran, B. J. v. 9, $4) ; that
it was at this pool that the " old wall " took a bend
and shot out eastward (onuraVvrer sit aWre&fjr,
•b. r. 6, §1) ; that there was a valley under it
(rij» ewe StAa>o> (pdpayy*, ib. ri. 8, §5), and one
beside it (rfl koto rl(r XAsie> fipayyi, ib. v. 12,
§2 ) j a hill (Xieios) right opposite, apparently on
the other side of the Kedron, hard by a cliff or rock
called Peristoma (ib.) ; that .t was at the ter-
mination or month of the Tyropaeon (ib. r. 4, §1) ;
that close beside it, apparently eastward, was an-
other pool, called Solomon's pool, to which the
"old wall" came after leering Sikam, and past
which it went on to OpUat, where, bending north-
ward, it was united to the eastern arcade of the
Temple. In the Antonine Itinerary (a.d. 333) it
is set down in the same locality, but it is and to
be " juita murum," as Josephus implies; whereas
now it is a considerable distance — upwards of 1200
feet — from the nearest angle of the present wall,
and nearly 1900 feet from the southern wall of the
Hiram. Jerome, towards the beginning of the 5th
century, describes it as " ad radices montis Moriah "
(lis Matt, i.), and tells (though without endorsing
the fable) that the atones sprinkled with the blood
(rubra saza) of the prophet Zechariah were still
pointed out (as Matt, xxiii.). He speaks of it as
being in the Valley of the Son of Hinnom, as
Josephos does of its being at the mouth of the
Tyropaeon {at Jer. ii.) ; and it is noticeable that he
(like the Rabbis) never mentions the Tyropaeon,
while he, times without number, speaks of the
Valley of the Sou of Hinnom. He speaks of Hin-
nom, Tophat, with their grorea and gardens, as
watered by Siloam (At Jer. six. 6, and zxzii. 35).
" Tophat, quae est in valle filii Ennora, ilium locum
signih'cat qui Sitae fontibus Irrigatur, et est amoenus
atque nemorosus, hodieque bortorum pratbet deli-
cias" (in Jer. viii.). He speaks of Siloam as de-
pendent on the rains, and as the only fountain used
in his day : — " Uno fonts Sloe et hoc non perpetuo
utitur dvitas; et usque in praaeentem diem rteri-
litas pluviarum, non solum frugum sed et bibeodi
inupiam fecit " (m Jer. xiv .). Now, though Jerome
ought to hare known well the water-supplies of
Jerusalem, seeing he lived the greater part of his
life within six miles of it, yet other authorities, and
the modern water-provision of the city, show us
that it never could have been wholly dependent on
its paofa. Its innumerable bottle-necked private cis-
terns kept up a supply at all times, and hence it
often happened that it was the beriegert, not the
bemeged, that suffered most; though Josephus re-
cords a memorable instance to the contrary, when
— relating a speech he msde to the Jews standing,
beyond their darts, on a part of the south-eastern
wall which the Romans had carried — be speaks of
Siluam as overflowing since the Romans had got
access to it, whereas before, when the Jews held it,
it was dry (B. J. v. 9, §4). And we may here
notice, in passing, that Jerusalem is, except perhaps
in the very heat of the year, a well-watered city.
Dr. Barclay says that " within a circuit swept by a
SILOAM
ramus of seven or eight roues there r* no less tree
thirty or forty natural springs" (Gi./ o/ tie Great
King, p. 295) ; and a letter from Consul Finn tc
the writer adds, " This I believe to be under the
truth ; but they are almost all found to the S. and
S.W. : in those directions there does not appear to
be a village without springs." •
In the 7th century Antoninus Martyr mentions
Siloam, as both fountain and pool. Bernbard the
monk speaks of it in the 9th, aud the annalists of the
Crusades mention its site, in the fork of two valleys,
as we find it Beojsmin of Tudela (a.d. 1173)
speaks of " the great spring of Shiloach which runs
into the brook Kedron " (Asber*t ed. vol. i.
p. 71) ; and be mentions "a large building apes)
it" iffO), which he says was erected in the days of
his fathers. Is it of this building that the present
ruined pillars are the relics ? Caumont (aj>. 1418)
speaks of the Valley of SUoah, "ou est le fonteyne
on le {tie) vierge Marie kvoit les drapellex de son
enfant,'' and of the fountain of Siloam, ss dose at
hand (Voyage doaltremer en Jhenualem, be.,
Paris edition, p. 68). Kelix Kabri (a.d. 1484;
describes Siloam at some length, and seems to have
attempted to enter the subterraneous passage ; but
failed, and retreated in dismay after filling his
flasks with its eye-healing water. Arnold von
Harff (A.D. 1496) also identities the spot (Die
PilgerfaM, p. 186, Col. ed.). After this, the re-
ferences to Siloam are innumerable ; nor do they,
with one or two exceptions, vary in their location
of it. We hardly needed these testimonies to enable
us to fix the site, though some topographers have
rested on these entirely. Scripture, if it does not
actually set it down in the mouth of the Tyropaeon
as Josephus does, brings us very near it, both in
Nebemiah and St. John. The leader who compares
Neh. iii. 15 with Keh. xii. 37, will find that the
pool of Siloah, the fountain-gate, the stain of the
dty of David, the wall above the bouse of David,
the water-gate, and the king's gardens, were all
near each other. The Evangelist's narrative re-
garding the blind man, whose eyes the Lord mira-
culously opened, when carefully examined, leads us
to the conclusion that Siloam was somewhere in the
neighbourhood of the Temple. The Kaboinicsl tra-
ditions, or historic* as they doubtless are in many
cases, frequently refer to Siloam in connexion with
the Temple service. It was to Siloam that the
Levite was sent with the golden pitcher on the
" last and great day of the feast " of Tabernadea ;
it was from Siloam that he brought the water
which was then poured over the sacrifice, in me-
mory of the water from the reck of Kephidim ; and
it was to this Siloam water that the Lard pointed
when He stood in the Temple on that day and cried.
" If any man thirst, let him come unto me aud
drink."
The Lord sent the blind man to wash, not m, as
our version has it, but at (sis) the pool of Silnam ; ■
for it was the clay from his eyes that was to be
washed off; and the Evangelist is careful to throw
in a remark, not for the purpose of telling us that
Siloam meant an *' aqueduct,' as some think, but to
give higher significance to the mirede. " Go wai>h
at Siloam," wss the command ; the Evanfcdisl
adds, " which is by interpretation, ■EXT.'' On the
* Strabo'r statement Is that Jerusalem Itself was rocky
bat well watered (s»»a»si). but all the region amino was
hamn and waterless (Avepav eat intern), U xvL ch. a.
' Bee WolJU Cera*, to. Or •!« fsti Its tares fnae
veacye, ptyei nomine; be tw ee n the vero am Its prepeti
Uoo. parenibetliullr, " tio to the pxJ and wash taint
eyes there."
BILOAM
ttn mauling here — the parallelum between •' the
jant One" (Luke it. 18; John x. 36) and "the
Sent water," the missioned One and the missioned
pool, we ray nothing farther than what St. Basil
laid well, in his exposition of the 8th of Isaiah,
t/i air 6 Aw«rra.\ulros xal Aif<o<pirr! jiiuy ; %
*<p) »t cfoirrai, K&pwt <**4<rra\ji( fir xal vdXiv,
•*« ipUru oOii rpavyaV-t. That " Sent " is the
natural interpretation ii evident, not simply from
the word itself, but from other passages where
rPt? la used in connexion with water, as Job iii.
10, " he t*ndttk water* upon the fields ;" and Exek.
xxxi. 4, '• she tent out her little riven auto all the
SLLOAM 1313
trees of the field." The Talmndists coincide with
the Evangelist, and say that Shiloach was so called
because it sent forth its waters to water the gardens
(Levi's Lirypta Sacra). Wemayadd Homer 'sline—
iyyyjuap i' if rcigoc in poor (It xil. 36).
A little way below the Jewish burying ground,
but on the opposite side of the valley, where the
Kedron turns slightly westward, and widens itself
considerably, is the fountain of the Virgin or Urn-
ed-Deraj, near the beginning of that saddle-shaped
projection of the Temple-hill supposed to be the
Ophel of the Bible, and the Ophlas of Josephua,
f Em Rookl.1 At the back part of this foant&in a
ku«uc umlk Fluu a •kakli br B*r. S. C. Meant.
suMerraiiesus passage begins, through which the
water flows, and through which a man may make his
way, at did Robinson and Barclay, sometimes walk-
ing erect, sometimes stooping, sometimes kneeling,
and sometimes crawling, to Siloam. This rocky
conduit, which twists considerably, bat keeps, in
general, a sooth-westerly direction, i* according to
Robinson, 1760 feet long, while the direct distance
between SUwin and Um-td-Deraj is only a little
shore 1200 feet. In former days this passage was I
evidently deeper, as its bed is sand of some depth, j
which lies been accumulating for ages. This con-
iuit hn had tributaries, which have formerly sent
VOL. Ill
their waters down from the city pools or Temple-
wells to swell Si loam. Barclay writes, " In ex
ploring the subterraneous channel conveying the
water from the Virgin's fount to Siloam, I disco-
vered a similar channel entering from the north, a
few yards from its commencement ; and on tracing
it up near the Hugrabin gate, where it betnuie no
choked with rubbish that it could be travelled no
farther, 1 there found it turn to the west, in the
direction of the south end of the cleft or saddle of
Zion ; and if this channel was not constructed for
the purpose of conveying to Siloam the surplus
waters of I lecekiali's aqueduct, I am unable to sue-
4 P
1314
8IL0AM
gent any purpose to which it could nan boot
atplied'" (City of the Great King, p. 3"9). Ip lo-
ot her place be tells us something more H Hating
kiileretl in tit) pool [Virgin's fount] tiL the coming
down of the witters, I soon found several widely
separated places where it gained admittance, besides
the opening under the steps, where alone it had for-
merly been supposed to enter. I then observed a
large opening entering the rock-hewn channel, just
below the pool, which, though once a copious tri-
butary, n now dry. Being too much choked with
tesserae and rubbish to be penetrated for. I care-
fully noted its position and bearing, and, on search-
ing for it above, soon identified K on the exterior,
where it assumed an upward direction towards the
Temple, and, entering through a breach, traversed it
for nearly a thousand feet, sometimes erect, some-
times bending, sometime* inching my way sunke-
fashinn, till at last I reached a point near the wall
where 1 heard the donkeys tripping along over my
Lead. I was satisfied, oo subsequently locating our
course above ground with the theodolite, that this
canal derived its former supply of water, not from
Moriah, but from Zion" (Vity, 523).
This conduit enters Siloam at the north-west
angle; or rather enters a small rock- cut chamber
which forms the vestibule of Silonm, about rive or
sis feet broad. To this you descend by a few rude
steps, under which the water pours itself into the
main pool (Aavvarrw of Mutton to the Jew*,
vol. i. p. 207). This pool is oblong; eighteen
paces in length according to Lafri ( Yiagijio nl Santo
Scpolcro, A.D. 1678] ; fifty feet according to Bar-
clay ; and fifty-three according to Robitson. It is
eighteen feet broad, and nineteen feet deep, ac-
cording to Robinson ; but Barclay gives a more
minute measurement, " fourteen and a half at the
lower (eastern) end, and seventeen at the upper;
its western end side being somewhat bent ; it is
eighteen and a half in depth, but never rilled ; the
water either passing directly through, or being main-
tained at a depth of three or four feet ; this is eAected
by leaving open or closing (with a few handfuls of
weeds at the present day, but formerly by a flood -
gate) an ajwrture at the bottom ; at a height of
Jiree or four feet from the bottom, its dimensions
become enlarged a few feet, and the water, attain-
ing this level, falls through an aperture at its lower
end, into an educt, subterranean at first, but soon
3>pearing in a deep ditch under the perpendicular
iff of Ophel, and is received into a few small reser-
voirs and troughs" {City, 524).
The small basin at the west end, which we have
described, is what some old travellers call "the
fountain of Siloe " (F. Fabri, vol. i. p. 420). " In
front of this," Fabri goes on, " there is a bath sur-
rounded by walls and buttresses, like a cloister, and
the arches of these buttresses are supported by
marble pillars," which pillars he affirms to be the
remains of a monastery built above the pool. The
present pool ia a ruin, with no moss or ivy to make
it romantic ; its sides falling in ; its pillars broken ;
it* stair a fragment ; it* walls giving way ; the
eilge of every stone worn round or sharp by time ;
in some parts mere deVts; once siloam, now,
like the city which overhung it, a heap ; though
around it* edges, " wild flowers, and, among other
f hints, the caper-tree, grow luxuriantly" (Narra-
tae of .Vwtiun, vol. i. p. 207). The grey crum-
bling limestone of the (tone (as well as of the
rfurrounning rocks, which are almost v-rdurcless)
pn% a j*ot and worn-out aspect tr thii venerable
SILOAM
ratte. The present pool is not toe oHsinal bnfldV
ine; the work of crusaders it may oe; perhaps
even improved oy aaiadin, whose affection for welh
and pools led him to care for all these things;
perhaps the work of later day*. Yet .the spot is
the same. Above it rises the high rock, and beyond
it the city wall ; while eastward and southward
the verdure of gardens relieves the grey monotony
of the scene, and beyond these the Kedron vaio,
overshadowed by the tnird of the three heights of
Olivet, "the mount of corruption" (1 K. x. 7;
xxiii. 13), with the village of SuVdn jutting out
over its lower slope, and looking into the pool from
which it takes it* name and draws its water.
This pool, which we may call the mound, seams
anciently to have poured its water* into a third,
before it proceeded to water the royal garden*.
This third is perhaps that which Josephus calls
" Solomon's pool " (B. J. v. 4, 82), and which
Nehemiah calls "the King's pool"' (ii. 14); tor
this must have been somewhere about " the King's
garden " (Josephus's flaaAutht TapdStirot, Ant.
vii. 14, §4) ; and we know that this was by " the
wall of the pool of Silonh" (iii. 15). The Ante-
nine Itinerary speaks of it in connexion with
Siloa, as " alia piscina erandis fores." It is now
known as the Birket-eLHtmra, and may be perhaps
some five times the size of Birket-et-Sititin. Bar
clay speaks of it merely as a " depressed fig-yaid ;'
but one would like to see it cleared out.
Si loam is in Scripture always called a pool. It
■ not an D2K, that Is, a marsh-pool (Is. xxxr. 7)
nor a 1133, a natural hollow or pit (Is. xxx. 14) ,
nor a ffipO, a natural gathering of water (G«n. i
10; Is. xxii. 11); nor a TK3, a well (Gen. xvi
14) ; nor a *^3, a pit (Lev. xi. 36) ; nor an J»Jf
a spring (Gen. iii. 17); butaDS^S, a regularly-
built pool or tank (2 K. xx. 20 ; Keh. iii. 15 ; Fxd.
ii. 6). This last word is still retained in the Arabic,
as any traveller or reader of travels knows. While
Nehemiah calls it a pool, Isaiah merely speaks of it
as " the waters of Shiloah ;" while the New Testa-
ment gives KoXvpJUSpa, and Josephus vwyw- The
Rabbis and Jewish travellers call it a fountain ; in
which they are sometimes followed by the Euro-
pean traveller* of all ages, though more generally
they give us piscina, natatoria, and stagnum.
It is the least of all the Jerusalem pool* ; hardly
the sixth part of the Birket et-MamiUa; hardly tile
tenth of the Birkii-et-Sultan, or of the lowest oi
the three pool* of Solomon at Et-Burak. Yet it
is a sacred spot, even to the Moslem ; much more
to the Jew ; for not only from it was the sratei
taken at the Feast of Tabernacles, but the sratei
for the ashes of the red heifer ( Uach's Talm. Babyl.
380). Jewish tradition makes Gihon and Silonm
one (Lightfoot, Cent. Chor. in Matt. p. 51 ;
Schwarx, p. 265), a* if Gihon were "the burst-
ing forth" (IT1, to break out), and Siloam the
receptacle of the water* " cent." If this were the
case, it might be into Siloam, through one of the
many subterranean aqueduct* with which Jerusa-
lem Huuunds, and one of which probably went down
the Tyropoeon, that Hezekiah turned the water* on
the othet aide of the city, when he " etoppei the
upper watercourse of Gihon, and brought it straight
down to the west side of the city of David " (S
v-jir xxsii. :Mi).
The rush of water down these conduit* Is idetTat
SILOAM
• *TJar*ev? L-^-r--- ■ , ', :.... -^ *" . : ~.- , * -i.T- :
1315
(W Vlllaaa of fa/von (siioam). and the lo«r«r part of tha Valla* of tne Kearon. ahawin* tha " Ktnf'a fmnlaoa." wfilrh an
or tha Pool. Tli« backurnund t a thfl hh/hUuida of Judah. lot vita la from a Photograph by Jama* Graham. Lao,., taken 1
beneath flw 8. waU of the Harare.
to by »«*om« ("per terrarum concava et antra
taxi duristimi cum magno soiiitu venit," In. If.
vui. 6), u heard in hit day, showing that the
water wa» more abundant then th.in now. The
intermittent character of Siioam i> also noticed by
him; but in a locality perforated by so many
aqueducts, and supplied by so many large wells
and secret springs (not to speak of the discharge of
the great city-baths), this lingular flow is easily
accounted for, both by the direct and the siphonic
action ot the water. How this natural intcrmit-
tency of Siioam could be made identical with the
miraculous troubling of Bethesda (John v. 4) one
does not see. The lack of water in the pool now
it no proof that there was not the great abundance
of which Joaephns speaks (I). J. v. 4, §1); and as
to the " sweetnean" he speaks of, like the " aquae
dulcet " of Virgil (Georg. iv. 61), or the Old Test-
ament pnO (Ex. zt. 25), which is used both in
reference to the sweetness of the Marah waters (Ex.
xr. 25), and of the " stolen waters " of the foolish
woman (Prov. ix. 17); it simply means fresh or
pleasant in opposition to bitter (TO ; micpbs).
The expression in Ita'jih, " waters of Shiloah
that go softly," seems to point to the slender
rivulet, flowing gently, though once very profusely,
oat of Siioam into the lower breadth of level,
where the king's gardens, or ''royal paradise,"
stood, and which it still the greenest spot about
the Holy City, reclaimed from sterility into a fair
oasis of olive-groves fig-trees, pomegranates, &c.,
by the tiny rill which flows out of Siioam. A
winter-torrent, like the hedron, or a swelling river
like the Euphrates, carries havoc with it, by
sweeping otT toil, treat, and terraces ; but this
Stfoam-fed rill flows softly, fertilizing and beauti-
fying the region through which it passes. At the
Euphrates is used by the prophet as the symbol of
the wasting sweep of the Assyrian king, so Siioam
is taken as the type of the calm prosperity of Israel
under Messianic rule, when " the desert rejoices and
blossoms as the rose." The word softly or
secretly (OK?) does not seem to refer to the secret
transmission of the waters through the tributary
viaducts, but, like Ovid's " molles aquae,"
" blandae aquae," and Catullus' " molle Somen,"
to the quiet gentleness with which the rivulet
steals on its mission of beneficence, through the
gardens of the king. Thus " Siloah's brook " of
Milton, and "cool Siloam's shady rill," are not
mere poetical fancies. The " fountain " and the
" pool," and the " rill " of Siioam, are all visible
to this day, each doing its old work beneath the
high rock of Moriah, and almost beneath the shadow
of the Temple wall.
East of the Kedron, right opposite the rough
grey slope extending between Deraj and Silicon,
above the kitchen-gardens wateied by Siioam which
supply Jerusalem with vegetables, is the village
which takes its name from the pool, — Kefr-Siliran.
At Deraj the Kedron is narrow, and the village is
very near the fountain. Hence it is to it rathei
than to the pool that the villagers generally betake
themselves fur water. For as the Kedron widens con
siderably in its progress southward, the Kefr it at
some little distance from the Birkek. This village
is unmentional in ancient times ; perhaps it did
not exist. It is' a wretched place for filth and
| irregularity ; its square hovels all huddled together
I like the lain of wild bvtau, or rather like the
4 P 2
1316
SILOAM, TOWEB IX
lambs and cars in which savages or demoniacs
may he supposed to dwell. It lies near the fiat
of the third or southern height of Olivet ; and ia
all likelihood marks the spot of the idol-shrims
which Solomon built to Chemosh, and Ashtoreth
and Miloom. This was " the mount of corrup-
tion " (2 K. xxiii. 13), the hill that is hefore (east ;
iefore in Hebrew geography means teat) Jerusalem
(I K. zi. 7) ; and these " abominations of the
Moabites, Zidonians, and Ammonites " were built
ou "the right hand of the mount," that is, the
southern part of it. This is the "opprobrious
kill" of Milton {Par. L. b. i. 403); the "moms
jfieiisionn " of the Vulgate and of early travellers ;
the Moofldo" of the Sept. (see Keil On Kings) ;
and the Berg des Aergernissts of Gsrman maps.
In Ramboux* singular volume of lithographs (Col.
1853) at Jerusalem and its Holy Places, in imi-
tation of the antique, there is a sketch of an old
monolith tomb in the village of Silwin, which few
travellers have noticed, but of which l)e Saulcy
has given us both a cut and a description (vol. ii.
p. '215); setting it down as a relic of Jebusite
Workmanship. One v-juld like to know more
about this village, and about the pedigree of its
inhabitants. [H. B.]
SILO'AM, TOWEB IN. ('O wipyos «V t»7
SiAhoV, Luke xiif. 4.) Of this we know nothing
definitely beyond these words of the Lord. Of
the tower or its fall no historian gives us any
account ; and whether it was a tower in conneiiou
with the pool, or whether " in Siloam " refers to
the valley near, we cannot say. There were forti-
fications hard by, for of Jothan: we read, " on the
wall of Ophel he built much" (2 Chr. xxvii. 3) ;
and of Maoasseh that " he compassed about Ophel "
(<t>. xxxiii. 14) ; and, in connexion with Ophel,
there is mention made of " a tower tliat lieth out "
(Neb. iii. 26); and there is no unlikelihood in
connecting this projecting tower with the tower in
Siloam, while one may be almost excused for the
conjecture that its projection was the cause of its
ultimate fall. [H. B.]
SILVA'NUS. [Silas.]
SILVEB (*|D3, cesepk). In very early times,
according to the Bible, silver was used for ornament*
(Gen. xxiv. 53), for cups (Gen. xliv. 2), for the
socket* of the pillars of the tabernacle ( Ex. xxvi. 1 9,
kc.), their hooks anil fillets, or rods (Ex. xxvii. 10),
and their capitals (Ex. xxxviii. 17); for dishes, or
chargers, and bowls (Num. vii. 13), trumpets
(Num. x. 2), candlesticks (1 Chr. xxviii. 15),
tables (1 Chr. xxviii. 16), basins (1 Chr. xxviii. 17),
chains (Is. xl. 19;, the settings ot ornaments (Prov.
xxv. 11), studs (Cant. i. 11), and crowns (Zecb.
vi. 11). Images for idolatrous worship were made of
silver or overlaid with it (Ex. xx. 23 ; Hoe. xiii. 2 ;
Hah. it. 19; Bar. vi. 39), and the manufacture
of silver shrines for Diana was a trade in Ephesus
(Acts xix. 24). [Demetrius.] But its chief use
was as a medium of exchange, and throughout the
O. T. we find cesepk, " silver," used for money,
like the Fr. argent. To this general usage there
b but one exception. (See Metals, p. 342 6.)
Vessels and ornaments of gold and silver were com-
mon in Egypt in the times of Osirtasen I. and
Tliothmes 111., the contemporaries of Joseph and
Motes (Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. iii. 225). In the Ho-
mer- forms we rind indications sf the con-.tar*
sf*a>-4bjn of tilver to purposes of ornament and
&IMALCIE
luxury. It was used for basins \0<i. i. 197. r»
53), goblets (II xxiii. 741), baskets <0d. iv. 1 25)
cotters (/». xviii. 413), sword-hilts (//. i. 219; Od
viii. 404), door-handles (Od. i. 442), and tla»pn r'oi
the greaves (II. iii. 331). Door-posts (Od. vn. 89".
and lintels (Od. vii. 90) glittered with silver orna-
ments; baths (Od. iv. 128), tables (Od. x. bS5\
bows in. i. 49, xxiv. 605), scabbards (//. xi. 31>
sword-belts (//. xviii. 598), belts for tin shield
(//. xviii. 480), chariot-poles (//. v. 729) and the
naves of wheels (//. v. 729) were adorned witr
silver ; women braided their hair with silver-threac
(//. xvii. 52), and cords appear to hare been mad*
of It (Od. x. 24); while we constantly find that
swords (71. ii. 45, xxiii. 807) and sword-belts (//
xi. 237), thrones, or chairs of state (Od. viii. 65),
and bedsteads (Od. xxiii. 200) were studded will
silver. Thetis of the silver feet was probably so
called from the silver ornaments on her sandals (/<,
i. 538). The practice of overlaying silver with
gold, referred to in Homer (Od. vi. 232, xxiii. 159).
is nowhere mentioned in the Bible, though inferior
materials were covered with silver (Prov. xxvi. 23).
Silver was brought to Solomon from Arabia
(2 Chr. ix. 14) and from Tarahish (2 Chr. ix. 21),
which supplied the markets of Tyre (Ex. xxvii.
12). From Tarahish it came in the form of plates
(Jer. x. 9), like those on which the sacred books of
the Singhalese are written to this day (Tranent's
Ceylon, ii. 102). The silver bowl given as a priv
by Achilles was the work of Sidonian artists (//
xxiii. 743; comp. Od. iv. 618). In Homer (tl. ii.
857), Alybe is called the birthplace of silver, and was
pi ooably celebrated for its mines. But Spain appears
to have been the chief source whence silver was ob-
tained by the ancients. [Mixes, p. 369.] Possibly
the hills of Palestine may have afforded some supply
of this metal. "When Voiney was among the
Druses, it was mentioned to him that an ore afford-
ing silver and lead had been discovered on the de-
clivity of a hill in Lebanon" (Kitto, Phys. Hist.
of Palestine, p. 73).
For an account of the knowledge of obtaining
and refining silver possessed by the ancient Hebrews
see the articles Lead and Mines. The whole
operation of mining is vividly depicted in Jeo
xxviii. 1-11 ; and the process of purifying metals b
frequently alluded to (Ps. xii. 6; Piov. xxv. 4),
while it is described with some minuteness in Ez.
xxii. 20-22. Silver mixed with alloy is referred to
in Jer. vi. 30, and a finer kind, either purer in
itself, or more thoroughly poriSed, is mentioned in
Prov. Tiii. 19. [W. A. W.]
SILVEBLINGS (r|t» : o-btAot: argenteus,
tufas understood), a word used once only in the
A. V. (Is. vii. 23). as a translation of the Hebiew
word ceseph, elsewhere rendered " silver '' or
" money." [Piece or Silver.] [R. S. P.]
SQIALCU'E (SiriuaAjroi^, E/paAjrowif : ErnnU
chxul, Malchus : MaAxof, Joseph.), an Arabian
chief who had charge of Antiochua, the young son
of Alexander Baku before he was put forward by
Tryphou as a claimant to the Syrian throne (1 Mate
xi. 39). [AstiocHiW VI., vol. i. p. 76.] Accord-
ing to Diodoius (Eclog. xxiii. 1) the name of the
chief was Dioclea, though in another place ( Frag. lit
MuMler) he calls him Jamblichos. The name evt-
dentljr contains the element Meltk, "king," but
the originil form is uncertain feomp. Grotius ait*
Utimm on 1 Mace. /. o.;. fB. K.W.I
SIMEON
SmTOmOWCP: SvtMwr: Smmm). The
lecond of Jacob's aim* by Leah. His With h re-
corded in Gen. xxix. 33, and in the explanation there
given of the name, it is derived from the root
tkamtt, to *he»r— " 'Jehovah hath heard («*oW)
that I has hated.' . . . and she called his name
Shime'an."* This metaphor is not carried on (as in
the case of some of the other names) in Jacob's
blessing; and in that of Hosts all mention of
Simeon is omitted.
The first group of Jacob's children consists,
Heides Simeon, of the three other sons of Leah —
Kauben, Levi, Judah. With each of these Simeon
is mentioned in some connexion. " As Reuben and
Simeon are mine," says Jacob, " so shall Joseph's
sooj Ephrairo and Manasseh be mine" (Gen. xlviii. 5).
With Levi, Simeon was associated in the massacre
of the Shechemites (xxxiv. 25>— a deed which drew
on them the remonstrance of their father (ver. 30),
and pei haps « also his dying curse (xlix. 5-7). With
Judah the connexion was drawn still closer. He
and Simeon not only " went up " together, side
by side, in the forefront of the nation, to the con-
quest of the south of the Holy Land (Judg. i. 3, 17),
but their allotments lay together in a more special
manner than those of the other tribes, something in
the same manner at Benjamin and Ephraim. Be-
sides the massacre of Shechem — a deed not to be
judged of by the standards of a more civilized and
leas violent age, and, when fairly estimated, not
altogether discreditable to its perpetrators— the only
personal incident related of Simeon is the fact of his
being selected by Joseph, without any reason given
or implied, as the hostage for the appearance of
Benjamin (Gen. xlii. 19, 24,36; xliii. 23).
These slight traits are characteristically amplified
in the Jewish traditions. In the Targum Pseudo-
ionathan it is Simeon and Levi who are the ene-
mies of the lad Joseph. It is they who counsel his
being killed, and Simeon binds him before be is
lowered into the well at Dothan. (See further
details in Fabricius, Cod. Pieud. 535.) Hence
Joseph's selection of him as the hostage, his binding
and Incarceration. In the Midrash the strength of
Simeon is so prodigious that the Egyptians are
suable to cope with him, and his binding is only
accomplished at length by the intervention of Ma-
nasseh, who ads as the house steward and interpreter
of Joseph. Sis powers are so great that at the mere
roar of his voice 70 valiant Egyptians fall at his feet
.nd break their teeth (Weil, Bib. Leg. 88). In the
" Testament of Simeon " his fierceness and impla-
cability are put prominently forward, and he dies
warning his children against the indulgence of such
passions (Fabricius, Cod. Pwndep. 533-543).
The chief families of the tribe are mentioned in
the lists of Gen. xlri. (10), in which one of them,
bearing the name of Suaul (Saul), is specified as
" tkj xn jf theCansanitess"— Num. xxvi. (12-14),
* FHrst (JKssrfuo. li. 413) Inclines to the interpntstlon
-taioas* (rutaaradker). Badslob (Alttatt. Xamtn, <a\
so tbs other band, adopting the Arabic root *♦*»,
aawKers the name to saaau "ions of bondage" or
" btoihnea."
s The nssne Is given fa this Its more correct form In
Ike A.r. tu axmaxloa with a later Israelite In Est. x. SI.
• It la by DO insane certain that Jacob's words strode to
Ike rnroactkxi st Shechem. They sppear rather to rarer
to seme other act of lbs brothers whkh has easapad Omni
rt-anL
SIMEON
13X7
and 1 Chr. hr. (24-43V In the lattr: piatagt (mr.
27) it is mentioned that the family of one of tiw
beads of the tribe " had not many children, neither
did they multiply like to the children of 'idah.'
This appears to have been the case not omy witl.
one family but with the whole tribe. At the
census at Sinai Simeon numbered 59,300 fighting
men (Num. i. 23). It was then the most nume-
rous but two, Judah and Dan alone exceeding it ;
but when the second census was token, at Shittim,
the numbers had Ulen to 22,200, and it was tne
weakest of all the tribes. This was no doubt partly
due to the recent mortality following the idolatry
of Peor, in which the tribe of Simeon appears to
hare taken a prominent share, but there must have
been other causes which have escaped mention.
The connexion between Simeon and Levi implied
in the Blessing of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 5-7) bat been
already adverted to. The passage relating to them
is thus rendered: —
HMmfnri and Levi are brethren,'
Instruments of violence are their machinations (or,
their' swords).
Into their secret coundl come not my soul 1
Unto their satembly Join not mine honour I
For In their wrath they slew a man,
And In their self-will they houghed an ' ox.
Cursed be their wrath, tor It Is fierce.
And their anger, for It Is cruel 1
I will divide them In Jacob,
And settler them In Israel.
The terms of this denunciation teem to imply •
closer bond of union between Simeon and Levi, and
more violent and continued exploits performed under
that bond, than now remain on record. The ex-
pressions of the closing lines also seem to necessitate
a more advanced condition of the nation of brad
than it could have attained at the time of the death
of the father of the individual patriarchs. Taking
it however to be what it purports, an actual predic-
tion by the individual Jacob (and, in the present
state of our knowledge, however doubtful this may
be, no other conclusion can be safely arrived at), it
has been often pointed out how differently the same
sentence wss accomplished in the cases of the two
tribes. Both were "divided" and "scattered."
But how differently I The dispersion of the Levitee
arose from their holding the post of honour in the
nation, and being spread, for the purposes of educa-
tion and worship, broadcast over the face of the
country. In the case of Simeon the dispersion
seems to hare arisen from some corrupting element
in the tribe itself, which first reduced its numbers,
and st last drove it from its allotted seat in the
country — not, as Dan, because it could not, but be-
cause it would not stay — and thus in the eud
caused it to dwindle and disappear entirely.
The non-appearance of Simeon's name in the
Blessing of Moses (Deut. xxxiii. 6') may be ex-
« The word Is D'flK, meaning "brothers" In the
fullest, strictest sense. In the Tsrg. Pteodqjon. it is
rendered acafe tdamin, " brothers of the womb."
• Identified by tome (Jerome, Talmud, tic) with ibs
Greek paxaipo. The "habitations" of the A.V. la
derived from Klmchl. but Is not countenanced by later
' A.V. "digged down a wall '• j following Onkelie. whs
reads f\& m "flO, " * town . * wait,"
t The Alexandrine MS. of the LXJL adds Stone's
name in this passsfw— " Let Reuben live end not its.
and let 'Jev.-on I* lew In number." In no ■luing li dinars
ims
SIMEON
plained in two ways. On the assumption that the
Bleating m actually pronounced in its present
form by Moan, the omission may be due to bis dis-
pleasure at the misbehaviour of the tribeat Shittim.
On the assumption that the Bleating, or this por-
tion of it, is a composition of later date, then it
■lay be due to the feet of the tribe having by that
time vanished from the Holy Land. The latter of
these is the explanation commonly adopted.
During the journey through the wilderness Simeon
was a member of the camp which marched on the
south side of the Sacred Tent. His associates were
Reuben and Gad — not hie whole brothers, but the
sons of Zilpah, Leah's maid. The head of the tribe
at the time of the Exodus was Shelumiel son of
Zuriahaddai (Num. i. 6), ancestor of its one heroine,
the intrepid Judith. [Salasadai.] Among the spies
Simeon was represented by Shaphet son of Hori,
L e. Horite, a name which perhaps, like the " Ca-
naaniteas " of the earlier list, reveals a trace of the
lax tendencies which made the Simeonites an easy
prey to the licentious rites of Peor, and ultimately
destroyed the permanence of the tribe. At the
dJTisioc of the land his representative was Shemuel,*
son of Ammihud.
The connexion between Judah and Simeon al-
ready mentioned seems to have begun with the
Conquest. Judah and the two Joseph-brethren
were first served with the lion's share of the land ;
and then, the Canaanites having been sufficiently
subdued to allow the Sacred Tent to be esta-
blished withnct risk in the heart of the country,
the work of dividing the remainder amongst the
seven inferior tribes was proceeded with (Josh. viii.
1-6). Benjamin had the first turn, then Simeon
(xix. 1). By this time Judah had discovered that
the tract allotted to him was too large (xix. 9),
and also too much exposed on the west and south
for even his great powers.' To Simeon accordingly
was allotted a district out of the territory of his
kinsman, on its southern frontier,* which contained
eighteen or nineteen cities, with their villages,
spread round the venerable well of Beersheba
(Josh. xix. 1-8 ; 1 Chr. iv. 28-33). Of these
places, with the help of Judah, the Simeonites pos-
sessed themselves (Judg. i. 3, 17) ; and here they
were found, doubtless by Joab, residing in the reign
of David (1 Chr. iv. 31). During his wandering
life David must have been much amongst the
Simeonites. In feet three of their cities are named
in the list of those to which he sent presents of the
spoil of the Amalekites, and one (Ziklag) was his
own private ■ property. It is therefore remarkable
that the numbers of Simeon and Judnh who at-
tended his installation as king at Hebron should
have been so much below those of the other tribes
(1 Chr. lie. 23-37). Possibly it is due to the feet
that the event was taking place in the heart of
their own territory, at Hebron. This, however,
will not account for the curious fact that the
warriors of Simeon (7100) wen more ■ numerous
than tht»« of Judah (6800). After David's removal
est only from the Vatican MS. but alio from the Hebrew
teal, to whtcb 'his MS. usually adheres more closer/ than
the Vatican don. The insertion Is adopted In the Oom-
plutenilsn and Aldlne editions or the LXX, but does
not sppear In any of the other versions.
* It Is a mrioos coincidence, though of coarse snthfng
more, that the scanty records of Simeon should disclose two
tames so Illustrious In Israelite history as Saul and Samuel.
I This Is a different account to that supplied In Judg. i.
IBs two sre entirely distinct decuments. Tost of Julges,
5TMKOrl
to Jerusalem, the head of tne tnh» sn ,*7/-puntlUi
son of Maachnh (1 Chr. xxvii. 18).
What part Simeon took at the time of the divi-
sion of the kingdom we are not told. The tribe vrav
probably not in a sufficient' y strong or compact
condition to have shown any northern tendencies,
even had it entertained thun. The only thing
which can be interpreted into a trace of its having
taken any part with the northern kingdom are the
two casual notices of 2 Chr. xv. 9 and xxxiv. 6,
which appear to imply the presence of Simeonites
there in the reigns of Asa and Jnsiah. But this
may have been merely a manifestation of that
vagrant spirit which was a cause or a consequence
of the prediction ascribed to Jacob. And on the
other hand the definite statement of 1 Chr. iv. 41-
43 (the date of which by Hexekiah's reign, seems to
show conclusively its southern origin) proves that
at that time there were still some of them remain-
ing in the original sent of the tribe, and actuated by
nil the warlike lawless spirit of their progenitor.
This fragment of ancient chronicle relates two expe-
ditions in search of more eligible territory. The
first, under thirteen chieftains, leading doubtless a
large body of followers, was made against the
Hamites and the Mehunim,* a powerful tribe of
Bedouins, " at the entrance of Gedor at the east
side of the ravine." The second was smaller, but
mora Adventurous. Under the guidance of four
chiefs a band of 500 undertook an expedition
against the remnant of Amalek, who had taken
refuge from the attacks of Saul or David, or some
later pursuers, in the distant fastnesses of Mount
Seir. The expedition was successful. They smote
the Amalekites and took possession of their quarters :
and they were still living there after the return of
the Jews from Captivity, or whenever the First Book
of Chronicles was edited in its present form.
The audacity and intrepidity which seem to have
characterised the founder of the tribe of Simeon
are seen in their fullest force in the last of his de-
scendants of whom there is any express mention in
the Sacred Kecord. Whether the book which bears
her name be a history or a historic romance,
Judith will always remain one of the most pro-
minent figures among the deliverers of her nation.
Bethulia would almost seem to have been a Si-
meonite colony. Oxias, the chief man of the city,
was a Simeonite (Jud. vi. 15), and to was Ma-
tuuses the husband of Judith (viii. 2). She herself
had the purest blood of the tribe in her veins. Her
genealogy is traced up to Zurishmidai (in the Gret*
form of the present text Salasadai, viii. 1 ), the beat,
of the Simeonites at the time of their greatest power.
She nerves herself for her tremendous exploit by a
prayer to " the Lord God of her father Simeon "
and by recalling in the most characteristic manner
and in all their details the incidents of the massacre
of Shechem ('■*. 2).
Simeon is named by Exekiel (xlviti. 25, and the
author of the Book of the Revelation (vii. 7) in theji
catalogues of the restoration of Israel. The formei
from Its fragmentary and abrupt character, has the ap-
pearance of being the more ancient of the two.
» " The parts of Iduntaea which border on Arabia sea!
Egypt " (Joseph. Ant. v. 1, 623).
» It bad been first taken from Simeon by the PnUlstttoa
(1 Sam. xxvii. 6), if Indeed he ever got Possession of it.
• Possibly because the Simeonites were warriors tat
nothing use, Instead of husbandmen, Ac, tike the mas a
Jnilah.
• A. V "nablU'Joni." See MlHOHIS
6MEON
tenwves the triU) from Jndah and placet it by the
J<J<! of Benjamin.
2. (3>p*aV: - .1fm«on.) A priest of the family
sf Joorib — or in iti full form Jehoiabib— one of
the ancestors of the Maccabees (1 Mace. ti. 1).
3. Hon of Juda and father of Levi in tha gene-
alogy of our Lord (Luke iii. SO) The Tat. MS.
gives the name Stuestr.
4. That it, Simon Peter (Acta xv. 14). The
nse of the Hebrew foi-m of the name in this place is
.cry characteristic of the speaker in whose month
it occurs. It is found once again (2 Pet. i. 1),
thoueh here there is not the same unanimity in
toe MSS. Lachmann, with B, here adopts
" Simon." [G.]
5. A devout Jew, inspired by the Holy Ghost,
who met the parents of our Lord in the Temple,
teok Him in his arms, and gave thanks for what he
saw, and knew of Jesus (Luke ii. 25-35).
In the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus, Simeon
is called a high-priest, and the narrative of our
Lord's descent into Hell is put into the mouths of
Channus and Leothius, who are described as two
sons of Simeon, who rose from the grave after
Christ's resurrection (Matt, xxvii. 53), and i elated
their story to Annas, Caiaphas, Nicodemus, Joseph,
and Gamaliel.
Rabban Simeon, whose grandmother was of the
fiunilr of David, succeeded his father Hillel as pre-
sident of the Sanhedrim about A.O. 13 (Otho,
Lexicon Rabb. p. 667), and his son Gamaliel was
the Pharisee at whose feet St. Paul was brought up
(Acts xxii. 3). A Jewish writer specially notes
that no record of this Simeon is preserved in the
Mishna (Lightfbot, Herat Heb. Luke ii. 25). It
has been conjectured that he (Prideaox, Connexion,
anno 37, Michaelis) or his grandson (SchSttgen,
Horat Heb. Luke ii. 25) of the same name, may
be the Simeon of St. Luke. In favour of the
identity it is alleged that the name, residence,
time of life, and general character are the same in
both cues ; that the remarkable silence of the
Mishna, and the counsel given by Gamaliel (Acts
v. 38; countenance a suspicion of an inclination on
tha part of the family of the Rabban towards Chris-
tianity. On the other hand, it is argued that these
facts fall far short of historical proof; and that
Simeon was a very common name among the Jews,
that St. Luke would never have introduced so cele-
brated a character as the President of the Sanhedrim
merely as " a man in Jerusalem," and that his son
Gamaliel, after all, was educated as a Pharisee. The
question is discussed in Witsius, Miecellanea Sacra,
I. 21 §14-16. See alio Wolf, Curat PhOologicae,
Luke ii. 25, and Bibl. Hebr. ii. 682. [W. T. B.]
SIMEON NIGER. Acta liii. 1. [Niger.]
BTOON. A name of frequent occurrence in
Jewish history in the post-Babylonian period. It
is doubtful whether it was borrowed from the
Greeks, with whom it was not uncommon, or whe
ther it was a contraction of the Hebrew Shimeon.
That the two names were regarded as identical ap-
pears from 1 Mace ii. 65. Perhaps the Hebrew
name was thus slightly altered in order to render it
identical with the Greek.
1. Son of Mattathias. [Maccabees, |4, p.
I660.]
2. Son of Onias the high-priest (beets i **7»),
arhose eulogy doses the " praise of famous men " in
the Bock of Ecclesiasticus (ch. iv ). [EcCLESlA*-
ncire, vol. i. p. 479.] Fritzsche, whose edition ol
BtnOr?
ISIS
Ecclesiasticus (JSxeg. Handb.) has appeared (1860)
shots the article referred to was written, maintain
the common view that the reference is to Simon II.,
but. without bringing forward any new arguments
to support it, though he strangely underrates the
importance of Simon I. (the Just). Without laying
undue stress nrion the traditions which attached tJ
this name (Herxfeld, Qesch. Iv. i. 195), it is evi-
dent that Simon the Just was popularly reaardol
as j.osing n period in Jewish history, as the hut
teacher of " the Great Synagogue." Yet there is
in fact a doubt to which Simon the title "the
Just" was given. Herxfeld (i. 377, 378) has en-
deavoured to prove that it belongs to Simon II.,
and not to Simon I., and in this he is followed by
Jost (OocA. d. Judmth. i. 95). The later Hebrew
authorities, by whose help the question should be
settled, are extremely unsatisfactory and confused
(Jost, 110, Are.); and it appears better to 'adhere
to the ex p res s testimony of Josephus, who identifies
Simon I. with Simon the Just {Ant. xil. 2, §4, fcc),
than to follow the Talmudic traditions, which are
notoriously untrustworthy in chronology. The
legends are connected with the title, and Herxfeld
and Jost both agree in supposing that the reference
in Eoolesissticus is to Simon, known aa " the Just,'
though they believe this to be Simon II. (compare,
for the Jewish anecdotes, Raphall's Hut. of Jam,
I. 115-124; Prideaux, Connexion, ii. 1).
3. " A governor of the Temple " in the time of
Seleucus Philopator, whose information as to the
treasures of the Temple led to the sacrilegious
attempt of Helndorus (2 Mace iii. 4 Are.). After
this attempt failed, through the interference of the
high-priest Onias, Simon accused Onias of conspiracy
(iv. 1, 2), and a bloody feud arose between their
two parties (iv. 3). Onias appealed to the king, but
nothing is known as to the result or the later his-
tory of Simon. Considerable doubt exists as to the
exact nature of the office which he held {rpo<rri-rnr
roS Itpov, 2 Mace iii. 4). Various interpretations
are given by Grimm (Exeg. Hondo, ad loc). The
chief difficulty lies in the fact that Simon is said to
have been of" the tribe of Benjamin" (2 Mace. iii.
3), while the earlier " ruler of the house of God"
(o iryoiiuros oIkov toS 9eov (miefov), 1 Chr. ix.
11; 2 Chr. xxxi. 13; Jer. xx. 1) seems to have
been always a priest, and the " captain of the
Temple " (orparnyht rov lepov, Luke xiii. 4, with
Lightfoot's note; Acts iv. 1, v. 24, 26) and the
keeper of the treasures (1 Chr. xxvi. 24; 2 Chr.
xxxi. 12) must have been at least Levites. Herx-
feld (Qeteh. Itr. i. 218) conjectures that Benjamin
is an error for Mmjamin, the head of a priestly
house (Neh. xii. 5, 17.) In support ol this view
it may be observed that Menelaus, the usurping
high-priest, is said to have been a brother of
Simon (2 Mace. iv. 23), and no intimation is
anywhere given that he was not of priestly de-
scent. At the same time the corruption (if it
exist) dates from an earlier period than the
present Greek text, for "tribe" (foA.4) could not
be used for " family " (o7mu). The various read-
ing iyopayafilat (" regulation of the market ") fur
wapavo/ilat ("disorder," 2 Mace. iii. 4), which
seems to be certainly correct, points to some office
in connexion with the supply of the sacrifices; and
probably Simon was appointed to carry out the
design of Seleucus, who (as is stated in the context)
had undertaken to defray the cost of them (2 Mace.
iii. 3). Is this ease there wouhl be lees difficulty
in a Beivamite acting as the ag»nt of a (crcign Wug
1320
SIMON
fat in a matter which concerned the Temnle-
•emce, [B. F. W.]
4. Simon the Brother of Jesus. — The only
undoubted notice of this Simon occurs in Matt. xiii.
55, Mark vi. 3, where, in common with James,
Joes, and Jadai, he a mentioned as one of the
" brethren " of Jesus. He has been identified by
ran* writers with Simon the Canaanite, and still
more generally with Symeon who became bishop
of Jerusalem afta the death of James, a.d. 62
(Euseb. H. E. iii. 11, It. 22), and who suffered
martyrdom in the reign of Trajan at the extreme
age of 120 years (Hegesippus, ap. Euseb. H. E. iii.
32), in the year 107, or according to Burton {Lec-
tures, ii. 17, note) in 104. The former of these
opinions rests on no evidence whatever, nor is the
latter without its difficulties. For in whatever
sense the term " brother " is accepted — a vexed
question which has been already amply discussed
under Brother and James— it is clear that
neither Eusebius nor the author of the so-called
Apostolical Constitutions understood Symeon to be
the brother of James, nor consequently the " bro-
ther " of the Lord. Eusebius invariably describes
James as "the brother" of Jesus (//. E. i. 12,
ii. 1, of.), but Symeon as the son of Clopas, and
the cousin of Jesus (iii. 11, iv. 22), and the same
distinction is made by the other author (Const.
Apost. vii. 46).
5. Simon the Canaanite, one of the Twelve
Apustles (Matt. x. 4 ; Mark iii. 18), otherwise de-
scribed as Simon Zelotes (Lake vi. 15; Acts i. 13).
The latter term (fnAaVn)*), which is peculiar to
Luke, is the Greek equivalent for the Chaldee term •
preserved by Matthew and Mark (KayaWnir, as in
text, recept., or Karavaioj, as in the Vulg., Cana-
naeut, and in the best modern editions). Each of
these equally points oat Simon as belonging to the
faction of the Zealots, who were conspicuous for
their fierce advocacy of the Mosaic ritual. The
supposed references to Canaan (A. V.) or to Cana
( Luther's version) are equally erroneous. [Canaan-
ite.] The term Kayarlnis appears to have sur-
vived the other as the distinctive surname of
Simon ( Const. Apost. vi. 14, viii. 27). He has been
frequently identified with Simon die brother of
Jesus; but Eusebius (H. E. iii. 11) clearly distin-
guishes between the Apostles and the relations of
Jesus. Still less likely is it that he was identical
with Symeon, the second bishop of Jerusalem, as
stated by Sophronius (App. ad Hieroa. Catal.).
Simon the Canaanite is reported, on the doubtful
authority of the Pseudo-Do rotheus apd of Nicephorus
C'alliatus, to have preached ia Egypt,' Cyrene, and
Mauritania (Burton's Lectures, i. 333, note), and,
on the equally doubtful authority of au annotation
preserved in an original copy of the Apottolical
Constitutions (viii. 27), to have been crucified in
Judaea in the reign of Doinitian.
s Some doubt has been tnrown on Justin's statement,
from the fact that Josepbus (Ant. xx. 7, y2) mentions a
reputed magician of the same name and about the same
date, who ma born In Cyprus. Ilbu been suggested that
/uitin borrowed his Information from this source, and
mistook Clllnm, a town of Cyprus, for Gitton. If the
writers bad respectively used the gentile forms Kinaiit
snd r*TnWc t the similarity would have favoured such an
Idea. But celtber does Joaepbns mention Clllnm, nor yet
iloes Justin aae the gentile form. It Is far more probable
l.vit Josepbui would be wrong than Justin, to sir/ point
:oiiM-ctin« Hainan*.
smow
6. Simon op Ctrene. — A Hellenistic Mm
born at Cyrene on the north coast of Africa. »i:
was present at Jerusalem at the time of the exec*
fiiion of Jesus, either as an attendant at the teas*.
(Acts ii. 10), or as one of the numerous settlers at
Jerusalem from that place (Acts vi. 9). Meeting
the procession that conducted Jesus to Golgotha, ns
he was returning from the country, he was pressed
into the service (i/yyiptvrar, a military term) to
bear the cross (Matt, xxvii. 32; Mark xv. 21;
Luke xxiii. 26), when Jesus himself was unable to
bear it any longer (corop. John xix. 17). Mark
describes him as the father of Alexander and Rufus,
perhaps because this was the Rufus known to the
Roman Christians (Rom. xvi. 13), for whom he
more especially wrote. The Basilidian Gnostics
believed that Simon suffered in lieu of Jesus (Bar-
ton's Lectures, ii. 64).
7. Simon the Leper. — A resident at Bethany,
distinguished as " the leper," not from his having
leprosy at the time when he is mentioned, but at
some previous period. It is not improbable that
he had been miraculously cured by Jesus. In hi*
house Mary anointed Jesus preparatory to His death
and burial (Matt. xxvi. 6 &c ; Mark xiv. 3 ate
John xii. 1 he.). Lazarus was also present as ont
of the guests, while Martha served (John xii. 21:
the presence of the brother and his two sisters,
together with the active part the Utter took in the
proceedings, leads to the inference that Simon was
related to them : but there is no evidence of this,
and we caa attach no credit to the statement that
he was their father, as reported on apocryphal au-
thority by Nicephorus, (J/. E. i. 27), and still leas
to the idea that he was the husband of Mary. Simon
the Leper must not be confounded with Simon the
Pharisee mentioned in Luke vii. 40.
8. Simon Magus. — A Samaritan living in the
Apostolic age, distinguished as a sorcerer or "ma-
gician," from his practice of magical arts (usrycaWr,
Acts viii. 9). His history is a remarkable one:'
he was born at Gitton,* a village of Samaria
(Justin Mart. Apd. i. 26), identified with the
modern Kuryet JU, near Kttoihu (Robinson's
Bib. Sea. ii. 308, note). He was probably educated
at Alexandria (as stated in Clement. Horn. ii. 22),
and there became acquainted with the eclectic tenets
of the Gnostic school. Either then or subsequently
he was a pupil of Dositheus, who preceded him as
a teacher of Gnosticism in Samaria, and whom he
supplanted with the aid of Cleobius (Conttit.
Apnttol. vi. 6). He is first introduced to us in the
Bible as practising magical arts in a city of Samsi ia,
perhaps Sychar (Acts viii. 5; comp. John iv. 5)
and with such success, that he was pronounced
to be " the power of God which is called great" 1
(Acts viii. 10). The preaching and miracles of
Philip having excited his observation, he becamt
one of his disciples, and received baptism at his
• The A. V. omits the wtrd xoAe«fuVi|, and rendrni
tne words ' the great power of God." But this la to lose
the whole point of the designation. The Samaritans de-
scribed the sngels as twa>««. D'TIT, i. e. uncreated
influences proceeding from God (Uleseler, Ecd. Bitt. I. 48,
note 6). They Intended to distinguish Simon from sucr
an order of beings by adding the words " which Is callec"
great," meaning thereby the source of all power, in other
words, the Supreme Deity Simon was recognised as Cm
Inrmmatloo of ibis power. Me announced hlnwlf as In a
sped*! sense " some great one" (Acts vlll. s) ; or to uss
ufecva word» (as reported by lerome, on Matt. u)«. SI
SIMON
Subsequently he witnessed the effect pro-
duced by the imposition of hands, as practised by
the Apostles Peter and John, and, being desirous of
acquiring a similar .power for himself, he offered a
sum of money for it. His object evidently was to
apply the power to the prosecution of magical aits.
The motive and the means were equally to be re-
probated ; and his proposition met with a severe
denunciation from Peter, followed by a petition on
the part of Simon, the tenor of which bespeaks
terror but not penitence (Acts viii. 9-24). The
memory of his peculiar guilt has been perpetuated
in the word timony, as applied to all traffic in
spiritual offices. Simon's history, subsequently to
his meeting with Peter, is involved in difficulties.
Early Church historians depict him as the perti-
nacious foe of the Apostle Peter, whose movements
he followed for the purpose of seeking encounters,
in which he was signally defeated. In his jour-
neys he was accompanied by a female named
Helena, who had previously been a prostitute at
Tyre, but who was now elevated to the position of
his f snout* or divine intelligence (Justin Mart.
Apol. i. 26; Euseb. H. E. ii. 13). His first
encounter with Peter took place at Caesarea
Stratonis (according to the Constitutiona Apot-
tolicat, vi. 8), whence he followed the Apostle to
Rome. Eusebius makes no mention of this first
encounter, but represents Simon's journey to Rome
as following immediately after the interview re-
corded in Scripture (H. E. ii. 14) ; but his chrono-
logical statements are evidently confused; for in
the very same chapter he states that the meeting
between the two at Rome took place in the reign of
Claudius, some ten years after the events in
Samara. Justin Martyr, with greater consistency,
represents Simon as having visited Rome in the
reign of Claudius, and omits all notice of an en-
counter with Peter. His success there was so
great that he was deified, and a statue was erected
In his honour, with the inscription " Simoni Deo
Sancto " e {Apol. i. 26, 56). The above statements
can be reconciled only by assuming that Simon
made two expeditions to Rome, the fiist in the
reign' of Claudius, the second, in which he en-
countered Peter, in the reign of Nero,' about the
year 68 (Burton's Lectiiret, i. 233, 318): and
even this takes for granted the disputed fact of
St. Peter's visit to Rome. [Peter.] His death
h associated with the meeting in question : ac-
cording to Hippolytus, the earliest authority on
the subject, Simon was buried alive at his own
request, in the confident assurance that he would
" Kgo sum sermo Dei, ego sum Speciosiu, ego Paracietus,
•go O m nlpotcns, ego omnia Del."
' In the mou, as embodied tn Helena's person, we
recognise the duallstlc element of Gnosticism, derived
from the Mantcbean system. The Gnostics appear to
have recognised the oWojiic and the iwoia., as tbe two
original principles from whose Junction all beings ems-
bated. Simon and Helena were tbe Incarnations In which
these principles resided.
* Jnttln's authority has been Impugned In respect to
this statement, on tbe grnund that a tablet was discovered
In 1674 on the Tibtrina insula, which answers to tbe
acallty described by Justin (tv nf Tific/u mrojup smfi
rwv too yt+vpuv). and bearing an inscription, the first
words of which are * Scmonl sanco deo fldlo." This In-
scription, which really applies to the Sabine Hercules
Sancut demo, la supposed to nave been mistaken by
Justin, in bis ignorance of Latin, for ona tn honour of
fusion. If the uwrlption bad been confined to the words
SIMM
1821
m* again on the third day (Adv. liner, r.. 90 V
According to another account, he attempted to
fly in proof of his supernatural power ; in answer
to the prayers of Peter, he fell and suetaineo
a fracture of his thigh- and ankle-bones (Cbn-
ttitvt. Apostol. ii. 14, vi. 9); overcome with vex.
ation, he committed suicide (Arnob. Adv. Qnl.
ii. 7). Whether this statement is confirmed, or,
on the other hand, weakened, by the account of a
similar attempt to fly recorded by heathen writers
(Sueton. Ner. 12; Juv. Sat. iii. 79), is uncertain.
Simon's attempt may have supplied the basis for
this report, or this report may have been errone-
ously placed to his credit. Burton (Lecturtt,
i. 295) rather favours the former alternative.
Simon is generally pronounced by early writers tc
have been the founder of heresy. It is difficult to
undeistand how he was guilty of heresy in the
proper sense of the term, inasmuch as he was not a
Christian : perhaps it refers to hts attempt to
combine Christianity with Gnosticism. He is also
reported to have forged works professing to emanate
from Christ and His disciples (Cotutitut. Apostol
vi. 16).
9. Simon Peter. [Peter.]
10. Simon, a Pharisee, in whose house a
penitent woman anointed the head and feet ct
Jesus (Luke vii. 40).
11. Simon the Tanner. — A Christian con-
vert living at Joppa, at whose bouse Peter lodged
(Acts ix. 43). The profession of a tanner was
regarded with considerable contempt, and even as
approaching to uncleanness, by the rigid Jews.
[Tanner.] That Peter selected such an abode,
showed the diminished hold which Judaism had on
him. The house was near the sea-side (Acta x.
6, 32), for the convenience of the water.
12. Simon, the lather of Judas Iscariot (John
Ti. 71, xiii. 2, 26). [W. L. B.]
SI'MON CHOSAMAETJS (afuarr Xeo-n-
pcuot : Simon'). Shimeon, and the three following
names in Ezr. x. 31, 32, are thus written in the
LXX. (1 Esd. ix. 32). The Vulgate has correctly
" Simon, Benjamin, et M.ilchus, et Marras." " Cho-
samseus" is apparently formed by combining the
last letter of Malluch with the first part of the fol-
lowing name, Shemariah.
SIM'RI (rp«? : vi/AdVo-orrtr : Smnn"). Pro-
perly " Shimri," son of Hosah, a Merarite Let it*
in the reign of David, (1 Chr. xxvi. 10). Though
not the first-born, his father made him the head
quoted by Justin, such a mistake might have been con-
ceivable i but It goes on to state the nsme of tbe giver
and other particulars : M Semonl Sanco Deo Fldlo sacrum
8ex. Poropelus, Sp. P. CoL Museianus Qulnquennall* decus
Bidentalls donum dealt* That Justin, a man cf literary
acquirements, should be unable to translate such sn In-
scription — that he should misquote it In an Apology duly
prepared at Rome for tbe eye of a Roman emperor— and
that the mistake should be repeated by other early writers
whose knowledge of Latin Is unquestioned (Irenaeua,
Adv. Haera. 1. 20; Tertnlllan, jkpoL 13)— these assump-
tions form a series of Improbabilities, amounting almost
to an Impossibility.
1 This later date Is to a certain extent confirmed by the
account of Simon's death preserved by Hippolytus (ifdtt,
Roar. vl. 30) ; for the event is stated io have occurred
while Peter and Puil (the term »«*r- state evidently
Implying tbe presence of the laUel) vote tagsther U
Rome.
1322 BIN
•» the family. The LXX. read nofc*, lUmM,
■"guards."
SIN (J»D: 3<fcs, Sv4m: PeluxfiaC), a city of
Egypt, mentioned only by Eielrlel (xxx. 15, 16).
The name is Hebrew, or, at leas*, Shemitic. Gesenius
■apposes it to signify " clay." from the unused root
PP, probably " he or i*. was muddy, clayey." It
m identified in the '< ulg. with Peluaium, TIi)\ov-
» or, " the clayey or muddy " town, from m)\6s ;
and seems to be preserved in the Arabic Et-Teeneh,
SaaU), which forms part of the names of Fum
et-Teeneh, the Mouth of Et-Teeneh, the supposed Pe-
losiac mouth of the Nile, and Burg or Kal'at et-
Teeneh, the Tower or Castle of Et-Teeneh, in the im-
mediate neighbourhood. " t«n " signifying " mud,"
be, in Arabic. This evidence is sufficient to show
that Sin is Pelusium. The ancient Egyptian name
is still to be sought for : it has been supposed that
Pelusium preserves traces of it, but this is very im-
K table. Champollion identifies Pelusium with the
epeuLotn, nepexiuoit (u» se-
cond being a variation held by Quatremere to be
incorrect), and HA.peJU.OTrt, of the Copts,
El-Farma, LoJd\, of the Arabs, which was in the
time of the former a boundary-city, the limits of a
governor's authoiity being stated to have extended
from Alexandria to Pilak-h, or Phila», and Peremoun
(Acta of St. Sarapamon MS. Copt. Vat. 67, fid. 90,
ap. Quatremere, Memoira Giog. et Hist, tar
TEgypte, i. 259). Champollion ingeniously derives
this name from the article $, £p, •' to be," and
OJUU. "mod" (L'Egypte, ii. 82-87 j oomp.
Brugsch, Geogr. Irachr. i. p. 297). Bragsch com-
pares the ancient Egyptian HA-REM, which he
reads Pe-rema, on our system, PE-KEM, "the
abode of the tear," or " of the fish rem " (Gtogr.
Intchr. i. I. c, pi. lv. n". 1679). Pelusium, he
would make the city SAMHAT (or, as he reads it
Sim-hud), remarking that " the nome of the city
S&mhud " is the only one which has the determi-
native of a city, and, comparing the evidence of the
iioman nome-coins, on which the place is apparently
treated as a nome; but thia is not certain, for
there may have been a Pelusiac nome, and the ety-
mology of the name SAMUAT is unknown (Id. p.
128; PI. xiriii. 17).
The rite of Pelusium is as yet undetermined. It
has been thought to be marked by mounds near Burg
it-Teeneh, now called El-Farma and not Et-Teeneh.
This is disputed by Captain Spratt, who supposes
that the mound of Aboo-Kheeyir indicates where it
stood. This is further inland, and apparently on
the west of the old Pelusiac blanch, as was Pe-
lusium. It is situate between Farma and Tel-
Detenneh.a Wnatever may have been its exact
position, Peluaium must have owed its strength not
to any great elevation, but to its being placed in
the midst of a plain of marsh-land and mud, never
easy to traven*. The ancient sites in such alluvial
tracts of Egypt are in general only sufficiently
raised above the level of the plain to preserve them
from being injured by the inundation.
■ «*pt.Bpr»U'« report* have on fortunately been printea
My in abstract ("Delta of the Nile," fee; Return, House
H Commute, Kin Feb 1(60), with a verr lunimoenl
BIN
Ti» antiquity of the town of Sin saay perhaps la
inferred from the mention of " the wilderness ol
Sm " in the journeys of the Israelites (Ex. xri. 1 ;
Kum.xxxiii.il). It is remarkable, however, that
the Israelites did not immediately enter this trac*
on leaving the cultivated part of Egypt, so that i"
is held to have been within the Sinaitic ^vninsula,
and therefore it may take its name from dome other
place or country than the Egyptian din. [Sis,
Wilderness op.]
Pelusium is mentioned by Exekiel, in one of the
prophecies relating to the invasion of Egypt by
Nebuchadnezzar, as one of the cities which should
then suffer calamities, with, probably, reference
to their later history. The others spoken of are
Noph (Memphis), Zoan (Tanis), No (Thebes),
Aven (Heliopolis), Pi-beseth (Bubastis), and Te-
haphnehea (Daphnae). All these, excepting thetwo
ancient capitals, Thebes and Memphis, lay on or
near the eastern boundary ; and, in the approach to
Memphis, an invader could scarcely advance, after
capturing Pelusium and Daphnae, without taking
Tanis, Bubastis, and Heliopolis. In the mast an-
cient times Tanis, as afterwards Pelusium, seems to
have been the key of Egypt on the east. Bubastis
was an important position from its lofty mounds,
and Heliopolis as securing the approach to Memphis.
The prophet speaks of Sin as "Sin the stronghold
of Egypt " (ver. 1 5). This plsce it held from that
time until the period of the Romans. Herodotus
relates that Sennacherib advanced against Pelusium,
and that near Pelusium Cambyses defeated Peam-
menitus. In like manner the decisive battle in
which Ochus defeated the last native king, Nectane-
bos, KEKHT-NEBF, was fought near this city. It
is perhaps worthy of note that Ezekiel twice men-
tions Pelusium in the prophecy which contains the
remarkable and signally-fulfilled sentence: "There
shall be no more a prince of the land of Egypt"
(ver. 13). As he saw the long train of calamities
that were to fall upon the country, Pelusium may
well have stood out as the chief place of her suc-
cessive humiliations. Two Persisn conquests, and
two submissions to strangers, first to Alexander,
and then to Augustus, may explain the esjiecial
misery foretold of this city :— " Sin shall suffer
great anguish" (ver. 16).
We find in the Bible a geographical name, which
has the form of a gent, noun derived from Sin,
and is usually held to apply to two different na-
tions, neither connected with the city Sin. In the
list of the descendants of Noah, the Suite, '3*D
occurs among the sons of Canaan (Gen. x. 17 *
1 Chr. i. 15). This people from its place between
the A j kite and the Arvadite has been supposed tc
have settled in Syria north of Palestine, when
similar names occur in classical geography and
have been alleged in confinnation. This theory
would not, however, necessarily imply that the
whole tribe was there settled, and the supposed
traces of the name are by no means conclusive. On
the other hand, it must he observed that some oi
the eastern towns of Lower Egypt hsve Hebrew ns
well as Egyptian names, as Heliopolis snd Tsnis ; thai
those very near the border seem to have borne onlj
Hebrew names, as Migdol ; so that era have an in.
dicstion of s Shemitic influence in this part of Egypt
diminishing in degree according to the distance from
map. In M. Ltnant's map we cannot discover Abort
Kbteyir (fVnxneM (fa I'laUtnu <k .van, Mbu. I «•*
SIN, WILDKBNKSS OK
Um border. It is difficult to account for this
laSoenoa by its single circumstance of the Shepherd-
in rasinn of Egypt, especially as it is shown yet
mow strikingly by the remarkably-strong charac-
tariatics which hare distinguished the inhabitants
of north-eastern Egypt from their fellow-country-
men from the days ot Herodotus and Achilles Tatius
ts oar own. And we most not pass by the state-
ment of the former of these writers, that the
Wlestine Syrians dwelt westward of the Arabians
to the eutern boundary of Egypt (iii. 5, and above
p. 1047, note »). Therefore, it does not seem a
vWent hypothesis that the Sinites were connected
with Pelusium, though their main body may per-
haps hare settled murh further to the north. The
distance is not greater than that between the Hit-
titea of southern Palestine and those of the Taller of
the Orontes, although the separation of the less
powerful Writes into those dwelling beneath Mount
xlerroon and the inhabitant! of the small confede-
racy of which Gibeon was apparently the head, is per-
haps nearer to our supposed case. If the wilderness of
Sin owed its name to Pelusium, this is an evidence of
the rery early importance of the town and ita con-
nexion with Arabia, which would perhaps be strange
in the case of a purely Egyptian town. The conjec-
ture we bare put forth suggest* a recurrence to the
old explanation of the famous mention of " the land
of Sinim," Qyp flK, In Isaiah (ilii. 12), supposed
by some to refer to China. This would appear from
the xntext tc be a very remote region. It is men-
tioned after tl* north and the west, and would seem
to be in a southern or eastern direction. Sin is
certainly not remote, nor is the supposed place of
the Suites to the north of Palestine ; but the ex-
pression may be proverbial. The people of Pelu-
sium, if of Caaaanite origin, were certainly remote
eotnjiared to most of the other Canaanites, and
were separated by alien peoples, and it is also
noticeable that they were to the south-east of
Palestine. As the sea bordering Palestine came to
designate the west, as in this passage, so the land of
Sinim may hare passed into a proverbial expression
for a distant and separated country. See, however,
Sihite, Sinim. [R. S. P.]
SIX, WILDERNESS OF (PDnaTO: rpif-
*o* Sir : desertion Sin). The name of a tract of the
wilderness which the Israelites reached after leaving
be encampment by the Red Sea (Num. xxxiii. 11,
12). Their next halting-place (Ex. xvi. 1, xvii. 1)
was Rephidim, probably the Wady Feirin [Rephi-
dim] ; on which supposition it would follow that
Sin must lie between that wady and the coast
of the Gulf of Suez, and of course west of Sinai.
Since they were by this time gone more than a
month from Egypt, the locality must be too far
towards the S. E. to receive its name from the
Egyptian Sin of Ex. xxx. 15, called Xttt by the
I. XX., and identified with Pelusium (see previous
ArtMe). In the wilderness of Sin the manna was
tint gathered, and those who adopt the supposition
that this was merely the natural prod uct of the tarfa
bush, find from the abundance of that shrub in
Wady a SneiAh, S. E. of W. Qhinmdel a proof
of local identity. [Sun.] At all events, that wady
M as probable as any other. [H. H.]
8IN-OFFEKING (TUKjn: eViaarlo, re rijt
• Its technical nse In Qen. Iv. 7 1s asserted, and sup-
ported by high authority. But the wont here probably
■ (as in the Vulg. and A. V.) • sin." The fact that
SIN-OFFEBING
1323
•iwprfof, *e»l ifuxfrriat : pro peccato). Thtno
offering among the Jews wna the sacrifice, in whick
the ideas of propitiation and of atonement for sis
were most distinctly marked. It is first directl)
enjoined in Lev. iv., whereas in chs. i.-iii. the burnt,
offering, meat-offering, and peace-offering are taken
for granted, and the object of the Law is to regu-
late, not to enjoin, the presentation of them to the
Lord. Nor is the word chattAth applied to any
sacrifice in ante-Mosaic times.' It is therefore pecu.
liarly a sacrifice of the Law, agreeing with the
clear definition of good and evil, and the stress laic
on the " sinfulness of sin,*' which were the Slain
objects of the Law in itself. The idea of propitiatior
was no doubt latent in earlier sacrifices, but it was
taught clearly and distinctly in the Levitical sin-
offering.
The ceremonial of the sin-offering is described in
Lev. iv. and vi. The animal, a young bullock for
the priest or the congregation, a male kid or lamb
for a ruler, a female kid or lamb for a private per-
son, in all cases without blemish, was brought by
the sacrifioer to the altar of sacrifice ; his hand was
laid upon ita head (with, aa we learn from later
Jewish authorities, a confession of sin, and a prayer
that the victim might be its expiation); of the
blood of the slain victim, some was then sprinkled
seven times before the veil of the sanctuary, soma
put on the horns of the altar of incense, and the
rest poured at the foot of the altar of sacrifice ; the
fat (as the choicest part of the flesh) was then
burnt on the altar as a burnt-otTering ; the lemain-
der of the body, if the sin-offering were that of the
priest himself or of the whole congregation, was
carried out of the camp or city to a " clean place "
and there burnt; but if the offering were that of an
individual, the flesh might be eaten by the priests
alone in the holy place, as being " most holy."
The Tatar ass-offering (DtTK : *Ai)itit«'Aeui >
to ttjs aAquufXf (or : pro delicto) is closely con-
nected with the sin-offering in Leviticus, but at the
same time clearly distinguished from it, being in
some cases offered with it as a distinct part of the
same sacrifice; as, for example, in the cleansing of
the leper (Lev. xiv.). The victim was in each
case to be a ram. At the time of offering, in all
cases of damage done to any holy thing, or to any
man, restitution was made with the addition of a
fifth part to the principal ; the blood was sprinkled
round about upon the altar, as in the burnt-offering;
the fat burnt, and flesh disposed of as in the sin-
offering. The distinction of ceremonial clearly indi-
cates a difference in the idea of the two sacrifices.
The nature of that difference is still a subject of
great controversy. Looking first to the derivation
of the two words, we find that JINOn is derived
from K&n, which is, properly, to " miss" a mark,
or to " err'' from away, and secondarily to " sin," or
to incur " penalty;" that Ds?M ia derived from the
root OPVt, which is properly to " foil," having for
ita " primary idea negligence, especially in gait "
(Ges.). It is clear that, so far as derivation goes,
there appears to be more of reference to genera] and
actual sin in the former, to special case* of negli>
gence in the latter.
Turning next to the description, in the Book nl
Leviticus, oi the circumstances under which each
It Is never used tn application to any other sacrifice a
Genesis or Exodus, alone males ±t iraiukiiu "sfcj
offering " ben very uupiubablc.
1324 SIN -OFFERING
should v d offered, we find one important passage
Lev. r. 1-13) in wnich the sacrifice Is called first
i " trespass-offering " (ver. 6), and then a " sin-
offering (rer. 7, 9, 11, 12;. But the nature of
the victims in ver. 6 agrees with the ceremonial
of the latter, not of the former ; the application of
tb» latter name is more emphatic and reiterated:
,ind there is at ver. 14a formal introduction of the
lam of the trespass-offering, exactly as of the law
of l he sin-offering in iv. 1. it ia therefore safe to
conriude that the word DE^K is not here used in
its technical sense, and that the passage is to be
referred to the sin-offering only.
We find then that the sin-offerings were —
(A.) Regular,
(1.) For the whole people, at the New Moon,
Passover, Pentecost, Feast of Trumpets, and Feast
of Tabernacles (Num. xxriii. 15-xxix. 38) ; besides
the solemn offering of the two goats on the Great
Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi.).
(2.) For the Priests and Lev&es at their conse-
cration (Ex. xxii. 10-14, 36) ; besides the yearly
sin-offering (a bullock) for the high-priest on the
Great Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi.). k
(11.) Special.
(1.) For any tin of " ignorance" against the
commandment of the Lord, on the part of priest,
people, ruler, or private man (Lev. iv.).
(2.) For refusal to bear witness under adjura-
tion (Lev. r. 1).
(3.) for ceremonial defilement not wilfully con-
tracted (Lev. v. 2, 3), under which may be classed
the offerings at the purification of women (xii. 6-8),
at the cleansing of leprosy (xiv. 19, 31) or the un-
cleanness of men or women (xr. 15, 30), on the
defilement of a Naxarite (Num. ri. 6-11) or the
expiration of his vow (16).
(4.) For the breach of a rath oath, the keeping
of which would involve sin (Lev. v. 4).
The trespass-offerings, on the other hand, were
always special, as—
(1.) Fortacrilege "m ignorance," with compen-
sation for the harm done, and the gift of a fifth part
of the value besides to the priest (Lev. v. 15, 16).
(2.) For ignorant transgression against some
definite prohibition of the Law (v. 17-19).
(3.) For fraud, suppression of the truth, or per-
jury against man, with compensation, and with the
addition of a fifth part of the value of the property
in question to the person wronged (ri. 1-6).
(4.) For rape of a betrothed shoe (Lev. xix. 20,
21).
(5.) At the purification of the leper (Lev. xiv.
12), and the polluted Notarise (Num. ri. 12),
offered with the sin-ottering.
From this enumeration it will be clear that the
two classes of sacrifices, although distinct, touch
closely upon each other, as especially in B. ( 1 ) of
the sin-ottering, and (2) of the trespass-offering.
It is also evident that the sin-offering was the only
regular and general recognition of sin in the ab-
stract, and accordingly was far more solemn and
fymbolical in its ceremonial ; the trespass-offering
was connued to special cases, most of which related
to the doing of some material damage, either to the
no 1 ' things or to man, except in (5), where the
• To these mj be added Ike ascrlBce of the red
aelfar (eeodoetsd with U» cemnonhu of a afn-onVrlnti,
boss the ashes or which was nude the " viler uf srua-
BIN-OFFERING
tresnaau-oflering is united with the ax-oflcijuj
Josephus {Ant. iil. 9, §S; declares that the sin-
offering is presented by those " who fall into sin in
ignorance '* (a-crr* ayvolav), and the trespass-offering
by " one who has sinned and is conscious of his sin,
but has no one to convict him thereof." From this
it may be inferred (as by Winer and others) that
the former was used in cases of known sin against
ae definite law, the latter in the ease of secret
sin, unknown, or, if known, not liable to judicial
cognizance. Other opinions hare been entertained,
widely different from, and even opposed to, on*
another. Many of them are given in Winer's
Beala. " fchuldopfer." The opinions which sup-
pose one ottering due for sins of omission, and the
other for sins of commission, hare no foundation in
the language of the Law. Others, with more plausi-
bility, refer the sin-offering to sins of pure igno-
rance, the trespass-offering to those of a more sinful
and deliberate character; but this does not agree
with Lev. v. 17-19, and is contradicted by the
solemn contrast between sins of ignorance, which
might be atoned for, and " sins of presumption,'*
against which death without mercy is denounced in
Num. xv. 30. A third opinion supposes the sin-
offering to refer to sins for which no material and
earthly atonement could be made, the trespass-
offering to those for which material compensation)
was possible. This theory has something to sup-
port it in the fact that in some cases (see Lev. r.
15, 16, ri. 1-6) compensation was prescribed as
accessory to the sacrifice. Others seek more re-
condite distinctions, supposing («. g.) that the
sin-offering had for its object the cleansing of the
sanctuary or the commonwealth, and the trespass-
offering the cleansing of the individual; or thai
the former referred to the effect of sin upon the soul
itself, the latter to the effect of sin as the breach of
an external law. Without attempting to decide so
difficult and so controverted a question, we may
draw the following conclusions : —
First, that the sin-offering was far the more
solemn and comprehensive of the two sacrifices.
Secondly, that the sin-offering looked more to
the guilt of the sin done, irrespective of its conse-
quences, while the trespass-offering looked to the
evil consequences of sin, either against the service
of God, or against man, and to the duty of atone-
ment, as far as atonement was possible. Hence the
two might with propriety be offered together.
Thirdly, that in the sin-offering especially we
find symbolized the acknowledgment of sinfulness
as inherent in man, and of the n<-ed of expiatior
by sacrifice to renew the broken covenant between
man and God.
There is one other question of seme interest, as
to the nature of the sins for which either sacrifice
could be offered. It is seen at coos that in the Law
of Leviticus, most of them, which are not purely
ceremonial, are called sins of " ignorance (see
Heb. ix. 7) ; and in Num. XT. 30, it ia exprealy
said that while such sins can be atoned for by offer-
ings, " the soul that doeth aught presumptuously "
(Heb. with a high hand) " shall be cut off from
among his people." ..." His iniquity shall be upon
him" (comp. Heb. x. 26). But there are sufficient
indications that the sins heie called " of igno-
rance ' art more strictly those of " negligence a
rsiion," used In certain cases of cetessc'Td prihittea
bee Norn. xix.
SENA, MOUNT
"faulty," • repented of by the unpunished offender, '
as opposed to those of deliberate wd unrepentant
sin. The Hebrew word itself and its derivations
sre so used in Ps. cxix. 67 (sVAn/i/itAqo-tt, LXX.) ;
1 Sam. xit). 21 (tYyrdnica) ; Ps. xix. 13 (s-apairrsi-
cwra) ; Job xix. 4 (xAaVoj). The words ayyonpa
and iyroia have a coiTesponding extent of meaning
in the N. T. ; as when in Acts iii. 17, the Jews, in
their crucifixion of our Lord, are said to have acted
(«eoT* ayniar' ; and in Eph. iv. 18, 1 Pet. i. 14,
the vices of heathenism, done against the light of
conscience, are still referred to tyvoia. The use
at the word (like that of iyrufiovTr in classical
Greek) is found in all languages, and depends on
the idea that goodness is man's true wisdom, and
that an is the failing to recognize this truth. If
from the word we turn to the sins actually referred
to in Lev. iv. v., we find some which certainly are
est sins of pure ignorance; they are indeed few
•at of the whole range of sinfulness, but they are
real sins. The later Jews (see Outrun, Be Sacri-
fiat*) limited the application of the sin-offering to
negative sins, sins in ignorance, and sins in action,
.lot in thought, evidently oonceiving it to apply to
actual sins, but to sins of a secondary order.
In considering this subject, it must be remembered
that the sacrifices of the Law hod a temporal, as
well as a spiritual, significance and effect. They
restored an offender to his place in the common-
wealth of Israel ; they were therefore an atonement
to the King of Israel for the infringemeut of His
law. It is clear that this must hare limited the
extent of their legal application ; for there are
crimes, for which the interest and very existence of
a society demand that there should be no pardon.
But so far as the sacrifices had a spiritual and
typical meaning, so far as they were sought by a
repentant spirit as a sign and means of reconcile-
ment with God, it can hardly be doubted that they
had a wider scope and a real spiritual effect, so
>oog as their typical character remained. [See
Sacrifice.]
For the more solemn sin-offerings, see Day or
Atonement ; Lepkost, etc. [A. B.]
81'NA, MOUNT (to foot Ittri : mow Sim).
The Greek form of the well-known name which in
the O. T. universally, and as often as not in the
A|>ocr. and N. T., is given in the A. V. Sinai.
Sina occurs Jnd. v. 14 ;• Acts vii. 30, 38. [G.]
SI'NAIOJ'D: liya: Sinai). Nearly in the
centre of the peninsula which stretches between the
horns of the Ked Sea lies a wedge of granite, grttn-
tfein, uid porphyry rocks, rising to between 8000
md 9000 feet above the sea. Its shape resembles
scalene triangle, with a crescent cut from its
tottheni or longer side, on which border Russegger's
slap gives a broad skirting tract of old red sand-
loce, reaching nearly from gulf to gulf, and tra-
BENAI
1325
versed by a few ridges, chiefly of a lert..»y forma-
tion, running searly N.W. and S.E. On the S.W.
side of this triangle, a -vide alluvial plain — oar
rowing, however, towards the N. — lines the coast
of the Gulf of Suez, whilst that on the eastern oi
Akabah coast is so narrow as almost to disappear.
Between these alluvial edges and the granitic maw
a strip of the same sandstone is interposed, the two
strips converging at Eds Mohammed, the southern
promontory of the whole. This nucleus of plutunic
rocks is said to bear no trace of volcanic action
since the original upheaval of its masses (Stanley,
21,22). Laborde (Tratelt, p. 105) thought he
detected some, but does not affirm it. Its general
configuration runs into neither ranges nor peaks,
but is that of a plateau cut across with intersecting
wadys, whence spring the cliffs and mountain
peaks, beginning with a very gradual and termi-
nating in a very steep ascent. It has been arranged
(Stanley, 8. and P. 11) in three chief masses as
follows : —
1. The N.W. cluster above Wady Feir&n; its
greatest relief found in the five-peaked ridge ot
Serbil, at a height of G342 feet above the sea.
(For an account of the singular natural basin into
which the waters of this portion of the mountain
mass are received, and its probable connexion with
Scriptural topography, see Rkpiudim.)
2. The eastern and central one ; its highest point
the Jebel Katherm, at a height of 8063 (Ruppell)
to 8168 (Russegger) feet, and including the Jebei
Mdsa, the height of which is variously set (by
Schubert, RtippeU, and Russegger) at 6796, 7033,
and 7097 feet.
3. The S.E. one, closely connected, however,
with 2 ; its highest point, Vm Shaumer, being that
also of the whole.
The three last-named peaks all lie Tery nearly
in a line of about 9 miles drawn from the most
northerly of them, M&sa, a little to the W. of S. ;
and a perpendicular to this line, traced on the map
westwards for about 20 miles, nearly traverses the
whole length of the range of SerOdl. These lines
show the area of greatest relief for the peninsula,*
nearly equidistant from each of its embracing gulfs,
and also from its northern base, the range of Et Tth,
and its southern apex, the fldi Mohammed.
Before considering the claims of the individual
mountains to Scriptural notice, there occurs a ques-
tion regarding the relation of the names Horeb and
Sinai. The latter name first occurs as that of the
limit on the further side from Egypt of the wilder-
ness of Sin (Ex. xri. 1), and again (xix. 1, 2) as
the "wilderness" or "desert of Sinai," before
Mount Sinai is actually spoken of, as in ver. 11
soon after we find it. But the name " Horeb "* is,
in the case of the rebuke of the people by God fbi
their sin in making the golden calf, reintroduced
into the Sinaitic narrative (xxxiii. 6), having
• Prom (be root iSff, or i"U«7, signifying to " err"
•r" wander oat of lbs way," cognate In sense to the root
of lbs wori chatUUh Itself.
* In this patssge the present Greek text, or both MSS.,
reads tit Ww, not Spot, tou Xcu-o. But tbe note In the
tuirgln of the A. V. of If 1 1 Is, notwithstanding, wrong—
* Greek, Into tbe way of the wilderness of Sins ;" tnat
Ming nearer to the Vulg. darts Sina mantis occupa-
tml
» See Robinson's " Memoir on the Maps" (Vol. Hi.
Appendix I, pp. 31-39), a mwt Important comment on the
£ioVrem sources cf authority for different portions of the
region, and the weight due to each, and containing a Just
cantion regarding the Indications of surface aspect given
by Laborde.
* l)r. Stanley (77) notices another " very high moun
tain aW. or Cm-ShSm'r, apparently calculated by RttppeU
to be tbe highest In the peninsula . . . possibly that culled
Vy Burckbanll Tkammar, or jEI Kotg." But tils seems
oaiy to effect an eater stun of the area of the relhif in the
direction Indicated.
* Dr. Stanley has spoken of two of the three passages*]
tUodus In which Horeb occurs (til. 1. xni. «) ss " duubtraV
and of the third (xxzlll. ») ss " ambiguous ;" out he dust
not say so what grounds (S. 4f.it, nets*.
1328
SINAI
been previously most recently toed in the story of
the murmuring at Rephidim (xvii. 6, " I will stand
before thee there upon the rock in Horeb"), and
earlier as the name of the scene of the appearance
of God in the "burning bush" (iii. 1). Now,
ainoa Rephidim teems to be a desert stage apart
from the place where Israel "camped before the
mount" (Sinai, xix. 2), it is not easy to account
for a Horeb at Rephidim, apparently as the specific
spot of a particular transaction (so that the refuge
of a "general" name Horeb, contrasted with Sinai
as a special one, is cut off), and a Horeb in the
Sinaitic region, apparently a synonym of the moun-
tain which, since the scene of the narrative is fixed
at it, had been called Sinai. Lepsius removes the
difficulty by making Serial Sinai, but against this
It will be seen that there are even stronger objec-
tions. But a proper name given from a natural
feature Buy recur with that feature. Such is
" Horeb," properly signifying " ground left dry
by water draining off. ' Now both at Rephidim
aud at Kmlesh Heribah, where was the " fountain
of judgment" (Gen. xiv. 7), it is expressly men-
tioned that "there was no water;" and the in-
ference is that some ordinary supply, expected to
be found there, had failed, possibly owing to
drought. " The rock in Horeb" was (Ex. xvii. 6)
what Moses smote. It probably stood on the exact
spot where the water was expected to be, but was
not. Now Lepsius ( Tour, April 22, transl. by
Cottrell, p. 74) found in Wady Feirdn, which he
identifies with Rephidim, singular alluvial banks of
earth which may hare once formed the bottom of a
lake since dried,* If this was the scene of the
miracle [see Rephidim], the propriety of the name
Horeb, as applied to it, becomes clear. Further, in
all the places of Deut. where Horeb is found [see
Horeb], it seems to be used in reference to the
people as the place where they stood to receive,
rather than whence God appeared to give the law,
which is apparently in the same Book of Deut. in-
dicated by Sinai (xiriii. 2); and in the one re-
maining passage of Exod., where Horeb occurs in
the narrative of the same events, it is used also in
reference to the people (xxxiii. 6), and probably refers
to what they had previously done in the matter of the
golden calf (xxxii. 2, 3). If this be accepted, there
remains in the Pentateuch only Ex. iii. 1, where
Moses led the flocks of Jethro "to the mountain
of God, to Horeb ;" but this form of speech, which
seems to identify two local names, is sometimes not
a strict apposition, but denotes an extension, espe-
cially where the places are so close together that
the writer tacitly recrgnizes them as one.' Thus
Horeb, strictly taken, may probably be a dry plain,
valley, or bed of a wady near the mountain ; and
yet Mount Horeb, on the " vast green plain " of
which was doubtless excellent pasture, may mean
the mountain viewed in reference thereto,! or its
• « Alluvial mounds" are visible at the foot of the
modern Horeb cliffs In the plain Er Rahek; Just as Lepstus
Holloed others at the Wady AWron. (Cump. Stanley, 8. •) P.
40, Lepsius, M).
I So In Gen. xnl. S, Abram goes " to Bethel, unto the
place where his tent bad been at the beginning, between
Bethel and Hal;" i. t. really to Bethel, and somewhat
farther.
c it ought not to be left unnoticed that different tribes
■ f the desert often seem to give different names to the
ranee TToerrfrH valley, asc, or the same names to different
aoumsms, Jtc., Because perhaps they jodge or them byte*
way In which leading features group themselves w ust
Emir
side shutting thereon. The mention of Horeb in
later books (e. g. 1 K. viii. 9, xix. 8) seems to show
that it had then become the designation of the,
mountain and region generally. The spot where
the people themselves took part in the gieatest
event or their history would natural 1 f become the
popular name in later designations of that event
• Thou stoodest before the Lord thy God in Horeb"
was a literal fact, and became the great lasis of all
traditions of it. By this they recognized that they
had been brought into covenant with God. On this
contrary, in Neh. ix. 13, we road, " Thou earnest
down upon Mount Sinai."
But beyond the question of the relation which
these names mutually bear, there remains that of
site. Sinai is clearly a summit distinctly marked.
Where are we to look for it? There are three
principal views in answer to this question : —
I. That of Lepsius, above mentioned, favoured
also by Burckhardt (Trav. p. 609), that SerbAl is
Sinai, some 30 miles distant westward from the
Jtbel JUAsa, bot dose to the Wady Feirtn and
El Borne, which he identifies, as do most authori-
ties, with Rephidim (Lepsius, 74), just a mile from
the old convent of Fardn. On this view Israel
would have reached Sinai the same day that they
fought with Amalek : " the decampment occurred
during the battle" (ib. 86) — an unlikely thing,
since the contest was evidently fierce and dose,
and lasted till sunset. Serbal is the most magnifi-
cent mountain of the peninsula, rising with a crown
of five peaks from the maritime plain on one aide,
and from the Wady Feirdn on the other, and
showing its full height at once to the eye; and
Hitter (Qcogr. xiv. 734-6) has suggested ■ that it
might have been, before the actual Exodus, known
as " the mount of God" to the Amalekitc Arabs,
and even to the Egyptians. 1 The earliest traditions
are in its favour. " It is undoubtedly identified
with Sinai by Eusebius, Jerome, and Cosmas, that
is, by all known writers to the time of Justinian,"
as confirmed by the position " of the episcopal city
of Paran at its foot" (Stanley, 5. and P. 40).
But there are two main objections to this :— (1.)
It is clear, from Ex. xix. 2 (oomp. xvii. 1), that the
interval between Rephidim and Sinai was that of a
regular stage of the march. The expressions in the
Hebrew are those constantly used for decamping
and encamping in the Books of Ex., Num., and
Deut. ; and thus a Sinai within a mile of Rephidim
is unsuitable. (2.) There is no plain or wady of
any sufficient size near Serbftl to offer camping
ground to so large a host, or perhaps the tenth
part of them. Dr. Stewart (The Tent and the
Khan, p. 146) contends for Serbil as the real
Sinai, seeking to obviate objection (1), by mak-
ing Rephidim " no higher up than Haku4K "
[Rephidim], and (2), by regarding Wady Altiat
and Wady £imm as capacious enough for the
aye, and which varies with the habitual point of view
(Lepstus, •«).
■> Robinson, on the other hand (L »»■•), suggests that
SarSMt a Kha&in (or Oadtm), lying north of Serbs!
was a place of pilgrimage to the ancient Egyptian*
and a suppoaable object of Moses' proposed " three days'
Journey Into the wilderness." But that pilgrimage wet
nn element in the religion of ancient Egypt seems at
least doubtful.
> So Dr. Stewart (The Trni and the nan, p. HI) says
"that it was a place of Idolatrous worship before ths
pnstuure of the children of Israel Is extremely pnl»al-l»'
lie lenders the name by " Lord RsaL*
61NAI
hart to camp in (lb. p. 145);—* rery doubtful
amnios.
II. The second is that of Ritter,- that, allowing
Serbil the reverence of an early sanctuary, ths
Jebel Htm u Sinai, and that the Wady a
Sebayeh, which its S.E. or highest summit over-
hangs, u the spot where the people camped before
the mount ; but the second objection to Sorbal
applies almost in equal force to this — the waat of
apace below. The wady is " rough, uneven, and
narrow " (Stanley, S. and P. 76) ; and there seems
no possibility of the people's " removing (Ex. xx.
18) and standing afar off, ' and yet preserving any
connexion with the scene. Further, this site oilers
no such feature as a " brook that descended out of
the mount'' (Deut. ix. 21).
HI. The third is that of Robinson, that the mo-
Jem Horeb of the monks — vis. the N.W. and
lower face of the Jebel ifisa, crowned with a
range of magnificent cliffs, the highest point called
Km Sat&fck, or Si/sa/en, as spelt by Robinson —
overlooking the plain er Rakah, is the scene of the
giving of the Law, and that peak the mountain
into which Moses ascended. In this view, also,
Strauss appears to coincide (Sinai and Golgotha,
p. 116). Lepsius objects, but without much force
(since he himself climbed it), that the peak Sasifeh
is nearly inaccessible. It is more to the purpose to
observe that the whole Jebel M&ta is, compara-
tively with adjacent mountains, insignificant ; " its
prospect limited in the east, south, and west, by
higher mountains " (Rilppell," quoted by Robinson,
i. 105, note ; comp. Seeuen, Reisen, vol. ii. p. 93) ;
that it is " remote and almost concealed/' But
the high ground of Serial being rejected for the
above reasons, and no voice having ever been raised
in favour of the Urn Shaumer,* the highest point in
the peninsula, lying S.W. of the Misa, some such
secondary and overshadowed peak must be assumed.
Ths conjunction of mountain with plain is the
greatest feature of this site ; in choosing it, we lose
in the mountain, as compared with Serial, but we
pin in the plain, of which Serbil has nothing.
Yet the view from the plain appears by no means
wanting in features of majesty and awe (S. and P.
42-3). Dr. Stanley remarked (5. and P. 43)
some alluvial mounds at the foot of the cliff
" which exactly answered to the bounds " set to
restrain the people. In this long retiring sweep of
er Rahah the people could "remove and stand
afar off;" for it " extends into the lateral valleys,"
and so joins the Wady a Sheyhh (ib. 74). Here
too Moses, if he came down through one of the
oblique gullies which flank the Ran Sasifeh on the
N. and §., might not see the camp, although be
might catch its noise, till he emerged from the
Wady ed Deir, or the Wady Leji, on the plain
itself. In the latter, also, is found a brook in close
connexion with the mountain.
Still there is the name of the Jebel M&ta be-
-onging to the opposite or S.E. peak or precipice,
overhanging Et Sebayeh. Lepsius treats this as a
SINAI
1327
s Qtagr. xlv. 583.
■ It should be added that Rflppell (Upslus,p. 12) took
CsM XaUerin tor Horeb, but that there are fewer
features in Its favour, as compared with the history, than
almost any other site (Robinson. L 110).
• Toongb Dr. Stanley (5 4 P. 39, note) states that tt
has teen * explored by Mr. Hogg, woo tells me that tt
Dwtis none of the ipedal requirements.*
• See the work or Pro Tenor Boer of Lelpsic on this
sTIaut question. Mr. Forsters attempt ( reus o/ Israel
mnnnsh legend unknown beljre the convent ; but
there it the name Wady Shouaib (valley of Hobat
or Jethro. S. ami P. 32), the Wady Leji. and
Jebel PureiS (perhaps from the forms in Arabic
legend of the names of his two daughters Lija and
Safuria = Zipporah), forming a group of Mosaic t a*
dition. Is it not possible that the Jebel liisn, or
loftiest south-eastern peak of that block of w hit .
the modern Horeb ia the lower and opposite end,
may htve been the spot to which Mosrs retiree,
leaving the people encamped in er Rnhah below,
from which its distance is not above three miles?
That the spot is out of sight from that plain is
hardly a difficulty, for " the mountain burning
with fire to the midst of heaven " was what the
people saw (Deut. iv. 11); and this would give a
reasonable distance for the spot, somewhere mid-
way, whence the elders enjoyed a partial vision oi
God (Ex. xxiv. 9, 10).
Tradition, no doubt in this case purely monkish,
has fixed on a spot for Elijah's visit — " the cave "
to which he repaired; but one at Serbil would
equally suit (S. and P. 49). That on the Jebel
Musa is called the chapel of St. Elias. It has been
thought possible that St. Paul may have visited
Sinai (Gal. i. 17), and been familiar with the name
Hajar (jjOta») as given commonly to it, signify-
ing " a rock." (Ewald, Sendschreibm, 493.)
It may be added that, supposing Wady Tayibeh
to have been the encampment " by the sea," as
stated in Num. xxxiii. 10, three routes opened
there before the Israelites : the most southerly one
(taken by Shawe and Pococke) down the plain el
Ada to T&r ; the most northerly (Robinson's) by the
Sarbut el Khadem (either of which would have left
Serbil out of their line of march) ; and the middle
one by Wady Feiran, by which they would pass
the foot of Serbdl, which therefore in this case
alone could possibly be Sinai (Stanley, S. and P,
36, 37). Just east of the Jebel Misa, across the
narrow ravine named SAouaib, lies ed-Deir, or the
convent mountain, called also, from a local legend
(Stanley, 46 ; Robinson, i. 98), " the Mount of the
Burning Bush." Tradition has also fixed on a
hollow rock in the plain of the Wady et Sheykk,
on which the modern Horeb looks, as " the (mould
of the) head of the cow," «'. e, in which the golden
calf was shaped by Aaron. In the ravine called
Leji, parallel to SAouaib on the western side of the
Jebel Mita, lies what is called the rock of Moses
(see Rephidim) ; and a hole in the ground near,
in the plain, is called, by manifest error, the " pit
of Koran," whose catastrophe took place far away
(Robinson, i. 113 ; Lepsius, 19).
The middle route aforesaid from W. Tayibeh
reaches the W. Feiran through what is called the
W. Mokatteb, or " written valley," from the in-
scriptions on the rocks which line it," generally
considered to have been the work of Christian
hands, but whether those of a Christian people
localised there at an unknown period, as Lep-
Jrom the Btxkt qf Sinai) to regard them aa a oontem
porary record of the Exodus by the Israelites involves this
anachronism : the events of the fortieth year— e. g. lbs
plague of fiery serpents — are represented as recorded doss
on the same spot with what took place before the peoptt
reached Sinai ; and although the route which they took
cannot be traced in all its parts, yet all the evidence and
all the probability of ths question Is clearly agidnst theti
ever having returned from Kadeah and lh^ Araiith lo tls
"Mieya vest Cf W
1328
81*01
•itts' (p. 90) thinks, or of passing pilgrims, a* is the
more general opinion, is likely to continue doubtful.
It is remarkable that the names of the chief
peaks seem all borrowed from their peculiarities
if vegetation : thus Um fiftoW (««*» *\) means
'' mother of fennel;" EisSasifeh (properly 54/sd/eA,
») is '■ willow-head," a group of two or
three of which trees grow in the recesses of the
adjacent wady ; so Serbdl a perhaps from ^Lfvw !
ami, from analogy, the name "Sinai," now un-
known amongst the Arabs (unless Sena, given to
the point of the Jtbel Fureii, opposite to the mo-
dem Horeb ^Stanley, 42), contain a trace of it),
•nay be supposed derived from the \Xm and Umu, the
true of the Burning Bush. The vegetation * of the
peninsula is most copious at El Wady, near Tir,
on the coast of the Gulf of Suez, in the Wady
Feirin [see Repuidim], the two oases of its waste,
and " in the nucleus of springs in the Gebel Mousa "
(Stanley, 19). For a fuller account of its flora, see
Wilderness of the Wandering. As regards
its fauna, Seetzen (iii. 20) mentions the following
animals as found at er Batnleh, near Sinai : — the wild
goat, the wubber, hyena, fox, hare, gazelle, panther
(rare), field-mouse (el Dschtirdy, like a jerboa), and
a lizard called el Dtob, which is eaten. [H. H.J
9DJIM (D'3'D). A people noticed in Is. jlix. 12,
as living at the extremity of the known world,
either in the south or east. The majority of the
early interpreters adopted the former view, but the
LXX. in giving Tlipom favours the latter, and the
weight of modern authority is thrown into the
same scale, the name being identified by Gesenius,
Hitxig, Knobel, and others, with the classical Sinae,
the inhabitants of the southern part of China. No
locality in the south equally commends itself to the
judgment : Sin, the classical Pelusium, which Bo-
chart (Phiileg, iv. 27) suggests, is too near, and
Syene (Michaelis, Spicil. ii. 32) would have been
given in its well-known Hebrew form. There is no
a priori improbability in the name of the Sinae
being known to the inhabitants of Western Asia in
the age of Isaiah ; for though it is not mentioned by
the Greek geographers until the age of Ptolemy, it
is certain that an inland commercial route connected
the extreme east with the west at a very early
period, and that a traffic was maintained on the
frontier of China between the Sinae and the Scy-
thians in the manner still followed by the Chinese
and the Russians at Kiachta. If any name for
these Chinese traders travelled westward, it would
probably be that of the Sinae, whose town Thinae
(another form of the Sinae) was one of the great
emporiums in the western part of China, and is
nprejented by the modern Thtin or 31m, in the
p/avince of Schemi. The Sinae attained an inde-
pendent position in Western China as early as the
8th century B.C., and in the 3rd century B.C.
established their sway under the dynasty of Tain
over the whole of the empire. The Kabbiuical name
of China, 7sm,as well as"China" itself, was derived
from this dynasty (Gesen. Tluss. s. v.). [W. L. B.]
v Arguing from the tact that these Inscriptions occur
not only on roads leading out or E^r/pt. but In the most
•Kludfd erei«, and on n des Irtnr, quite out of Ii* uudn
SIKAH. THE WELL OF
81'JJn , K('rp: , Ao-«w«ubr: Smaevs). A tribe
of Canaanitea "(Gen. x. 17 ; 1 Chr. i. 15), ft host
position is to be sought for in the northern part d
tbo Lebanon district. Various localities in that
district bear a certain amount of resemblance to the
name, particularly Smna, a mountain fortress men
tioned by Strabo (xvi. p. 755) ; Sinum or Sini, the
ruins of which existed in the time of Jeromt
(Quaest. in Gen. 1. c.) ; Syn, a n'lage mentioned is
the 15th century as near the rrer Area Green
Thes. p. 948) ; and Dumiyth, ft district near Tri
poli (Robinson's Researchee, ii. 49 1). The Targums
of Onkelos and Jonathan give Oi thosia, a town <ju
the coast to the north-east of Trip-ilia. [W. L. B.J
WON, MOUNT. 1. (]tt*» 111; Sanuu.
Pet'S? "VJ ; to tpot rov 1.i\&r : mens Sion).
One of the various names of Mount Hermon which
are fortunately preserved, all not improbably more
ancient than " Hermon " itself. H occurs in Dent
iv. 48 only, and is interpreted by the lexicographers
to mean " lofty." Fttrst conjectures that these
various appellations were the names of separate
peaks or portions of the mountain. Some have
supposed that Zion in Ps. exxxiii. 3 is a variation
of this Sion ; but there is no warrant for this be-
yond the fact that so doing overt omes a difficult?
of interpretation in that passage.
2. (to tpot SuSv; in Heb. Iibv Spot : mom Sim. )
The Greek form of the Hebrew name Zion (Tsion),
the famous Mount of the Temple (1 Mace iv. 37,
60, v. 54, ri. 48, 62, vii. 33, x. 11, jdv. 27 ; Heb.
xii. 22 ; Rev. xiv. 1). In the Books of Maccabees
the expression is always Mount Sion. In the other
Apocryphal Books the name Sion is alone employed.
Further, in the Maccabees the name unmistakeably
denotes the mount on which the Temple was built ;
on which the Mosque of the Akta, with its attendant
Mosques of Omar and the Mogrebbins, now stands.
The first of the passages just quoted is enough to
decide this. If it can be established that Zion in
the Old Testament means the same locality with
Sion in the Books of Maccabees, one of the greatest
puzzles of Jerusalem topography will be solved.
This will be examined under Zion. [G.l
SIPH'MOTH(niDBE': 2aa>c(; Alex. Sa*>o-
*u»i : Sephamoth). One' of the places in the south
of Judah which David frequented during his free-
booting life, and to his friends in which he sent •
portion of the spoil taken from the Amalekites. It
is named only in 1 Sam. xxx. 28. It is not named
by Eusebius or Jerome. No one appears yet to
have discovered or even suggested an identincatior.
of it. [G.]
81PPA'I('BD: So-poor; Alex. Sf*d>f: Sa-
phal). One of the sons of the Rephaim, or " the
giants," slain by Sibbechai the Hushathite at Gezi-r
(1 Chr. xx. 4). In 2 Sam. xrj. 18 he is called Sara
Sl'KACH (5«<p«tx. Siprfx : SiracA '• in K" 00 " 1 '
writers, NTQ), the father of Jesus (Joshua), the
writer of the Hebrew original of the Book of Eccie-
siasticus. ^Ecclesiasticus ; Jesus thb Son or
Siracii.] [B. f. W.]
SIRAH, THE WELL OF (iTlBH "A3: re
<pptaff ran ittipifi, in both MBS. : eatirma Sim),
* Vor a fall account of the cUmate suit tseeUUus
sVkabert (Jbusm ii. 301) may bn consult**.
BIKION
fae spot from which Abcer was recalled by Joub
to hi* death at Hebron (2 Sum. iii. 20 only). It
n apparent] r An the northern road from Hebron
'—that by which Ahner would naturally return
through Bahurim (vcr. l«) to Mahanntm. Thei-e
B a spring and reservoir on the western aide of
the indent northern road, about cue mile out of
Hebron, which is called Am Sara, and give* it*
name to the little valley in which it lies (fee Dr.
Rosen's paper on Hebron in the Zeitxhrift der
D. M. G. xii. 486, and the excellent map accom-
panying it). This may be a relic of the well of
SJnth. It is mentioned as for back as the 12th cen-
tury by RabU Petachia, but the correspondence of
the name with that of Sirah seems to have escaped
notice. [G.]
SIRI'ON |J T "JBV •• «• Siryon, in Deut., but in
ItLixix. fflff, ShirySn j Samar. \H&; Sam. Vers.
J31 : lariip : Sarion). One of the various names
of Mount Hermon, that by which it was known to
the Zidoniana (Deut. iii. 9). The word is almost
identical with that (J^TD) which in Hebrew denotes
a " breastplate " or " cuirass," and Geseui us there-
fore expresses his belief that it was applied in this
sense to the mountain, just as the name Thorax
(which has the same meaning) was given to a
mountain in Magnesia. This is not supported by
the Samaritan Version, the rendering in which —
Jiabtxm — seems to be equivalent xo Jetiel eth Sheykh,
the ordinary, though not the only modern name of
the mountain.
The use of the name in Ps. xxix. 6 (slightly
altered in the original— Shirioo instead of Sirion)
is remarkable, though, bearing in mind the occur-
rence) of Shenir in Solomon's Song, it can hardly
be used as an argument for the antiquity of the
Itnlm. [G.]
SI8AMA1 CODD: Sotrosi«.: SsamoT). A
descendant of Sheahaa in the line of Jerahmeel
(I Chr. ii. 40).
818'EBA (tOD'Q*: iturdpa, Xuripa; Joseph.
S 2i<rdpni : Sitara). Captain {"iff) of the army of
Jabin king of Cuuwn who reigned in Hazor. He
himself resided in Harosheth' of the Gentiles. The
particulars of the rout of Megjddo and of Sisera's
(light and death are drawn -out under the heads of
Barak, Deborah, Jasx, Kknitkb, Kuhok,
M antic, Tkht. They have been recently elabo-
• No variation from gf to gf, or tbe reverse, is noticed
in DQderleln and Meltner, on either occurrence of the
SISERA
1321.
► Geaenlns (Ijm. s. v.), by comparison with tbe Syrian
Interprets the name as " battle-array." Ftlrst, on the other
fca»d(Mmrf«6. 11.279). gives ss Its equivalent I'anstittrfama,
the nearest approach to which la perhaps " lieutenant."
As a Canaaalte word Its real signification la probably
taaally wide of either.
• The site of Haboshxtii has not yet been Identified
with certainty. Bui since the publication or vol i. tbe
writer observes that Dr. Thomson (Land and Book, ch.
xxix.) has suggested * cite which seems possible, snd
write* further examination. This Is s tell or mound
sa the north side of tbe Kisboo, In the 8.E. corner of the
plain of Akka, Just behind the bills which separata It
nam tbe larger plain of JesreeL Tbe tell advances
dose to tbe loot of Cbrmel. sad allows only room for the
psa ate of the river between them, lis name Is variously
given as JHoroMUt (Thomson), HarM&k (Schols). Bur-
eliai* (RohhMon). Avis' (Van de Velde), and at Bar.
ass*. The latter la the form given In the official list
iaaas tor tbe writer In 18«1 by Consul Rogers, and
VOL. Ut.
rated, and combined into, a living a bole, wltr
great attention to (detail yet without any naurHi"
of force, by Professor Stanley, in his Lectures on
the Hist, of the Jewish Church, Lect. xiv. To that
accurate and masterly picture we refer our readers.
The army was mustered at the Kishon on the
plaln'at the foot of the slopes of Zejjun. Partly
owing to the furious attack of Barak, partly to the
impassable condition of the plain, and partly to the
unwieldy nature of the host itself, which, amongst
other impediments, contained 900' iron chariots —
a horrible confusion and rout took place. Stare,
deserted his troops and fled off on font/ He took e
north-east direction, possibly through Nazareth and
Safed, or, if that direct road was closed to him,
stole along by more circuitous routes till he found
himself before the tents of Heber the Kenite, near
Kedesh, on the high ground overlooking the upper
basin of the Jordan valley. Here he met his death
from the hands of Jael, Hebcr's wife, who, although
" at pence " with him, was under a much mora
stringent relation with the house of Israel (Juilg.
iv. 2-22, v. 20, 26, 28, 80). [Kenitks, p. 1 1 a.]
His name long survived as a word of tear and ot
exultation in the mouths of prophets and psalmists
(1 Sam. xii. 9; Ps. lxxxili. 9>.
It is remarkable that from this enemy of the Jews
should hare sprung one of their most eminent cha-
racters. The great Habbi Akiba, whose father was
a Syrian proselyte of jus', ice, was descended fiom
Sisera of Harosheth (Bartolocci, iv. 272). The
part which he took in the Jewish war of independ-
ence, when he was standard bearer to Baicocba
(Otho, Hist. doct. Man. 134 note), shows that the
warlike force still remained in the blood of Sjstia.
2. IZicipa, Xuxapit ; Alex. Suraoaa, 3<i-
oapAB.) Alter a long interval the name re-appears
in the lists of the Kethinim who returned fiom
the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Exr. ii. 53; Neh.
vii. 55). The number of foreign, non-Israelite
names* which occur in these invaluable lists haa
been already noticed under Mkhunm [vol. ii.
p. 313.] Sisera is another example, and doubtless
tells of Canoanite captives devnted to the lowest
offices of the Temple, even though the Sisera from
whom the family derived its name were not actually
the same person as the defeated general of Jabin.
It is curious that it should occur in close com-
panionship with the name Harsha (ver. 52) which
irresistibly recala Harosheth.
Is probably scenrste. Dr. Thomson — apparently the
only traveller who has examined the spot—speaks ot
tbe Tell as "covered with the remains of old walls and
building.." In which he sees tbe relics of the ancient
castle of Sisera.
<> Tbe number of Jabln'a standing army la given by
Josephus (Ant. v. 6, ,1) ss 300.000 footmen, 10,000 horse-
men, and 3000 chariots. These numbers are large, but
they are nothing to those of the Jewish legends. Sisera
"had 40,000 generals, every one of whom had 100,000
men undtr him. He was thirty years old, and had con-
quered the whole world i and there was not a place the
walls of which did not fall down at his voles When
he shouted the very beasts of the field were rlvetted
to their places. 000 horses went in his chariot " (Jalkvt
sd lot). " Thirty-one kings (camp. Josh, xlt M) went
with Sisera and were killed with him. They thirsted
after the waters of the land of Israel, and they asked
and prayed Sisera to take them with him without farther
reward " (camp. Jndg. v. 10). (Bsr. Bab. oh. 13.) The
writer Is indebted to the Madness of Mr. DsuMca lor
these extracts.
• Miavans. NionnniK, Hassna, Kxxai.
I 40
1380
SBttNNES
to the parallel list of 1 find. t. 32 Sxwra b given
m ASEttKR. . [G.]
618WNES flurlrw. Sisennes). A governor
of Syria and Phoenicia under Dorms, and a con-
temporary of Zerubbabel (1 Esdr. vi. 3). He
attempted to stop the rebuilding of the Temple,
but was ordered by Darius, after consulting the
■rehires of Cyrus'* reign, to adopt the opposite
course, and to forward the plans of Zerubbabel
(Ibid. vi. 7, rii. 1). In En a he is called Tatxai.
SITNAH (HJOB' ; f x 0»fa ; Joseph. Zmrri :
Inimicitiae). The second of the two wells dug by
Isaac in the valley of Genu , and the possession of
which the herdmen of the valley disputed with him
(Gen. xxvi. 21). Like the first one, Esek, it re-
ceived its name from the disputes which took place
over it, SiUaJi meaning, as is stated in the margin,
"hatred," or more accurately "accusation," but
the play of expression has not been in this instance
preserved in the Hebrew.* The LXX., however,
have attempted it: — (Kpiromo .... txtpU. The
root of the name is the same as that of Satan, and
this has been taken advantage of by Aquila and
Symmachus, who render it respectively hmutttpin)
and irtwrtmvit. Of the situation of Esek and
Sitnah nothing whatever is known. [G.]
SIYAN. [Mostk.]
SLAVE. The institution of slavery was recog-
nised, though not established, by the Mosaic Law
with a view to mitigate its hardships and to secure
to every man his ordinary rights. Repugnant as
the notion of slavery is to our minds, it is difficult
to see how it can be dispensed with in certain
phages of society without, at all events, entailing
severer evils than those which it produces. Exclu-
siveuess of race is an Instinct that gains strength in
proportion a* social order is weak, and the rights
of citizenship are regarded with peculiar jealousy
hi communities which are exposed to contact with
aliens. In the case of war, carried on for conquest
or revenge, there were but two modes of dealing
with the captives, via. putting them to death or
reducing them to slavery. The same may be (aid
in regard to such acta and outrages as disqualified
a person for the society of his fellow-citizens. Again,
as citizenship involved the condition of freedom and
independence, it was almost necessary to offer the
alternative of disfranchisement to all who throngh
poverty or any other contingency were unable to
support themselves in independence. In all these
cases slavery was the mildest of the alternatives
that offered, and may hence' be regarded as a bleat-
ing rather than a curse. It should further be
noticed that a labouring class, in our sense of the
term, was almost unknown to the nations of an-
tiquity : hired service was regarded as incompatible
with freedom ; and hence the slave in many cases
occupied the same social position as the servant or
labourer of modern times, though differing from
him in regard to political status. The Hebrew
lesijmation of the slave shows that service was the
salient feature of his condition ; for the term ebed,*
usually applied to him, is derived from a verb sig-
nifying " to work," and the very same term is used
in reference to offices of high trust held by free
men. lr snort, service and slavery would have
* In the A. V. of vera. 20. II, two entirely distinct
Hebrew -words are each rendered " strive."
•"Of
• MMuclls (Comment. HI. f, f isn dsckfcs to Um
etttnuaflve.
SLAVIC
been to the ear of the Hebrew equivalent •rrnx»,
though he fully recognised grades of servttwk, ac-
cording as the servant was * Hebrew or a non-
Hebrew, and, if the latter, according as ho was)
bought with money (Gen. rvii. 12 ; Ex. xti. 44) or
bora in the house (Gen. ztv. 14, xv. 3, xri. 23).
We fhall proceed to describe the condition of thee*
classes, as regards their original redaction to slavery,
the methods by which it might be terminated, and
their treatment while in that state.
I. Hebrew Slaves.
1. The circumstances under which a Hebrew
might be reduced to servitude were — (1) poverty;
(2) the commission of theft; and (3) the exercise
of paternal authority. In the first case, a man
who hud mortgaged his property, and was unable to
support his family, might sell himself to another
Hebrew, with a view both to obtain maintenance,
and perchance a surplus sufficient to redeem his
property (Lev. xxv. 25, 39). It has been debated
whether under this law a creditor could seize his
debtor and sell him as a slave: ' the words do not
warrant such an inference, for the poor man is said
in Lev. xxv. 39 to tell himself (not as In the A. V.,
"be sold;" see Gesen. Thes. p. 787), in other
words, to enter into voluntary servitude, and this
under the pressure not of debt, but of poverty. The
instances of seizing the children of debtors in 2 K.
iv. 1 and Neh. v. 5 were not warranted by law,
and must be regarded as the out! ages of lawless
times, while the case depicted in the parable of the
unmerciful servant is probably borrowed from Ko-
man usages (Matt, xviii. 25). The words in Is,
1. 1, " Which of my creditors is it to whom I ha\-e
sold you ? " have a primd facie bearing upon the
question, but in reality apply to one already in the
condition of slavery. (2i The commission of theft
rendered a person liable to servitude, whenever
restitution could not be made on the scale prescribed
by the Law (Ex. xxii. 1, 8). The thief was bound
to work out the value of his restitution money iu
the service of him on whom the theft had beeu
committed (for, according to Josephns, Ant. xvi. I,
§1, there was no power of selling the person of a
thief to a foreigner) ; when this had been effected
he would be free, as implied in the expression " sold
for his theft," •*. «. for the amount of his theft.
This law contrasts favourably with that of the
Romans, under which a thiet became the actual
property of his master. (3) The exercise of paternal
authority was limited to the sale of a daughter of
tender age to be a maidservant, with the ulteriot
view of her becoming a concubine of the purchasn
(Ex. xxi. 7). Such a case can perhaps hardly be
regarded as implying servitude in the 6niinary
sense of the term.
2. The servitude of a Hebrew might be termin-
ated in three ways:— (1) by the satisfaction or
the remission of all claims against him ; * (2) by
the recurrence of the year of Jubilee (Lev. xxv.
40), which might arrive at any period of his servi-
tude ; and (3), failing either of these, the expiration
of six years from the time that his scvitude com-
menced (fix. xxi. 2 ; Dent. xv. 12). There oaa he
no doubt that this last regulation applied equally to
the cases of poverty and theft, though Rabbinioal
writers have endeavoured to restrict h to the former.
* This Is Implied in the statement ct the eases whiea
gave rise to the servitude. Indeed without such ta
assumption tbe wurts "for his theft" (Ex. xxll. 3)
would be niuuuuriac. The Robbl nuts gave th <ri
to such a view (Malmoo. Mad. 2, }}«, 111.
WJkVsS
Toe period of seven years has relerenoe to the Sab-
batical principle in general, but. not to tlic Sab-
batical year, tor no regulation it laid down in
reference to the manumixsion of aervants 10 that
w« (Lev. xxv. 1 ff. ; Ueut. it. 1 ff.). We have
a single .inxtaoce. indeed, of the Sabbatical year
bring otlebrated by a general manumiiaion of He-
brew <lave>, but this wai in osnwquence of the
neglect of the law relating to such owe* ( Jer. xxxi v.
14') (4) To the above mortes of obtaining liberty
tlw Rahbinists added a> a fourth, the death of the
muter without leaving a ion, there being no power
of claiming the (lave on the part of any heir except
a ton (Maimon. Abad. 2, §12).
If a servant did not desii e to avail himself of the
opportunity of leaving his service, he was to signify
hit intentinn in a formal manner before the judge*
(or mow exactly at the place of judgment '), and
then the master was to take him to the door-post,
and to bore his ear through with an awl (Ex. xxi.
•), driving the awl into or " unto the door," aa
stated in Ueut. xv. 17, and thus fixing the servant
to it. Whether the door was that of the master's
bouse, or the door of the sanctuary, as Ewald
(Atterih. p. 245) intent from the expression el
AtWoAHs, to which attention is drawn above, is not
stated; but the significance of the action is en-
hanced by the former view ; for thus a connexion
is established between the servant and the house in
which he was to serve. The baring of the ear was
probably a token of subjection, the ear being the
organ through which commands were received (rV
xl. 6). A similar custom prevailed among the
Mempotamians (Juv. i. 104), the I.ydians (Xen.
Aiab. iii. 1, §31), and other ancient nations. A
servant who had submitted to this operation re-
mained, according to the words of the Law, a servant
" lor ever" (Ex. xxi. 6). Then words are, turn-
over, interpreted by Josephus {Ant. iv. 8, §28) and
by the Kabbinists as meaning until the year of
Jubilee, partly from the universality of the freedom
that was then proclaimed, and partly perhaps because
it was necessary for the servant then to resume the
cultivation of hit recovered inheritance. The latter
point no doubt presents a difficulty, but the inter-
pretation of the words " for ever- " in any other than
their obvious sense presents still greater difficulties.
3. The conditiou of a Hebrew servant was by no
means intolerable. His master was admonished to
treat him, not " as a bondservant, but at an hired
•errant aud at a sojourner," and, again, " not to rule
over him with rigour" (Lev. xxv. 39, 40, 43).
The Babbiniets specified a variety of duties aa
com'ug under these genei-al precepts ; for instance,
compensation for personal injury, exemption from
menial duties, such as unbinding the master's san-
dals or carrying him in a litter, the use of gentle
language on the part of the master, and the main-
tenance of the servant's wife and children, though
the raster was not allowed to exact wo k from
them ( Mielziner, Bklaven bet den Hebr. p. 31). At
the termination of bis servitude the master was
enjoined not to " let him go away empty," hut to
• The rendering of the A. V. » at tk* end of seven
feats" hi tme nsawne Is not wholly correct. Tbem.-ws»
oxf rather at -at tlw end of a Sabbatical period of years,"
Ik* wbole of the seventh year being regarded as tbeend of
the period.
O'rpKn'TK ; vpet re .pmjoiar, LXX.
t In the A. V. ibe sense or obligation Is not conveyed ;
Instead of "may" In vers. 4s. W ikatl one>t to be
rabrltmed.
8LAVR
1331
ran) inerate him libeally out of. his flora, his llocr,
and his winepress (Deut. xv. 13, 14). Such ncua.
torn would stimulate the servant to faithful service,
inasmuch as the amount of the gift was left to ths
master's discretion ; and it would also provide him
with means wherewith to start in the world afresh.
In the event of a Hebrew becoming the servant
of a " stranger," meaning a non-Hebrew, the servi-
tude could be terminated only in two ways, vix. by
the arrival of the year of Jubilee, or by the repay*
ment to the master of the purchase-money paid tor
the servant, after deducting a sum for the value at
bit services proportioned to the length of his servi-
tude (l.ev. xxv. 47-55). The servant might be
redeemed either by himself or by one of his rela-
tions, and the object of this regulation appears to
have been to Impose upon relations the obligation I
of effecting the redemption, and thus putting ac
end to a state which must have been peculiarly
galling to the Hebrew,
A Hebrew wuman might enter into voluntary
servitude on the score of poverty, and in this case
she was entitled to her freedom after six years' ser-
vice, together with the usual gratuity at leaving,
just as in the case of a man (Deut. xv. 12, 13).
According to Rabbinical tradition a woman could
not be condemned to servitude tor theft; neither
could she bind herself to perpetual servitude by
having her ear bored (Mielziner, p. 43).
Thus far we have seen little that is objectionable
in the condition of Hebrew servants. In respect to
marriage there were some peculiarities which, to
our ideas, would be regarded as hardships. A
master might, for instance, give a wife to a Hebrew
servant for the time of his servitude, the wife being
in tins case, it must be remarked, not only a slave
but a non-Hebrew. Should he leave when his term
has expired, his wife and children would remain the
absolute property of the master (Ex. xxi. 4, 5).
Tlw reason for this regulation is, evidently, that the
children of a female heathen slave were slaves; they
inherited the mother's disqualification. Such a
condition of marrying a slave would be regarded as
an axiom by a Hebrew, and the case is only inci-
dentally noticed. Again, a rather might sell hit
young daughter k to a Hebrew, with a view either ot
marrying her himself, or of giving her to his son (Ex.
xxi. 7-9 ). It diminishes the apparent harshness ot
this proceeding if we look on the purchase-money
as in the light of a dowry given, as was not un-
usual, to the parents of the bride; still more, if
we accept the Rabbinical view (which, however,
we consider very doubtful) that the consent of the
maid was required before the marriage could take
place. But even if this consent were not obtained, the
paternal authority would not appear to be violently
strained ; for among ancient nations that authority
was generally held to extend even to the life of a
child, aeuch more to the giving of a daughter in
marriage. The position of a maiden thus told by
her father was subject to the following regula-
tions: — (1) She could not "go oat as the men
servants do," •'. «. she could not leave at the termi-
» fbe female slave was In this case termed iTDet, u
distinct from ffllBB', spplied to the ordinary houseboat
slave. The distinction is marked in regard to Hagar, whs
la described oy the latter term before the birth of isbmael,
and by the former after that event (conip. (Jen. xvl, i,
xxi. 10). The relative value of the terms It exrreucd la
Abigail's address, - Let thine handmaid (amjh'i \ t a ser-
vant (rtipaoidai to wash." he. (I Sam. xxv. *\\
. 4 Q 1
133Z
SLATS
nation of eu J ■Mrs, or in the year of Jubilee, if (as
the regulation assumes) ber master was willing to
fulfil the object for which he had purchased her.
;J) Should he not wish to marry her, he should
rail upon her friends to procure her release by the
repayment of the purchase-money (perhaps, as in
other cases, with a deduction for the Talue of her
Mrvices). (3) If he betrothed her to his son, he
was bound to make such provision for her as he
would for one of his own daughters. (4) If either
he or his pod, having married her, took a second
wife, it should not be to the prejudice of the first,
(ft) If neither of the three tint specified alter-
natives took place, the maid was entitled to imme-
diate and gratuitous liberty (Ex. xxi. 7-11).
The custom of reducing Hebrews to servitude
appears to have fallen into disuse subsequently to
the Babylonish captivity. The attempt to enforce
it in Nehemiah's time met with decided resistance
(Neh. v. 5), and Herod's enactment that thieves
should be sold to foreigners, loused the greatest
animosity (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 1,§1). Vast num-
bers of Hebrews were reduced to slavery as war*
captives at different periods by the Phoenicians
(Joel iii. 0), the Philistines (Joel iii. 6 ; Am. i. 6),
the Syrians (1 Mace. iii. 41 ; 2 Mace. viii. 1 1 ), the
Egyptians (Joseph. Ant. iii. 2, §3), and, above all,
by "the Romans (Joseph. B. J. vi. 9, §3). We
may form some idea of the numbers reduced to
slavery by war from the single fact that Nicanor
calculated on realizing 2000 talents in one campaign,
by the sale of captives at the rate of 90 for a talent
(2 Marc. viii. 10, 11), the number required to
fetch the sum being 180,000. The Phoenicians
were the most active slave-dealers of ancient times,
purchasing of the Philistines (Am. i. 9), of the
Syrians (2 Mace. viii. 21), and even of the tribes
on the shores of the Kmine Sea (Ex. xxvii. 13), and
selling them wherever they could find a market
about the shores of the Mediterranean, and particu-
larly in Joel's time to the people of Javan (Joel iii.
6), it being uncertain whether that name represents
a place in South Arabia or the Greeks of Asia
Minor and the peninsula. It was probably through
the Tynans that Jews were transported in Obadiah's
time to Sepharad or Sardis (Ob. 20). At Rome
vast numbers of Jews emerged from the state of
slavery and became freedmen. The price at which
the slaves were offered by Nicanor was considerably
below the ordinary value either in Palestine or
ttreece. In the former country it stood at 30
shekels (= about 3/. 8s.), as stated below, in the
latter at about 1) minim ( = about 5f. Is. 6<f), this
being the mean between the extremes stated by
Xiuophon (Jfem. ii. 5, §2) as the ordinary price at
Athena. The price at which Nicanor offered them
was only 2/. ISt. id. a head. Occasionally slaves
were sold as high as a talent (2431. 15s.) each
(Xra. /. c. ; Joseph. AM. xii. 4, §9).
](. Xm-Hetmw Slav*.
1. The majority of non-Hebrew slaves were
war-caftives, either the Canaanitea who had sur-
vived the general extermination of their race under
Joshua, or such as were conquered from the other
surrounding nations (Num. xxxi. 26 If.). Besides
these, many were obtained by purchase from foreign
slave-dealers (Lev. xxv. 44, 45) ; and others may
have been resident foreigners who were reduced to
this state either by poverty or crime. The liab-
» There is an apparent disproportion between this and
the following reanlaCon, arising probably out or the
aUTwurt drcuaistaitsa onler which tiw Injury was «!-
SLAVE
bmists further deemed that any person who per-
formed ths s e rvi ces of a slave became ipso facto s
slave (Minim. Ktduik. 1, §3). Tl e thildren of
slaves remained slaves, being the class described as
" bom in the house" (Geo, xiv. 14, xvii. 12; Eocl.
ii. 7), and hence the number was likely to ineraass
as time went on. The only statement as to their
number applies to the post-Babylonian period, when
they amounted to 7,337, or about 1 to 6 of the
fiee population (Est. ii. 65). We have reason to
believe that the number diminished subsequently to
this period, the Pharisees in particular being opposed
to the system . The average val ue of a slave appears
to have been thirty shekels (Ex. xxi. 32), varying of
course according to age, sex, and capabilities. The
estimation of persons given in Lev. xxvii. 2-8 pro-
bably applies to war-captives who had been dedicated
to the Lord, and the price of their redemption would in
this case represent the ordinary value ot such slaves.
2. That the slave might be manumitted, appears
from Ex. xxi 26, 27 ; Lev. xix. 20. As to the
methods by which this might be effected, we sow
told nothing in the Bible ; but the Rabbimsts specify
the following four methods: — (1) redemption by a
money payment, (2) a bill or ticket of freedom,
(3) testamentary disposition, or, (4) any act that
implied manumission, such as making a slave one's
heir (Mielxiner, pp. 65, 66).
3. The slave is described as the " possession " of
his master, apparently with a special reference to
the power which the latter bad of disposing of him
to his heirs as he would any other article of per-
sonal property (Lev. xxv. 45, 46) ; the slave is also
described as his master's "money" (Ex. xxi. 21,
•'. 0. as representing a certaiu money value. Such
expressions show that he was regarded very much
in the light of a numcipitm or chattel. But on the
other hand provision was made for the protection
of his person : wilful murder of a slave t-utailed the
same punishment as in the case of a fiee man (Lev.
xxiv. 17, 22). So again, if a master inflicted so
severe a punishment as to cause the death of hia
servant, he was liable to a penalty, the amount of
which probably depended on the drcumstances of
the case, for the Habbinical view that the words
" he shall be surely punished," or, more correctly,
" it is to be avenged," imply a sentence of death,
is wholly untenable (Ex. xxi. 20). No punish-
ment at all was imposed if the slave survived
the punishment by a day cr two (Ex. xxi. 21),
the loss of the slave 1 being regarded as a suffi-
cient punishment in this case. A minor personal
injury, such as the loss of an eye or a tooth was to
be recompensed by giving the servant his liberty
(Ex. xxi. 26, 27). The general treatment of slaves
appears to have been gentle— occasionally too gentle,
as we infer from Solomon's advice (Prov. xxix. 19,
21), nor do we hear more than twice of a slave run-
ning away from his master (1 Sam. xxv. 10 ; 1 K.
Ii. 39 ). The slave was considered by a cooscientioai
master as entitled to justice (Job xxxi. 13-15) and
honourable treatment (Prov. xxx. 10). A alave,
according to the Babbinista, had no power of acquir-
ing property for himself; whatever he migLt become
entitled to, even by way of compensation for per-
sonal injury, reverted to hia master (Mielainei,
p. 55). On the other hand, the master might con-
stitute him his heir either wholly (Geo, xv. 3), or
jouiuy with bis children (Prov. xvii. 2); or again,
kutg. In this case the law Is speaking «T wgiUmatt
punlebraeot " with a rod jf to the next. Of a vMaal
SLIME
tW o<ifM 5 vp liim hit daughter m marring* (1 Chr. I
ii. :'£).
The position of the dare in regard to religious
privileges was favourable. He was to be circum-
ci«el ((ten. xrli. 12), and hence was entitled to
partake of the Paschal sacrifice (Ex. rH. 44), as
well as of tne other religious festivals (Deut. xil.
12, 18, rri. 11, 14). It it implied that every
•lave most bare been previously brought to the
knowledge of the true God, and to a willing accept-
ance of the tenets of Judaism. This would naturally
be the esse with regard to all who were " born in
the house, " and who were to be circumcised at the
usual age of eight days ; but it it difficult to under-
stand how those who were " bought with money,"
as adults, could be always induced to change their
creed, or how they could be circumcised without
having changed it. The Mosaic Law certainly pre-
supposes on universal acknowledgment of Jehovah
within the limits of the Promised Land, and would
therefore enforce the dismissal or extermination of
elnvea who persisted in heathenism.
The Kcupntions of slaves were of a menial cha-
racter, as implied in I*v. xxv. 39, consisting partly
in the work of the house, and partly in personal
attendance on the master. Female slaves, for in-
stance, ground the com in the handmill (Ex. xi. 5 ;
Job xxxl. 10 ; Is. xlvii. 2), or gleaned in the harvest
field (Kuthii. 8). They also baked, washed, cooked,
and nursed the children (Mishn. Cethub. 5, §5). The
occupations of the men are not specified ; the most
trustworthy held confidential posts, such as that of
steward or major-domo (Gen. xv. 2,xxiv. 2), of tutors
to sons (Prov. xriL 2), and of tenants to persons of
large estate, for such appenrs to have been the posi-
tion of Ziba (2 Sam. lx. 2, 10). [W. L. B.]
6LXMB. The rendering in the A. V. of the
mi
Heb. lOn, eUndr, the ^sa. {Hammar) of the
Arabs, translated SV^oAtoj by the LXX, and toru-
M in the Vulgate. That our translators under-
stood by this word the substance now known as
bitumen, is evident from the foliowiug passages in
Holland's Pliny (ed. 1634). "The very clammy
Mm Bitumen, which at certaine times of the yere
fjoteth and swimmeth upon the lake of Sodom,
called Asphaltites in Jury" (vii. 15, vol. i. p.
I US). " The Bitumen whereof I spenke, is in some
places hi manner of a muddy stone ; in others, very
enrth or minemll * (xxxv. 15, vol. ii. p. 557).
The three instances in which it is mentioned in
the O. T. an abundantly illustrated by travellers
and historians, ancient and modern. It is first
itpuken of as used for cement by the builders in the
plain of Shinar, or Babylonia (Gen. xi. 8). The
liiffimeo pits in the vale of Siddim are mentioned
in the ancient fragment of CanaanitUh histoiy (Gen.
siv. 10) ; and the ark of papyrus in which Moses
was placed was made impervious to water by a
cutting of bitumen and pitch (Ex. ii. 3).
Herodotus (i. 179) tells us of the bitumen found
at Is, a town of Babylonia, eight days journey from
Rftbylon. The cnptlve Eretrians (Her. vi. 119)
were sent by lairiu* to collect atphaltum, silt, and
oil at Arderict-a, a place two hundred and teu stadia
from Susn, in the district of Cissia. The town of
.Is waa situated on a river, or small stream, of the
sine name which flowed into the Euphrates, and
tarried down with it the lumps of bitumen, which
aril* used in the building oi Bauy! rn. It is piobably
»•» liituioen spring: of U which at* dacrited to
SLDiT,
1333
Strabo (xri. 743,. Eratosthenes, whom ne quoteu
says that the liquid bitumen, which Is called naphtha,
is Ibund in Susiaua, and the dry in Babylonia. 01
the latter there is a spring near the Euphrates, and
when the liver is flooded by the melting of the
snow, the >pr>ng also is filled and overflows into
the river. The masses of bitumen thai produced
are fit for buildings which are made of baked brick
Diodorus Siculus (ii. 12) speaks of the abundance
of bitumen in Babylonia. It proceeds from a spring,
and is gathered by the people of the country, not
only for building, but when dry for fuel, instead
of wood. Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiii. 8, §23)
tells us that Babylon was built with bitumen by
Semiramis (romp. Pita. xxxv. 51 ; Berosus, quoted
by Jos. Ant. x. 11, §1, c. Apion. 1. 19; Arrian,
Exp. Al. vii. 17, St, Ac.). The town of Is,
mentioned by Herodotus, is without doubt the
modem Hit or fleet, on the west or right bank of
the Euphrates, and four days 1 journey, N.W., or
rather W.N.W., of Bagdad (Sir R. her Porter's
True. ii. 361, ed. 1822). The principal bitumen
pit at Heet, says Mr. Rich {Memoir on the /tains
of Babylon, p. 83, ed. 1815), has two sources, and
is divided by a wall in the centre, on one side of
which the bitumen bubbles up, and on the other
the oil of naphtha. Sir K. K. Porter (ii. 815) ob-
served " that bitumen was chiefly confined by the
Chaldean builders, to the foundations, and lower
parts of their edifices ; for the purpose of preventing
the 111 effects of water." " With regard to the use
of bitumen," be adds, "I saw no vestige of it
whatever on any remnant of building on the higher
ascents, and therefore drier regions. This view is
indirectly confirmed by Mr. Rich, who says that
the tenacity of bitumen bears no proportion to that
of mortar. The use of bitumen appears to have)
been confined to the Babylonians, for at Nineveh,
Mr. Layard observes ( A'in. ii. 278), " bitumen
and reeds were not employed to cement the layers
of bricks, as at Babylon ; although both materials
are to be found in abundance in the immediate
vicinity of the city." At Nimroud bitumen was
found under a pavement (JVt'n. i. 29), and " the
sculpture rested simply upon the platform of sun-
dried bricks without any other substructure, a mere
layer of bitumen, about an inch thick, having been
placed under the plinth " (Win. 4r Bob. p. 208).
In his description of the firing of the bitumen pH>
at Nimroud by his Arabs, Mr. Layard falls into
the language of our translators. " Tongues of
flame and jets of gas, driven from the burning pit,
shot through the murky canopy. As the fire bright-
ened, a thousand fantastic forms of light played
amid the smoke. To break the cindered crust, and
to bring fresh slime to the surface, the Arabs threw
large stones Into the spring. ... In an hour the
bitumen was exhausted for the time, the dense
smoke gradually died away, and the pale light of
the moon again shone over the black tlime piti"
(Ni». 4 Bab. 202).
The bitumen of the Dead Sea is described by
Strabo, Josephus, and Pliny. Strabo (xvi. p. 783°
gives sn account of the volcanic action by which
the bottom of the sea was disturbed, and the Mtu-
men thrown to the surface. It was at first liquefied
by the heat, and then changed into a thick viscous
substance by the cold water of the sen, on the sur-
face of which it floated in lumps (flwAoi). The*
lumps are described by Josephus (B. J. iv. 8, §4)
as of the sire and shape of a hradh-« ex (comp
Ilin. vii. 13;. The semi-liquid kind of hitivneu if
uu
KLINU
tint which Pliny says is (bund in the Dead Sea, the
earthy iu Stria about Sidon. Liquid bitumen, surh
as the Zacynthian, the Babylonian, and the Apollo-
Diatic, he adds, is known by the Greeks by the name
of pis-asphaltum (comp. bx. ii. 3, I.XX.). He telli
tw moreover that it was used for cement, and that
bronze vessel* and status and the heads of nails
were covered with it (Plin. xxxv. 51). The bitumen
pita by the Dead Sea are described by the monk Bro-
cardus (Dorr. Ttrr. Sand. c. 7, in Pgolini, vi.
p. 1044). The Arabs of the neighbourhood have
perpetuated the iitorr of its formation as given by
Strabo. "They say that it forms on the rocks in
the depths of the an, and by earthquakes or other
submarine concussions is broken oft' in large masses,
and rises to the surface " (Thomson, The Land and
Hit Book, p. 223). They told Burckhardt a similar
mi
tale. " The asphaltum («43»), Sommar, which is
•Mlleoted by the Arabs of the western shore, is said
*o come from a mountain which blocks up the
passage along the eastern Gkor, and which is situ-
ated at about two hours south of Wady ilojeb.
The Arabs pretend that it oozes up from fissures iu
the cliff, and collects in large pieces on the rock
below, where the mass gradually increases and
hardens, until it is rent asunder by the heat of the
aim, with a loud explosion, and, falling into the sea,
a carried by the waves in considerable quantities
to the opposite shores" (Trav. m Syria, p. 394).
Dr. Thomson tells us that the Arabs still call these
pits by the name biiret hSmmar, which strikingly
resembles the Heb. betrilh clitm&r of Gen. xiv. 10
(Land and Book, p. 224).
Strabo says that in Babylonia boat* were made
of wicker-work, and then covered with bitumen to
keep out the water (xvi. p. 743). In the same
way the ark of rushes or papyrus in which Moses
was placed was plastered over with a mixture of
bitumen and pitch or tar. Dr. Thomson remarks
(p. 224): " This is doubly interesting, as it reveals
the process by which they prepared the bitumen.
The mineral, as found in this country, melts readily
enough by itself; but then, when cold, it is as
brittle as glass. It must be mixed with tar while
melting, awl in that way forms a hard, glossy wax,
perfectly impervious to water." We know from
Stiabo (xvi. p. 764) that the Egyptians used the
bitumen of the Dead Sea in the process of embalm-
ing, and Pliny (vi. 35) mentions a spring of the
erne mineral at Corambis in Ethiopia. [W. A. W.]
8LINQ (}&£: offvtori) : funda). The sling
has been in all ages the favourite weapon of the
shepherds of Syria (1 Sam. xvii. 40; Burckhardt's
Noin, i. 57), and hence was adopted by the IsraeU
itish army, as the roost effective weapon for light-
armed troops. The Benjamites were particularly
expert in their use of it : even the left-handed could
" sling stones at an hair and not miss " ( Judg. xx.
16 ; comp. 1 Chr. xii. 2). According to the Tnrgmn
of Jonathan and the Syrinc, it waa the wenpon ot
the Cherethites and i'elethites. It was advautage-
aualy used iu attacking and defending towns (2 K.
• «|3. k jr?jr\j3«t. • nano.
* Other words basic* those mentioned In voL I. p. 749,
1. "UDO ; 4 evysAuar; otuior (3 K. xxlv. 14), where
staVtfca Is sJko used, thus denoting a workman of an
Manor kind.
6MYBSA
iii. 25 ; Joseph. B. J. iv. 1 , §3), and iu akioiisaiag
(B.J, ii. 17, §5). Other eastern nations availed
themselves nf it, as the Syrians (1 Mace. ix. 11},
who also invented a kind of artificial sling (1 Msec.
vi. 51) ; toe Assyrians (Jud. ix. 7 ; Layard's JVnV i».
344) ; the Egyptians (Wilkinson, i. 357) ; and fa*
Persians (Xen. Anab. iii. 3, §18). The construction
of the weapon hardly needs description : ft consisted
of a couple of strings of sinew or some fibrous sub-
stance, attached to a leathern rece|<tacle for the stone
in the centre, which waa termed the capk,' i. e. pan
(1 Sam. xxv. 29): the sling was swung once or
twice round the head, and the stone was then dis-
charged by letting go one of the strings. Sling-
stones ' were selected for their smoothness (1 Sam,
xvii. 40), and were recognised as one of the ordinary
munitions of war (2 Chr. xxvi. 14). In action thr
stones were either carried in a bag round the neck
( 1 Sam. xvii. 40), or were heaped up at the feet of
the combatant (Layard's Nm. ii. 344). The vio-
lence with which the stone waa projected supplied
a vivid image of sudden and forcible removal ( Jer.
x. 18). The rapidity of the whirling motion of the
sling round the head, was emblematic of inquietude
(1 Sam. xxv. 29, "the souls of thine enemies shall
he whirl round in the midst of the pan of a sling ");
while the sling-etones represented the enemies of
God (Zech. ix. 15, " they shall trend under foot
the sling-stones "). The term margtmth ■ in Prov.
xxvi. 8, is of doubtful meaning; Gesenius (Tka.
p. 1263) explains of "a heap of stones,'' aa in the
margin of the A. V., the LXX. ; Ewald, and Hitxig,
of - a sling," aa in the text, [W. L. B.]
Zcypttma BBncan.
SMITH.* The work of the smith, together with
an aoouiit of his tools, is explained in Handicraft,
vol. i . p. 749. A description of a smith's workshop
is given in Ecclus. xxxviii. 28. [H. W. P.]
SMYR'NA. The city to which allusion is mute
in Kevelation ii. 8-11, was founded, or at least
the design of founding it was entertained, by Alex-
ander the Great soon after the battle oftheGra-
nicus, in consequence of a dreun when he had lain
down to sleep after the fatigue of hunting. A temple
in which two goddesses weie worshipped under tins
name of Nemeaes stood on the hill, on the sides of
X LVU17 ; o^vpwumot ; moSUator ; a haaunerar : a
term applied to Tubal-Caln, Gen. Iv. 23 (Oca. p. W0, TB» ;
SaeUchtlu, Arck. Btbr. I. 143). [ToaAirCAiB.]
3. CTrtn ; i Tvavwr ; be that smile* (Cae anvil,
DJJB, <rA«aa, inauX l« \ll. t.
S21YBNA
•rliicii the new town ms built under Uu auspices
of Anligonus and Lrsimachus, who earned out tbt
design of the conqueror after his death. It was situ-
ated twenty eUdes from the city of the same name,
which after a long series of wars with the Lydiaus
had been finally taken and sacked by Halyattes.
The rich lands in the neighbourhood were cultivated
by the inhabitants, scattered in villages about the
country (like tie Jewish population between the
times of Zedekiah and Kara), for a period which
Strata, speaking roundly, calls 400 years. The
descendant* of this population were reunited in the
new Smyrna, which soon became a wealthy and
important city. Mot only was the soil in the
neighbourhood eminently productive — so that the
Tines were even said to hare two crops of grapes —
but its position was such as to render it the natural
outlet for the produce of the whole valley of the
Hermus. The Pramnean wine (which Nestor in
the Iliad, and Circe in the Odyssey, are represented
aa mixing with hooey, cheese, and meal, to make a
kind of salad dressing; grew even down to the time
of Pliny in the immediate neighbourhood of the
temple of the Mother of the gods at Smyrna, and
doubtless played its part in the orgiastic rites both
of that deity and of Dionysus, each of whom in the
times of Imperial Rome possessed a guild of wor-
shippers frequently mentioned in the inscriptions as
the Ufa oiroSos fumip prrfht 3nruAT)»TJt and
the Icon viroios /tuvr&v vol TfjrWrwr Atoyfoov.
One of the most remarkable of the chefs cToetwre of
Myron which stood at Smyrna, representing an old
woman intoxicated, illustiates the prevalent habits
of the population.
The inhabitants of New Smyrna appear to have
possessed the talent of successfully divining the
course of events in the troublous times through
which it was their destiny to pass, and of habitually
securing for themselves the favour of the victor for
the time being. Their adulation of Seleucua and
his son Autiochus was excessive. The title o feet
aal mrlip is given to the latter in an extant in-
scription ; and, a temple dedicated to his mother
Stratonice, under the title of 'AdtpoSfrn "Xrparo-
rutlt , was not only constituted a sanctuary itself,
but tiie same right was extended in virtue of it to
the whole city. Yet when the tide turned, a
temple was erected to the city Rome as a divinity,
in time to save the credit of the Smyrnaeans as
seasons friends of the Roman people. Indeed, though
history is silent as to the particulars, the existence
of a coin of Smyrna with the bead of Mithridates
upon it, indicates that this energetic prince also, for
a tan* at least, must have included Smyrna within
the circle of his dependencies. However, during
the reign of Tiberius, the reputation of the Smyr-
■seana for an ardent loyalty was so unsullied, that
on this account alone they obtained permission to
erect a temple, in behalf of all the Asiatic cities, to
the emperor and senate, the question having been
fcr some time doubtful as to whether their city or
Seidis [Sardis]— the two selected out of a crowd
of competitors — should receive this distinction. The
honour which had been obtained with such difficulty,
was requited with a proportionate adulation. Nero
appears in the inscriptions as atrriip toB ei/mmt
irtfartiov yirovt.
It seems not impossible, that just as St. Paul's
SMYRNA
J83H
illustrations in the Epistle tn th< Ct rinthians are
derived from the Isthmian games, so the message
to the Church in Smyrna contains allusions to the
ritual of the pagan mysteries which prevailed ia
that city. The stt ry of the violent death and re-
viviscence of Dionysus entered into these to such
an extent, that Origen, in his argument against
Celsus, does not scruple to quote it as generally ac-
cepted by the Greeks, although by them interpreted
metaphysically (iv. p. 171, ed. Spence). In this
view, the words I row-rot aal t tVxarot, st eytV
<to restpet «ol t£qatv (Rev. ii. 8) would come
with peculiar force to ears perhaps accustomed to
hear them in a very different application.* The aims
may be said of t&au tm rev <rri<paror ttji fan)},
it having been a usual practice at Smyrna to pre-
sent a crown to the priest who superintended the
religious ceremonial, at the end of his year of office.
Several persons of both sexes have the title of ere-
Qanftipoi in the inscriptions; and the context
shows that they possessed great social consideration.
In the time of Strata the ruins of the Old Smyrna
still existed, and were partially inhabited, but the
new city was one of the most beautiful in all
Asia. The streets were laid out as near as might
be at right angles ; but an unfortunate oversight of
the architect, who forgot to make underground
drains to carry off the storm rains, occasioned the
flooding of the town with the filth and refuse of the
streets. There was a large public library there,
and also a handsome building surrounded with por-
ticoes which served as a museum. It was conse-
crated as a beroilin to Homer, whom the Smyr-
naeans claimed as a countryman. There was also
an Odeum, anl a temple of the Olympian Zeus,
with whose .cult that of the Roman emperors wa.
associated. Olympian games were celebrated here,
and excited great interest. On one of these occa-
sions (in the year x.V. 68) a Rhodian youth of the
name of Artemidorus obtained greater distinctions
than any on record, under peculiar ciroumstancv
which l'ausanias relates. He was a pancrstiast.
and not long before had bean beaten at Elis from
deficiency in growth. "But when the Smymaean
Olyrapia next came round, his bodily strength had
so developed that he was victor in three trials ou the
same day, the first against his former competitors
at the Peloponnesian Olympia, the secoui with fie
youths, and the third with the men ; the last contest
having been provoked by a taunt (Psusanias, v.
14, §4). The extreme interest excited by the games
at Smyrna, may perhaps account for the remark-
able ferocity exhibited by the populate against tht
aged bishop Polycarp. It was exactly on such occa-
sions that what the pagans regarded as the unpa-
triotic and anti-social spirit of the early Christians
became most apparent; and it was to the violent
demands of the people assembled in the stadium
that the Roman proconsul yielded up the martyr.
The letter of the Smyrnaeans, in which the account
of his martyrdom is contained, represents the Jews
as taking part with the Gentiles in accusing him as
an enemy to the state religion, — conduct which would
be inconceivable in a sincere Jew, but which wee
quite natural in those which the sacred writer cha-
racterises as " a synagogue of Satan " (Rev. n. 9).
Smyrna under the Roman* was the seat of a con-
vmiug juridiau, whither law cases were brough*
• This Is the more likely from the superstitious regard
la wash lbs SmrmaeuM held ebsnee phrases (xAi|Um)
■ a xeaterlal fcr augury. They bad a sAaJoW m<m>
just stnvo the at*/ eotslite the walls, to which this
mose cf divination was the ordinary one (Peneulaa.
la. 11.11),
1336
SNAIL
from the citizens of Magnolia on the Slpylus, and
also from a Macedonian colony settled In the atme
country under the name of Hyrcani. The but are
probably the descendant* of n military body in the
■errice of Seleacus, to whom land* were given soon
after the building of New Smyrna, and who, together
with the Magnesias*, seem to hare had the Smyrnoean
citizenship then bestowed upon them. The decree
containing the particulars of this arrangement is
among the marbles in the University of Oxford. The
Homans continued the system which they found ex-
isting when the country passed over into their hands.
(Strabo, xir. p. 183 seqq. ; Herodotus, i. 10;
Tacitus, Annul, iii. 63, it. 56 ; Pliny, N. H. t. 29 ;
Uoeckh, Imcript. Oraec. "Smymaean Inscription*,"
(specially Nos. 31 63-3176 ; Pausnnias, loca «*., and
iv.21,§5: Macrobius,aiturna/ia,i. 18.) [J. W. B/|
SNAIL. Tlie representative In the A. V. of the
Hebrew words t/iablul and chbmet.
1. ShabhU (W?aV : unfit ; frrtpor, Aq. ;
Xtpuw, Sym. . otra) occur* only in Ps. IviiL 9
% A. V.) : '« As a shablil which Bwiteth let (the
wicked) pass away." There are various opinions
as to the meaning of this word, the most curious,
perhaps, being that nf Symmachus. The LXX. read
■'melted wax," similarly the Vulg. The ren-
dering of the A. V. ("snail") is supported by the
authority of many of the Jewish Doctors, and is
probably correct. The Chaldee Paraphr. explains
thablii by thtblala (tdfa'D), i. «. '« a snail or a
dug," which was supposed by the Jews to con-
sume away and die by reason of its constantly
emitting slime as it crawls along. See Schol. ad
Oem. Mold Katan, 1 fol. 6 B, as quoted by
Bocliart (Hieroz. iii. 560) and Gesenius (The>. p.
212). It is needless to observe that this is not a
zoological fact, though perhaps generally believed by
the Orientals. The term Shablil would denote either
a I.imax or a Helix, which are particularly notice-
able for the slimy track they leave behind them.
2. Chtnut (BDh : aai/m. : lacerta) occurs only
as the name of some unclean animal in Lev. xi. 30.
The LXX. and Vulg. understand some kind of
Lizard by the term ; the Arabic versions of
Erpeuius and Stadias give the Chameleon as the
animal intended. The Veneto-Greek and the
liabbins, with whom agrees the A. V., render
the Heb. term by •'snail." Bochart (fiieroz.
ii. 5l>0) has endeavoured to show that a spades
of small sand lizard, culled Chulaca by the Arabs,
is denoted ; but hi* argument rests entirely upon
some supposed etymological foundation, and proves
nothing at alL The truth of the matter i* that there
is uo evidence to lead us to any conclusion ; perhaps
Kime kind of lizard may be intended, a* the two
most important old versions conjecture. [W. H.]
SNOW 'jhgl %iA»\ SoeVos in Prov. zxvi.;
nix). The historical books of the Bible contain
oniy two notices of snow actually falling (2 Sam.
xxin. 20; 1 Mace xiii. 82), but the allusions in
the poetical books are so numerous that there con
, be no (IduU as to its being an oidinary occurrence
in the winter months. Thus, for instance, the
snow-storm is mentioned among the ordinary ope*
latswiK of* nature which are illustrative of the
Creator** power (Ps. czlvii. 16, cilviii. 8). We
have, .-sjain, notice of the beneficial effect of snow
M tlie soil (Is, lr. 10). It* colour i* adduced
as an image of brilliancy (Dan. vli. 9; Meat,
izviii. S{ Iter. i. 14,), of purity (Is. i. 18; Lam.
ir. 7, in reference to the white robei of thr priur«*X
nnd of the blanching effects of leprosy (Ex. hr. 6 j
Mum. xii. 10; 2 K. v. 27). In the book of Job
we hare references to the supposed cleansing effects
of snow-water (i i. 30) , to the i apid melting of snow
under the sun's rays (xxiv. 19), and the consequent
flooding of the brooks (ri. 16). The thick falling
of the flakes forms the point of comparison in the
obscure passage in Ps. liviii. 14. The enow lie*
deep in the rarities of the highest ridge of Leba-
non until the summer is far advanced, and Indeed
never wholly disappears (Robinson, iii. 531); the
summit of Harmon also perpetually glistens with
frozen snow (Robinson, ii. 437). Kroa these
sources probably the Jews obtained their supplies
of ice for the purpose of cooling their bererages is
summer (Prov. xxr. 13). The " snow of Lebanon *■
is also used as an expression for the refreshing cae*>
ness of spring water, probably in reference to the
stream of Siloam ( Jer. xriii. 14). Lastly, in Pror.
xxxi. 21, snow appears to be used as a synonym for
winter or cold weather. The liability to snow
must of course vary considerably in a country of
such rarying altitude as Palestine. Josepbus notes
it as a peculiarity of the low plain of Jericho that
it was warm there even when snow was prcrakait
in the rest of the country {B. J. it. 8, §3). At
Jerusalem snow often fall* to the depth of a foot or
more in January and February, but it seldom lies
(Robinson, 1. 426). At Nazareth It falls more
frequently and deeply, and it has been observed to fall
even in the maritime plain at Joppa and about Carmel
(Kitto, Phyt. Hilt. p. 210). A comparison of the
notices of snow contained in Scripture and in the
works of modem travellers would, however, lead
to the conclusion that more fell in ancient times
than at the present day. At Damascus, snow falls
to the depth of nearly a foot, and lies at all events
for a few days (Wortabct's Syria, I. 215, 336).
At Aleppo it falls, but never lies for more than a
day (Russell, i. 69). [W. L. B.]
SO (itf D : 2irr*V : Sua)- " So king of Egypt "
is once mentioned in the Bible. Hoahea, the last
kiug of Israel, evidently intending to become the
vassal of Egypt, sent messenger* to him and made
no present, as had been the yearly custom, to the
king of Assyria (2 Kings xvii. 4). The conse-
quence of this step, which seems to have been for-
bidden by the prophets, who about tins period ate
constantly warning the people against trusting in
Kgypt and Ethiopia, was the imprisonment ol
Hoshea, the taking of Samaria, and the carrying
captive of tlie ten tribes.
So has been identified by different writers with
the first and second kings of the Ethiopian XXVth
dynasty, called by Manetho, Sabakon, and Sebicboa.
It will be necessary to examine the chronology or
the period in order to uncertain which of these iden-
tifications is the moi e probable. We therefore give
a table of the dynasty (see opposite page j, including
the third and last reign, that of Tirhakah, for the
illustiation of a later article. [Tirhakah.]
The accession of Teharka, the Tirhakah of Scrip-
tuie, may be nearly fixed on the evidence of an
Apis-tablet,which states that one of the bulls Apic
wan born in his 26th year, and died at the end of
the 20th of rVammetichus I. This bull lived more
than 20 years, and the longest age of any Apis
stilted is 26. Supposing the utter duration, which
would allow a tbort interval between Teharka and
l'sammetichus 11 ., as Mem* necessary, the aueatico. oi
BO
SOCHO
XSSI
TABLK OF DYNASTY XXV.
bmui Data.
Hkbkkw Data.
«&
efr-trttir
Mmummtx.
Gonad
reigns?
■X.
Btrmts
tea
Aoicsnus.
Yrs.
LScbskou »
1. Scotches U
ITukm 18
Eusebras.
Yrs.
l.Ssbakon M
V Seblcbta 11
a.Tarskos 10
Order.
1. SHKBEK .
i 8HEBETEK
3. TEHAKKA.
Highest
XII.
XXYl.
11
11
M
dr. IB or 103
dr. 703 or M3f
Hgebca I tax •» wituaa.
War with Senmrbrrlt
Teharka would be B. c. 695. If we assign 24 yearn
to the two predecessor*, the commencement of the
dynasty would be B.C. 719. But it is not certain
!hat their reigns wore continuous. Toe account
which Herodotus gives of the war of Sennacherib
and Setbos suggests that Tirhakah was not ruling in
EjCJDt at the tune of the destruction of the Assyrian
army, so that we may either conjecture, as Dr.
Hindu has done, tliat the reign ol Sethos followed
that of Shebetek and preceded that of Tirhakah over
Egypt (Juurn. Sac. Lit., Jan. 1853), or eke that
Tirhakuh was kins; of Ethiopia while Shebetek, not
the same as Sethos, ruled in Egvpt, the former hypo-
thesis being far the more probable. It seems im-
possible to arrive at any positive conclusion as to
the dates to which the mentions in the Bible of So
and Tirhakah refer, but it must be rvmaiked that it
it difficult to overthrow the date of B.C. 721, for
the taking of Samaria.
If we adopt the earlier dates So mint correspond
to Shebek, if the later, perhaps to Shebetek ; but if
it should be found tliat the reign of Tirhakah is
'*led too bigh, the former identification might still
bt held. The name Shebek is nearer to the Hebrew
ana than Shebetek, and if the Masoretic points
lo not faithfully represent the original pronunci-
ation, as we might almost infer from the conso-
tants, and the name was Sewa or Seva, it is not
•cry remote from Shebek. We cannot account for
be transcription of the LXX.
From Egyptian sources we know nothing more
ef Shebek than that he conquered and put to
death Bocchoris, the sole king of the XXIVth dy-
nasty, as we learn from Manetlio's lint, and that he
continued the monumental works of the Egyptian
kings. There is a long inscription atEl-Karnak in
srhich Shebek speaks of tributes from " the king of
(he land of Kuala (Shara )," so.pj.osed to be Syria.
(Brugnh, Hittoire <f Egyptt, i. p. 244.) This fives
soma slight confirmation to the identification of this
king with So, and it is likely that the founder of a
new dynasty would have endeavoured, like Shiahak
uid Paammetkhus I., the latter virtually the founder
of the XXVIih, to restore the Egyptian supremacy
in the neighbouring Asiatic countries.
The standard inscription of Saigon in his palace
at k'hursabdd states, according to M. Oppert, that
after the capture of Samaria, Hanon king of Gam,
and Sebech sultan of Egypt, met the king of Ae-
lyria in battle at Kapih, Kaphia, and were defeated.
Sebech disappeared, but Hanon was captured, ltia-
raoh king of Egypt was then put to tribute. (Zes
huoriptima Anyriemn dee Sanjmila, ic. p. 22.)
This statement would apjiear to indicate that either
tbebak or Shebetek, for we cannot lay great stress
•nan the seeming identity of name with the former,
advanced to the support of Hoshea and his party,
and being defeated fled into Ethiopia, leaving the
kingdom of Egypt to a native prince. This evi
dence favours the idea that the Ethiopian kings
were, not successive. [H. S. P.J
SOAP Cnna, li ; woo: Aerta, A. borith). The
Hebrew term Urith does not in itself bear the specific
sen.«e of soap, but is a general term for any substance
of cleansing qualities. As, however, it appears in
Jer. ii. 22, in contradistinction to nether, which un-
doubtedly means "nitre," or mineral alkali, it is
fair to infer that bSrttli refers to vegetable alkali, or
some kind of potash, which forms one of the usual
ingredients in our soap. Numerous plants, capable
of yielding alkalies, eiist in Palestine and the sur-
rounding countries j we may notice one named Jffu-
beibeh (the taltola kali of botanists), found near
the Dead Sea, with gloss-like leaves, the ashes ol
which are called et-Kuii from their strong alkaline
properties (Kobinson, Sib. Researches, i. 505) ; the
Ajram, found near Sinai, which when pounded
serves as a substitute for soap (Robinson, i. 84) •
the gilloo, or "soap plant" of Egypt (Wilkinson,
ii. 106): and the heaths in the neighbourhood of
Jop|« (Kitto's Phy$. Hist, p. 267). Modem tra-
vellers have also noticed the Saponaria officinalis and
the Mncmbryant/iemum nodijiorum, both possessing
alkaline propel ties, as growing in Palestine. Prom
these sources large quantities of alkali hare been ex-
tracted in past ages, as the heaps of ashes outside
Jerusalem and Nablis testify (Kobinson, iii. 201,
299), and an active trade in the article is still pro-
secuted with Aleppo in one direction (Russell, i.
79), and Arabia in another (Burckhardt, i. 66).
We need not assume that the ashes were worked up
iu the feim familiar to us; for no such article waa
known to the Egyptians (Wilkinson, 1. 186). The
uses of soap among the Hebrews were twofold : —
(1) for cleansing either the person (Jer. ii. 22 ; Job
ii. 30, where for " never so clean," read " with
alkali ") or the clothes ; (2) for purifying metals
( Is. i. 25, where for " purely," rend " as through
alkali"). Hitaig suggest* that birtth should be
substituted for beiiih, "covenant,'' in Ex. u. 37,
and Mai. iii. 1. [W. L. B.]
SO'CHO (bit? : 2»xw" : Socho), I Chr. ir. 18.
Probably the town of Socoh in Judah, though
which of the two cannot be ascertained. It appears
from its mention in this list, that it was colonised
by a man or a place named Heber. The Targum
plaving on the passage after the custom of Hebrew
writers; interprets it as referring to Moses, and takes
the names Jered, Soco, Jekuthiel, as titles ot him.
He was " the liabba of Soeo, because he sheltered.
("pD) the bouse of Isiael with his virtu*. * [Q.\
13^8
SOCHOH
RO'CHUH (Hbb: "Alex. Sox**: SocchoY
Another ti m of the name whicli in more correctly
pvpii in tie A. V. as Socoii, but which appears
iheiein under no ten than six i'oiiiu. The present
on; iccurs in the list of King Solomon's commis-
sariat dintii'i ts (1 K. iv. 10), and is therefore pro-
bably, though not certainly, the town in the She-
felah, that being the great corn-growing ihtrict of
the country. [Soooh, 1.]
SCCOH (rbfff). The name of two towns in
the tribe of Judah.
1. (2am X <i; Alex. 5»x«S: Soccho). In the
district of the Shefelah (Josh. xr. 35). It is a
member of the snme group with Jarmuth, Axekah,
Shaaraim, be The same relative situation is im-
plied in the other passages in which the place
(under slight variations of form) is mentioned. At
Epbes-dntnmim, between Soooh and Axekah (1 Sam.
xrii. 1), the Philistines took up their position for
the memorable engagement in which their champion
was slain, and the wounded fell down in the road
to Shaaraim (ver. 54). Socho, Adullam, Axekah,
were among the cities in Judah which Rehoboam
fortified after the revolt of the northern tribes
(a Chr. xi. 7), and it is mentioned with others of
the original list as being taken by the Philistines in
the reign of Ahax (2 Chr. xxviii. 18).
In the time of Kusebius and Jerome (Onomast.
" Soccho") it bore the name of Socchoth, and lay
between 8 and 9 Roman miles from Eleutheropolis,
on the road to Jerusalem. Paula passed through it
on her road from Bethlehem (?; to Egypt (Jerome,
Ep. Paulai, §14). As ia not uiifrequentlv the case
in this locality, there were then two villages, an
upper and a lower (Onomast.). Dr. Robinson's
identification of Socoh with ee/i-Shaceiieh * in the
western part of the mountains of Judah is very
probable (B.R. ii. 21). It lies about 1 mile to the
north of the track from Beit Jibrin to Jerusalem,
between 7 and 8 English miles from the former.
To the north of it within a couple of miles is Yar*
win*, the ancient Jarmuth. Daimrn, peihaps Ephes-
damroim, is about the same distance to the east,
and although Axekah and Shaaraim have not been
identified, there is no doubt that they weie in this
neighbourhood. To complete the catalogue, the
,-uins — which must be those of the upper one of
Kusebius' s two villages — stand on the southern slope
of the Wady e»-Smnt, which with great probability
is the Vallev of Elnh, the scene of Goliath's death.
(See Tobler,' MU Wundermuj, 122.)
No traveller appears to have actually visited the
spot, but one of the few who have approached it
describes it as " nearly half a mile above the bed of
the Wady, a kind of natural terrace covered with
green fields ( in spring), and dotted with gray ruins "
(Porter, Handbk. 249 o).
From this village probably came " Antigouus of
Soco," who lived about the commencement of the
Sri century B.C. He was remaikable for being
the earliest Jew who is known to have had a
Greek name; for being the disciple of the great
Simon, surnamed the Just, whom he succeeded as
president of the Sanhedrim ; for being the master of
Sadok *Jie reputed founder of the Sadducees ; but
most ti uly remarkable as the author of the follow-
* The test or the Vat. MS. is so corrupt as lo prevent
•or name being recuRuizcd.
s Mac erJface is a dunmutive of Shwbs, as JAtrotay
it MmtiMk. «.--
• tut Am to this passage reads X3W «• «■ 8uc0
SODOM
irg saying which is given in the Miahna (ftre*
Aboth, i. 3) as the substance of hie teaching, " Be
not ye like servants who serve their lord that they
may receive a reward. But be yc like servants
who serve their lord without hope of receding a
reward, but in the fear of Heaven.
Soooh appeals to be mentioned, under the i
of Sochus in the Acts of the Council of Nice, though
its distance from Jerusalem as there given, is not
sufficient for the identification proposed above (Up-
land, Pal. 1019).
2. (3s»x4i Alex. 3erx«V. &co*o). Alsoatowne*
Judah, but in tin mountain district (Josh. xv. 48.)* II
is one of the tint group, and ia named in company with
Anab, Jattir, Eahtemoh, and others. It has been dis-
covered by Dr. Robinson (B.R.i. 494 ) in the Wady -
d-KhuOl, about 10milesS.VV.of Hebron; bearing.lik*
the other Socoh, the name of «A Skaaeikeh, and with
Anab, Stmoa, 'Attir, within easy distance of it. [ti.]
SO'Dl (Hto: *>»*•: &*). The lather of
Gaddiel, the spy selected from the tribe of Zebulun
(Num. xiii. 10).
SOD'OM (Dhp,« i. «. Sedom: [ra] SoSo/ia;
Joseph. ^ woA« Soeofuretr: Sodoma, Jerome*
vacillates between singular and pluial, noun and
adjective. He employs all the following form,
Sodomam, in Sodoma, Sodomorum, Sodoma*, So-
domitae). One of the most ancient dtiat of Syria,
whose name is now a synonym for the most dis-
gusting and opprobrious of vices. It is commonly
uientioned in connexion with Gomorrah, bat also
with Admah and Zeboim, and on one occasion (Gen.
xiv.) with Bela or Zoar. Sodom was evidently the
chief town in the settlement. Its king takes the
lead and the city is always named first in the list,
and appears to be the most important. The four
are first named in the ethnological records of Gen.
x. 19, as belonging lo the Canaanites: "The border
of the Canaanite was from Zidon towards Genu- unto
Axxah: towards Sedom and Amorah and Admah
and Teeboim unto Lasha." The meaning of which
appears to be that the district in the hands of the
Cuuaanites formed a kind of triangle — the apex at
Zidon, the south-west extremity at Gaxa, the south-
eastern at Lasha. Lasha, it may be remarked in
passing, seems most probably located on the Wady
Zurka Main, which enters the east side of the Dead
Sea, about nine miles from its northern end.
The next mention of the name of Sodom (Gen.
xiii. 10-13) gives more certain indication of the
position of the city. Abram and Lot are standing
together between Bethel and Ai (ver. 3), taking, at
any spectator from that spot may still do, a survey
of the land aiound and below them. Eastward of
them, and absolutely at their feet, lay the " circk
of Jordan." It was in all its verdant glory, that
glory of which the traces are still to be seen, and
which is so strangely and irresistibly attractive to a
spectator, fiom any of the heights in the neighbour-
hood of Bethel — watered by the copious supplies
of the Wady Kelt, the Ain Sultan, the Am Dik,
and the other springs which gush out from the foot
of the mountains. These abundant waters even
now support a mass of verdure before they are lost
in the light, loamy soil of the region. But at the
t;me when Abram and Lot beheld them, they were
' It Is perhaps doubtful whether the name had not also
the form rtDhp. Sedomah, which appears tnOea.a.1*
The suffix may In this case be only the fl of motion, bai
the forms adopted by LXX. and Vols, bvraar the MM
that It may be pan of the name.
SODOM
hmbnuded and directed by irrigation, after the man-
■r of Egypt, till the whole circle wns one great oasia
—' a garden of Jehovah " (ver. 10). In the midst
of the garden the tour cities of Sodom, Gomorrah,
Admah, and Zeboim appear to hare bei'n situated.
To these cities Lot descended, and retaining hi* nomad
habits amongst the more civilised manners of the
Canaanite settlement " pitched his tent" by* the
chisf of the four. At a later period he seems to hare
been bring within the wall* of Sodom. It is neces-
sary to notice how absolutely the cities are Identi-
fied with the district. In the subsequent account of
their destruction (Gen. xix.), the typographical terms
are employed with all the precision which is charac-
teristic of sach earlr times. " The Ciccir," the
* land of the CmcoV,'" " CtocaV of Jordan," recurs
again and again both in chap. xiii. and xix., and
** the cities of the Oiccir " is the almost technical
designation of the towns whH» were destroyed in
the catastrophe related in the latter chapter. The
mention of the Jordan is conclusive as to the situa-
tion of the district, for the Jordan ceases where it
enters the Dead Sea, and can hare no existence south
of that point. But, in addition, there is the mention
of the eastward direction from Bethel, and the fact
•I' the perfect manner in which the district north of
the Lake can be seen from the central highlands of
the country on which Abram and Lot were standing.
And there is still farther corroboration in Deut.
xxxiv. 3, where " the CiccAr " is directly connected
with Jericho and Zoar, coupled with the statement
of Gen. x. already quoted, which appears to place
Zoar to the north of Lasha. It may be well to
remark bent, with reference to what will be named
further on, that the southern half of the Dead Sea
is invisible from tins point; not merely too distant,
but shut out by intervening heights.
We have seen what evidence the earliest records
afford of the situation of the fire cities. Let us
now see what they say of the nature of that cata-
strophe by which they are related to have been de-
stroyed. It is described in Gen. xix. aa a shower
jf brimstone and fire from Jehovah, from the skies —
"The Lord rained upon Sodom, and upon Gomorrah,
brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven ;
and he overthrew thorn cities, and all the plain, and
all the Inhabitants of the cities, and that which
grew upon the ground "... * and io! the smoke
of the bold went up like the smoke of a furnace.
"It rained fire and brimstone from heaven" (Luke
xvii. 29). However we may interpret the words
of the earliest narrative one thing is certaiu, that
the lake) was not oue of the agent* in the cata-
strophe. Further, two words are used in Gen. xix.
to describe what happened: — JVrTB'n, to throw
sbwn, to destroy (vers. 13, 14), and l|Dn, to over-
turn (21, 25, 29). In neither of these is the pre-
aance of water — the submergence of the cities or of
the district-in which they stood — either mentioned,
•r implied. Nor is it implied in any of the later
paaaagx in which the destruction of the cities is
referred to throughout the Scriptures. Quite the
contrary. Those paasages always speak of the dis-
feODOM
1339
trict on which the cities once stood, not as sub-
merged, but, as still risible, though desolate and unin-
habitable. " Brimstone, and salt, and burning . . .
not sown, nor beareth, nor any grass groweth there-
in " (Dent. >xix. 22). "Never to be inhabited,
nor dwelt in from generation to generation ; when
neither Arab should pitch tent nor shepherd make
fold" (la. xiii. 19). <• No man abiding there, nor
oon of man dwelling in it" (Jer. xlix. 18 ; 1. 40).
" A fruitful land turned into saltnese " (Pa. evii. 34).
" Overthrown and burnt" (Amos iv. 11). " The
breeding of nettles, and saltpita, and a perpetual de-
solation" (Zeph. ii. 9). "A wasteland that smoketh,
and plants bearing fruit which never cometh to ripe-
ness (Wisd. ix. 7). «« Land lying in clods of pitch
and heaps of ashes" (2 Esdr. ii. 9). "The cities
turned into ashes " (2 Pet. ii. 6, where their de-
struction by fire is contrasted with the Deluge).
In agreement with this is the statement of Jo-
sephus (B. J. 'iv. 8, §4). After describing the
lake, he proceeds: — "Adjoining it is Sodomitis,
once a blessed region abounding in produce and in
cities, but now entirely burnt up. They say that
it was destroyed by lightning for the impiety of its
inhabitants. And even to this day the relics of the
Divine fire, and the traces of five cities are to be
seen there, and moreover the ashes reappear even in
the fruit." In another passage {B. J. v. 13, §6)
he alludes incidentally to the destruction of Sodom,
contrasting it, like St. Peter, with a destruction by
water. By comparing these passages with Ant,
i. 9, it appears that Joseph us believed the vale of
Siddim to have been submerged, and to have been a
distinct district from that of Sodom in which the
cities stood, which latter was still to be seen.
With this agree the accounts of heathen writers,
as Strabo and Tacitus ; who, however vague their
statements, are evidently under the belief that the
distiict was not under water, and that the remains
of the towns were still to be seen.*
From all these passages, though much is obscure,
two things seem clear.
1. That Sodom and the rest of i!'e cities of the
plain of Jordan stood on the north of the Dead Sea.
2. That neither the cities nor the district were
submerged by the lake, but that the cities were
overthrown and the land spoiled, and that it may
still be seen in its desolate condition.
When, however, we turn to more modern views,
we discover a remarkable variance from these con-
clusions.
1. The opinion long current, that the five aties-
were submerged in the lake, and that their remains
— walls, columns, and capitals — might be still dis-
cerned below the water, hardly needs refutation
ufter the distinct statement and the constant impli-
cation of Scripture. Keland {Pal. 257) showed
more than two centuries ago how baseless was such
a hypothesis, and how completely it is contradicted
by the terms of the original narrative. It has since
been assaulted with gieat energy by De Saulcy.
Professor Stanley (8. & P. 289; has lent his pow-
erful aid in the same direction,* and the theory,
which probably arose from a confusion between the
• The word is*iy, -at," not •■towards," aa In tha A.V.
Laaatto, vidmo a ; LXX. ear**? *— tfsa Sv XoSgjtot t .
' Josrphns regarded this passage aa his main state-
atent of the event. See JnL 1. 1 1, }4.
* These pottages are given at length by De Saulcy
VTarr. i. 448).
a "The only expression which teems to Imply thai the
nse of the Dead Sea was within historical times, m trot
contained In Gen. xtv. 3—' toe vale of Siddim. which Is
the Salt Sea.' But Una phrase may merely mean that
the region In question bore both names; as in the similar
expressions (verses 1 and lT)-'En Mlehpat, which la
Kadeah ;' • Shaven, which is the King's Dale.' It shoal i
however, be observed that the word ' Emek,' translates
' vale,' Is usually employed for a long broad valley, enea
as In this connection would naturally mean the whole
length of the Dead 8ea," (Stanley, S. * P. SW seta.) .
1340
SODOM
Vale of Siddim and the plain of the Jordan, will
doubtless never (gain be listened to. But
2. A more serious departure from the terms of the
anient history ia exhibited in the prevalent opinion
that the dtiM stood at the south end of the Lake.
This appears to have been the belief of Josephus
and Jerome (to jndge by their statements on the
rubjeet of Zoar). It seems to have been universally
held by -tin mediaeval historians and pilgrims and
it is adopted by modern topographers, probably
Without exception. In the words of one of the most
able and careful of modem travellers, Dr. Robinson,
" The cities which were destroyed must k**t been
situated on the south end of the lake as h then
existed" (B: It. H. 188). This is also the belief
of M. De Sauloy, except with legard to Gomorrah ;
and, in fact, is generally accepted. There are several
grounds for this belief; but the main point on
which Dr. Robinson rests his argument is the situa-
tion of Zosr.
(a.) " Lot," »y» he, in continuing the passage
just quoted, "Bed to Zonr, which was near to
Sodom ; and Zosr lay almost at the southern end
of the present sea, probably in the mouth of the
Wudy Ktrak, where it o|*ns upon the isthmus
of the peninsula. The fertile plain, therefore,
which Lot chose for himself, where Sodom was
situated ... lay also south of the lake 'as thou
comest unto Zoar'" (B.R. ibid.).
Zoar is said by Jerome to have been " the key
bf Moub." It is certainly the key of the position
which we sre now examining. Its situation is more
properly Investigated under its own head. [Zoah.]
It will there be shewn that grounds exist for believing
that the Zoar of Josephus, Jerome, and the Crusaders,
Which probably lay where Dr. Robinson places it,
Was not the Zoar of Lot. On such a point, how-
over, where the evidence is so fragmentary and so
obscure, it is impossible to speak otherwise than
with extreme dilfidenoe.
lu the meantime, however, it may be observed
that the statement of Gen.' xix. hardly supports
the inference relative to the position ot these two
places, which is attempted to be extolled from it.
For, assuming that Sodom was when all topo-
graphers >eem to concur in placing it, at the salt
rid|(e of Umlion, it will be found that the distance
between that spot and the mouth of the Wady
Kerak, where Dr. I'.obiuson proposes to place Zoar,
a diatance which, according to the narrative, was
travelled bf I-ot and his party in the short twi-
light of an Eastern morning (ver. 15 and 23), is
no less than 10 miles.'
Without questioning that the narrative of Gen.
xix. is strictly historical throughout, we sre not at
present in possession of sufficient knowledge of the
topography and of the names attached to the sites of
this remarkable region, to enable any profitable con-
clusions to be arrived at on this and the other kindred
questions connected with the destruction of the five
cities.
v i.j Another consideration in favour of placing
the cities at the southern end of the lake is
the existence of similar names in that direction.
SODOM
Thus, the name Vtdum, attached to the remark
able ridge of salt which lies at the south-western
corner of the lake, is usually accepted as the repre-
sentative of Sodom (Robinson, Van de Veld*, De
Saulcy, tie. tic). But then ia a considerable dit-
» £
ferance between the two words tflD and anX—l,
and at any rate the point deserves further investi-
gation. The name '.dmraA (kj«s), which is at-
tached to a valley among the mountains math of
Hassda (Van do Velde, ii. 99, and Map), fa an
almost exact equivalent to the Hebrew of Gomorrha *
("Amorah). The name Drcta (jusj&)> and mcsJi
mora strongly that of Zoghal (Jx«0> rwsJ Zoar -
(«.) A third I
I M. lie SaoJey has not overlooked this consideration
(..Yarrasfoe. L «»)- His own proposal to place Zosr at
Zutrtirak is however Inadmissible, for reasons staled
suder the head or Zuar. If r aiasa be Sudora. then the
the weightiest
of the three, is the existence of the salt mountain
at the south of the lake, and its tendency to split
off in columnar maira, presenting a rude resem-
blance to the human form. But with reference to
this it may be remarked that it is by no mesne
certain that salt does not exist at other spots round
the lake. In act, as we shall see under the bond of
Zoar, Thietmar (a.D. 1217) states that he saw ths
pillar of Lot's wife on the east of Jordan at about
a mile from the ordinary ford: and wherever such
salt exists, since it doubtless belongs to the same
formation as the K Inula* Canon, it will possess the
habit of splitting into the same shapes as that does.
It thus appears that on the situation of Sodom
no satisfactory conclusion can at present be come
to. On the one hand the narrative of Ge nesi s
seems to state positively that it lay at ths noriAern
end of the Dead Sea. On the other hand the long-
continued tradition and the names of existing spots
seem to pronounce with almost equal positiveness,
that it was at its KxUlurn end. How the geo-
logical argument may affect either aide of the
proposition cannot be decided in the present con-
dition of our knowledge.
Of the catastrophe which destroyed the city and
the district of Sodom we can hardly hope ever to
form a satisfactory conception. Some catastrophe
there undoubtedly was. K ot only does the narrative
of Gen. xix. expressly state that the cities were mi-
raculously destroyed, but all the references to the
event in subsequent write;* in the Old and Maw
Testaments bear witness to the same fact. But
what secondary agencies, besides fire, were employed
in the accomplishment of the punishment cannot be
safely determined in the almost total ab s en ce of exact
scientific description of the natural features of the
ground round the lake. It ia possible that when the
ground hat been thoroughly examined by competent
observers, something may be discovered which may
throw light on the narrative. Until then, it is
useless, however tempting, to speculate. But even
thai is almost too much to hope for ; because, aa w»
shall presently see, there is no warrant for imagining
that the catastrophe was a geological one, and in any
other esse all traces of action must at this distance
of time have vanished.
on the east side of the Lake.
» 11m O here la employed by the Greeks for the duaV
call guttural aim of the Hebrews, which they were
unable to pronounce (eomp. Qothailah for AthaHab, &c J
site which toss most claim to he tdcutiArd with ihr site of This, however, would not be the case In Arabic where
Zuar L, the Veil tiav-loofck. which stands between U*> the am la very common, and therefore Da Banks's IdenoV
aairui end uf ataasaes rsiaas and tin Lak«. Bat Zosr. ovation of cAnuanm-witb Gomorrah falls to the grojad
Uw cradle al atusb sod Annus, must taiuj have bean t at Sir, at least, as M/sxuiusjr la osnceinsd.
SODOM
It was formerly supposed thnt the overthrow of
dodotn was canard by the convulsion which formed
the llend boa. This theory i» stated by Dean Milmnn
In hit History of the Jews (i. 15, 16) with great
spirit and clearness." " The valley of the Jordan,
in which the cities of Sodom, Gomorrah, Adma,
and Tseboim were situated, was rich and highly
cultivated. It U most probable that the river then
flowed in a deep aud uninterrupted channel down n
regular descent, and discharged itself into the eastern
gulf of the Ked Sea. The cities stool on a soil
broken and undermined with veins of bitumen anil
sulphur. These iutlamroable substances, set on
tire by lightning, caused a tremendous convuUiou ;
the water-courses, both the river a»d the canals by
which the land was extensively irrigated, burnt
tVir Uinks; the cities, the walls of which were
perhaps built ^m the combustible materials of the
■oil, were ei-tiiely swallowed np by the fiery inun-
dation ; and the whole valley, which had been com-
pared to Paradise, and to the well-watered corn-
tielda of the Kile, became a dead and fetid lake."
lint nothing was then known of tlie lake, and the
recent discovery of the extraordinary depression of
As surface below the ocean level, and its no leas
extraordinary depth, hta rendered it impossible
any longer to hold each a theory. The changes
which occurred when the limestone strata of Syria
wen split by that vast fissure which forms the
Jordan Valley and the twuiu of the Salt Lake, most
net only haw taken place at a time long anterior
to the period of Abraham, bnt must have been of
such a nature and on such a scale as to destroy all
animal lite far and near (Dr. liuist, in Trims, of
Bombay Qtogr. Soe. xii. p. xvi,).
Since the knowledge of these facta has rendered
the old theory untenable, a new one has been
broached by Dr. Kobinson. He admits that "a
lake must hare existed where the Dead Sea now lies,
into which the Jordan poured its waters long before
the catastrophe of Sodom. The great depression of
too whole broad Jordan valley and of the northern
part of the Arabah, the direction of its lateral
valleys, as well as the slope of the high western
district towards the north, all go to show that the
configuration of this region in its main features
is coevai with the present condition of the surface
of the earth in general, and not the effect of any
local catastrophe at a subsequent period In
view of the fact of the necessary existence of a
lake before the catastrophe of Sodom; the well-
watered plain toward the south, in which were
the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, and not far
on" the sources of bitumen ; as also the peculiar
character of thia part of the lake, where alone ss-
phaltum at the present day makes its appearance —
1 asy, in view of all these facts, then is but a step
to the obvious hypothesis, that the fertile plain is
now in part occupied by the southern bay lying
south of the peninsula; and that, by some convul-
sion «r catastrophe of nature connected with the
miraculous destruction of the cities, either the sur-
face of this plain was scooped out, or the bottom of
the lake heaved up so as to cause the waters to
overflow and cover permanently a larger tract than
formerly " (B. S. ii. 188, 9,.
To this very ingenious theory two objections may
soDcm
1441
be taken. ( 1 .) The " plain of the Jordan," in which
the cities stood (as has been staled i can hardly have
been at the south end of the lake ; and (2.) Dm
geological portion of the theory does a* appear to
agree with the facts.' The whole of the lower end
of the lake, including the plain which borders it on
the south, has every appearance not of having been
lowered since the foi motion of the valley, but of
undergoing a gradual process of tilling up. Thb
region is in fact the delta of the very large, though
irregular, streams which drain the highlands on its
east, west, nnd south, aud have drained them ever
since the valley was a valley. No report by any ob-
server at ail competent to read the geological features
of the district will be found to give countenance
to the notion that any disturbance has taken place
within the historical period, or that anything oc-
curred there since the country assumed its present
general conformation beyond the quiet, gradual
change due to the regular operation of the ordinary
agents of nature, which is slowly filling up the
chasm of the valley and the lake with the washings
brought down by the torrents from the highlsnda
on all sides. The volcanic appearances and marks
of fire, so often mentioned, are, so far as we have
any trustworthy means of judging, entirely illusory,
and due to ordinary, natural, causes.
Bat in fact the narrative of Gen. six. neither
states nor implies that any convulsion of the earth
occurred. The word haphac, rendered in the A. V.
"overthrow," is the only expression which sug-
gests such a thing. Considering the character of
the whole passage, it may be inferred with almost
absolute certainty that, had an earthquake or con-
vulsion of a geological nature been a main agent
in the destruction of the cities, it would have been
far more clearly reflected in the narrative than it
is. Compare it, for example, with the forcible
language and the crowded images of Amos and the
Psalmist in reference to such a visitation. If it were
possible to speculate on materials at once so slender
and so obscure as are furnished by that narrative, it
would be more consistent to suppose that the actual
agent in the ignition and destruction of the cities
had been of the nature of a tremendous thunderstorm
accompanied by a discharge of meteoric stones. 1
The name Sedom has been interpreted to mean
" burning" (Geseuiua, Tht>.' 9:39a). This is pos-
sible, though it is not at all certain, since Geseuius
himself hesitates between that interpretation and
one which identifies it with a similar Hebrew word
meaning " vineyard," and r'Urst (flimdwb. ii. 72),
with equal if not greater plausibility, connects it
with a root meaning to enclose or fortify. Simonia
again (Ononuut. 363) renders it " abundance of
dew, or water," Hiller (Onomast. 176} "fruitful
land," and Chytraeus " mystery." In fact, like
most archaic names, it may, by a little inge-
nuity, be made to mean almost anything. Pro-
fessor Stanley (5. and P. 289) notices the first
of these interpretations, and comparing it with
the " Phlegraean fields" in the Campagna at Rome,
says that " the name, if not derived from the suli-
sequent catastrophe, shows that the marks of fire
had already passed over the doomed valley." Appa-
rent " marks of fire " there are all over the neigh-
bourhood of the Dead Sea. They have misled many
• This cannot be add of the account given bv Fuller
la We / f aeaa tif k l *f Hatmiau (Ml x, ch. 13). which
teems to combine every possible mistake with an amount
if bad taste and unseemly drollery quite astonishing even
« fatter.
s This Is the aou^n'. of the Koran (il. 84):— "W«
tamed those dues upside down and we rsloud np»a then
stones of baked day."
• Taking D^D^ nOTC". sod that as "■ lUnC 5 .
1842
SODOHA
travellers into believing them to be the token* of
conflagration and volcanic action ; and in the acme
manner it it quite possible that they originated the
name Sedim, for they undoubtedly abounded on the
thorn of the lake long before even Sodom wax
founded. But there in no warrant for treating those
appearances x* the tokens of actual i onflagrntion or
Tolcanic action. They are produced hy the gradual
and ordinary action of the atmosphere on the rocks.
They are familiar to geologists in many other places,
and they are found in other purts of Palestine where
no tire has ever bran suspected.
The miserable fhte of Sodom and Gomorrah is
held up as a warning in numerous passages of the
Old and New Testaments. By St. Peter and St.
Jude it is made " an eiuample to those that after
should lire ungodly," and to those " denying the
only Lord God, and our Lord Jesus Christ" f2 Pet.
■I. <5, Jude, 4-7). And our Lord Himself, when
describing the fearful punishment that will befall
those that reject His disciples, says that " it shall be
more tolerable for Sodom and Gomorrah in the day
of judgment than for that city" (Mark vi. 11;
comp. Matt. x. 15).
The name of the Bishop of Sodom — " Severus
•Sodomorum" — appears amongst the Arabian pre-
lates who signed the acts of the first Council of
Nican. Keiutd remonstrates against the idea ot'
the Sodom of the Bible being intended, and sug-
gests that it is a mistake for Zuzumuon or Zorsima,
a see under the metropolitan of Bostra {Pal. 1020).
This M. De Saulcy ( Narr. i, 454) refuses to admit.
He explains it by the tact that many sees still bear
the names of places which have vanished, and exist
onlv in name and memory, such as Troy. The
Coptic version to which be refers, in the edition of
M. Lenormant, does net throw any light on the
point. ' [G.]
SOD'OMA (ittopa . Sodoma). Rom. ix. 29.
In this place alone the Authorized Version has fol-
lowed the Greek and Vulgate form of the well-
known name SonOaT, which forms the subject of
the preceding article. The passage is a quotation
fiom Is. i. 9. The form employed in the Penta-
teuch, and occasionally in the other books of the
A. V. of 1611 is Sodorae, but the name is uow
universally reduced to Sodom, except in the one
passage quoted above. [G.]
SODOMITES (Bh^; OTthjp: acortator,
tffemutaba). This word does not denote the inha-
bitants of Sodom (except only in 2 Ksdr. vii. 3ii)
nor their descendants ; but it employed in the A. V.
of the Old Testament for those who practised as n
religious rite the abominable and unnatural vice
from which the inhabitants of Sodom and Gomorrah
hate derived their lasting infamy. It occurs iu
Deut. zxiii. 17 ; IK. xiv. 24, xv. 12, zxii. 46 ;
2 K. zxiii. 7 ; and Job xxzvi. 14 (margin). The
H -brew word Kadesh is said to be derived from a
rout kadath, which (strange a* it may appear;
means "pure," and thence "holy." The wor-Js
socer in Latin, and "devoted'' in our own litn-
guage, have also a double meaning, though the
subordinate signification is not so absolutely con-
trary to the principal one as it is in the case of
> In 1 K. axil. 38 tbe won! «mu U rendered " armour."
It should be " harlots "— •■ and the harlots washed them-
selves there" (early In the morning, sswas tbefr cuAtunt,
adds Procopioscf (Jus). The LXX. have rendered tht»
wrreetly.
SOLOMON
kadesh. "This dreadful « conweratx*,' or rathn
desecration, was spread in different time o»t»
Phoenicia, Syria, Phrygia, Assyria, Babylonia. Aah>
taroth, the Greek Astarte, was its chief object. " K
appears al_-o to have been established at Rcrc*
where its victims were called Galli (not from
Gallia, but from the river Gallus in Bithynia*.
There is an instructive note on the subject iu Je-
rome's Comm. on Hos. iv. 14.
The translators of the Svptuagint with that
anxiety to soften and conceal obnoxious expressions,
which has been often noticed as a chanirterUtic ot
their version, ' hare, in all enses but one, avoided
rendering Kadesh by its ostensible meaning, iu the
first of the passages cited above they give a double
translation, ropptitn and TsAuradVeroi (initiated).
In the second tnVaWpot (a conspiracy, perhaps
reading tff^\ In the third rat reArrdf (sacri-
fices). In the fourth the Vat. MS. omits it, and the
Alex, has roi twtniWayfitrow. In the fifth raw
Kaoigo-fft : and in the sixth dto ayythmr.
There is a feminine equivalent to Kadnh, viz.
Kndethah. This is found in Gen. xxxriii. 21, 22 ;
Deut. xxiii. 17, and Hos. iv. 14. In each of these
cases it throws a new light on the passage to re-
member that these women were (if the exprosiot:
may be allowed) the priestesses of a religion, not
plying for hire, or merely instruments for gratifying
passing lust. Such ordinary prostitutes are called
by the name *onaA.» The " strange women*' of
Prov. it. 16, &c., were foreigners, taroth. [G.]
SODOMITIBH SEA, THE {Man Sodom*.
ticum), 2 Ksdr. v. 7; meaning the Dead Sea, It it •
the ouly instance in the Books of the Old Testa-
ment, New Testament, or Apocrypha, of as ap-
proach to the inaccurate modern opinion which
connects the salt lake with the destruction of Sodom.
The name may, however, arise here simply from
Sodom having been situated near the lake. £G.]
SOL'OMON (tlbV- SMItmth : SoXtauaV,
LXX. ; SoAopsCr, N. T.'and Joseph. : Sahmo).
I. Name. — The changes of pronunciation ait;
worth noticing. We lose something of the dignity
of the name when it pusses from the inwumeJ
stateliness of the Hebrew to the anapaest of the
N. T., or the tribrach of our common speech. Such
changes ate perhaps inevitable wherever a n.-uiie
becomes a household woid in Mircesive generations,
just as that of Knedereich (identical in meaning
with Solomon) pnsses into Frederick. The fcroiitiue
form of the word (2oA<e/in) retains the long vowel
in the N.T. It appears, though with an altered
sound, in the Arabic SuleVnaim.
II. Materials. — (1). The comparative scantiness
of historical data for a life of Solomon is itself
significant. While that of David occupies 1 Sam.
xvi.-zxxt., 2 Sam. i.-xxiv., 1 K. i. ii., 1 Chr. x.-xxix.,
that of Solomon tills only the eleven chapters I K.
i.-xi., and the nine 2 Chr. i-ix. The compilers
of those books felt, as by a true inspiration, th.it
the wanderings, wart, and sufferings of David were
better fitted for the instruction of after ages than
the magnificence of his son. k They manifestly givo
extracts only from larger works which were before
* Toe contrast presented by the Apocryphal literature
of Jews, Christians, Mahometan*, aboonllng In pseudo-
nymous works mod legends gathering round the naute ot
Solomua (ia/ra). but having hardly any cooaezHa what
DitTld. Is a*, once striking sod uwlracllvr
SOLOMON
**ra,' " The book of the Acta of Solomon* (1 K. xi.
II); "The book of Nathan the prophet, the book
of Ahijah the Shilonita, the visions of iddo the war "
13 Chr. ix. 29). Those which they do give, bear,
<rith what for the historian ia a disproportionate
fullness, on the early glories of hia reign, and speak
but little (those in 3 Chr. not at all) of its later
sins and misfortunes, and we are consequently un-
able to follow the annals of Solomon step by step.
(2). Ewald, with his usual fondness for assign-
ing different portions of each book of the O. T. to a
setiea of successive editors, goes through (he process
here with much ingenuity, but without any very
witisfoctory result (Qcachichte, iii. 259-263). A
more interesting inquiry would be, to which of the
hooks above named we may refer the sections which
the compilers have put together. We shall pro-
bably not be for wrong in thinking of Nathan, for
advanced in life at the commencement of the reign,
David'* chief adviser during the years in which lie
was absorbed in the details of the Temple and its
ritual, himself a priest (1 K. iv. 5 in ffeb. comp.
Kwaldiii. 116), as having written the account of the
accession of Solomon and the dedication of the Temple
(1 K. i.-viii. 66 ; 2 Chr. i.-viii. 1 5). The prayer of
Solomon, so fully reproduced, and so obviously pre-
composed, may have been written under his guidance.
To Alujah the Shilonite, active at the dose of the
reign, alive some time after Jeroboam's accession,
we may ascribe the short record of the si u of Solo-
mon, «r*l of the revolution to which he himself had
so largely contributed (1 K. xi.). From the Book
of the Acta of Solomon came probably the miscel-
laneous facts as to the commerce and splendour of
hia reign (1 K. ix. 10-x. 29).
(3). Besides the direct history of the 0. T. we
may find some materials for the- life of Solomon in
the books that bear his name, and in the Psalms
which are referred, on good grounds, to his time,
Ps. ii„ xlv., Ixxii., exxvii. Whatever doubts may
bane; over the data and authorship of Eoclesiastes
and the Song of Songs, we may at least see in them
the reflection of the thoughts and feelings of his
reign. If we accept the latest date which recent
criticism has assigned to them, they elaborately
work up materials which were accessible to the
writers, and are not accessible to us. If we refer
them in their substance, following the judgment of
the most advanced Shemitic scholars, to the Solo-
monic period itself, they then come before us with
all the freshness and vividness of contemporary evi-
dence (Renin, Hot. dt$ Umjwst S4mit. p. 131).*
(4). Other materials are but very scanty. The
history of Joseph us is, for the most part, only a
loose and inaccurate paraphrase of the O. T. narra-
tive. In him, and in the more erudite among early
Christian writers, we find some fragments of older
history not without their value, extracts from
archives alleged to exist at Tyre in the first century
of the Christian era, anil from the Phoenician hia-
U~im of Menandsr and Uius (Jos Aid. viii. 3, $6 ;
5, $3), from Kupolemus (Kuseb. Proep. Keang. ix.
SOLOMON
1843
• The weight of Kenan's Judgment fs however dlml-
aashed by die fact that he bad previously assigned
KccJeaUuites to the Uuie of Alexander the Ureal (Cant.
la Cant. p. 103).
• The narrative of 2 fan. xli. leaves. It Is true, a different
Impressfoo. On the rther bind, the outer of the names In
1 Chr. lit 5. Is otherwise unaccoun table. Josepbus dla-
antuy states It {Ant. Til. 14. $2.).
• According to the received Interpretation of Prov. xxxl.
U els mother also contributed -in dlesl name. Lemeot
30), from Alexander Polyhistor, MeniasJer, tnj
Laitua (Clem. Al. Strom, i. 21). Writers such at
these were of course tnly compilers at recond-
band, but they probably had access to some earlier
documents which have now perished.
(5.) The legends of later Oriental literature will
claim a distinct notice. All that they contribute
to history is the help they give us in realising the
impression made by the colossal greatness of So o
men, as in earlier and later times by that of Ninv
rod and Alexander, on the minds of men of many
countries and through many ages.
III. Education. — (1). The student of the life
of Solomon must take as his starting-point the cir-
cumstances of bit birth. He was the child of
David 's old sge, the last-born of all his sons (1 Chr
iii. 5).* His mother had gained over David a
twofold power ; first, as the object of a passionate,
though guilty love ; and next, as the one person to
whom, in his repentance, he could make something
like restitution. The months that preceded his
birth were for the conscience-strieken king a time
of self-abasement. The birth itself of the child who
was to replace the one that had been smitten must
hare been looked for as a pledge of pardon and a
sign of hope. The feelings of the king and of his
prophet-guide expressed themselves in the names
with which they welcomed it. The yearnings of
the " man of war," who " had shed much blood,"
for a time of peace — yearnings which had shown
themselves before, when he gave to his third son
the name of Absalom ( = father of peace), now led
him to give to the new-born infant the name of
Solomon (Shil6m6h = the peaceful one). Nathan,
with a marked reference to the meaning of the
king's own name (=the Jailing, the beloved one),
takes another form of the same word, and joins it,
after the growing custom of the time, with the
name of Jehovah. David had been the darling of
hia people. Jedid-jah (the name was coined for
the purpose) should be the darling of the Lord.
(3 Sam. xii. 34, 5.* See Jedidiah; and Ewuld,
iii. 215).
(2). The influences to which the childhood of
Solomon was thus exposed must have contributed
largely to determine the character of his alter
years. The inquiry, what was the education which
ended in such wonderful contrasts, — a wisdom
then, and perhaps since, unparalleled,— a sensuality
like that of Louis' XV., cannot hut be instructive.
The three influences which must have entered most
largely into that education were those of his father,
hia mother, and the teacher under whose charge
be was placed from his earliest infamy (2 Sain
xii. 25).
(3). The (act just stated, that a prophet-priest
was made the special instructor, indicates the king's
earnest wish that this child at least should be pro-
tected against the evils which, then ami afterwards,
showed themselves in his elder sons, ami be worthy
of the name he bore. At first, apparently, there
was no distinct purpose to make him his heir. Ab-
{= to God, Deodatiis), toe dedicated one (comp. RwaM,
Pott. Bich. iv. 173). On this hypothesis the reproot
was drawn forth by the king's Intemperance and sen.
saality. In contrast to what bis wives were, she draws
the picture of what a pattern wife ought In be (llueda,
14).
' Here also the epithet " le blemelme"" reminds us, nc
leas than Jedkllti. of the terrible irony of lllato-j t»
those wfco abuse gifts and forfeit a vocation.
1344
SOLOMON
•torn n still the king'* favourite ion (2 Smb. nil.
87. xriii. 33) — is looked on by the people as the
destined successor (2 Sim. xiv. 13, xv. 1-6). The
death of Absalom, when Solomon was about ten rears
old, left the plnoe vacant, and David, erasing over
the claims of all hi* elder som, those by Bathsheba
included, guided by tlie influence of Nathan, or
by his own discernment of the gifts and graces
which weie tokens of the love of Jehovah, pledged
his word in secret to Hathsheba that he, and no
other, should be the heir (1 K. I. 13). The words
which were spoken somewhat later, express, doubt-
less, the purpose which- guided him throughout
(1 Chr. xxviii. 9, 20). His son's life should not be
as his own had been, one of hardships and wars,
dark crimes and |ia»sionate repentance, but, from
first to last, he pore, blameless, peaceful, fulfilling
the ideal of glory and of righteousness, after which
he himself had vainly striven. The glorious
visions of Ps. lxxii. may be looked on as the pro-
phetic expansion of those hopes of his old age. So
(ar, all was well. But we may not ignore the
tact, that the later years of David's life presented
n change for the worse, as well as for the better.
His sin, though foigiven, left behind it the Nemesis
of an enfeebled will and a less generous activity.
The liturgical element of religion becomes, after
the lint |«*sionetc out-pouring of Ps. li., unduly
predominant. He lives to amass treasures and
materials for the Temple which he may not build
(1 Chr. xxii. 5, 14). He plans with his own
hand* all the details of Its architecture (1 Chr.
xxviii. 19). He organises on n scale of elaborate
magnificence ail the attendance of the priesthood
and the choral services of the Invites (1 Chr. xxiv.
xxv.). But, meanwhile, his duties as a king are
neglected. He no longer sits in the gate to do
judgment (2 Sam. xv. 2, 4). He leaves the sin of
Aranon unpunished, "because he loved him, for he
was his first-born " (LXX. of 2 Sara . xiii. 2 1 ). The
hearts of the people fall away from him. First
Absalom, and then Shebn, become formidable rivals
(2 Sam. xv. 6, xx. 2). The history of the number-
ing of the people (2 Sam. xxiv., 1 Chr. xri.) im-
plies the purpose of some act of despotism, a poll-
tax, or a conscription (2 Sam. xxiv. U makes the
latter the more probable), such as startled all his
older and more experienced counsellors. If, in
" the last words of David " belonging to this period,
there is the old devotion, the old hungering after
righteousness (2 Sam. xxiii. 2-5), there ia also-
first generally (ibid. 6, 7), and afterwards resting
on individual offenders (1 K. ii. 5-8) — a more pas-
sionate desire to punish those who had wronged
him, a painful recurrence of vindictive thoughts for
offences which he had once freely forgiven, and
which were not greater than his own. We cannot
rest in the belief that his influence over his son's
character was one exclusively for good.
(4). In Eastern countries, and under a system of
polygamy, the son is more dependent, even than
elsewhere, on the character of the mother. The
history of the Jewish monarchy furnishes many
instances of that dependence. It recognises it in
the care with which it records the name of each
monarch's mother. Nothing that we know of
bathsheba lends us to think of her as likely to
mould her son's mind and heart to the higher foims
e Juephcs, with Us nsaal Inaxzanacy, substitutes
HslUen for Gad In hit narrallte (.JIM. TtL IS. y »).
i We regret to nm o use res uasrte to follow Kwald m
HOLOMOlf
of goodness. She offers no resistance to the kmgH
passion (Kwald, ill. 211). She makes H a stepping-
stone to power. She is a reaiy accomplice in tie
scheme by which her shame was to hare bees
concealed. Doubtless she too was sorrowful and
penitent when the rebuke of Nathan was followed
by her child's death (2 Sam. xii. 24). but the
after-history shows that the grand-daughter of
Ahithophel [Bathsheba] had inherited not a
little of his character. A willing adultress, who
hat become devout, but had not ceased to be
ambitions, could hardly be more, at the best,
than the Madame de Maintenon of a king, whose
contrition and piety were rendering him, anise
his former self, unduly passive in the hands of
others.
(5). What was likely to be the influence of the
prophet to whose care the education of Solomon
was confided? iHcb. of 2 Sain. xii. 25). We
know, beyond all doubt, that he could speak boM
and faithful words when they were needed < 2 Sam.
vii. 1-17, xii. 1-14). But this power, belonging
to moments or messages of special inspiration, does
not involve the permanent p os ses s ion of a cieir*
sighted wisdom, or of aims uniformly high ; and
we in vain search the later years of David's refill
for any proof of Nathan's activity tor go-d. He
gives himself to the work of writing the annals of
David's reign (1 Chr. xxlx. 29). He places his
own sons in the way of being the companions and
counsellors of the future king (1 K. iv. 5). The
absence of his name from the history of the ** nam*
bering," and the fact that the census was toHowed
early in the reign of .Solomon by heavy burdens
and a forced service, almost lead us to the conclu-
sion that the prophet bad acquiesced ■ in a measure
which had in view the magnificence of the Temple,
and that it was left to David's own heart, returning
to its better impulses (2 Sam. xxiv. 10), and to an
older and less couitly prophet, to protest against
an act which began in pride and tended to O) -
pression. k
(6). Under these influences the boy grew up. At
the age of ten or eleven he moat have pa s sed through
the revolt of Absalom, and shared his father's exile
(2 Sam. xv. 16). He would be taught all that
priests, or Levites, or prophets had to teach ; manic
and song; the Book of the Law of the Lord, fa such
portions and in such forms as were then current ;
the "proveibs of the ancients," which his father
had been wont to quote ( 1 Sain. xxiv. 13) ; probably
also a literature which has survived only in frag-
ments ; the Book of Jasher, the upright ones, the
heixies of the people; the Book of the Wan of the
Lord ; the wisdom, oral or written, of the sages ot
his own tribe, Heman, and Ethan, and Caloot, and
Darda (1 Chr. ii. 6), who contributed so hugely to
the noble hymns of this period (Ps. lxxxriiL, lixjii.;,
=nd were incorporated, probably, into the choir of
the T»bernac!e (Kwald, iii. 355). The grow jig inter-
course of Israel with the Phoenicians would lead
naturally to a wider knowledge of the outlying worM
snd its wonders than had fallen to his fathers lot-
Admirable, however, as all this was, a shepherd-lies,
like his father's, furnished, we may believe, a better
education for the kingly calling (Ps. Ixxviii. 70, 71 ).
Born to the purple, there was the inevitable risk of
a selfish luxury. Cradled in liturgies, trained U
his htsrb estimate of the old age of Peril, and,
qnenUv, «f Bolouno", edaraUva
SOLOMON
(Male chiefly of the magnificent "palace " of Jehovah
v 1 Cfcr. nil. 19) of which be was to be the builder,
there ra the danger, first, of an aesthetic formalism,
and then of ultimate indifference.
IV. JeommM*-{l.) The feebleness of Dwd'e
old age led to an attempt which might hare de-
prived Solomon of the throne his father destined
for him. Adonijah, next in order of birth to Ab-
rarotn, like Absalom " was a goodly man " (1 K.
i. 6), in full maturity of yean, backed by the
oldest of the king's friends and counsellor*, Joab
and Abiathar, and by all the sons of David, who
looked with jealousy, the latter on the obvious
thougn not as yet declared preference of the latest-
bon, and the former on the growing influence of
the rival counsellors who were most in the king's
favour, Nathan, Zadok, and Benaiab. Following in
the steps of Absalom, he assumed the kingly state
of a chariot and a bodyguard ; and David, more
passive than ever, looked on in silence. At but a
time was chosen for openly proclaiming him as king.
A solemn toast at Es-booel was to inaugurate the
new reign. All were invited to it but those whom
it was intended to displace. It was necessary for
those whose interests were endangered, backed ap-
parently by two of David's surviving elder brothers
(Ewald, (0.366; t Chr. ii. 13, 14), to take prompt
measures. Bathsheba and Nathan took counsel
together. The king was reminded of bis oath. A
virtual abdication was pressed upon him as the only
means by which the su cc e ssi on of his favourite son
could be secured. The whole thing was completed
with wonderful rapidity. Riding on the mule,
well-known as belonging to the king, attended by
Nathan the prophet, and Zadok the priest, and
more important still, by the king's special company
of the thirty Gibborim, or mighty men (1 K. i.
10, 33), and the bodyguard of the Cherethitee and
Petethites (mercenaries, and therefore not liable to
the contagion of popular feeling) under the com-
mand of Benaiah (himself, like Nathan and Zadok,
of the sons of Aaron), he went down to Gihon,
and was proclaimed and anointed king.* The shouts
of hie followers fell on the startled ears of the
guests at Adoaijah's banquet. Happily they were
as yet committed to no overt act, and they did not
venture on one now. One by one they rose and
departed. The plot had failed. The counter coup
a" Hat of Nathan and Bathsheba had been successful.
Such incidents are common enough in the history
of Eastern monarchies. They are usually followed
by a maeisrrs of the defeated party. Adonijah ex-
pected such an issue, and took refuge at the horns
of the altar. In this instance, however, the young
conqueror used his triumph generously. The lives
both of Adonijah and his partisans were snared, at
least for a time. What had been done hurriedly
SOLOMON
1846
a Aeeordmg to later Jewish teaching a king wss not
snssatsd when he succeeded his lather, except In the cess
•f a provtoo s usurpation or a disputed succession (Otho,
Lmtc fl ee Wa . a v. "Hex").
* The suns mentioned are (I) the public funds for
tullriug the Temple, 100,000 talents (kikarim) of gold
sod 1,000,000 of stiver; (2) Dsvld's private offerings,
3000 talents of gj-ld and TOM of silver. Besides these,
lanes sums of unknown amount were believed to have
been stored up In the sppulohre of Dsvtd. aooo talents
were token from ft by Hyrcairus (Jos. Ami. vtl. 16, y a;
XtU. i. y 4, xvt t, , 1).
• rtoeably sprinkled with gold dust, as wss the hair of
the youths who waited on htm (Jos. Ami. vffi. t, S), or
ayed with henna (Mlcbaeu*. Kit. « Lowth, Pnui. zxxt).
vol. It J.
waa done afterwards in more solemn form. SaV-
tern was presented to a great gathering of alt Iks
notables of Israel, with a set speech, in which tut
old king announced what was, to his mind, the
programme of the new reign, a time of peace and
plenty, of a stately worship, of devotion to Je-
hovah. A few months more, and Solomon found
himself, by his father's death, the sole occupant of
the throne.
(3.) The position to which he succeeded was
unique. Never before, and never after, did the
kingdom of Israel take its place among the great
monarchies of the East, able to ally itself, or to
contend on equal terms with Kgypt or Assyria,
stretching from the Iiiver (Euphrates) to the border
of Egypt, from the Mediterranean to the Gulf of
Akaba, receiving annual tributes from many subject
princes. Large treasures accumulated through
many years were at his disposal. 1 The people,
with the exception of the tolerated worship in
high places, were true servants of Jehovah. Know-
ledge, art, music, poetry, had received a new im-
pulse, and were moving on with rapid steps, to
such perfection as the age and the race were capable
of attaining. We may rightly ask — what manner
of man he waa, outwardly and inwardly, who at
the age of nineteen or twenty, waa called to this
glorious sovereignty? We have, it is true, no
direct description in this case as we have of the
earlier kings. There are, however, materials for
filling up the gap. The wonderful impression
which Solomon made upon all who came near him
may well lead us to believe that with him as with
Saul and David, Absalom and Adonijah, as with
meet other favourite princes of Eastern peoples,
there must have been the fascination and the grace
of a noble presence. Whatever higher mystic
meaning may be latent in Ps. xlv., or the Song of
Songs, we are all but compelled to think of them
as having had, at least, a Wtorical starting-point.
They tell us of one who was, in the eyes of the
men of his own time, " fairer than the children of
men," the face " bright and ruddy " as his father's
(Cant. t. 10 ; 1 Sam. xvil. 42), bushy locks, dark
as the raven's wing, yet not without a golden
glow,* the eyes soft as " the eyes at doves," the
" countenance as Lebanon, excellent as the cedars,''
" the chiefest among ten thousand, the altogether
lovely" (Cant. 9-16). Add to this all gifta
of a noble, far-reaching intellect, large and ready
sympathies, a playful and genial humour, the lips
" full of grace,*' the soul " anointed " as " with the
oil of gladness" (Ps. xlv.), and we may form some
notion of what the king was Ilka in that dawn of
his golden prime."
(3.) The historical starting-point of the Song of
Songs just spoken of connects itself, in all proba-
• It will be seen that we adopt the scheme of the older
llteralist school, Boe.net, Lowth, Mlcbaelle, rather than
that of the mum recent critics, Kwald, Kenan, (J Inshore.
Ingeniously ss the idea Is worked out we cannot bring
ourselves to believe that a drama, belonging to the
literature of the northern kingdom, not to that of Judah,
holding up Solomon to ridicule as at once licentious
and unsuccessful, wou!d have been treasured up by the
Jews of the Captivity, and received by the Scribes of
the Great Synagogue sa by, or at least. In honour of
Solomon (comp. Hecaa, La Cuntiqm des OsuMqiial, pp.
(I, tS). We follow the Jesuit Pineda (0s now Mess,
Iv. 3) in applying the language of the ShulandU to
Solomon's personal appearance, but net in bis extreme
4 ft
1846
bOliOMON
Nitty, with the earliest facts in the ninety of toe
sew reign. The narrative, as toH in 1 K. ii. is
Cot a little perplexing. Bathsheha, who had before
stirred up David against Adonijah, now appears ss
mterreding for him, begging that Abishag the Shu-
Bamite, the virgin concubine of Darid, might be
given him as a wile. Solomon, who till then had
professed the protbundest reverence for his mother,
his willingness to grant her anything, suddenly
flashes into fiercest wrath at this. The petition is
treated as part of a conspiracy in which Joab and
Abiathar are sharers. Benaiah is once more called
in. Adonijah is pnt to death at once. Joab is
slain even within the precincts of the Tabernacle, to
which he had fled as an asylum. Abiathar is de-
posed, and exiled, sent to a life of poverty and
shame (1 K. U. 31-36), and the high priesthood
transferred to another family more ready than he
had been to pass from the old order to the new,
and to accept the voices of the prophets as greater
than the oracles which had belonged exclusively to
the priesthood [comp. Uam and Thuxwm]. The
facts have, however, an explanation. Mr. Grove's
Ingenious theory * identifying Abishag with the
heroine of the Song of Songs [SHDLAMITB], resting
ss it must do, on its own evidenoe, has this further
merit, that it explains the phenomena here. The
passionate love of Solomon for " the fairest among
women," might well lead the queen-mother, hitherto
supreme, to fear a rival influence, and to join in any
scheme for its removal. The king's vehement abrupt-
ness is, in like manner, accounted for. He sees in the
request at once an attempt to deprive him of the
woman he loves, and a plot to keep him still in the
'.utelage of childhood, to entrap him into admitting
lib elder brother's right to the choicest treasure of his
father's harem, and therefore virtually to the throne,
or at least to a regency in which he would have his
own partisans as counsellors. With a keen-sighted
promptness he crashes the whole scheme. He gets
rid of a rival , fulfils David's dying counsels as to Joab,
and asserts his own Independence. Soon afterwards
an opportunity is thrown in his way of getting rid of
one [Shimei], who had been troublesome before,
ind might be troublesome again. He presses the
letter of a compact against a man who by his infa-
tuated disregard of it seemed given over to destruc-
tion • (1 K. ii. 36-46). There is, however, do
needless slaughter. The other " sons of David "
are still spared, and one of them, Nathan, becomes
the head of a distinct family (Zech. xii. 12), which
ultimately fills up the failure of the direct succes-
sion (Luke iii. 31). As he punishes his father's
enemies, he also shows kindness to the friends who
had h*m faithful to him. Cbhnham, the son of
Bnrzillai, apparently receives an inheritance near
* The hypothesis Is, however, not altogether new. It
wss held by some or the lltenlist historical school of
Theodore of Mopsnestla (not by Theodore himself; comp.
his rnamenu In M Igne, Ixvl. 6M), and ss such Is anatbe-
maUs»l by Tbeodoret of Cyras (Pros/, fa Cant. Ctmtic.y
The latter, believing the Song of Solomon to have been
supernaturally dictated tc Est, could admit no Inter-
pretation bat the mystical (comp. Gbafturg, Sang if SA.
p. as).
• An elaborate vindication of Solomon's ooodnot In this
natter may he found In Menthen's Tkacutnu. L ; Sllsser,
Wis. dt Salam. pneatu contra Satraet
9 Josepbus, savin Inaccurate, lengthens the reign to ao
ream, and malm thr age at acraaton 14 (Ant. vlu. ». J»).
< This Pharaoh Is IdemlhXl by Ewald (ill. *T») with
r.'Mecre*, the last king of the 1Mb dynasty of Msnetbo,
which bad lis seat in Lower Egypt at Turn; but sse
I
WOLOMON
the city of David, and probably in the reign of So.
lemon, displays his inherited hospitality by boJdxuf
a caravanserai for the strangers whom the faun
and wealth of Solomon drew to Jerusalem (2 Sam.
xix. 31-40; 1 K. ii. 7 ; Jer. xli. 17 ; Ewald, ffesc*.
iii. 274; Proph. ii. 191).
V. Foreign Policy.— (I.) The want of sufficient
data for a continuous history baa been already lo-
ticed. All that we have are — (a.) The duration of
the reign, 40 years » (I K. xi. 42). (».) The)
commencement of the Temple In the 4th, its com-
pletion in the 1 1th year of his reign (1 K. vi. t, 37,
38). (c.) The commencement of bis own palace in
the 7th, its completion in the 20th year (1 K. vii.
1 ; 2 Chr. viiL 1). (of.) The conquest of Hamath-
Zobah, and the consequent foundation of cities in
the region North of Palestine after the 20th year
(2 Chr. viii. 1-6). With materials so scanty a*
these, it will be better to group the chief facta in
an order which will beat enable us to appreciate
their significance.
(2.) Egypt. The first act of the foreign policy
of the new reign moat have been to moat Israelite*
a very startling one. He made affinity with Pha-
raoh, king of Egypt. He married Pharaoh's
daughter (1 K. iii. 1).« Since the time of the Ex-
odus there had been no intercourse between the
two countries. David and his counsellors had taken
no steps to promote it. Egypt had probably taken
part in assisting Edom in its resistance to David
(1 Chr. xi. 23; Ewald, iii. 182), and had received
Hadad, the prince of Edom, with royal honours.
The king had given him his wife's sister in mar-
riage, and adopted his son into his own family
(1 K. xi. 14-20). These steps indicated a purpose
to support him at some future time more actively,
end Solomon's proposal of marriage wss probably
intended to counteract it. It was at the time so
far successful, that when Hadad, on hearing of the
death of the dreaded leaders of the armies of Israel,
David and Joab, wished to seize the opportunity of
attacking the new king, the court of Egypt ren-
dered him no assistance (1 K. xi. 21, 22). The
disturbances thus caused, and not less those in the
North, coming from the foundation of a new Syrian
kingdom at Damascus by Kezon and other fugitives
from Zobah (1 K. xi. 23-25), might well lead So-
lomon to look out for a powerful support,' ta
obtain for a new dynasty and a new kingdom a
recognition by one of older fame and greater power.
The immediate results were probably favourable
enough.* The new queen brought with her as a
dowry the frontier-city of (lexer, against which, as
threatening the tranquillity of Israel, and as still
possessed by a remnant of the old Canaanitee,* Pha-
raoh had led his armies." She was received with
Pujulaoh, pp. S16, 81f . Jotephns (Jut. Till, a, 4J) only
notes the fact that he was the Isst king of Egypt wax
wss known simply by the tills Pharaoh.
' Josephns(^at. vttl. 1, 66), misled by the position of
these statements, refers the distartamoes to the dose of
Solomon's reign, end Is followed by most later writers.
The dates given, however, rn one esse after the death of
Joab, in the other after David's c on qu est of Zobah. *ow
that we most think of them ss contusing "all the fays
of Solomon," surmounted at the commencement of his
reign, becoming mors formidable at Its o on dnskm.
• Bwald aess In Ft. 0. a great hymn of thanasglvaag
for deliverance frees these dangers. The os h lenve tat
favour of David's authorship seems, however, to pro
ponderate.
> Philistines, according to .' jsepbns (*i». vlH. * fry.
• If, with Ewald (111. MIX we OatUj tlMtr Witt
SOLOMON
•II honour, the queen-mother horrelf attending to
olace the diadem oo her eon's bi-ow on the day
of hie espousals (Cant, iii. \l). Gifts from the
nobles c? brae) and from Tyre (the Utter offered
perhaps by a Tyrian princes*/ were lavished at her
feet (Pa. xlr. 12). A separate and stately palace
was built for her, before long, outside the city
of Duvid (3 Car. viii. 11).* She dwelt there appa-
i-mtly with attendant* of her own race, " the
virgins that be her fellows," probably conforming
in some degree to "the religion of her adopted
country. According to a tradition which may hare
some foundation in spite of its exaggerated numbers,
Pharaoh (Psiuennes, or as in the story Vsphres),
•sot with her workmen to help in building the
Temple, to the number of 80,000 (Eupolemos, in
Euseb. Praep. Etxxng. ii. 30-35). The " chariots
of Pharaoh " at any rate, appeared in royal proces-
sion with a splendour hitherto unknown (Cant.
i.9).
(3.) The ultimate issue of the alliance showed
(hat it was hollow and impolitic. There may have
bean a revolution in Egypt, changing the dynasty
and transferring the seat of power to Bubastis
(Ewald, iii. 389 ).» There wna at any rate a change
of policy. The court of Egypt welcomes the fugitive
Jeroboam when he is known to have aspirations
after kingly power. There, we may believe, by
some khu of compact, expressed or understood, was
planned the scheme which led first to the rebellion
of the Ten Tribes, and then to the attack of Shishak
on the weakened and dismantled kingdom of the son
of Solomon. Evils such as these were hardly coun-
terbUarjeed by the trade opened by Solomon in the
fine linen of Egypt, or the supply of chariots and
homes which, as belonging to aggressire rather than
defensive warfare, a wiser policy would have led
him to avoid (1 K. x. 28, 29).
(4.) Tgn. The alliance with the Phoenician
king rested on a somewhat difterent footing. It had
been part of David's policy from the beginning of his
reign. Hiram had been " ever a lover of livid."
He, or his grandfather, 1 had helped him by supply-
ing materials and workmen for his palace. As soon
as he heard of Solomon's a ccess ion he sent ambas-
to salute him. A oorrespondeuce pawed
i the two kings, which ended in a treaty of
oommeroe," Israel was to be supplied from Tyre
with the materials which were wanted for the
Temple that was to be the glory of the new reign.
Gold from Ophir, cedar-wood from Lebanon, pro-
bably also copper from Cyprus, and tin from Spain
or Cornwall (Niebohr, Led, est Am. Hut. i. 79),
for the brass which was so highly valued, purple
from Tyre itself, workmen from among the Zidooians,
all these were wanted and were given. The open-
ing of Joppa as a port created a new coasting-trade,
SOLOMON
1347
lln lmr .we mar see in this attack a desire to weaken s
royal noose which was connected by marriage with Absa-
lom (1 8am. rut ST), and therefore likely to be hostile to
aosaason. Bat eotnp, Oats,
• We may see in this last a sign of popular rltasarlsfstv
Must at least oo the part of the Priests and Levltes repre-
sented by the compiler of a Chroa.
j The stntrakr addition of the LXX. to the history of
.aroboam In 1 K. zL makes this hnprobable. Jeroboam,
a* well as Hadad, at remind Into the king's family by
S T a m a sj i with Us wife's sister, and, in each case, the
wuVanaue la given as Ttekemtna.
• Cheap, the data given In 3 Sam. v. 11 ; Jos. Ant vM.
1 y». TlU. 6, iX c. Ap. I. 18, and Ewald, lit 1*1.
• !%• letters ate given at length by Joesphos (Ant vilL
? T*> sti Eopaienraa (Knaeb. Itxup. R. L c).
and the materials from Tyre were conveyed to it on
floats, and thence to Jerusalem (2 Chr. d. li>\
The chief architect of the Temple, though an Israel-
i e on his mother's side, belonging to the tribe ol
I*m or Naphtali [Hiram], was yet by birth a
Tyrion, a namesake of the king. In return for these
exports, the Phoenicians were only too glad to re-
ceive the com and oil of Solomon's territory. Their
narrow strip of coast did not produce enough for
the population of their cities, and then, as at a later
period, " their country wee nourished " by the
broad valleys and plains of Samaria and Galilee
(Acts iii. 20).
(5.) The results of the alliance did not end here.
New, for the first time in the history of Israel,
they entered on a career as a commercial jteople.
They joined the Phoenicians in their Mediterranean
voyages to the coasts of Spain [Tabshuh].* Solo-
mon's possession of the Edomite coast enabled htm
to open to his ally a new world of commerce. The
ports of Elath and Esion-geher were filled with
ships of Tarshiab, merchantHshipji, i. e. for the long
voyages, manned chiefly by Phoenicians, but built
at Solomon's expense, which sailod down the
Aelanitic Gulf of the Red Sea, on to the Indian
Ocean, to lands which had before been hardly known
even by name, to Ophib and Siieba, to Arabia
Felix, or India, or Ceylon, and brought back after
an absence of nearly thiee years, treasures almost
or altogether new, gold and silver, and precious
stones, nard, aloes, sandal-wood, almug-trees, and
ivory ; and last, but not least in the eyes of the his-
torian, new forma of animal-life, on which the in-
habitants of Palestine gazed with wondering eyes,
" apes and peacocks.'' The interest of Solomon in
these enterprises was shown by his leaving hi* pa-
laces at Jerusalem and elsewhere and travelling to
Elath and Ezion-geber to superintend the construc-
tion of the fleet (2 Chr. viii. 17), perhaps also to
Sidou for a like purpose.* To the knowledge thus
gained, we may ascribe the wider thoughts which
appear in the Psalms of this and the following
periods, as of those who " see the wonders of the
deep and occupy their business in great waters"
(Ps. cvii. 23-30), perhaps also an experience of
the mor* humiliating accidents of sea-travel (Prov.
xxili. 34, 35).
(6.) According to the statement of the Phoeni-
cian writers quoted by Josephus {Ant. viii. 5, §3),
the intercourse of the two kings had in it also some-
thing of the sportiveness and freedom of friends.
They delighted to perplex each other with hard
questions, and laid wagers ss to their power of an-
swering them. Hiram was at first the loser ana
paid his forfeits; but afterwards, through the help
of a sharp-witted Tyrian boy, Abdemon, solved the
hard problems and was in the end the winner.* The
k Ewald disputes this (HI 345). but the statement la
2 Chr. lx. 31, Is explicit enough, and there are no grounds
for arbitrarily setting It aside aa a blunder.
• The statement of Justin Mart. (MaJ c Trap*, c 34),
*V Si&MM fiAuAoAaraci, recelvee by the accompanying eta
yvraura the character of an extract from some history
then extent. The marriage of Solomon with a daughter
of the king of Tyre la mentioned by EtueMua (Proce.
Ama. x. 11>
« The narrative of Josephus Implies the existence of
some story, more or less humorous. In Tyrian literatim.
In v/hlch the wisest of the kings of earth wss baffled by a
boi's cleverness. A singular pendant to this Is found hi
toe popular mediaeval story of Solomon and Morolf, la
wfiiob the latter (an ugly, deformed dwarf) batwita the
former. A modernised version of this work Day he
4 R 8
1348
SOLOMON
lingular fragment of history inserted in 1 K. Ix.
11-14. recording the cession by Solomon of sixteen
cities, and Hiram's dissatisfaction with them, M
|ierha|» connected with these imperial wagers. The
king of Tyre revenges himself by a Phoenician bon-
mot [Cauul]. He full;!* his part of the contract,
and pays the stipulated price.
(7.) These were the two most important alli-
ances. The absence of any reference to Babylon
and Assyria, and the tact that the Euphrates was
recognised as the boundary of Solomon s kingdom
(2 C'hr. ix. 26), suggest the inference thiit the Meso-
potamia!) monarchies were, at this time, compara-
tively feeble. Other neighbouring nations were
content to pay annual tribute in the form of gifts
(2 Chr. ix. 24). The kings of the Hitiites and of
Syria welcomed the opening of a new line of com-
merce which enabled them to find in Jerusalem an
emporium whete they might get the chariots and
hones of Egypt (1 K. x. 29). This, however, was
obviously but a small part of the traffic organised
by Solomon. The foundation of cities like Tadmor
in the wilderness, and Tiphsah (Thapsacus) on the
Euphrates; of others on the route, each with its
own special market for chariots, or horses, or stores
'2 Chr. viii. 3-6) ; the erection of lofty towers on
Lebanon (2 Chr. I. e. ; Cant. vii. 4) pointed to a
more distant commerce, opening out the resources
of central Asia, reaching, as that of Tyre did after-
wards, availing itself of this very route, to the
Nomade tribes of the Caspian and the Black Sens,
to Togamuh and Meshech and Tubal (Ex. xxvii.
13, 14; comp. Milman, Hist, of Jim, i. 270).
(8.) The survey of the influence exercised by So-
lomon on surrounding nations would be incomplete
if we were to pnss over that which was more di-
rectly personal — the fame of his glory and his wisdom.
The legends which pervade the East are probably
not merely the expansion of the scanty notices of
the O. T. ; but (as suggested above), like those
which gather round the names of Nimrod and Alex-
ander, the result of the impression made by the
personal presence of one of the mighty ones of the
earth.* Wherever the ships of Tarshish went, they
carried with them the report, losing nothing in its
passage, of what their crews had seen and heard.
The impression made on the toes* of Peru by the
power and knowledge of the Spaniards, offers per-
haps the nearest approach to what mils so little
within the limits of our experience, though there
was there no personal centre round which the admira-
tion could gather itself. The journey of the queen
of Shebs, though from its circumstances the most
conspicuous, did not stand alone. The inhabitants
of Jerusalem, of the whole line of country between
it and the CSulf of Aknba, saw with amazement the
"great train ;" the men with their swarthy faces,
the camels bearing spices and gold and gems, of a
queen who had come fiom the far South,' because
she had heard of the wisdom of Solomon, and con-
nected with it " the name of Jehovah " (1 K. x. 1).
found lu the Walhalla (Utpiig, 1844). Older copies, In
Lstln and German, of the lath century, are in the Brit
Mus, Library. The Anglo-Saxon Dialogue of Bolomon
and Saturn Is s mere catechism of Scriptural knowledge.
• Cities like Tadmor sod Tiphsah were not likely to
have been founded by a king who bad never seen and
chosen the sites, 2 Chr. rill. 3, 4, Implies the Journey
* bleb Josephs* speaks of {AnL vill. s, } 1\ sod at Tadmor
Solomon was within one day's Journey of the Euphrates,
and six of Babylon. (So Josrphus, i. c, but the day's
Journey most have been a long one.)
BOLOMON
She came with hard questions to test that wwfaaje,
and the words just quoted may throw light spaa
their nature. Not riddles and enigmas only, such
as the sportive fancy of the East delights in, but the
ever-old, ever-new problems of lite, such as, evest
in that age and country, were vexing the beam
of the speakers in the Book of Job.t were stirring
in her mind when she communed with Solomon of.
" til that was in her heart " (2 Chr. x. 2). She
meets us as the representative of a body whom the
dedication-prayer shows to have been numerous,
the strangers " coming from a far country " because
of the "great name'' of Jehovah (1 K. viii. 41),
many of them princes themselves, or the messengers
of kings (2 Chr. ix. 23). The historians of Israel
delighted to dwell on her confession that the reality
surpassed the fame, ** the one-half of the greatness
of thy wisdom was not told me" (2 Chr. ix. 6 ;
Ewald, iii. 353).
VI. Internal History.— -(1.) We can now enter
upon the reign of Solomon, in its bearing upon the
history of Israel, without the necessity of a digres-
sion. The firet prominent scene is one which pre-
sents his character in its noblest aspect. There
were two holy places which divided the reverence
of the people, the ark and its provisional tabernacle
at Jerusalem, and the original Tabernacle of the con-
gregation, which, after many wanderings, was now
pitched at Gibson. It was thought right that the
new king should offer solemn sacrifices at both
After those st Gibeon* there came that vision of"
the night which has in all sges borne its noble wit-
ness to the hearts of rulers. Not for riches, or long
life, or victory over enemies, would the son of
Dnvid, then at least true to his high calling, feeling
himself as " a little child " in comparison with the
vsstnese of his work, offer his supplications, but
for a " wise and understanding heait," that he
might judge the people. The " speech pleased the
Lord." There came in answer the promise of ■
wisdom " like which there had been none before,
like which there should be none after" (I K. iii.
5-15). So far all was well. The prayer was a
right and noble one. Yet there if also a contrast
between it and the prayers of David which accounts
for many other contrasts. The desire of David's
heart is not chiefly for wisdom, but for holiness.
He is conscious of an oppressing evil, snd seeks to
be delivered from it. He repents, and falls, and
repents again. Solomon asks only for wisdom. He
has a lofty ideal before him, and seeks to accom-
plish it, but he is as yet haunted by no deeper
yearnings, and speaks as one who has *' no need of
repentance."
(2.) The wisdom asked for was given in large
measure, and took a varied range. The wide frorld
of nature, animate and inanimate, which the enter-
prises of his subjects were throwing open to him,
the lives and characters of men, in all their surface-
weaknesses, in all their inner depths, lay before
him, and he took cognisance of all. 1 But the highest
r Josepnus, again careless about authorities, makes bet
s queen of Egypt (0 sad Ethiopia (.int. vill. s, $SX
s li It possible that the Book Itself esma Into the lite-
mture of Israel by the intercourse thus opened? Its Arabia
chancier, both in Isngnsge snd thought, snd the obvious
traces of lu Influence In the Book or Proverbs, have beta
noticed by all critics worthy of lbs name [camp. Job}
» Hebron, lu Josepnus, once mora MunsVJrusg (Ami.
VtIL 3, yl).
i Ewald sees fat tbs words of 1 K. Iv. ft, Ike record at
books mors or less descriptive of natural Mslwj, the
SOLOMON
winl^m wm that wanted for the highest work, for
governing and guiding, and the historian battens to
girt an illustration of it. The pattern-instance is,
in all ita circumstances, thoroughly Oriental. The
king site in the gate of the city, at the early dawn,
to settle any disputes, however strange, between
any litigants, however humble. In the rough and
ready test which turns the stales of evidence, before
to evcily balanced, there ia a kind of rough humour
as well as sagacity, apecially attractive to the Eastern
mind, then and at all times (1 K. iii. 16-28}.
(3.) But the power to rule showed itself not in
judging only, but in organising. The system of
government which he inherited from David received
a fuller expansion. Prominent among the " princes "
of his kingdom, i. e. officers of his own appointment,
were members of the priestly order : * Axariah the
son of Zadok, Zadok himself the high-priest, Benaiah
the auo of Jehoiada aa captain of the host, another
Axariah and Zabud, the sons of Nathan, one over
the officers {XitttAbtm) who acted as purveyors to
the king's household (1 K. iv. 2-5), the other in
the more confidential character of " king's friend.*'
In addition to these there wen the two scribes
(SApAirim), the king's secretaries, drawing up his
edicts and the like [Scribes], Eliboreph and Ahiah,
the recorder or annalist of the king's reign (Motcir),
the superintendent of the king** house, and house-
hold expenses (la. xxii. 15), including probably the
harem. The last in order, at ones the moat indis-
pensable and the most bated, was Adoniram, who
presided "over the tribute," that word including
probably the personal service of forced labour (comp.
Keil, Comm. in lot, and Ewald, Qesch. iii. 334).
(4.) The last name leads us to the king's finances.
The fust impression of the facta given us is that of
abounding plenty. That all the drinking vessels of
the two palaces should be of pure gold was a small
thing, " nothing accounted of in the days of Solo-
mon " (1 K.x. 21)." " Silver was in Jerusalem as
stones, and cedars as the sycamore-trees in the vale "
(1 K. x. 27). The people were " eating and drink-
ing and making merry (IK. iv. 20). The trea-
sures left by David for building the Temple might
well seem almost inexhaustible* (1 Chr. xxix. 1-7).
The large quantities of the precious metals imported
SOLOMON
131(1
catalogue raitonntt of the king's collections, botanic and
ssotogleal (Itt. MS) ; to Renan, however (following Joae-
pbosX tt seems more m harmony with the unscientific
character of all Shemttle minds, to think of them ss loosing
» the moral side of nature, drawing paraMea or allegories
from the things bs saw (0ist. des lamouet Semitiqim,
p. 1W> The multiplied sUoskms of this kind In Prov.
xxx. make that, perhaps, a fair representative of this form
of Solomon's wisdom, though nut by Solomon hlmaelf.
• We cannot bring ourselves, with Keil (Comm. i» lot)
and others, to play fsst and loose wlih the word Cohtn,
and to give It dnTerent meanings In alteruale verses.
[Obmp* Pamsrs.3
■ A tetaUnscenoe of this form of splendour Is seen In
ah* met that the mediaeval goldsmiths described their
earnest piste as -' oauvre de Salomon." It wss wrought
m high relief, wss fciaatern In lis origin, sml was known
also aa Sarsosnlc (itter Cvttimaritu, I. 61, 7»9).
a We labour, however, under a twofold uncertainty,
(I) aa w the accuracy of the numbers, (2) aa to the value
of the terms. Prideanx, followed by Lewis, estimates
U» amount at a&jmjooel. yet the savings of the later
years of DavWa Ufa, for one spedsl purpose, could hardly
lave S Tpoa e ad the national debt of England (comp.
Mlsnan's Hittorf «/ Jew, i. MT).
• 666. There Is something startling to thus finding In
s stapes historical statement s number which has sums
become Invested with such a mysterious and terrlblft
from Ophir and Tarshish would speak, to a peorl*
who had not learnt the lessons of a long experience,
of a boundless source of wealth (1 K. ix. 28). All
the kings aud princes of the aubject-prov'neat paid
tribute in the form of gifts, in money and in kind,
" at a fixed rate year by year" (1 K. x. 25).
Monopolies of trade, then, as at all times in the
East, contributed to the king's treasury, and the
trade in the fine linen, and chariots, and horses of
Egypt, must have brought in large profits (1 K. x.
28, 29). The king's domain-lands were apparently
let out, as vineyards or for other purposes, at a
fixed annual rental (Cant. viii. 11). Upon the
Israelites (probably not till the later period of hia
reign) there was levied a tax of ten per cent, on
their produce (1 Sam. viii. 15). All the provinces
of his own kingdom, grouped apparently in a special
order for this purpose, were bound each in turn to
supply the king'a enormous household with pro-
visions (1 K. iv. 21-23). [Comp. Taxes.] The
total amount thna brought into the treasury in
gold, exclusive of all payments in kind, amounted
to 666 talents (I K. x. 14).*
(5.) It was hardly possible, however, that any
financial system could bear the strain of the king s
passion for magnificence. The cost of the Temple
was, it is true, provided for by David's savings and
the offerings of the people ; but even while that was
building, yet more when it was finished, one struc-
ture followed on another with ruinous rapidity.
A palaoe for himself, grander than that which
Hiram had built for his father, another for Pha-
raoh's daughter, the house of the forest of Lebanon,
in which he sat in his court of judgment, the pillars
all of cedar, seated on a throne of ivory and gold,
in which six lions on either aide, the symbols of toe
tribe of Judab, appeared (as in the thrones of As-
syria, Layard'a Nineveh, ii. 30) atanding on the
ateps and supporting the arms of the chair (1 K.
vii. 1-12, x. 18-20), ivory palaces and ivory towers,
used apparently for the king's armoury (Ps. xlv. 8 ;
Cant. iv. 4, vii. 4) ; the ascent from hia own
palace to the house or palace of Jehovah (1 K. x.
5), a summer palace in Lebanon (1 K. ix. 19;
Cant. vii. 4), stately gardens at Etham, paradise*
like those of the great Eastern kings (Eocl. ii. 5, « ;
algutflcance (Rev. xlli. IS). The coincidence can hardly.
It la believed, be looked on aa casual. " The Seer of the
Apocalypse," It has been well said, " Uvea entirely In
Holy Scripture. On Una territory, therefore, la the eola-
tion of the aaored riddle to be sought " (Hengstenberg,
Comm. M itt*. m lee.). If, therefore, we find the number
occurring in the O.T, with any special significance, we
may well think that mat furnishes the starting point of
the enigma. And there la auch a algnlnoanoe here. (I.)
Aa the glory and the wiadom of Solomon were the repre-
aentailvea of all eerthly wiadom and glory, ao the wealth
of Solomon would be the representative of all earthly
wealth. (1.) The purpose of the visions or St John Is la
oppose the heavenly to the earthly Jerusalem ; the use
"offspring of David," " the lion of the tribe Of Judah," ta
all counterfeits ; the true riches to the false. (3.) The
worship of the beaat la the worship of the wor Ida mam-
mon, ft may seem to reproduce the glory and the wealth
of the old Jenralem In Ita golden days, but It Is of evil,
not of Ood; a Babylon, not a Jerusalem, (4.) This re-
ference does not of court* exclude either the mystical
meaning of the number afar, ao well brought out by
Hengatenberg (I c.) and Mr. Usuries (on the Apocalypn,
p. 251), or even names like Latelnos sod Nero Caesar.
'11k greater the variety of ihoughta that could be con-
nected with a single number, the mote would tt commend
tvieir to <me at all familiar with the method of the
t:*mot>ia of the Jewish csbbansls.
s3M>
SOLOMON
Jotpk.Anl. viii. 7, §3; comp. Paradise), the
foundation of something like * stately school or
college,* costly aqueduct! bringing water, it may
be, from the well of Bethlehem, dear to David's
heart, to supply the king's palace in Jerusalem
(Ewald, iii. 323), the fortifications of Jerusalem
completed, those of other cities begun (1 K. ix.
15-19), and, above all, the harem, with all the
expenditure wliich it involved on slaves and slave-
dealers, on concubines and eunuchs (1 Sam. viii.
15 ; 1 Chr. xxviii. 1), on men-singers and women-
singers (Eccl. ii. 8)— these row befoie the wondering
eyes of his people and dazzled them with their
magnificence. All the equipment of his court, the
" apparel " of his servants, was on the same scale.
If he went from his hall of judgment to the Temple
he marched between two lines of soldiers, each with
a burnished shield of gold (1 K. x. 16, 17; Ewald,
iii. 320). If he went on a royal progress to his
paradise at Etham, he went in snow-white raiment,
riding in a stately chariot of cedar, decked with
silver and gold and puiple, carpeted with the cost-
liest tapestry, worked by the daughters of Jeru-
salem (Cant. iii. 9, 10). A body-guard attended
him, " threescore valiant men," tallest and hand-
somest of the sons of Israel, in the freshness of their
youth, arrayed in Tyrian purple, their long black
hair sprinkled freshly every day with gold-dust
(ib. iii. 7, 8; Joseph. Ant. viii. 7, §3). Forty
thousand stalls of horses for his chariots, and twelve
thousand horsemen, made up the measure of his
magnificence (1 K. iv. 26). If some of the public
works had the plea of utility, the fortification of
some cities for purposes of defence — Millo (the
suburb of Jerusalem), Hazor, Megiddo, the two
Beth-horons, the foundation of others, Tadmor and
Tiphaah, for purposes of commerce — these were
simply the pomps of a selfish luxuiy, and the
people, after the first dazzle was over, felt that
they were so. As the treasury became empty,
taxes multiplied and monopolies became more irk-
some. Even Israelites, besides the conscription which
brought them into the king's armies ( 1 K. ix. 22),
were subject, though for a part only of each year,
to the coriee of compulsory labour (1 K. v. 13).
The revolution that followed hail, like most other
revolutions, financial disorder as the chief among
its causes. The people complained, not of the king's
idolatry, but of their burdens, of his " grievous
yoke" (1 K. xii. 4). Their hatred fell heaviest on
Adoniram, who was over the tribute. If, on the
one side, the division of the kingdom came as a
penalty for Solomon's idolatrous apostasy from
Vhovah, it was, on another, the Nemesis of a
selrish passion for glory, itself the most terrible of
all idolatries.
(6.) It remains for us to trace that other down-
fall, belonging more visibly, though not more really,
to his religious lite, from the loftiest height even to
the lowest depth. The building and dedication of
the Temple are obviously the representatives of the
tint. That was the special task which he inherited
from his father, and to that he gave himself with
all his heart and strength. He came to it with all
the noble thoughts as to the meaning and grounds
SOLOMON
of worship which his father and NaUrfJ could fatftU
into him. We have already seen, in speaking at
his intercourse with Tyre, what measures be wi
for its completion. All that can be said as to it.
architecture, proportions, materials [Temple], and
the organisation of the ministering Priests axsd
Levites, will be found elsewhere. Here it will be
enough to picture to ourselves the feelings of the
men of Judah as they watched, during seven long
years, the Cyclopian foundations of vast stones (still
remaining when all else has peiished, Ewald, Ui.
297) gradually rising up and covering the area of
the threshing-floor of Araunah, materials arriving;
continually from Joppa, cedar, and gold and silver,
brass " without weight" from the foundries of
Sucooth and Zarethan, stones ready hewn and
squared from the quarries. Far from colossal in
its size, it was conspicuous chiefly by the lavish
use, within and without, of the gold of Ophir and
Parvaim. It glittered in the morning son (it Ism
been well said) like the sanctuary of an El Doradc
(Milman, HM. ofJewt, i. 259). Throughout the
whole work the tranquillity of the kingly city
was unbroken by the sound of the workman's
hammer :
* Like sians tall palm, the noteless fabric grew."
(7.) We cannot ignore the fact that even sow
there were some darker shades in the picture. Not
reverence only for the Holy City, but the wish to
shut out from sight the misery he had caused, to
close his ears against cries which were rising daily
to the ears of the Lord of Sabnoth, led him probably
to place the works connected with the Temple at
as great a distance as inssible from the Temple
itself. Forgetful of the lessons taught by the his-
tory of his own people, and of the precepts of the
Law (Ex. xxii. 21, xxiii. 9 H al.), following the
example of David's policy in its least noble aspect
(1 Chr. xxii. 2), he reduced the "etiangers' 1 in
the land, the remnant of the C'anaanite races who
had chosen the alternative of conformity to the
relgioo of their conquerors, to the state of helots,
and made their life *• bitter with all haid bondage."*
[Proselytes.] Copying the Pharaohs in tbei'
magnificence, he copied them also in their diaregird
of human suffering. Acting, probably, under the
same counsels as had prompted that measure on
the result of David's census, he seized on thqoj»
"strangers" for the weary, servile toil against
which the free spirit of Israel would have rebelled.
One hundred and fifty-three thousand, with wit a
and children in proportion, were torn from their
homes and sent off to the quarries and the forests
of Lebanon (1 K. v. 15 ; 2 Chr. ii. 17, 18). Even
the Israelites, though not reduced peimaaently to
the helot state (2 Chr. viii. 9), were yet summoned
to take their share, by rotation, in the same labour
(1 K. v. 13, 14). One trace of the special servitude
of " these hewers of stone " existed long afterwards
in the existence of a body of men attached to the
Temple, and known as Solomon's Sebvasts.
(8.) After seven years and a half the work waa
completed, and the day came to which all Israelites
looked hack a* the culminating gkwy of their nation.
s's conjecture (UI. M) that "the house with
•even pillars,* * the highest places or the dty." of Prov.
Ix. 1-3, had originally a local reference Is, at leasl, plaus-
ible muugh to be won a mentioning. It is car*ous to
think that ihere may nave been a historical " Svkanon's
some," tike Cist of the Xtw Mlmiu.
• Kwald's upo'ojy for these ecu of disputant (UL MS)
presents a singular contrast to the free spirit which, tut
the most part, pervades bis work. Throughout hie
history of David and Solomon, bis sympathy for the
lather's heroism, bis admiration for the hoi's asasnt-
ncanoa, seem to keep bis Judgment under a laadxattUs
which It is auDoalt far cH readers to escape Dos.
SOLOMON
Thai worship was now established on a scale as
stately as that of other nations, while it jet retained
its freedom from all worship that could possibly
beroroe idolatrous. Instead of two rural sanctuaries,
as before, there waa to be one only. The ark from
Zion, the tabernacle from Gibeoa, were both re-
moved (2 Chr. t. 5) and brought to the new
Temple. The choirs of the priests and Levites met
in their fullest force, arrayed in white linen. Then,
it may be for the first time, was heard the noble
hymn, " Lift up your heads, ye gates, and be yo
lift up, ye everlasting doors, and the King of Glory
shall coma in" (Milman, Hut. of Jews, i. 263).
The trumpeters and singers were " as one" in their
mighty Hallelujah — " praise the Lord, for He ia
good, for His mercy endureth for ever" (2 Chr. v.
13). The ark was solemnly placed in its golden
sanctuary, and then "the cloud," the " glory of the
Lord," filled the house of the Lord. The two tables
of stone, associated with the first rude beginnings
of the life of the wilderness, were still, they and
they only, in the ark which had now so magnificent
a shrine (2 Chr. v. 10). They bore their witness
to the great lawa of duty towards God and man,
remaining unchangeable through all the changes
and chances of national or individual life, from the
beginning to the end of the growth of a national
religion. And throughout the whole scene, the per-
son of the king is the one central object, compared
with whom even priests and prophets are for the
timet subordinate. Abstaining, doubtless, from dis-
tinctively priestly acta, such as slaying the victims
and offering incense, he yet appears, even more than
David did in the bringing up the ark, in a liturgical
character. He, and not Zadok, blesses the congre-
?itkM, offal up the solemn prayer, dedicates the
emple. He, and not any member of the prophetic
order, is then, and probably at other times, the
spokesman and " preacher " of the people (Ewald,
■ii. 320). He takes at least some steps towards that
far-off (Pa. ex. 1) ideal of "a priest after the order
of Mclchfawdefc," which one of his descendants rashly
sought to fulfil IVzzi ah], but which waa to be ful-
filled only in a Son of David, not the crowned leader
•f a mighty nation, but de spis ed, rejected, crucified.
From him came the lofty prayer, the noblest utter-
ance of the creed of Israel, setting forth the distance
and the nearness of the Eternal God, One, Incompre-
■ hensible, dwelling not in temples made with hands,
yet ruling men, hearing their prayers, giving them
all good things, wisdom, peace, righteousness.'
(9.) The solemn day was followed by a week of
festival, synchronising with the Feast of Tabernacles,
the time of the completed vintage. Representatives
of all the tribes, elders, fathers, captains, proselytes,
it may be, from the newly-acquired territories in
Northern Syria (2 Chr. vi. 32, vii. 8),— all were
assembled, rejoicing in the actual glory and the
bright hopes of Israel. For the king himself then,
•rata later period (the narrative of I K. ix. and
2 Chr. vii. leaves it doubtful), there waa a strange
contrast to the glory of that day. A eritickm,
misled by its own acuteness, may see in that
warning prophecy of ain. punishment, desolation,
only a taticinium or enentu, added some cen-
80LOMON
1351
' Ewald, yielding to bis one special weakness, sees In
■his prayer the rhetorical addition or the Deuteronomtst
sdttor (UL 315).
■ Hk erxxH. belongs manifestly (cornp. vr. 7, 8, ID, 18,
WIU 1 Car. vl. at) to the day or dedication ; and t. 13
matalaa the con dit ion, of wofch the vision of the night
■rascals the dark » Ike day had presented lae bright side.
turiea afterwards (Ewald, iii. 404) It _- open
to ua to maintain that, with a character such a>
Solomon's, with a religious ideal so iar bm ond hit
actual life, such thoughts were psychologically pro-
bable, that strange misgivings, suggested by the
very words of the jubilant hymns of the day's
solemnity, might well mingle with the shouts of
the people and the hallelujahs of the Levites." It as
in harmony with all we know of the work of the
Divine Teacher, that those misgivings shcnld receive
an interpretation, that the king should be taught
that what he had done was indeed right and good,
but that it was not all, and might not be perma-
nent. Obedience waa better than sacrifice. There
was a danger near at hand.
(10.) The danger came, and in spite of the
warning the king fell. Before long the pi iests and
prophets had to grieve over rival temples to Moloch,
Chemosh, Ashtaroth, forms of ritual not idolatrous
only, but cruel, dark, impure. This evil came, as
the compiler of 1 K. xj. 1-8 records, as the penalty
of another. Partly from policy, seeking flesh alli-
ances, partly from the terrible satiety of lust seeking
the stimulus of change, he gave himself to " strange
women." He found himself involved in a fascination
which led to the worship of strange gods. The
starting-point and the goal are given us. We are
left, from what we know otherwise, to trace the
process. Something there was perhaps in his very
" largeness of heart," so far in advance of the tra-
ditional knowledge of his age, rising to higher and
wider thoughts of God, which predisposed him to
it. His converse with men of other creeds and
climes might lead him to anticipate, in this respect,
one phase of modern thought, as the confessions of
the Preacher in Koheleth anticipate another. In
recognising what was true in other forms of faith,
be might lose his horror at what was false, his
sense of the pie-eminence of the truth revealed te
him, of the historical continuity of the nation's reli-
gious life. His worship might go backward from
Jehovah to Klohim,' from Elohim \r 'he "Godi
many and Lords many" of the nations round.
Jehovah, Baal, Ashtaroth, Chemosh, each form of
nature-worship, might come to seem equally true,
equally acceptable. The women whom he brought
from other countries might well be allowed the
luxury of their own superstitions. And, if per-
mitted at all, the worship must be worthy ot his
fame and be part of his magnificence. With this
there may, as Ewald suggests (iii. 380),* have
mingled political motives. He may have hoped,
by a policy of toleration, to conciliate neighbouring
princes, to attract a larger traffic But probably
also there was another influence less commonly
taken into account. The wide-spread belief of the
East in the magic arts of Solomon is not, it ia
believed, without its foundation of truth. On the
one hand, an ardent study of nature, in the period
that precedes science, runs on inevitably into the
pursuit of occult, mysterious properties. On the
other, throughout the whole history of Judah, the
element of idolatry which has the strongest hold >n
men's minds waa the thaumaturgic, siothsaj ig,
incarAitions, divinations (2 K. i. 2j It. ii. 6;
> It Is noticeable that Kloblm, and not Jehovah, la tht
Divine name Hard throughout Kcclestastea.
u To see, however, aa Ewald does. In Solomon's poli^
nothing but a wise toleration like that of a modern states-
man In regard to Christian eecta, or of the KogUas
Government hi India, la surely lo PMd history through r
refracting and distorting uirdlua-
1852
SOLOMON
t Chr. xjnli. 6 it at.). The religion of Israel
cpposod a stern prohibition to ill snch perilous yet
tempting arte (Deut. xviii. 10 et at.). The religion!
of the nations round fostered them. Was it strange
that one who found his progress impeded in one
path should tum into the other ? So, at any imte,
it was. The reign which began so gloriously was
a step backwards into the gross darkness of fetish
worship. As he left behind him the legacy of
luxury, selfishness, oppression, more than counter-
balancing all the good of higher art and wider
knowledge, so he left this too as an ineradicable
evil. Not less truly than the son of Kebat might
his name have been written in history as Solomon
the Mm of David who " made Israel to sin."
(11.) Disasters followed before long as the na-
tural consequence of what was politically a blunder
as well as religiously a sin. The strength of the
nation rested on its unity, and its unity depended
on its taitli. Whatever attractions the sensuous
ritual which he introduced may hare had for the
great body of the people, the priests and Levites
must have looked on tile rival worship with entire
disfavour. The seal of the prophetic order, dor-
mant in the earlier part of the reign, and as it
were, hindered from its usual utterances by the
more dazzling wisdom of the king, was now kindled
into active opposition. Ahijah of Miiloh, as if
taught by the history of his native place, was sent
to utter one of those predictions which help to work
out their own fulfilment, fastening on thoughts
before vague, pointing Jeroboam out to himself and
to the people as the destined heir to the larger half
of the kingdom, as truly called as David had been
called, to be the anointed of the Lord (1 K. xi
28-39). The king in vain tried to check the cur-
rent that was setting strong against him. If Jero-
boam was driven for a time into exile it was ouly
as we have seen, to be united in marriage to the
then reigning dynasty, and to come back with a
laughter of the Pharaohs as his queen (LXX. ut
ptpra). The old tribal jealousies gave signs of re-
newed vitality. Ephraim was prepared once more
to dispute the supremacy of Judah, needing special
control (t K. xi. 28). And with this weakness
within there came attacks from without. Hadad
and liexon, the one in Edom, the other in Syria,
who had been foiled in the beginning of his reign,
now found no effectual resistance. The king, pre-
maturely old, 1 must have foreseen the rapid break-
ing up of the great monarchy to which he had auc-
ereded. Itehoboam, inheriting his faults without his
* Solomon's age at his death could not have been much
awe than fifty-nine or sixty, yet It was not till be was
"old " that bis wives perverted him (1 K. al. 4).
» Heuklsh found. It was said, formulae for the core of
diseases engraved on the duor-posta of the Temple, and
destroyed them because they drew men away from the
worship of Jehovah (SuMas, «. v. 'Eftm'aO- Strange as
the history Is, 11 has a counterpart In the complaint of the
writer of a Chr. xvL 13, that Asa " sought nut to the
lard but to lbs physicians." Was there a rivalry In the
treatment of disuse between the priests and prophets on
the one side (coup. Is. xxxvlil. 21), snd Idolatrous theu-
nutorgajts on the other (romp, also 2 K. I. 21 f
* The Song of Songs, however, was never redd publicly,
eitner In the Jewish or the Christian Church, nor In the
former were young men allowed to read It at all
iTbeod. Cyr. Prtuf. in Cant. Cant.; Theod. Hops. p. CM
tn Mignt).
* We rest on this as the necessary condition of ill deeper
nttrrpretaiiou. To argue, as many Lave done, that the
Mystical sans* mast be toe only one because the literal
SOLOMON
wisdom, haughty and indiscreet, was not likaly f>
avert ft,
(12.) Of the inner changes of mind and heart
which ran parallel with this history Scripture is
comparatively silent. Something may be learn*,
from the books that bear his name, which, whether
written by him or not, stand in the Canon of the
0. T. as representing, with profound, inspired in-
sight the successive phases of his life; something
also from the fact that so little remains out of so
much, out of the songs, proverbs, treatises of which
the historian speaks (1 K. iv. 32, 33). Legendary aw
may be the traditions which speak of H&xkiah as at
one and the same time, preserving some coitions of
Solomon's writings (Prov. xrv. 1), and destroying
others/ a like process of selection must have been
gone through by the unknown Kabbis of the Great
Sysaooguk after the return fi-ora the exile. Slowly
and hesitatingly they received into the Canon, as
they went on with their unparalleled work of the
expurgation by a people of its own literature, the
two books which have been the stumbling-blocks of
commentators. Eoclasiastes aa! the ."~ong of Songs*
(Ginshurg, KoUltth, pp. 13-15). Thi-y give ex-
ctrpta only from the 3000 Proverbs. Of the thou-
sand and fire Songs (Lhe precise number indicates
a known collection) we know absolutely nothiug.
They were willing, •'. «. to adait Kcheieth for the
sake of its ethical conclusion, the Song of Songs, be-
cause at a very eaily period, possibly even then, it
had received a mystical interpretation (Keil. Hut-
kit, in dot AIL Tat. §127), because It was, at an.
rate, the history of a love which if pasaiabate. was
also tender, and pure, and true.' But it is easy to
see that there are elements in that poem, the strong
delight in visible outward beauty, the surrender of
heart and will to one overpowering impulse, which
might come to be divorced from truth and purity,
and would then be perilous in proportion to their
giace and charm. Such a divorce took place we
know in the actual life of Solomon. It could not
fail to leave its stamp upon the idyls in which
feeling and fancy uttered themselves. The poems o!
the Son of David may have been like those of Hafix.
The Scribes who compiled the Cation of the O. T.
may have acted wisely, rightly, charitably to his
fame, in excluding them.
(13.) The books that remain meet us, aa has
been said, aa at any rate representing the three
stages of his life. The Song of Songs brings before
us the brightness of his youth, the heart as jet un-
tainted, human lore passionate yet undented* and
would be Insupportable, Is simply to "bring a dean
thing oat of an unclean," to assert that the Divine Spirit
would choose a love that was lustful snd Impure as the
fitting parable of the holiest. Modi rather may we say
with Herder (CsM oVr Ktr. Paa.. Dial nj, that the
poem, In its literal sense. Is one which " might have bee*
written in Paradise." The man and the woman are, as
In their primeval Innocence, loving and beloved, ihlnlrlng
no evil, " naked and not ashamed."
k We adopt the older view of Lowth (/tast. xxx., xs.it)
and others, rather than that of Reun and Ewald. which
almoat brings down a noble poem to the level of an
operatic ballet at a Parisian theatre. Theodore or Mop-
suestla (L c) bad, at least, placed It on a level with
the Symposium of Plato. The theory or atlchaeUs (Xot.
m LoiitA, xsxl.) that It represents s young husband
and Us favourite bride hindered, by narem J e aasa sl se
or regulations, from free intercourse with each other,
seems to us preferable, and connects Itself with low
Identification of the Shalaauu win Abk&ag, aha**]
noticed.
SOLOMON
therefore becoming, under a higher Inspiration, half-
conaciously it may be to itself, but, if not, then
unconsciously for others, the parable of the soul's
affections. 1 ' Then comes in the Book of Proverbs,
the stage of practical, prudential thought, searching
into the recesses of man's heart, seeing duty in
little things as veil as great, resting all duty on
the lear of God, gathering from the wide lessons of
a king's experience, lessons which mankind could
ill afford to lose.* The poet has become the philo-
sopher, the mystic has passed into the moralist.
But the man passed through both stages without
being permanently the better for either. They were
to him but phases of his life which he had known
aud exhausted (Eccl. i., ii.). And therefore there
came, as in the Confessions of the Preacher, the
gieat retribution. The "sense that wore with
time " avenged "the crime of sense." There fell on
him, as on other crowned voluptuaries,' the weari-
ness which sees written on all things, Vanity of
Vanities. Slowly only could he recover from that
" vexation of spirit," aud the recovery was incom-
plete. It was not as the strong burst of penitence
that brought to his father David the assurance of
forgiveness. He could not rise to the height from
which he had (alien, or restore the freshness of his
first love. The weary soul could only lay again,
with alow and painful relapses, the foundations of
• true morality [comp. Ecclebiastes].
(14.) Here our survey must end. We may not
enter into the things within the veil, or answer
either way, the doubting question, Is there any
hope ? Others have not shrunk from debating that
question, deciding, according to their formulae, that
he did or did not fulfil the conditions of salvation
so as to satisfy them, were they to be placed upon
the judgment-seat. It would not be profitable to
give references to the patristic and other writers
who have dealt with this subject. They have been
elaborately collected by Caltnet (Dictionn. a. r.
Salomon, XoueeU. dissert. De la taint du Sal.).
It is noticeable and characteristic that Chrysostom
and the theologians of the Greek Church are, for
the moat part, favourable, Augustine and those of
the Latin, for the most pait, adverse to hU chances
of salvation.'
VII. Legmdt. — (1.) The impression made by
Solomon on the minds of later generations, is shown
in its best form by the desire to claim the sanction of
his name for even the noblest thoughts of other writers.
Possibly in Ecclesusteb, certainly in the K<*,k
of Wisdom, we have instances of this, free from the
vicious element of an apocryphal literature. Before
SOLOMON
136ft
" "The final cause of Canticles," It has been well
•aid. " was that it might be a Held In which mysticism
could disport itself" (Bishop Jebb, Corrajtmd. with
*ma, L 305). The trans of the " great mystery " which
thus connects divine and human love, are Indeed to be
fcuml everywhere. In the Targums of Rabbis, in the
writings of Fathers, Schoolmen, Puritans, In the poems
of Mystics like N oralis, Jeladeddin Rami, Saadi (comp.
Tboiuck. MoromUtnd. Mynttk, pp. 45, 237). It appears
m Its highest form In the Vila Jfuom or Dante, purified
by Christian feeling from the sensuous element which
n< Eastern writers too readily mingles with II Of all
•(range assertions, that of Renin, that mysticism of this
kind Is foreign to the Sbemltlc character, Is perhaps sbont
the strangest {Cant, da Cant. p. lie).
* Both In EcclesUstes (U. 3-13) and yet more In Pro-
verbs (1. 11-17, vil. 6-23) we may find traces of experiences
fund In other ways. The graphic picture of the life of
the rohbers and the prostitutes of an Eastern city could
hardly hive been drawn but by one who, like Hsroun
long, however, it took other forms. Bound the
facts of the history, as a nucleus, there gathers a
whole world of fantastic fables, Jewish, Christian,
Mahometan, refractions, coloured and distorted, ac-
cording to the media through which they pass, of*
colossal form. Even in the Targum of Eoclesiastes
we find strange stories of his character. He sou
the Rabbis of the Sanhedrim sat and drank win*
together in Jabne. His paradise was filled with
costly trees which the evil spirits brought him from
India. The casuistry of the Rabbis rested on hie
dicta. Ashmedai, the king of the demons, deprived
him of his magic ring, and he wandered through the
cities of Israel, weeping and saying, I, the preacher,
was king over Israel in Jerusalem (Ginsburg, Koher
Itth, App. i. H. ; Koran, Sur. 88). He left behind
him spells and charms to cure diseases and cast out
evil spirits ; and for centuries, incantations bearing
his name were the special boast of all the " vagabond
Jew exorcists " who swarmed in the cities of the
empire (Jos. Ant. viii. 2, §5 ; Just. Mart. Betpont.
ad Orthod. 55 ; Origen, Coram, m Matt. xxn. 3).
His wisdom enabled him to interpret the speech of
beasts and birds, a gift shared afterwards, it wna
said, by his descendant Hilled (Ewald, iii. 407 ;
Koran, Sur. 37). He knew the secret virtues of
gems and herbs* (Fahricius, Codex Fteudep. V. T.
1042). He was the inventor of Syriac and Ara-
bian alphabets (Ibid. 1014).
(2.) Arabic imagination took a yet wilder flight.
After a long struggle with the rebellious Afreet*
and Jinns, Solomon conquered them and cast them
into the sea (Lane, Arabian Siyhts, i- p. 36),
The remote pre-Adamlte past waa peopled with a
succession of forty Solomons, ruling over different
races, each with a shield and sword that gave them
sovereignty over the Jinns. To Solomon himself
belonged the magic ring which revealed to him the
past, the present, and the future. Because he
stayed his march at the hour of prayer instead of
riding on with his horsemen God gave him the
winds as a chariot, and the birds flew over him,
making a perpetual canopy. The demons in their
spite wrote books of magic In his name, but he,
being ware of it, seised them and placed them
under his thione, where they remained till his
death, and tnen the demons again got hoiu of them
and scattered them abroad (D'Herbvlot, >. v. '• So-
liman ben Daoud ;" Koran, Sur. 21). The vn.it of
the Queen of Sheba furnished some three or four
romances. The Koran (Sur. 27) narrates her visit,
her wonder, her conversion to the Islam, which
Solomon professed. She appears under three dif-
Alraebld and other (Mental kings, at times laid aside
the trappings of royalty, and plunged Into the other
extreme of social life, that so he might gain the excite-
ment of a fresh sensation.
• " A taste for pleasure Is extinguished In the King's
heart (Louis XIV.). Age sod devotion have taught bun
to make serious reflections on the vanity of everything he
was formerly foud of" (Mme. de Malntenon's Lcttert, tot),
' How deeply this question entered Into the hearts ol
Mediaeval thinkers, and in what way the noble*', of them
all decided It, we read in the JHvina Cem m ti ia
* 1st quints luce ch'e tra not put bells
Splra dl tal amor, cue tttto 11 mondo
laggiu ne gola dl sapsr novella."
ro i o ii m , %. log.
The ■ splra dl tal amor" refers, of course, to the Song of
Solomon.
f The name or a well-known plant, Solomon's tesj
(CvnsaUaria MvjalU), perpetuates the old beUaf.
1354
SOLOMON
fermt nan.es, Kicaule (Calmet, Diet. i. e.)» JC*Htis
(D"H«rbelot. >. «■.}, Makeda (Pineda, T. 14). The
Arabs claim her as belonging to Yemen, toe Ethi-
opians as coming from Meroe. In each form of the
story a son it born to her, which calls Solomon its
lather, in the Arab version Meilekh, in the Ethiopian
David after his grandfather, the ancestor of a long
line of Ethiopian king* (Lodolf, Hilt. Atthiop. ii. 3,
4, 5). Twelve thousand Hebrews accompanied her
on her return home, and from them were descended
the Jews of Ethiopia, and the great Prester John
(Presbyter Joannes) of mediaeval travellers (D'Her-
belot, /. c. ; Pineda, /. e. ; Corylua, Dim. de regina
Auetr. in Menthen's Thesaurus, i.). She bronght
to Solomon the self-same gifts which the Magi
afterwards brought to Christ. [Maoi.] One at
least of the hard questions with which she came
was rescued from oblivion. Fair boys and sturdy
girls were dressed up by her exactly alike so that
no eye could distinguish them. The king placed
water before them and bode them wash, and then
when the boys scrubbed their faces and the girls
stroked them softly, he made out which were which
(Glycas, Annul, in Fabriciua, (. c). Versions of these
and other legends are to be found also in Weil, Bibt.
Legend*, p. 171 ; FUrst, PerleneclmMre, c. 36.
(3.) The fame of Solomon spread northward and
eastward to Persia. At Shirat they showed the
ifeder-Suleiman, or tomb of Bath-eheba, said that
Peraepolis had been built by the Jima at his com-
mand, and pointed to the Takht-i-Suleiman (Solo-
mon's throne) in proof. Through their spells too
he made his wonderful journey, breakfasting at Per-
wpolis, dining at Baal-bec, supping at Jerusalem
(Chardin, iii. 1S5, 143 ; Ouseley, ii. 41, 437).
Persian literature, while it had no single life of
Diirid, boasted of countless histories of Solomon,
one, the Suleiman- Nameh. in eighty looks, ascribed
to the poet Firdousi (D'Heibelot, {. e. ; Chardin, iii.
198). In popular belief he was confounded with
the great Persian hero, Djemschid (Ouseley, ii. 64).
(4.) As might be expected, the legends appeared
in their coarsest and basest form in Europe, losing
all their poetry, the mere appendages of the mnst
detestable of Apocrypha, Books of Magic, a Hygro-
manteia, a Contradictio Salomonis (whatever that
may be) condemned by Gelasius, Incantationea,
(,'lavicula, and the like.* One pseudonymous work
has a somewhat higher character, the Psalterium
SaOimonis, altogether without merit, a mere cento
from the Psalms of David, but not otherwise
oflenaire (Fabridus, i. 917 ; Tregellts, Introd. to
N. T. p. 154), and therefore attached sometimes.
as in the great Alexandrian Codex, to the sacred
volume. One strange story meets us from the om-
nivorous Note- book of Beds. Solomon did repent,
and iu his contrition he offered himself to the San-
hedrim, doing penance, and they scourged him five
times with rods, and then he travelled in sackcloth
through the cities of Israel, saying as he went
Give alms to Solomon (Bede, de Salom. ap. Pineda).
VIII. New Testament. — We pass from this wild
b Two of these strange books have been reprinted tn
facsimile by eViUble (A"Iostar, v.). The t'temntfa Salo-
Monif PsctjManlica consists of Incantations made op of
Hebrew words ; and the mightiest spall of the enchanter
la the siff&un SaUmonU, engraved wlih Hebrew cha-
racters, s-ch as might have been banded down through
a long roocessim of Jewish exorcists. It is singular
(unless this too was part of the imposture) that both ths
booto profess to be published with the special licence of
IVpes Julius II snd Alexander VI. Was this the form
SOLOMON'S SKBVANTS
farrago of Jewish and other tables, to that which
presents the most entire contrast to them. The
teaching of the N. T. adds nothing to the materials
for a life of Solomon. It enables us to take the
truest measure of it. The ♦— «*■»»; of the Son of
Man passes sentence on all that kingiy potr-p. It
declares that in the humblest work of God, in the
lilies of the field, there is a grace and beauty inex-
haustible, so that even " Solomon in all his glory
waa not arrayed like one of these" (Matt. vi. 29).'
It presents to us the perfect pattern of a growth in
wisdom, like, and yet unlike his, taking, in the eyes
of men, a leas varied range ; but deeper, truer,
purer, because united with purity, victory over
temptation, self-sacrifice, the true large-heartedness
of sympathy with ail men. On the lowest view
which serious thinkers have ever taken of the life
of Jesus of Nataretb, they have owned that there
was in Him one " greater than Solomon " (Matt
xii. 42). The historical Son of David, ideally •
type of the Christ that waa to come, was in hia
actual life, the most strangely contrasted. It wits
reserved for the true, the later Son of David, to
fulfil the prophetic yearnings which had gathered
round the birth of the earlier. He was the true
ShSlomoh, the prince of peace, the true Jedid-jah,
the well-beloved of the Father. [K. H. P.]
SOLOMON'S POBCH. [Palace.]
SOLOMON'S SKBVANTS (Childrkx or)
(flfc>V HIP »33 : vlol'A&vvtKfiA, Exr. ii. 58 ;
viol SovKar SaAattusV, Exr. ii. 55 ; Neb. vii. 57,
60 : filH anrorum Salomona). The persons thus
named appear in the lists of the exiles who returned
from the Captivity. They occupy all bat the lowest
places in those lists, and their position indicates
some connexion with the services of the Temple.
First come the priests, then Levites, then Ntthinim,
then "the children of Solomon's servants." In
the Greek of 1 Eadr. v. 33, 35, the order is the
same, but instead of Nethinim we meet with
fepooovAot, "servants'* or "ministers,'' of the
Temple. In the absence of any definite state-
ment as to their office we are left to conjecture and
inference. (1.) The name, as well as the order,
implies inferiority even to the Nethinim. They
are the descendants of the stews of Solomon. The
servitude of the Nethinim, "ovbsn to the Lord,'' waa
softened by the idea of dedication. [NETnrjnx.~]
(2.) The starting point of their history is to be
found probahly in 1 K. Y. 13, 14, ix. 20, 21 ;
2 Chr. viii. 7, 8. Canaanltes, who had been living
till then with a certain measure of freedom, were
reduced by Solomon to the helot state, and com-
pelled to labour in the king's stone-quarries, ami
in building hit palaces and cities. To some extent.
indeed, the change had been effected under David,
but it appears to have been then conieccec,
specially with the Temple, and the servitude under
his successor was at once harder and more extended
(1 Chr. xxii. 2). (3.) The last passage thiowa
or Hebrew literature which they wen
courage f
1 A pleasant Persian apologue teaching a rjke lesson
dee m le a to be rescued from the mass of tames. Tbeldns]
of Israel met one day the king of the ants, took ths tnwiu
on bis band, and held converse with It, asking, Oraesoa.
Ilka, " Am Dot I the mightiest and most glorious of men ?■•
- Not so," replied the ant-king, • Thou sttteat on a tht m
of gold, but I make thy hand my throne, am) lbs* sax
greater than thou " (Chardin, III. p. IMV
SOLOMON'S BONO
•■me light on their special office. The Nethinim,
as in the case of the Gibconites, were appointed
to be hewen of wood (Josh. ix. 23), and this
wai enough for the service* of the Tabernacle.
For the construction and repairs of the Temple
another kind of labour was required, and the new
•lares were set to the work of hewing and squar-
„ig (tones (1 K. r. 17, 18). Their descendants
appear to have formed a distinct order, inheriting
probably the same functions and the same skill.
The prominence which the erection of a new Temple
on their retain from Babylon would give to their
work, accounts for the special mention of them in
the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah. Like the Ne-
thinim, they were in the position of proselytes,
outwardly conforming to the Jewish ritual, though
belonging to the hated race, and, even in their
names, bearing traces of their origin (Ear. ii. 56-58).
Like them, too, the grant mass must either hare
perished, or given up their position, or remained
at Babylon. The d92 of Ezr. ii. 55 (Nethinim in-
eluded) must hare been but a small fragment of the
leacendants of the 150,000 employed by Solomon
(1 K. t. 15). [E. H. P.]
SOLOMON'S BONO. [Canticles,]
SOLOMON, WISDOM OF. [Wisdom,
Book or.]
SON.* The term "son" is used in Scripture
language to imply almost any kind of descent or
asicoaaiaa, as 6m sltanah, " son of a year," 1. ». a
rear old, ben kesheth, " son of a bow," i.e. tit arrow.
The word bar is often found in N. T. in composi-
tion, as Bsr-timaeus. [Children.] [H. W. P.]
SON OF GOD (iifti «so5),» the Second Person
of the Ever-blessed Trinity, who is coequal, co-
eternal, and consubstantial with the Father; and
who took the nature of man in the womb of the
Blessed Virgin Mary, and as Man bears the name
of Jxsr/8, or Saviour, and who proved Himself to
be the Messiah or Christ, the Prophet, Priest,
md King of all true Israelites, the seed of faithful
Abraham, the universal Church of God.
The title Son Of Goo was gradually revealed to
the world in this its full and highest significance.
In the Book of Genesis the term occurs in the
plural number, "Sons of God," DV^KiT-'ja
(Gen. ri. 2, 4), and there the appellation is ap-
plied to the potentates of the earth, and to those
who were set in authority over others (according
to the exposition in Cyril Alex. Adv. Julian, p.
296, and Adv. Anthropomorph. c. 17), or (as some
bare held) the eons of the family of Seth— those
who had been most distinguished by piety and
virtue. la Job i. 6, and ii. 1, this title, " Sous of
God," is need as a designation of the Angels. In
Psalm lxxxii. 6, " I hare said, ye are gods ; and
•• aim all sons of the Highest" (|TO|* »M), Hie
title is explained by Theodoret and others to signify
those persons whom God invests with a portion of
His own dignity and authority as rulers of His
people, and who have clearer revelations of His
will, as our Lord intimates (John x. 35); and
HON OF OOD
1365
»l.\&:wUnJWmi Iron .133,-1
SXXW.T).
a, 13, from *nB, ■purs;'* v*cm»;
Bill).
t>TTs«mJi»^;j>sisr.
(ses Jer.
(Prov,
therefore the children of Israel, the favoured poop's
of God, are specially called collectively, by God,
His Son (Ex. iv. 22, 23 ; Hos. xi. 1).
But, in a still higher sense, that title is spplied
by God to His only Son, begotten by eternal gene-
ration (see Ps. ii. 7), as interpreted in the Epistle
to the Hebrews (i. 5, v. 5) ; the word DVn.
" to-day," in that passage, being expressive of the
act of God, with whom is no yesterday, nor to-
morrow. " In aetemo nee praeteritum est, nee
futurum, Bed perpetuum hodie " (Luther). That
text evidently refers to the Messiah, who is crowned
and anointed as King by God (Ps. ii. 2,6), although
resisted by men, Ps. ii. 21, 23, compared with
Acts iv. 25-27, where that text is applied by St.
Peter to the crucifixion of Christ and His subse-
quent exaltation ; and the same Psalm is also re-
ferred to Christ by St. Paul, when preaching in
the Jewish synagogue at Antioch in Piwdia (Acts
xiii. 33) ; whence it may be inferred that the Jews
might have learnt from their own Scriptures that
the Messiah is in a special sense the Son of God ;
and this is allowed by Msimonides in Porta Hosts,
ed. Pococke, p. 160,239. This truth might hare
been deduced by logical inference from the Old Testa-
ment, bat in no passage of the Hebrew Scriptures
is the Messiah clearly and explicitly designated by
the title " Son of God." The words, " The form
of the fourth is like the Son of God," are in the
Chaldee portion of the Book of Daniel (Dan. Hi. 25),
and were uttered by a heathen and Idolatrous king,
Nebuchadnezzar, and cannot therefore be understood
as expressing a clear appreciation, on the part of
the speaker, of the divinity of the Messiah, although
we may readily agios that, like CaUvphas and Pilate,
the king of Babylon, especially ss lie was perhaps
in habits of intercourse with Daniel, may hare de-
livered a true prophecy concerning Christ.
We are now brought to the question, whether the
Jews, in our Lord's age, generally believed that the
Messiah, or Christ, was also the Son of God in the
highest sense of the term, viz. ss a Divine Person,
coequal, coeteraal, and consubstsntial with the
Father?
That the Jews entertained the opinion that the
Messiah would be the Son of God, in the nbordi-
note senses of the term already specified (rii. as a
holy person, and ss invested with great power by
God,, cannot be doubted; but the point at issue
is, whether they supposed that the Messiah would
be what the Universal Church believes Jesus Christ
to be? Did they believe (as some learned persons
suppose they did) thut the terms Messiah and Son
of God are " equivalent and inseparable " ?
It cannot be denied that the Jews ought to hare
deduced the doctrine of the Messiah's divinity from
their own Scriptures, especially from such texts ss
Psalm xlv. 6, 7, " Thy throne, Qud, is for era
and ever ; the sceptre of Thy kingdom is a right
sceptre. Thou lorest righteousness and hatast
wickedness ; therefore God, Thy God, anointed Thee
with the oil of gladness above Thy fellows;" a text
to which the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews
♦. TTJ; TsVrsjw; s*trja; asms.
*• r?; •»«>»>«; J
6. jfaD, Uksai
i, i.e. as
» Tbe'present article, In conji'nctlon with that sf
Savkxta, forms the supplement to lbs Ufs of our Lor*
[bsa J sacs Ciuust, vol L p. 103S.J
1356
SON OF GOD
appeals (Hrb. i. 8); and the doctrine of the Mes-
siah's Godhead might also hare been inferred from
such texts as Isaiah ix. 6, " Unto us a Child is.
sora, unto us a Son is given .... and His name
shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor, the Mighty
Ood;" and vii. 14, " Behold a Virgin shall con-
ceive and bear a Son, and shall call His name
Immanuel" (with us, God) ; and from Jer. xxiii. 5,
*' Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, that I will
raise unto David a righteous Branch, and a King
shall reign and prosper . . . ; and this is the name
whereby He shall be called, the Lord (Jehovah)
our Righteousness ;" and from Hicah v. 2, " Out
of thee (Bethlehem Ephratah) shall He come forth
unto me that is to be liuler in Israel, whose goings
forth hare been from of old, from everlasting; '
and from Zech. xi," 13, " And the Lcrd said unto
me, Cast it unto the potter : a goodly price that I
was prised at of them."
But the question is not, whether the Jews might
not and ought not to have inferred the Divine Son-
ship of the Messiah from their own Scriptures, but
whether, for the most part, they really did deduce
that doctrine from those Scriptures? They ought
doubtless to hare been prepared by those Scriptures
for a suffering Messiah ; but this we k iow was not
the cane, and the Cross of Christ was to them a
stumbling-block (1 Cor. i. 23) ; and one of the
strongest objections which they raised against the
Christians was that they worshipped a man who
died a death which is declared to be an accursed
one in the Law of Moses, which was delivered by
God Himself (Deut. xri. 23).
May it not also be true, that the Jews of our
Lord's age failed likewise of attaining to the true
sense of their own Scriptures, in the opposite direc-
tion ? May it not also be true, that they did not
acknowledge the Divine Sonship of the Messiah, and
that they were not prepared to admit the claims of
one who asserted Himself to be the Christ, and also
affirmed Himself to be the Son of God, coequal with
the Father?
In looking at this question d priori, it must be
remembered that the Hebrew Scriptures declare in
the strongest and most explicit terms the Divine
Unity. " Hear, Israel, the Lord our God is
one Lord " (Deut. vi. 4), this is the solemn decla-
ration whirh the Jews recite daily, morning and
•vening (see Mishnah, Barachoth, chap. i.). They
regardel themselves as set apart from all the
nations of earth to be a witness of God's unity,
and to protest against the polytheism of the rest
of mankind. And having suffered severe chastise-
ments iu the Babylonish Captivity for their own
idolatries, they shrunk — and still shrink— with fear
and abhorrence from everything that might seem
in any degree to trench upon the doctrine of the
unity of the Godhead.
To this consideration we must add, a posteriori,
the external evidence derived from the testimony of
ancient writers who lived near to our Lord's age.
Trypho, the learned Jew, who debated with
Justin Martyr at Kphesus about A.M. 150, on the
points of controversy between the Jews and Chris-
tians expressly stutes, " that it seems to him not
only paradoxical but silly C/iftyoV), to say that the
Messiah, or Christ, pre-existed from eternity as God,
and that He condescended to be born as man, and "
— Trypho explodes the notion — that Christ is •' not
'ten of man " (Justin M. Dialog, a. Dry-
vol. ii. p. 154, ad. Otto, Jeu. 1342).
net assertion on the part of the Jew
BON OF GOD
that the Messiah is merely man; and here aba
is a denial of the Christian doctrine, that lit at
God, pre-e=uting from eternity, and took the nature
of man. In the same Dialogue the Jewish inter-
locutor, Trypho, approves the tenets of the Ebtonits.
heretics, who asserted that the Christ was a mere
man (fiAst aXrpanror), and adds this remarkable
declaration : " all we (Jews) expect that the Messiah
will come as a man from man (i. *. from human
parents), and that Elias will anoint Him when He
is come" (rdrre* 4m*<> ▼•* XP tVT0 " '*""
Bpttxer if ar8 pdrmr Tpo<roV>ira/i«' y*r4r
treatat, (tol tor 'HAiar xpleai airrbr iKtirra,
Trypho Judaeus ap. Justin M. Dialog. §49, p.
156). And in $54, St. Justin Martyr, speaking in
the name of the Christian believers, combats that
assertion, and affirms that the Hebrew prophecies
themselves, to which he appeals, testify that the
Messiah Is not a man bom of man, according to the
ordinary manner of human generation, •swosrs-os
i( avDoAnm Kara to Kourbr rSv krtp&nr •ytr-
rnStls. And there is a remarkable passage in a sub-
sequent portion of the same dialogue, where Justin
says, " If, Trypho, ye understood who He is that
is sometimes called the Messenger of mighty counsel,
and a Man by Ezekiel, and designated as the Son of
Man by Daniel, and as a Child by Isaiah, and the
Messiah and God by Daniel, and a Stone by many,
and Wisdom by Solomon, and a Star by Moses, and
the Day-spring by Zechariah, and who is repre-
sented ss suffering, by Isaiah, and is called by aim
a Rod, and a Flower and Corner Stone, and the Son
of God, you would not have spoken blasphemy
against Him, who is already come, and who has
been born, and has suffered, and has ascended into
heaven and will come again " (Justin M. a. Try-
phon. §126, p. 409), and Justin affirms that he
has proved, against the Jews, that " Christ, who is
the Lord and God, and Son of God," appeared to
their Fathers, the Patriarchs, in various forms,
under the old dispensation (§128, p. 425). Com-
pare the authorities in Dorner, On the Person of
Christ, i. pp. 265-271, Engl, transl.
In the middle of the third century, Origen wrote
his apologetic work in defence of Christianity against
Celsus, the Epicurean, and in various places of that
treatise he recites the allegations of the Jews against
the Gospel. In one passage, when Celsus, speaking
in the person of a Jew, had said that one of the
Hebrew prophets had predicted that the Son of God
would come to judge the righteous and to punish
the wicked, Origen rejoins, that such a notion is
most improperly ascribed to a Jew ; inasmuch as the
Jews did indeed look for a Messiah, but not as the Son
of God. M No Jew," he says, *' would allow mat
any prophet ever said that a Son of God would
come; but what the Jews do say, is, that the
Christ of God will come ; and they often dispute
with us Christians, ss to this very question for
instance, concerning the Son of God, on the plea that
no such Person exists or wss ever foretold " (Origen,
Adv. Celt. i. §49, vol. i. p. 365, B., see p. 38
and p. 79 ; ed. Spencer and other places, e. g. pp.
22, 30, 51, 62, 71, 82, 110, 136).
In the 4th century Eosebius testified that the
Jews of that age would not accept the title Son of
God as applicable to the Messiah (Euseb. Dtm.
Etang. iv. 1), and in later days they charge Chris-
tians with impiety and blasphemy for derignatirg
Christ by that title (Leootius, Com. JViosn. ii.
Act. ir.).
Lastly, a learned Jew, Orobio, in the 17th
BOX OF GOD
lenturv, in hie conference with Limborch, affirms
[hat if a prophet, or even, if it were possible, the
Messiah Himself, were to work miracles, and ret lay
claim to dinnity, he ought to be put to death by
■toning, as one guilty of blasphemy (Orobio ap.
Umboreh, Arnica Coltalio, p. 295, ed. Goad, 1688).
Hence, therefore, on the whole, there seems to
be sufficient lesson for concluding (with Basnage,
HaUAit da Jvifs, iv. c. 24), that although the
Jews of our Lord's age might have inferred, and
ought to hare inferred, from their own Scriptures,
that the Messiah, or Christ, would be a Divine
Person, and the Son of God in the highest sense of
the term ; and although some among them, who
were more eulightened than the rest, entertained
that opinion; yet it was uot the popular and ge-
nerally received doctrine among the Jews that the
Messiah would be other than a man, born of human
parents, and not a divine being, and Son of God.
This conclusion reflects much light npon certain
important questions of the Gosjiel History, and
clean* up several difficulties with regard to the evi-
dences of Christianity.
1. It supplies an answer to the question, " Why
was Jesns Christ put to death ? " He was acrused
by the Jews before Pilate as guilty of sedition and
rebellion against the power of Rome (Lake xxiii.
1-5 ; ef. John xix. 12) ; bat it is hardly necessary
to observe that this was a mere pretext, to which
the Jewi resorted for the sake of exasperating the
Roman governor against Him, and even of com-
pelling Pilate, against his will, to condemn Him, in
order that he might not lay himself open to the
charge of " not being Caesar's friend " (John xix.
12) ; whereas, if oar Lord had really announced an
intention of emancipating the Jews from the Roman
yoke, He would hare procured for Himself the fa-
vour and support of the Jewish rulers and people.
Nor does it appear that Jesus Christ was put to
death because He claimed to be the Christ The
Jews were at that time anxiously looking for the
Messiah ; the Pharisees asked the Baptist whether
he was the Christ (John i. 20-25) ; " and all men
mused in their hearts of John whether he were the
Christ, or not" (Luke iii. 15).
On this it may be observed, in passing, that the
people well knew that John the Baptist was the
•on of Zacharias and Elisabeth ; they knew him to
be a mere man, born after the ordinary manner of
human generation ; and ret they all thought it pro-
bable that he might be the Christ.
This circumstance proves, that, according to their
notions, the Christ was not to be a divine person ;
certaiuly not the Son of God, in the Christian sense
of the term. The tame conclusion may be deduced
from the circumstance that the Jews of that age
eagerly welcomed the appearance of those false
Christ* (Matt. xxir. 24), who promised to deliver
them from the Roman yoke, and whom they knew
to be mere men, and who did not claim divine
origin, which they certainly would have done, if the
Christ was generally expected to bo the Son of God.
TVe see also that after the miraculous feeding,
the people were desirous of " making Jesus a King '
(John vi. 15); and after the raising of Lazarus at
Bethany they met Him with enthusiastic accla-
mations, " Hoaauna to the Son of David ; blessed
b He that cometh in the name of the Loid " (Matt.
x«i. 9; Mark xi. V ; John xii. 13). And the eager
end restless facility with which the Jews admitted
the pretentions of almost every fanatical adren-
SON OF GOD
1367
Hirer who professed to be the Messiah at that
period, seems to show that they would bar*
willingly allowed the claims of one who " wrought
many miracles,'' as, even by tne confession of the
chief priests nod Pharisees, Jesus of Nazareth did
(John xi. 47), if He had been content with such
a title as the Jews assigned to their expected
Messiah, namely that of a great Prophet, distin-
guished by mighty works.
We find that when our Lord put to the Phari-
sees this question, " What think ye of Christ,
whose Son is He ? " their answer was not, " He is
the Son of God," but " He is the Son of David ;"
and they could not answer the second question
which He next propounded to them, " How then
doth David, speaking in the Spirit, call Him Lord J'
The reason was. because the Pharisees did not ex-
pect the Messiah to be the Son of God ; and when
He, who is the Messiah, claimed to be God, they
rejected His claim to be the Christ.
The reason, therefore, of His condemnation by
the Jewish Sanhedrim, and of His delivery to Pilate,
for crucifixion, was not that He claimed to be the
Messiah or Christ, but because He asserted Himself
to be much more than that: in a word, because He
claimed to be the Son if God, and to be God.
This is further evident from the words of the
Jews to Pilate, " We hare a law, and by our law
he ought to die, because he made himself the Son
of God " (John xix. 7) ; and from the previous re-
solution of the Jewish Sanhedrim, " Then said they
all. Art thou then the Son of God ? And he said
unto them, Ye say that I am. And they said, What
need we any further witness? for we ourselves
have heard of bis own mouth. And the whole mul-
titude of them arose and led him onto Pilate "
(Luke xxil. 70, 71, xxiii. 1).
In St Matthew's Gospel the question of the High
Priest is as follows : — '• I adjure thee by the living
God, that thou tell us whether thou be the Chi i>t,
the Son of God " (Matt xxri. 63). This question
does not intimate that in the opinion of the HigL
Priest the Christ was the Son of God, but it shows
that Jesus claimed both titles, nod in claiming
them for Himself asserted that the Christ was the
Son of God ; but that this was not the popular
opinion, is evident from the considerations above
stated, and also from His words to St IVier when
the Apostle confessed Him to be the " Christ, the
Son of the living God" (Matt xri. 16) ; He de-
clared that Peter had received this truth, not from
human testimony, but by extraordinary r». elation :
" Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-jona : for flesh and
blood hath not reveaioi it unto thee, but My Father
which is in heaven" (Matt xvi. 17).
It was the claim which He pat forth to be the
Christ and Son of God, that led to our Lord's
condemnation by the unanimous verdict of the
Sanhedrim: "They nil condemned Him to be
guilty of death" (Mark xir. H4 ; Matt rxvi
63-66) ; and the sense in which He claimed to be
Son of God is clear from the narrative of John r. 15.
The Jews sought the more to kill Him because He
not only had broken the Sabbath, but said also that
God was His own Father (vo-repa Xotw $Xryt rev
Mr), making Himself " equal unto God ; " and
when He claimed Divine pie-existence, saying,
"Before Abraham was (iydrero), 1 am, then
took they up stones to cast at him " (John viii.
58, 59); and when He asserted His own unity
with God, " I and the Father are one " — one tni-
stance (tr), not one person (eft)—" then the Jew*
1358
POX OF GOD
took up (tones again to stone him ' ( Tohn x. |
30, 31) i and this is evident again torn their own I
voids, " For a good work we stone thee not, but i
for blasphemy : and because that thou, being a man, |
makest thyself God " ( John z. 33).
Accordingly we find that, after the Ascension, :
the Apostles laboured to brine the Jews to acknow- I
ledge that Jesus was not only the Christ, bat was |
also a Divine Person, even the Lord Jehorah. I
Thns, for example, St. Peter, after the outpouring
of the Holy Ghost on the Day of Pentecost by
Christ, says, " Therefore let all the house of Israel
I.tiow assuredly, that God hath made that same
Jesus, whom ye hare crucified, both Lord K K.iptor, \
Jehovah) and Christ " (Acts ii 36). |
2. Thi* conclusion supplies a convincing proof
of Christ's Godhead. If He is not the Son of God, '
equal with God, then there is no other alternative '
Int that He was guilty of blasphemy ; for He '
claimed " God as His own Father, making Himself
equal with God," ami by doing so He proposed '
Himself as an object of divine worship. And in
that case He would hare rightly been put to
death ; and the Jews in rejecting and killing Him ,
would have been acting in obedience to the Law
of God which commanded than to put to death
any prophet, however distinguished he might be
by the working of miracles, if he were guilty of
blasphemy (Deut. xiii. 1-11); and the crucifixion ,
of Jesus would have been an act of pious zeal on
their part for the honour of God, and would have
commended them to His favour and protection,
whereas we know that it was that act which filled >
the cup of their national guilt and has made them
outcasts from God to this day (Matt xxiii. 32-38 ; ■
Luke xiii. 33-35 ; 1 Thess. ii. IS, 16 ; James v. 6).
When they repent of this sin, and say, M Blessed
((vAe-vnueVof) is be that comet h in the name of
the Lord," and acknowledge Jesus to be Christ i
and the Son of God, coequal with God, then Israel !
shall be saved (Rom. xi. 26).
3. This conclusion also explains the fact — which
might otherwise have perplexed and staggered us i
—that the miracles which Jesus wrought, and
which the Jewa and their rulers acknowledged to i
have been wrought by Him, did not have then-
due influence upon them ; those mighty and mer- J
ciful works did not produce the effect upon them
which they ought to nave produced, and which those
works would have produced, if the Jews and their
rulers had been prepared, as they ought to have
been, by an intelligent study of their own Scrip-
tures, to regaid their expected Messiah aa the Son
of God, coequal with God.
Not being so prepared, they applied to those |
miracles the test supplied by their own law, which >
enjoined tliat, if a prophet an*e among them, and
worked miracles, and endeavoured to draw them
away from the worship of the true God, those
miracles wer- 'o be regauled as trials of their own
stedrastness, and were not to be accepted as proofs
at a divine mission, " but the pmpbet himself was
to be put to death " (Deut. xiii. 1-1 1). The Jews
'n«d our Lord and His miracles by this law. Some
ol the Jews ventured to aay that " Jesus of Kaza-
r*tn was specially in the mind of the Divine
Lawgiver when He framed that law " (see r'agius
on the Chaklee Paraphrase of Deut. xiii., and bis
><ct( on Deut. xriii. 15), and that it was provided
expressly to meet His case. Indeed they do not I
hesitate to say that, in the words of the law* " if !
SON OF GOD
thy brother, the son of thy mother entice face
secretly" (Dent. xliL 6), them was a rrophetac
reference to the case of Jesus, who "said that he
had a human mother, but not a human father,
but was the Son of God and was God" (sat
ragius, (. e.V
Jesus claimed to be the Messiah ; bo.,' ocorchng
to the popular view and preconceived actions ol
the Jews, the Messiah was to be merely a humac
personage, and would not claim to be God and to
be entitled to divine power. Therefore, though
they admitted his miracles to be really wrought,
yet they did not acknowledge the claim grounded
on those miracles to be true, but rather regarded
those miracles as trials of their loyalty to the
One True God, whose prerogatives, they thought,
were infringed and invaded by Him who wrought
those miracles ; and they even ascribed those mh-a
cles to the agency of the Prince of the Devils
(Matt. xii. 24, 27 ; Mark iii. 22 ; Luke xi. 15), and
said that He, who wrought those miracles, had a
devil (John vii. 20, viii. 48), and they called Him
Beelzebub (Matt. x. 25), because they thought that
he was setting Himself in opposition to God.
4. "They all condemned Him to be guilty el
death" (Mark xiv. 64). The Sanhedrim was
unanimous in the sentence of condemnation. This
is remarkable. We cannot suppose that there
were not some conscientious persons in so nu-
merous a body. Indeed, it may readily be allowed
that many of the members of the Sanhedrim were
actuated by an earnest zeal for the honour of God
when they condemned Jesus to death, and that
they did what they did with a view to God's
glory, which they supposed to be disparaged by our
Lord's pretensions ; and that they were guided by
a desire to comply with God's law, which required
them to put to death every one who was guilty of
blasphemy in arrogating to himself the power
which belonged to God.
Hence we may explain our Lord's words on the
cross, " Father, forgive them, for they know not
what they do " (Luke xxiii. 34), " Father, they art
not aware that He whom they are crucifying is
Thy Son :" and St. Peter said at Jerusalem to the
Jews after the crucifixion, " Now, brethren, I wot
that throwjh ignorance ye did it (i. #. rejected and
crucified Christ), aa did also your rulers" (Acta iii.
17) ; and St. Paul declared in the Jewish synagogue
at Anboch in Piaidia, " they that dwell at Jeru-
salem, and their rulers, because they knew Him
not, nor yet the voices of the prophets, which are
read ever]' Sabbath-day, hare fulfilled them in con-
demning Him" (Acta xiii. 27).
Hence it is evident that the predictions of Holy
Scripture may be accomplished before the eyes or
men, while they are unconscious of that fulfilment ;
and that the prophecies may be even accomplished
by persons who have the prophecies in their hands,
and do not know that they are fulfilling them.
Hence also it is clear that men may be guilty of
enormous sins when they are acting according to
their consciences and with a view to God's glory,
and while they hold the Bible in their hands and
hear its voice sounding in their ears {Acts xiii. 27) ;
and that it is therefore of unspeakable importance
not only to hear the words of the Scriptures, but
to mark, learn, and inwardly digest them, with
humility, docility, earnestness, and prayer, in order
to und erst a n d their true meamng.
Therefore the Christian student zee greet reason
BON OF GOD
to thaak God that He has given in the ivsw Testa- 1
meat a divinely-inspired interpretation of the Old
Testament, and also has bent the Holy Spirit to
(each the Apostles all things (John xiv. 26), to
abide for ever with His Church (John xiv. 16),
the body of Christ (Col. i. 24), which He has
made to be the pillar and ground of truth (1 Tim.
iii. 15), and on whose interpretations, embodied in
the creeds generally received among Christians, we
may safely rely, as declaring the true sense of the
Bible.
If the Jews and their rulers had not been swayed
by prejudice, but in a careful, candid, and humble
spirii had considered the evidence before them, they
would have known that their promised Messiah was
to be the Son of God, coequal with God, and that
He was revealed as such in their own Scriptures,
<md thus His miracles would have had their due
effect upon their minds.
5. Those persons who now deny Christ to be the
Sou of God, coequal and coeteraal with the Father,
are followers of the Jews, who, on the plea of zeal
for the Divine Unity, rejected and crucified Jesus,
who churned to be God. Accordingly we find that
the Ebiouites, Cerinthians, Nazarenes, Photinians,
and others who denied Christ's divinity, arose from
the ranks of Judaism (cf. Waterland, Works, v.
340, ed. Oxf. 1823: on these heresies the writer
of this article may perhaps be permitted to refer to
his Introduction to the First Epistle of St. John,
in hi* edition of the Greek Testament). It has been
well remarked by the late Professor Blunt that the
arguments by which the ancient Christian Apo-
logists, such aa Justin Martyr, Tertullian, and
others, confuted the Jews, afford the strongest
armour against the modem Sorinians (see also the
remark of St. Athanasiim, Orat. ii., adv. Arianos,
pp. 377-383, where he compares the Arians to the
Jew*).
The Jews sinned against the comparatively dim
light of the Old Testament: they who have fallen
into their error reject the evidence of both Testa-
ments.
6. lastly, the conclusion stated in this article
supplies a strong argument for the Dirine origin and
truth of Christianity. The doctrine of Christ, tie
Son s/ God as well as Son of Mem, reaches from the
highest pate of Divine glory to the lowest pole of
human suffering. No human mind could ever have
devised such a scheme as that : and when it was
presented to the mind of the Jews, the favoured
people of God, they could not reach to either of
these Wo poles ; they could not mount to the height
of the Divine exaltation in Christ the Son of Ood,
nor descend to the depth of human suffering in
Christ the Son of Man. They invented the theory
of two Messiahs, in order to escape from the ima-
ginary contradiction between a suffering and tri-
•iiBpbfcat Christ; and they rejected the doctrine of
Christ's Godhead in order to cling to a defective
and inucriptural Monotheism. They failed of grasp-
ing the true sense of their own Scriptures in both
respects. But in the Gospel, Jesus Christ, Son of
God and Son of Man, reaches from one pole to the
ether, and fillet* ill m ail (Eph. i. 23). The
Gospel of Christ n». counter to the Jewish zeal
far Monotheism, and incurred the charge of Poly-
theism, by preaching Christ the Son of God, coequal
•>th the Father ; and also contravened and chal-
lenged all the complex awl dominant systems of
V-entile Polytheism, by proclaiming the Divine
SON OF MAN
1369
Unity.
It boldly confronted the Woild, ar>l it hai
Wor
conquered the World ; because " the rxcelteocy of
the power of the Gospel is not of nun, but at
God 1 ' (2 Cor. iv. 7).
The Author of the above article may icfcr for
further confirmation of his statement*, to an ex-
cellent work by the Rev. W. Wilson, B.D., and
Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, entitled
An Illustration of the Method of explaining the
New Testament by the early Opinions of Jews and
Christians concerning Christ, Cambridge, 1797 ;
and to Dr. J. A. Domer's History of the Develop-
ment of the Doctrine of the Person of Christ, of
which an English translation has been printed at
Edinburgh, 1861, 2 vols. ; and to Hagenbach, Dog-
men-Geschiehte, §42, §65, §66, 4te Auflaga,
Leipz. 1857. [C. w!j
BON OF HAN (DIN"!?, and in Chalde*
B0RT3; t vlbt to! artaiwBv, or vlbs artpA-
»ou), the name of the Second Person of the Ever-
blessed Trinity, the Eternal Word, the Everlasting
Son, becoming Incarnate, and so made the Son of
Man, the second Adam, the source of all grace to
all men, united in His mystical body, the Christian
Church.
1. In a general sense every descendant of Adorn
bears the name " Son of Mau " in Holy Scripture,
as in Job xxv, 6 ; Ps. cxliv. 3, cxlvi. 3 ; Is. fi. 12,
Ivi. 2. But in a more restricted signification it is
applied by way of distinction to particular persona.
Thus the prophet Ezekiel is addressed by Almighty
God as Ben-Adam, or " Son of Man," about eighty
times in his prophecies. This title appears to be
assigned to Ezekiel as a memento from God—
fjiifuniao twipmros 6r) — in order that the pro-
phet, who had been permitted to behold the glorious
manifestation of the Godhead, and to hold converse
with the Almighty, and to see visions of futurity,
should not be " exalted above measure by the
abundance of his revelations," but should remember
his own weakness and mortality, and not impute
his prophetic knowledge to himself, but ascribe all
the glory of it to God, and be ready to execute with
meekness and alacrity the duties of his prophetic
office and mission from God to his fellow-men.
2. In a still more emphatic and distinctive sense
the title " Son of Man " is applied in the Old
Testament to the Messiah. And, inasmuch as the
Messiah is revealed in the Old Testament as a
Divine Person and the Son of God (Ps. ii. 7, Unix.
27 ; Is. vii. 14, ix. 6), it is a prophetic pre-announoe-
ment of His incarnation (compare Ps. viii. 4 with
Heb. il. 6, 7, 8, and 1 Cor. xv. 27).
In the Old Testament the Messiah is designated
by this title, " Son of Man," in His royal and judi-
cial character, particularly in the prophecy of Dan.
vii. 13 :— " Behold One like the Son of Man came
with the clouds of heaven, and came to the Ancient
of Days . . . and there was given Him dominion and
glory ... His dominion is an everlasting dominion."
Here the title is not Ben-ish, or Ben-Adam, but
Bar-enosh, which repr e se nts humanity in its greatest
frailty and humility, and is a significant declaration
that the exaltation of Christ in His kingly and
judicial office is due to His previous condescension,
obedience, self-humiliation, and suffering in Hii
human nature (eomp. Phil. ii. 5-11).
The title " !v>n of Man," derived from t>ut pas-
sage of Daniel, is applied by St. Stephen to Christ
in His heavenly exaltation and royal nasjrstj :
1300
SON OF man
" Heboid I see the heavens opened, and the Son ot
Mau standing on the right hand of God " (Acts vii.
56). This title is also applied to Christ by St.
John in th] Apocalypse, describing our Lord's
priestly office, which He executes in heaven (Rev.
1. 13) : " In the midst of the seven golden candle-
rticks" (or golden lamps, which are the emblems
of the churches, i. 20) " one like the Son of Man
clothed with a garment down to the foot" (His
priestly attire) ; " His head and His hairs were
white like wool, as white as snow" (attributes
of divinity ; comp. Dan. vii. 9). St. John al*> in
the Apocalypse (ziv. 14) ascribes the title " Son of
Man to Christ when he displays His kingly and
judicial office: " I looked and beheld a white cloud,
and upon the cloud one sat like unto the Son of
Man, having on His head a golden crown, and in
His hand a sharp sickle " — to reap the harvest of
the earth.
. 3. It is observable that Ezekiel never calls himself
" Son of Man ;" and in the Gospels Christ is never
culled "Son of Man" by the Evangelists; but
wherever that title is applied to Him there, it ia
applied by Hinuelf.
The only passages in the New Testament where
Christ is called " Son of Man " by anyone except
Hinuelf, are those just cited, and they relate to
Him, not in His humiliation upon earth, but in His
heavenly exaltation consequent upon that humilia-
tion. The passage in John xii. 34, " Who is this
Son of Man ? " is an inquiry of the people concern-
ing Him who applied this title to Himself.
The reason of what has been above remarked
seems to be, that, as on the one hand it was expe-
dient for Kzekiel to be reminded of his own hu-
manity, in order that he should not be elated by
his revelations ; and in order that the readers of his
prophecies might bear in mind that the revelations
in them are not due to Ezekiel, but to God the
Holy Ghost, who spake by him (see 2 Pet. i.
21) ; so, on the other hand, it was necessary that
they who saw Christ's miracles, the evidences of
His divinity, and they who read the evangelic his-
tories of them, might indeed adore Him aa God, but
might never forget that He is Man.
4. The two titles " Son of God " and " Son of
Man," declaring that in the one Person of Christ
there are two natures, the nature of God and the
nature of man, joined together, but not confused,
are presented to us in two memorable passages of
the Gospel, which declare the will of Christ that all
men should confess Him to be God and man, and
which proclaim the blessedness of this confession.
(1.) " Whom do men say that I, the Son of Man,
am?" was our Lord's question to His Apostles;
and " Whom ray ye that I am f Simon Peter
.:■-'--■" and ""id, Thou art the Christ, the Son
i>[ the IMng God." Our Lord acknowledged this
agnfsatnia to he true, and to have been revealed
from hwn, ind He blessed him who uttered it:
" [Messed art i liou, Simon Bar-jona . . . " — " Thou
ml. mn of Jmaf, Bnr-jona (onmp. John ixi. 15);
<u«] as truly ai thou art Bar-jona, so truly am I
if.iMTwj.V .-"ii of Man, and Ben-Elohim, Son of
0*4; and M>i father, who is in heaven, hath
i ■■ ,i»> i thil truth unto thee. Blessed is every one
,,. _ ,.. 1 1- .i.;. t ;jth ; for I Myself, Son of God and
' the living Rock on which the
nd he who holds this faith is a
rely atone-, hewn oat of Me the
.•erlssling Rock, and built upon
SON OF MAN
Me" (see the authorities cited in the net* o» Matt.
xvi. lg, in the present writer's edition).
(2.) The other passage, where the two biles
(Son of God and Son of Man; are found in ♦he
Gospels is no less significant. Our I.ord, standing
before Caiaphas and the chief priests, was interro-
gated by the high-priest, " Art thou the Christ, thr
Son of God? " (Matt. xxvi. 63; comp. Mark ziv. 61).
" Art Thou, what Thou daimeet to be, the Mes-
siah? and art Thou, as Thou professest to be, a
Divine Person, the Son of God, the Son of the
Blessed ? " " Jesus saith unto him, Thou aayest it ;
I am " (Matt. zzvi. 64 ; Mark ziv. 62).
But, in order that the high-priest and the council
might not suppose Him to be a Divine Person only,
and not to be also really and truly Man, our 1-ord
added of Hit own accord, " Nevertheless " (vXipr,
beside*, or, as St. Mark has it, col, oXso, in addition
to the avowal of My Divinity) " I say onto you.
Hereafter shall ye see the Son of Man sitting on
the right hand of power, and coming in the duuda
of heaven " (Matt. xxvi. 64 ; Mark xiv. 62). That
is, '• 1 am indeed the Son of God, but do not forget
that I am also the Son of Man. Believe and confess
the true faith, that I, who claim to be the Christ,
am Very God and Very Man."
5. The Jews, io onr Lord's age, were not disposed
to receive either of the troths expr e ss ed in those
words. They were so tenacious of the doctrine el
the Divine Unity (as they understood it), that they
were not willing to accept the assertion that Christ
ia the " Son of God ;" Very God of Very God (see
above, article Son of God), and they were not
disposed to admit that God could become Incarnate,
and that the Son of God could be also the Son of
Man: (see the remarks on this subject by Domer,
On the Person of Christ, Introduction, throughout).
Hence we find that no sooner had our Lord as-
serted these truths, than " the high-priest rent his
clothes, saying. He hath spoken blasphemy. What
think ye? and they all condemned Him to be guilty
of death " (Matt. zzvi. 65, 66 ; Mark ziv. 63, 64).
And when St Stephen had said, " Behold, I see the
heavens opened, and the Son of Man standing on the
right hand of God," then they " cried out with a
loud voice, and stopped their ears, and ran upon hits)
with one accord, and cast him out of the city, and
stoned him " (Acts vii. 57, 58). They could no
longer restrain their rage against him as guilty of
blasphemy, because he asserted that Jesus, who had
claimed to be the Son of God, and who had been
put to death because He mode this assertion, is also
the Son of Man, and was then glorified ; and that
therefore they were mistaken in looking for another
Christ, and that they had been guilty of pitting to
death the Messiah.
6. Here, then, we have a clear view of he diffi-
culties which the Gospel had to overcome, in pn»
claiming Jesus to be the Christ, and to be the Son
of God, and to be the Son of Man ; nod in the
building up of the Christian Church on this founda-
tion. It had to encounter the prejudices of the
whole world, both Jewish and Heathen, in thir
work. It did encounter them, and has triumphw
over them. Here is a proof of its divine origin.
7. If we proceed to analyze the various passage*
in the tiospel where Christ speaks of Himself as tb»
Son of Man, we shall find that they not only teec
the doctrine of tne Incarnation of the Son of Go*
(and thus afford a prophetic protest against th*
heresies which afterwards imowned that doctrine
ton OF MA*
raeh m the heresy of the Doeetae, Valentines, and
Harcioi , who denied that Jeeut Christ too* com* m
the fieth, see on 1 John it. 8, and 2 John 7) ; bat
•hey also declare the consequences of the Incarna-
tion, both in regard to Christ, and in regard al»o to
all mankind.
The consequence! of Christ's Incarnation are de-
raribed In the Gospels, as a capacity of being a
perfect pattern and example of godly life to men
(Phil. ii. 5 j 1 Pet. ii. 21); and of suffer^, of
dying, of " giving His life as a ransom for all," of
being " the propitiation for the sins of the whole
world " (1 John ii. 2, iv. 10), of being the source of
lift and grace, of Divine Sonship (John i. 12), of
Resurrection and Immortality to all the family of
Mankind, as many as receive Him (John iii. 16, 36,
n. 24), and are engrafted into His body, and cleave
to Him by faith and love, and participate in the
Christian sacraments, which derive their virtue and
efficacy from His Incarnation and Death, and which
are the appointed instrument* for conveying and
imparting the benefits of His Incarnation and Death
to as (oomp. John iii. 5, vi. 53), who are " made
partakers of the Divine nature" (2 Pet i. *\ by
virtue of our union with Him who is God and Man.
The infinite value and universal applicability of
the benefit* derivable from the Incarnation and sa-
nrifice of the Son of God are described by oar Lord,
declaring the perfection of the union of the two
■alums, the human nature and the Divine, in His
own person. " No man hath ascended up to
heaven but He that came down from heaven, even
the Son of Man which is in heaven ; and as Moses
lifted up the serpent In the wilderness, even so
must the Sou of Man be lifted up: that whosoever
Vlieveth in Him should not perish, but have eternal
life ; for God so loved the world, that He gave His
only-begotten Sou, that whosoever believeth in
Him should not perish, but have everlasting life ;
for God sent not His Son into the world to condemn
the world ; but that the world through Him might
be saved" (John iii. 13-17); and again, " What
and if ye shall see the Son of Man ascend up where
He was before ?" (John vi. 62, compared with John
i. 1-3).
8. By His perfect obedience in our nature, and by
Hie voluntary submission to death in that nature,
Christ acquired new dignity and glory, due to His
■jhedience and sufferings. This is the dignity and
glory of His mediatorial kingdom ; that kingdom
which He has as God-man, "the only Mediator
between God and man " — (as partaking perfectly of
the nature of both, and as making an At-oiu-ment
between them), " the Man Christ Jesus " (1 Tim.
ii. 5; Heb. it. 15, xii. 24).
It was as Son of Man that He humbled Himself,
it is ss Son of Man that He is exalted ; it was
as Son of Man, born of a woman, that He was
mad* under the Law (Gal. iv. 4), and as Son of
Mao He was Lord of the Sabbath-day (Matt. xii. 8) ;
as Son of Man He suffered lor sins (Matt. xvii. 12 ;
Mark viii. 31), and as Son of Man He has authority
*a earth to forgive sins (Matt. ix. 6). It was as
Son of Man that He had not where to lay His
bead (Matt. viii. 20 ; Luke ix. 58), it is aa Son of
Man that He wears on his head a golden crown
(R*v. xiv. 14); it was aa Son of Man that He was
betrayed into the hands of sinful men, and suffered
i any. things, and was rejected, and condemned and
erjcified (see Matt. xvii. 22, xx. 18, xxvi. 2, 24 ;
Mark viii. 31, ix. 31, z. 33 ; Luke ix. 22, 44,
rviii. 31. xxiv. 7), it is ex Son of Msa that He
rOL. 111.
SON OF HAN
1361
now sir* at the right hajx of God, and a* Son of
Man He will come in the clouds of heaven, with
power sad great glory, in His own glory, ani in
the glory of His Father, and all His holy aigelt
with Hiin, and it is aa Son of Man that He will
" sit on the throne of His glory," and " before Him
will be gathered all nations " (Matt. xvi. 27, xxiv.
30, xxv. 31, 32; Mark xiv. 62; Luke xxi. 27);
and He will send forth His angels to gather His
elect from the four winds (Matt. xxiv. 31), and to root
up the tares from out of His Field, which is the
World (Malt. xiii. 38, 41) ; and to bind them in
brndles to burn them, and to gather His wheat into
His barn (Matt. xiii. 30). It is aa Son of Man
that He will call all from their graves, and summon
them to His judgment-seat, and pronounce their
sentence for everlasting bliss or woe; "for, the
Father judgeth no man, but hath committed all
judgment unto the Son ; ... and hath given Him
authority to execute judgment also, becavte He is
the Son of Man " (John v. 22, 27 ). Only " the pur*
in heart will tee Qod" (Matt. r. 8 ; Heb. xii. 14) ;
but the evil as well a* the good will see their Judge :
" every eye shall see Him " (Rev. i. 7). This is
fit and equitable ; and It is also fit and equitable
that He, who as Son of Man, was judged by the
world, should also judge the world ; and that He
who was rejected openly, and suffered death for
all, should be openly glorified by all, and be exalted
in the eye* of all, as King of kings, and Lord of
lords.
9. Christ is repre s en ted in Scripture as the second
Adam (1 Cor. xv. 45, 47 ; oomp. Bom. v. 14), inas-
much aa He Is the father of the new race of man-
kind ; and, as we are all by nature In Adam, so are
we by grace in Christ ; and " as in Adam all die,
even so in Christ all are made alive" (1 Cor. xv. 22) :
and " If any man be in Christ, he is a new creature
(2 Cor. v. 17 ; Eph. iv. 24); and He, who is the
Son, is also in this respect a father ; and therefore
Isaiah joins both titles in one, " To us a Son is
given ... and His name shall be called the Mighty
God, the Everlasting Father "(Isa.ii. 6). Christ
is the second Adam, as the Father of the new race ;
but.in another respect He is unlike Adam, because
Adam was formed in mature manhood from the
earth ; but Christ, the second Adam, Is Ben-Adam,
the Son of Adam ; and therefore St Luke, writing
specially for the Gentiles, and desirous to show the
universality of the redemption wrought by Christ,
traces His genealogy to Adam (Luke iii. 23-38).
He is Son of Man, inasmuch as he was the Promised
Seed, and was conceived in the womb of the Virgin
Mary, sod took our nature, the nature of n* all,
and became " Emmanuel, God with us" (Matt i.
23), « God manifested in the flesh " (1 Tim. iii. 16).
Thus the new Creation sprung out of the old ; and
He made "all things new" (Kev. xxi. 5). The Son
of God in Eternity became the Son of Man in Time.
He turned back, as it were, the streams of pollution
and of death, flowing in the innumerable channels
of the human family, and introduced into them a
new element the element of lift and health, of
divine inoorruption and immortality ; which would
not have been the case, if He had been merely like
Adam, having an Independent origin, springing by
a separate efflux out of the earth, and had not been
Ben- Adam as well as Bun-EkMn, the Ban of Adam,
as well as the Son of Oed. And this is what St
Pad observes in his coctiu-ison — and contest
between Adam and Christ (Rom. v. 15-18), "Mat,
» was the transgress i on (in Adam) so likawiat was
4 3
1362
SON OF MAR
the free gift ("n Christ). For if (as Is the feci)
the many (i. t. all) died by the transgression of the
one (Adam), much more the grace of God, and the
gift by the grace that ia ot the one Man Jesus
Christ, onrflNred to the ninny ; and not, as by one
who sinned, so is the gift; for the judgment came
from one man to condemnation, but the free gilt
came forth from many transgressions to their state
of justification. For if by the transgression of the
one (Adnra), Death reigned by means of the one,
much more they who receive the abundan<- of
grace and of the gift of righteousness will reigu in
ufe through the one, Jems Christ . . . Thus, where
Sin abounded, Grace did much more abound (Horn.
v. 20) ; for, as, by the disobedience of the one man
(Adam), the many were made sinners, so by the
obedience of the one (Christ), the many were made
righteous. . . ."
10. list benefits accruing to mankind from the
Incarnation of the Son of God are obvious from
these oomiderations : —
We are not so to conceive of Christ as of a Deli-
Terer external to humanity, but as incorporating
numanity in Himself, and uniting it to God ; as
rescuing our nature from Sin, Satan, and Death ;
and aa carrying as through the grave and gate of
death to a glorious immortality ; and bearing man-
kind, His lost sheep, on His shoulders ; as bearing
us and our sins in His own body on the tree
(I Pet. it. 24) ; as bringing us through suffer-
ing to glory ; as raising our nature to a dignity
higher than that of angels ; as exalting us by His
Ascension into heaven ; and as making us to " sit
together with Himself in heavenly places" (F.ph. ii.
6), even at the right band of God. " To him that
overcometh," He says, " will I grant to sit with He
an My throne, even as I also overcame and am set
down with My Father on His throne*' (Kev. iii. 21).
These are the hops* ind privileges which we derive
from the Incarnation of Christ, who ia the Life
(John i. 4, zi. 25, m. 6; 1 John i. 2); from
our filial adoption by God in Him (John i. 12 ;
1 John iii. 1, 2) ; and from our consequent capacity
oi receiving the Spirit of adoption in our hearts
'Gal. iv. 8) ; and from our membership and in-
dwelling in Him, who is the Son of God from all
eternity, and who became, for our sake* .j>4 for our
salvation, the Son of Man, and submitted to the
weakness of our humanity, in order that we might
partake in the glory of His immortality.
11. These conclusions from Holy Scripture hare
been stated clearly by many of the ancient Fathers,
among whom it may suffice to mention S. Irenaeus
< Ut>. Hairnet, iii. 20, p. 247, Grabe) : ^rmrtr
'Xpurrbs) Mptrror v«7 Off' el 700 ph Artprnwot
Oixqe-sr rev irrlwaKov rov drtyxerov, the a>
lisrafwi Oueifln i ixtyr srtfAw rs tl /d) 6 #c»»
itmpHmo rl)» mrrnpiar, lie a* Ptfiaius tc%o-
tur lirrkr *al ef stsj 0vrnw4tn i trtptf
wet ts? ess?, ofo tV ifimrtfin luntrjciir vqr
4s>8apcr(af eeei yip rov jtealrnr 8toi re
nil kripAttov, iik riji Ulta waif emrrepoe* •*-
■fiaVirrei fit 0>iA(cn> col ifiinua ittaripous
nurymytir. And iii. 21, p. 260: " Hie igitur
Kilius Dei, existens Verbum Patris . . . quoniam ex
Marh\ (actus est Filius hominis . . . primitiu res<ir-
rectionis hominis in Seipso faciena, ut quemadmodum
SOKEK. THE VALLEY OF
I Caput returrexil a mortals, sic et reHqnrnn 1
omnis hominis, qui invenitar in vitt . . . re
per compngines et coujunctiones coalesaens, et 1
firmatum augmento Dei" (fph. ir. 16). A ad
S. Cyprian (Zfe fdolorum Yanitate, p. 538, acL
Venet 1758) ■ " Hujos gratis* disciptinaeqae anr
biter et magtster Sevmo (Adyo») «t Fttuu DM
mittitur, qui per prophetas omnes retro Illuminator
et Doctor huirisi generis praedkabatnr. Hie eat
virtus Dd . . . earnem Spiritu Sancto e uup e i— ta?
induitur . . . H.c !>•<« noster. Hie Christns est, qiri
Mediator duorum houiinem indult, qoem perducat
ad Pattern. Quod homo est, ease Christns volrdt,
ut et homo possit esse, quod Christns est," And
S. Auguxtine [Serm. 121) : " Filius Dei facto* eat
Filius hominis, nt vos, qui eratia filii homiiia,
ettioeremini filii Do." fC. W.]
SOOTHSAYEB. [DrvniATioit.]
80TATEB (Urarpos: Sopattr). Scpater
the son of Pyrrhus of Beroea was am ii the com-
panions of St. Paul on hit return from Greece into
Asia, ax he came bark from his third missionary
journey (Acts xx. 4). Whether he is the same with
Sosipnter, mentioned in Rom. xvi. 21, cannot be
positively determined. The name of his father.
Pyrrhus, is omitted in the received text, though it
has the authority of the oldest MSS., A, B, D, E,
and the recently discovered Codex Sinsjticas, as well
aa of the Vulgate, Coptic, Sahidic, Philoxenian-
Srriac, Armenian, and Slavonic version. Mill con-
demns it, apparently without reason, as a traditional
gloss. [W.A.W.]
SOPHEB'ETH (JTIBb: Stfiipd, **»*•** ;
Alex. 'Katpopil, SaafeunS: Sopiertt, Bopitntk).
" The children of Sophereth " were a family who
retained from Babylon with Zerubhabel anvMig the
descendants of Solomon's servants (Ext. ii. 55
Neh. vii. 57). Called Azaphion ia 1 Esdr. v. 33.
BOPHONTA8 (Sophoniu). The Prophet Zk-
PHAinAH (2 Esd. i. 40).
SOBOEBEB. [Divikatioh.]
SOKEK, THE VALLEY OF (pjifc* foj :
•'AXffaip^xi " X"P u Vr w,f ""VIX : Pofl»* So-
rec). A wady v .o use the modern Arabic term
which precisely answers to the Hebrew »acW), in
which lay the residence of Dnlilah (Judg. xvi. 4).
It appears to hap been a Philistine place, and poa-
siblv was nenrr Jaxa than any other of the chief
Thilistine cities, since thither Samson was taken
trier his capture at Delilah's house. Beyond this
there are no indications of ita position, nor ia it
mentioned again in the Bible. Kusebius and
Jerome (Onomatt. 'Zmpbx) state that a village
named Capharsorech was shown in their day " on the
north of Eleutheropolis, near the town of Saar (or
Snraa), i. *. Zorah, the native place of Samson."
Zorsh is now supposed to have been fully 10 miles II.
of Beit-Jibrin, the modern representative of Kleu-
therepolis, though it is not impossible that there may
have been a second further south. No trace of the
name of Sorek has been yet discovered either in the
one position or the other.* But the district is corn*
paratively unexplored, and doubtless it will are
long be disc o ve r ed.
The word Sorek in Hebrew signifies a p*ca>
» The AA la «o uonbt the last relic or Na*aA: cenm,
'•la-ASAem ; and Euin, Rrvia,
k at Ta* 4s VsMe {Mem. 3H) pratoss the «rae>
SitMtM, which now frm osstr BtUJibmi
batthtohandr f« to to men cotyrx-t***.
H08EPATEB
Barty choice kind of riot, which it said to' have
•Wived its name from the dusky colour of it»
napes, that ueihaps being the mowing of the root
(Geseniue, The*. 13+2). J t occurs in three passages
of the Old Test. (Is. v. 2 ; Jer. ii. 21 ; and, with
a modification, in Geo. xlix. «ll). It appears to be
need in modern Arabic for a certain purple grape,
grown m Syria, and highly esteemed; which is
noted for its small raisins, and minute, soft pipe,
and produces a red wine. This being the case, the
valley of Sorek may have derived its name from the
growth of such vines, though it is hardly safe to
affirm the fact in the unquestioning manner in
which tieseaius {The*, ib.) does. Ascalon was
celebrated among the ancients for its wine; and,
though not in the neighbourhood of Zorah, was the
c^tural port by which any of the productions of
that district would be exported to the west. [G.]
SOSIPATEB. (JWwrfwarooi: Sosjpaier.) 1.
A general of Jndas Maccabaeua, who in conjunction
with Dositheus defeated Timothens and took him
prisoner, e. B.C. 164 (2 Mace. xii. 19-24).
2. Kinsman or fellow tribesman of St. Paul,
mentioned in the salutations at the end of the
Epistle to the Romans (ivi. 21). He is probably
the same person as Sopater of Beiuea. [B. F. W.J
808THENES CWeVnit: Sotthena) was a
Jew at Corinth, who was seised and beaten in the
presence of Gallio, on the refusal of the latter to
entertain the charge of heresy which the Jews alleged
against the Apostle Paul (see Acts zviii. 12-17).
His precise oonnexion with that affair is left in some
doubt. Some have thought that he was a Christian,
and was maltreated thus by his own countrymen,
because he wna known as a special friend of Paul.
But it is improbable if Sosthenes wasa believer, that
Luke would mention him merely as " the ruler of
the synagogue" (Aa%iov rd yiyo»). without any al-
lusion to hie change of faith. A better view is, that
Sosthenes was one of the bigoted Jews ; and that
** the crowd " (rirrts simply, and not wivrts ei
'EAAwrar, it the true reading) were Greeks who,
taking adrantage of the indifference of Gallio, and
ever ready to show their contempt of the Jews,
turned their indignation against Sosthenes. In this
ease be must have been the s *Lor of Crispus
(Acts xviii. 8) as chief of the synagogue (possibly
a colleague with him, in the looser sense of dpx>-
rvr i ywyot, as in Mark v. 22), or, as Biscoe con-
jectures, may have belonged to > tie other syna-
gogue at Corinth. Chrysostom's no, ion that Crispus
ami Sosthenes were names of the same person, is
arbitrary and unsupported.
Paul wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians
jointly m his own name and that of a certain Sos-
thenes whom he terms "the brother" (1 Cor.
i i. 1). The mode of designation implies that he
was well known to the Corinthians ; and some have
held that he was identical with the Sosthenes men-
tioned In the Acts. If this be so, he must hare been
converted at a later period (Wetstein, N. Tat. vol.
ii. y. 576), and have been at Ephesus and not at Co-
rinth, whan Paul wrote to the Corinthians. The
name was a common one, and but little stress can be
lad ra that coincidence. Eusebius says (IT. E. i. 12,
§1 i that this Sosthenes (1 Cor. 1. 1) was one of the
seventy disciples, and a later tradition adds that
he became bishop of the church at Colophon in
[H. B. H.]
SOWER. SOWING
1369
• TasAxaMcvcnssswof Uss |
owes' as aprswe* nasaa,
SOS1BATTJ8 CW»T(Krrot: Starrurw), a com-
mander of the Syrian garrison in the Acre at Jrrn
salem (t rqs upowoAsant tmpxot) in the rdga
of Antiochua Epiphanes (c. B.C. 172: 2 Mace. (v.
27,29). [B.K.W1
BOTA1 (*Ote: Xvtoi, 2ovr«t; Alex. *wrief
in Neb.. : Sotcd, Sothal). The children of SotU
were a family of the descendants of Solomon's
servants who returned with Zerubbabd (Ear. ii.
55; Neh. vii. 57).
SOUTH RAH'OTH (333 TfOTts eV -revel
votov ; Alex, ir fra/tat ». : Ramoth ad meridiem).
One of the places frequented by David and his band
of outlaws during the latter part of Saul's life, and to
his friends hi which he showed his gratitude when
opportunity offered (1 Sam. xxx. 27). The towns
mentioned with it show that Ramoth mnst have
been on the southern confines of the country — the
very border of the desert. Bethel, in ver. 27, is
almost certainly not the well-known sanctuary, but
a second of the same name, and Hebron was probably
the moat northern of all the places in the list. It
is no doubt identical with RaaUTH or THE SOCTB,
a name the same in every respect except that by a
dialectical or other change it is made plural, Ra-
moth instead of Kamath. [G.J
SOW. [Swore.]
SOWER, SOWING. The operation of sowing
with the hand is one of so simple a character, as to
need little description. The Egyptian paintings
furnish many illustrations of the mode in which it
was conducted. The sower held the vessel or
basket containing the seed, in his left hand, whilr
with his right he scattered the seed broadens'
(Wilkinson's Anc. Eg. ii. 12, 18, 39 ; see Aoei
CULTURE for one of these paintings). The " draw
ing out " of the seed is noticed, as the most charac-
teristic action of the sower, in Ps. exxvi. 6 (A. V
" precious ") and Am. ix. 18: it is uncertain whe-
ther this expression refers to drawing out the
handft.l of seed from the basket, or to the dispersioc
of the seed in regular rows over the ground (Geaen.
The*, p. 827). In some of the Egyptian paintings
the sower is represented as preceding the plough :
this may be simply the result of bod perspective,
but we are told that such a practice actually pre-
vails in the East in the case of sandy soils, the
plough serving the purpose of the harrow for cover-
ing the aeed (Russell's Aleppo, i. 74). In wet soils
the seed was trodden in by the feet of animals (Is.
xxxii. 20), as represented in Wilkinson's Ana.
Eg. ii. 18. The sowing season commenced in Oc-
tober and continued to the end of February, wheat
beuig put in before, and barley after the beginning
of January (Russell, i. 74). The Mosaic law f ro-
hibited the sowing of mixed seed (Lev. xix. 19 ;
Dent. xxii. 9) : Jostphus ( Ant. iv. 8, §20) supposes
this prohibition to be based on the repugnancy of
nature to intermixture, but there would appear to
be a further object of a moral character, vis. to
impress on men's minds the general lesson of purity.
The regulation offered a favourable opportunity tor
Rabbinical refinement, the results of which are em-
bodied in the treatise of the Mishits, entitled Kilam,
§§1-3. That the ancient Hebrews d:d not consider
themselves prohibited from planting several kinds
of asms in the same field, appears from Is. xxviii-
25. A distinction « made in Lev. xi. 37, 38
between dry and wet seed, in respect to contact
with a corpse ; the latter, sa being more snsteptibk-
431
1384
SPAIN
SPARROW
if coatamination, would be rendered unclean there- IjjVjJ (zerzcw) not only (or the starling. b«t foe
by, tli* former would not- The analogy between ("Jnyother bird with a hsrsh. shrill twitter. '
the germination of seed and the effects of a principle
or a course of action on the human character for
good or for evil is frequently noticed in Scripture
(Prov. zi. 18 : Matt. xiii. 19, 24; 2 Cor. u. 6 ;
C-d. Ti. 7). IW. I. B.]
SPAIN (SwaWa: ffispania). The Hebrews
were aoquaiuted with the position and the mineral
wealth of Spain from the time of Solomon, whose
alliance with the Phoenicians enlai-ged the circle of
their geographical knowledge t: i very great extent:.
[Tabshish.J The local designation, Tarshish, re-
presenting tie Tarteaus of the Greeks, probably
prevailed until the feme of the Roman wars in that
country reached the East, when it was superseded
by its classical name, which is traced back by
Bochart to the Shemitic ttiph&n, " rabbit," and by
Humboldt to the Basque Ezpa»a, descriptive of its
position on the tdge of the continent of Europe
{Diet, of Qng. i. 1074). The Latin form of this
name is represented by the 'Itnarla of 1 Msec. viii.
3 (where, however, some copies exhibit the Greek
fun), and the Greek by the Saws-fa of Rom.
xv. 24, 28. The passages cited contain all the
Bibiical notices of Spain : in the former the con-
quests of the Romans are described in somewLrt
exaggerated terms; for though the Carthaginians
were expelled as early as B.C. 206, the native tribes
were not finally subdued until B.C. 25, and not
until then could it be said with truth that " they
had conquered all the place" (1 Mace. viii. 41. In
the latter, St. Paul announces his intention of visit-
ing Spain. Whether he carried out this intention
is a disputed point connected with his personal
history. [Paul.] The mere intention, however,
impl : es two interesting facts, viz. the establishment
of a Christian community in that country, and this
by means of Hellenistic Jews resident there. We
have no direct testimony to either of these facta ;
but as the Jews had spread along the shores of the
Mediterranean as far as Cyrene in Africa and Rome
in Europe (Acts ii. 10), there would be no difficulty
in assuming that they were also found in the com-
mercial cities of the eastern coast of Spain. The
early introduction of Christianity into that country
is attested by Irenaeus (i. 3) and Tertiillian {adv.
Jud. 7). An inscription, purporting to record t>
persecution of the Spanish Christians in the reign
of Nero, is probably a forgery (GieseWs Eccl.
Bitt. 1. 82, note 5). [W. L. B.]
8PABBOW (TlBX, tapper: term, ipWoW,
r* a-ereweV, orpouflfor : x^l"f» m Neh. v. 18,
where LXX. probably read TB**: oris, eofacru,
passer). The above Heb. word occurs upwards of
forty times in the 0. T. In all passages excepting
two it is rendered by A. V. indifferently " bird " or
" fowl." In Ps. lxxxiv. 3, and Ps. di. 7, A. V.
renders it " sparrow." The Greek Xrpovtior
(" sparrow," A. V.) occurs twice in H. T., Matt.
x. 29, Luke xii. 6, 7, where the Vulg. has pattern.
Tzippir (*ftH X), from a root signifying to " chirp"
or " twitter," appears to be a phonetic repre-
sentation of the call note of any passerine bird.*
Similu-ly the modern Arabs use the term ij&ttj
txasuss) for all small birds which chirp, and
* Ooap, the Arabic jaJtaac C«t/isr% " a sparrow.*
these being evidently phonetic i
TtippoT k therefore exactly translated by the
LXX. e-vpovoW, explained by Moschopulns t4
suapa reV hpvi8mw. although it may sometime*!
have been used in a more restricted sense. Sea
Athen. Dap*, ix. 391, where two kinds of i
91a in the more restricted signification are noted.
It was reserved for lat-r naturalists to discri-
minate the immense variety of the smaller birds of
the passerine order. Excepting in the cases of thai
thrushes and the larks, the natural history of Arf-
stotV scarcely comprehends a longer catalogue than
that of Moses.
Yet in few parts of the world are the species tat
passerine birds more numerous or more abundant
than in Palestine. A very cursory survey has sup-
plied a list of abovo 100 different species of thai
Older. See /M», vol. L p. 26 seqq., and vol. iv.
p. 277 seqq.
But although so numerous, they are Dot ge-
nerally noticeable for any peculiar brilliancy of
plumage beyond the birds of our own climate. In
fiict, with the exception of the denizens of the mighty
forests and fertile alluvial plains of the tropics, it
is a popular error to suppose that the nearer are*
approach the equator, the more gorgeous necessarily
is the coloration of the birds. There are ostein
tropical families with a brilliancy of plumage which
is unrivalled elsewhere ; but any outlying members
of these groups, as for instanoe the kingfisher of
Britain, or the bee-eater and roller of Europe, are
not surpassed in brightness of dress by any of their
southern relations. Ordinarily in the warmer tem-
perate regions, especially in those which like Pales-
tine possess neither dense forests nor morasses, there
Is nothing in the brilliancy of plumage which espe-
cially arrests the attention of the unobservant. It
is therefore no matter for surprise if, in an unscien-
tific age, the smaller birds were generally grouped
indiscriminately under the term tzippir, ipritlo*
or paster. The proportion of bright to obscure
coloured birds is not greater in Palestine than in
England ; and this is especially true of the southern
portion, Judaea, where the wilderness with its bare
hills and arid ravines affords a home chiefly to those
species which rely for safety and concealment on the
modesty and inconspicuousness of their plumage.
Although the common sparrow of England {Pat'
ter domettiom, L.) does not occur in the Holy
Land, its place is abundantly supplied by two very
closely allied Southern species (Paster talidoola,
Vieill., and Passer dtalpina, Tern.). Our English
Tree Sparrow (Passer montanm, L.) is also very
common, and may be seen in numbers on Mount
Olivet, and also about the sacred enclosure of the
mosque of Omar. This is perhaps the exact species
referred to in Ps. lxxxiv. 3, u Yea, the sparrow bath
found an house."
Though in Britain it seldom frequents bouses,
yet in China, to which country its eastward range
extends, Mr. Swinhoe, in his ' Ornithology of Amoy,'
informs us its habits are precisely those of out
familiar house sparrow. Its shyness here may be
the result of persecution ; but in the East the Mus-
sulmans hold in respect any bird which resorts to
their bouses, and In reverence such as build In or.
about the mosques, considering them to be under
the Divine protection. This natural veneration baa
doubtless Uan inherited from antiquity. We learn
from Aelian ( Far. Hitt. v. 17) that the Athenians
8PARBOW
.dndcnmed a nan to death for indenting a narrow
m the temple of Aesculapius. The storf of Aris-
tclcus of Cyme, who rebuked the cowardly advice
of ae oracle of Branchidae to surrender a suppliant,
by his symbolical act of driving the sparrows out
of the temple, illustrates the same sentiment (Herod.
i. 159), which was probably shared by David and
the Israelites, and is alluded to in the Psalm. There
an be no difficulty in interpreting rftnjJD, not as
the altar of sacrifice exclusively, but as the place of
.sacrifice, the sacred enclosure generally, to t«/ic-
swf, " fimum." The interpretation of some com-
mentators, who would explain TtDX in this passage
of certain sacred birds, kept and preserved by the
in the temple like the Sacred Ibis of the
seems to be wholly without warrant.
art. Hi. 21, 23.
Hast of our commoner small birds are found m
Palestine. The starling, chaffinch, greenfinch,
linnet, goldfinch, com bunting, pipits, blackbird,
song thrush, and the various species of wagtail
abound. The woodlark (AJauda arborea, L.),
crested lark (Oaltrida crutata, Boie.), Calandra
lark (MtUmtaorypha caUmdra, Bp.), short-toed
lark (CatmdrwUa brachydactyla, Kaup.), Isabel
lark (Alauda dtxrti, Lieut.), and various other
desert specie*, which are snared in great numbers
for the markets, are far more numerous on the
southern plains than the skylark in England. In
the olive-yards, and among the brushwood of the
hills, the Ortolan bunting (Embtriza hortukma,
l-.\ and especially Cretxschmaer's bunting (£Vno*-
riia eaaia, Crete.), take the place of our common
yellow-hammer, an exclusively northern species.
Indeed, the second is seldom out of the traveller's
sight, hopping before him from bough to bough
with its simple but not nnpleasing note. As most
of our warblers (Sylmadae) are summer migrants,
and have a wide eastern range, it was to be expected
that they should occur in Syria; and accordingly
upwards of twenty of those on the British list have
been noted there, including the robin, redstart, white-
throat, blackcap, nightingale, willow-wren. Dart-
ford warbler, whinchat, and stonechat. Besides
the**, the Palestine lists contain fourteen others,
more southern species, of which the most interesting
are perhaps the little fantail (Cistioola $chomicola,
Bp.), the Orphean (Ourruoa orphaea, Boie.), and
the Sardinian warbler (Syhia mekmooephata,
Lath.).
The chats (Saxioohe), represented in Britain by
the wheatear, whinchat, and stonechat, are very
numerous in the southern parts of the country. At
least nhw species have been observed, and by their
lively motions and the striking contrast of black
and white in the plumage of most of them, they are
the most attractive and conspicuous bird-inhabitants
which catch the eye in the hill country of Judaea,
the rarouriu resort of the genus. Yet they are not
recognised among the Bedouin inhabitants by any
lame to distinguish them from the larks.
The rock sparrow (Petrmia ttuUa, Strickl.) is a
common bird in the barer portions of Palestine,
eschewing woods, and generally to be seen perched
alone on the top of a rock or on any large stone.
From this habit it has been conjectured to be
•he bird alluded to in Ps. en. 7, as " the sparrow
Uat sittetli aione upon the housetop ;" but as the
rook Sparrow, though found among ruins, sever
[♦sorts to inhabited buildings, it seems more pro-
sstle that tin bird to which the palmist alludes is
SPARBOW
1J6.J
the 1 to thrash 'Peiroamyphut eyanem, Bote.),
a bin, so conspicuous that it cannot tail to attract
attention by its dark-blue drew and its plaint in
monotonous note ; and which may frequently be
observed perched on houses and especially on out-
buildings in the villages of Judaea. It is a solitary
bird, eschewing the society of its own species, and
rarely more than a pair are seen together. Certainly
the allusion of the psalmist will not apply to the
sofisblo sod garrulous house- or tree- sparrows.
Among the most conspicuous of the small birds
of Palestine are the shrikes (Lanii), of which the
red-backed shrike (Laaiut collurio, L.) is a familiar
example in the south of England, but there repre-
sented by at least five species, all abundantly and
generally distributed, viz., Enntoctonw rufut, Bp.,
the woodchat shrike, Laaiut nuridionalis, L. ; L.
motor, L. ; L. permmaha, Tem. ; and Ttlephama
oucuSahu, Gr.
There are but two allusions to the singing ot
birds in the Scriptures, Eccles. xii. 4 and Pa. civ. 12,
" By them shall the fowls (J|\j>) of the heaven have
their habitation which sing among the branches."
As the psalmist is here speaking of the sides of
streams and rivers (" By them "), he probably had
in his mind the bulbul (AjjL) of the country, or
Palestine nightingale {Ixcu xaatltopygiut, Hempr.),
a bird not very far removed from the thrush tribe,
and a closely allied species of which is the true
bulbul of Persia and India. This lovely songster,
whose notes, for volume and variety, surpass those
of the nightingale, wanting only the final cadence,
abounds in all the wooded districts of Palestine, and
especially by the banks of the Jordan, where in the
early morning it fills the sir with its music.
In one passage (Ex. xxxix. 4), tzipptr is joined
with the epithet B'Jf (ravenous), which may very
well describe the raven and the crow, both passeima
birds, yet carrion feeders. Nor is it necessary to
stretch the interpretation so as to include raptorial
birds, which are distinguished in Hebrew and Arabic
by so many specific appellation*.
With the exception of the raven tribe, there Is no
prohibition in the Levitical law against any pas-
serine birds being used for food ; while the witntoa
destructiu or extirpation of any special was guard*)
1366
SPARJtOW
against by the humane provision in Dent, xnu 6.
Small birds were therefore probably as ordinary an
article of consumption among the Israelites as they
•till are in the markets both of the Continent and of
tb» East. The inquiry of onr Lord, " Are not five
sp ar r ow s sold for two farthings?" (Lake xii. 6),
" Are net two sparrows sold for a farthing ?"
(Matt. x. 29 j, points to their ordinary exposure for
sale in Hia time. At the present day the markets
of Jerusalem aaa Jaffa are attended by many
" fowlers " who offer for sale long strings of little
birds of rarious species, chiefly sparrows, wagtails,
and larks. These are also frequently sold ready
plucked, trussed in rows of about a dozen on slender
wooden skewers, and are cooked and eaten like
kabobs.
It may well excite surprise how such vast num-
bers can be taken, and how they can be Tended at
a price too small to hare purchased the powder
required for shooting them. But the gun is never
u»ed in their pursuit. The ancient methods of
fowling to which we find so many allusions in
the Scriptures are still pursued, and, though simple,
are none the less effective. The ait of fowling is
spoken of no less than seven times in connexion
with *AB¥, I. g. " a bird caught in the snare,"
"bird hasteth to the snare," "fall in a snare,"
" escaped out of the snare of the fowler." There is
also one still more precise allusion, in Ecclus. xi. 30,
to the well-known practice of using decoy or call
birds, *4pti( IhuwirHlf <V aoprdAAe). The re-
ference in Jer. v. 27, "As a cage is full of
birds " (D'pty), is probably to the same mode of
snaring birds.
There are four or five simple methods of fowling
practised at this day in Palestine which are pro-
bably identical with those alluded to in the 0. T.
The simplest, but by no means the least successful,
among the dexterous Bedouins, is fowling with the
throw-stick. The only weapon used is a short stick,
about 18 inches long; and half an inch in diameter,
and the chase is conducted after the fashion in
which, as we read, the Australian natives pursue
the kangaroo with their boomerang. When the
game has been discovered, which is generally the
red-legged great partridge ( Caccabis aaxatilis, Mey .),
the desert partridge (Ammoperdix Heyi, Gr.), or
toe little bustard (Otis tiinii, L.), the stick is
hurled with a revolving motion so as to strike the
legs of the bird as it runs, or sometimes at a rather
higher elavation, so that when the victim, alarmed
by the approach of the weapon, begins to rise, its
wings are struck and it is slightly disabled. The
fleet pursuers soon come up, and, using their bur-
nouses as a sort of net, catch and at once cut the
throat of the game. The Mussulmans rigidly ob-
arn the Mosaic injunction (Lev. xvii. 13) to spill
the blood of every slain animal on the ground.
This primitive mode of fowling is confined to those
birds which, like the red-legged partridges and bus-
tards, rely for safety chiefly on their running powers,
and are with difficulty induced to take flight. The
writer once witnessed the capture of the little
des ert partridge (Ammoperdix Heyi) by this method
in the wilderness near Hebron: an interesting illus-
tration of the expression in 1 Sam. xxvi. 20, " as
«>a one doth hunt a partridge in the mountains."
A more scientific method of fowling is tout
alluded to in Ecclus. xi. 30, by the use of decoy-
birds. The birds employed for this purpose are very
narefclly trained and prr'ectly tame, that they may
RPARBOW
utter their natural call-note without acy slarm
from the neighbourhood of man. Partridges, quails,
larks, and plovers are uken by this kind of fowling,
especially the two former. The decty-bird, In *
cage, is placed in a oononled position, while the
fowler is secreted in the neighbourhood, near enough
to manage his gins and snares. For game birds s
common method is to construct of brushwood a
narrow run leading to the cage, somet im es using
a sort of bag-net within the brushwood. This has
a trap-door at the entrance, and when the dupe has
entered the run, the door is dropped. Great num-
bers of quail are taken in this manner in spring.
Sometimes, instead of the more elaborate decoy of a
run, a mere cage with an open door is placed in
front of the decoy-bird, of course well concealed by
grass and herbage, and the door is let fall by a
string, as in the other method. For larks and other
smaller birds the decoy is used in a somewhat dif-
ferent manner. The cage is placed without con-
cealment on the ground, and springes, nets, or horse-
hair nooses are laid round it to entangle the feet of
those whom curiosity attracts to the stranger; or
a net is so contrived as to be drawn over them, if
the cage be placed in a thicket or among brushwood.
Immense numbers can be taken by this means in a
very short space of time. Traps, the door of which
overbalances by the weight of the bird, exactly like
the traps used by the shepherds on the Sussex
downs to take wheatesrs and larks, are co nst meted
by the Bedouin bop, and also the horse-hair springes
so familiar to all English schoolboys, though these
devices are not wholesale enough to repay the pro-
fessional fowler. It is to the noose on the ground
that reference is made in Pa. exxjv. 7, " The snare
is broken and we are escaped." In the towns and
gardens great numbers of birds, starlings and others,
are taken tor the markets at night by means of a
Urge loose net on two poles, and a Ian thorn, which
startles the biids from their perch, when th«y fall
into the net
At the season of migration immense numbers of
birds, and especially quails, are taken by a yet more
simple method. When notice has been given of
the arrival of a flight of quails, the whole village
turns out. The birds, fatigued by their long flight,
generally descend to rest in tome open spare a tew
acres in extent. The fowlers, perhaps twenty or
thirty in number, spread themselves in a crrde
round them, and, extending their loose large burw
nouses with both aims before them, gently advance
towards the centre, or to some spot where they
take care there shall be some low brushwood. The
birds, not seeing their pursuers, and only slightly
alarmed by the cloaks spread before them, begin to
run together without taking flight, until they are
hemmed into a very small space. At a given signal
the whole of the pursuers make a din on all aides,
and the flock, not seeing any mode of escape, rush
huddled together into the bushes, when the bur-
nouses are thrown over them, anil the whole are
easily captured by hand.
Although wo have evidence that dogs were axed
by the ancient Egyptians, Assyrians, and Indiana m
the chase, yet there is no allusion in Scripture to
their being so employed among the Jews, nor does
it appear that any of the ancients employed the
sagacity of the dog, as we do that of the pointer and
setter, as on auxiliary in the chase of winged game.
At the present day the Bedouins of Palestine employ,
in the pursuit of larger game, a verv valuable race
of greyhounds, equalling the Scottish lUgbotmd an
BPABl'A
Ac ind strength ; but the inhabitants of J* town*
have a strong prejudice against the unclean animal,
and never cultivate it* instinct for any farther
parposs than that of protecting their houses and
nocks (Is. Ivi. 10; Job xxx. 1), and of removing
the offal from their towns and villages. No wonder,
then, that its use baa been neglected for purposes
which would hare entailed the constant danger of
defilement from an unclean animal, besides the risk
of being compelled to reject as food game which
might be torn by the dogs (cf. Ex. xxii. 31 ; Lev.
xxii. 8, fcc).
Whether falconry was ever employed as a mode
of fowling or not is by no means so clear. Its
antiquity is certainly much greater than the intro-
duction of dogs in the chase of birds ; and from the
statement of Aristotle (ilium. Hist. ix. 24), " In
the ofty of Thraoe formerly called Cedrapolis, men
hunt birds in the marshes with the help of hawks,"
and from the allusion to the use ot falconry in
India, according to Photius' abridgement of Ctesias,
we may presume that the art was known to the
neighbours of the ancient Israelites (see also Aelian,
Silt. An. ir. 26, and Pliny, x. 8). Falconry, how-
ever, requires an open and not very rugged country
for its successful pursuit, and Palestine west of the
Jordan is in its whole extent ill adapted for this
•pedes of chase. At the present day falconry is
practised with much care and skill by the Arab
inhabitant* of Syria, though not in Judaea proper.
It is indeed the favourite amusement of all the
Bedouins of Asia and Africa, and esteemed an ex-
clusively noble sport, only to be indulged in by
wealthy sheiks. The rarest and most valuable
species of hunting falcon (Faloo Lanariut, L.), the
Lanner, if a native of the Lebanon and of the
northern hills of Palestine. It is highly prized by
the inhabitants, and the young are taken from the
neat and sold for a considerable price to the chief-
tains of the Hauran. Forty pounds sterling is no
uncommon price for a well-trained falcon. A de-
scription of falconry as now practised among the
Arabs would be out of place here, as there is
no direct allusion to the subject in the 0. T. or
N.T. [H. B. T.]
8PAKTA Chdpnt, 1 Mace. xir. 16 ; Asucetw-
nonet, 2 Usee v. 9 : A. V. " Lacedaemonians").
In the history of the Maccabees mention is made of
a remarkable correspondence between the Jews and
the Spartans, which has been the subject of much
QMcasiston, The alleged facta are briefly these.
When Jonathan endeavoured to strengthen his
government by foreign alliances (c. B.C. 144), he
sent to Sparta to renew a friendly intercourse which
had been begun at an earlier time between Areus
and Onias [Abeus; Onus], on the ground of
their common descent from Abraham (1 Mace xii.
5-28). The embassy was favourably received, and
after the death of Jonathan " the friendship and
league" was renewed with Simon (1 Mace. xiv.
16-23). No results are deduced frctn this corre-
spondence, which is recorded in the narrative
without comment; and im)«rfect copies of the
official documents are given as in the case of similar
negotiations with the Romans. Several questions
arise sot of these statements as to (1. the people
described under the name Spartans, (2) the rela-
tionship of the Jews and Spartans, (3) the historic
eharaefar ot the events, and (4) the persons referred
to under the names Onias aud Areus.
1. The whole context of the passage, as well as
tie independent riirtnes to the connexion of the
SFABTA
136/
" Lacedaemonians " and Jews in 2 Mace v. 0, seesa
to prove clearly that the reference is to the Spartans,
properly so called ; Josiphas evidently understood
the records in this sense, and the other interpreta-
tions which have been advanced are merely con-
jectures to avoid the supposed difficulties of the
literal interpretation. Thus Michaelis conjectured
that the words in the original text were D'TIBD,
T1BD (Obad. ver. 20 ; Ges. Tha. a. v.), which the
translators read erroneously as 0"U5D, D'ETOD,
and thus substituted Sparta for Sapharad [Sb-
phabad]. And Frankel, again {Monat&tchrift,
1853, p. 456), endeavours to show that the name
Spartans may have been given to the Jewish settle-
ment at Nisibis, the chief centre of the Armenian
Dispersion. But against these hypotheses ft may
be urged conclusively that it is incredible that a
Jewish colony should have been so completely
separated from the mother state as to need to be
reminded of its kindred, and also that the vicissi-
tudes of the government of this strange city ( 1 Mace,
xii. 20, PavtXtis; xiv. 20, Bpxovrei col 4 *o\«)
should have corresponded with those of Sparta
itself.
2. The actual relationship of the Jews and
Spartans (2 Mace. r. 9, avyyiwtia) is an ethno-
logical error, which it is difficult to trace to its
origin. It is possible that the Jews regarded the
Spartans as the representatives of the Pelaagi, the
supposed descendants of Peleg the son of Ebei
(StillingSeet, Origma Sacrae, iii. 4, 15 ;> Ewald,
Qesch. iv. 277, note), just as in another place the
Pergamenea trace back their friendship with the
Jews to a connexion in the time of Abraham (Jos.
Ant. xir. 10, §22) ; if this were so, they might easily
spread their opinion. It is certain, from an inde-
pendent passage, that a Jewish colony existed at
Sparta at an early time (1 Mace. XT. 23) ; and the
important settlement of the Jews in Cyrene may
have contributed to favour the notion of some
intimate connexion between tho two races. The
belief in this relationship appears to have continued
to later times (Jos. B. J. i. 26, §1), and, however
mistaken, may be paralleled by other popular le-
gends of the eastern origin of Greek states. The
various hypotheses proposed to support the truth of
the statement are examined by Wernadorff ( Dt fidi
Lib, Mace. §94), but probably no one now would
maintain it.
8. The incorrectness of the opinion on which ths
intercourse was based is obviously no objection to
the fact of the intercourse itself; and the very
oUcnrity of Sparta at the time makes it extremely
unlikely that any fbiger would invent such an
incident. But it is urged that the letters said to
have been exchanged are evidently not genuine,
since they betray their fictitious origin negatively
by the absence of characteristic forms of expression,
and positively by actual inaccuracies. To this it
may be replied that the Spartan letters (1 Mace, xii
20-23, xiv. 20-23; are extremely brief, and exist
only in a translation of a translation, so that it is
unreasonable to expect that any Doric peculiarities
should hsve been preserved. The Hellenistic trans-
lator of the Hebrew original would naturally render
the text before him without any regard to what might
have been its original form (xii. 22-25, •Isejrw,
rrfjru ; xiv. 20, ittXjpol). On the other hand the
absence of the name of the second king of Sparta
in the first letter (1 Mace. xii. 20), and of both
kings in the second (1 Mace xir. 20), is probably
to be explained by the political circumstances under
U68
SPEABMEN
which the Utters were written. The text of the
flm letter, a given by Joerphui {Ant. xii. 4, §10),
sontains haw variations, end a very remarkable
additional dame at the end. The second letter is
apparently only a fragmmt.
4. The difficulty of tiling the data of the first
correspondence is increased by the recurrence of the
names involved. Two kings bore the name Areua,
oue of whom reigned B.C. 309-265, and the other,
his grandson, died B.C. 257, being only eight years
old. The same name was also borne by an ad-
venturer, who occupied a prominent position at
Sparta, c B.C. 184 (Polyb. xxiii. 11, 12). In
Judaea, again, three high priests bore the name
Onias, the first of whom held office B.C. 330-309
(or 300); the second B.C. 240-226; and the
third e. B.C. 198-171. Thus Onias I. was for a
short time contemporary with Areus I., and the
correspondence has been commonly assigned to them
(Palmer, Vt Epist., etc., DarmsL 1828 ; Grimm, on
1 Mace. xii.). But the position of Judaea at that
time was not such as to make the contraction of
foreign alliances a likely occurrence ; and the special
circumstances which are said to have directed the
attention of the Spartan king to the Jews as likely
to effect a diversion against Demetrius Pohorcetas
when he was engaged in the war with C» sunder,
B.C. 803 (Palmer, quoted by Grimm, /. c.\ are not
completely satisfactory, even if the priesthood of
Onias can be extended to the later data.* This
being so? Josephus is probably correct in fixing the
event in the time of Onias 111. {Ant. xii. 4, §10).
The last-named Areus may have assumed the royal
title, if that is not doe to an exaggerated trans-
lation, and the absence of the name of a second
king is at once explained (Ussher, Annates, a. a
183 ; Herxfeld, Ouch. d. V. Itr. i. 215-218). At
the time when Jonathan and Simon made negoci-
ations with Sparta, the succession of kings had
ceased. The last absolute ruler was Nabis, who
was assassinated in B.O. 192. (Wernsdorff, Ik fide
Lib. Mace. §§93-112; Grimm, I.e.; Herxfeld,
/. c. The early literature of the subject, is given
by Wernsdorff.) [B. F. W.]
SPEAR. [Asms.]
SPEABMEN (SefwAslAw). The word thai
rendered in the A. V. of Acts xxiU. 23 is of very
rare occurrence, and its meaning is extremely
obscure. Our translators allowed the lanetarii of
the Vulgate, and it seems probable that their ren-
dering approximates most nearly to the true mean-
ing. The reading of the Codex Alexandrinus is
oefis/SdXevf, which is literally followed by the
rVehMo-Syrsio, where the word is translated
" darters with the right hand." Lachmann adopts
this reading, which appears also to have been that
of the Arabic in Walton's Polyglot Two hun-
dred tefssAdPet formed part of the escort which
acco m pa ni ed St. Paul in the night-march from
Jerusalem to Caesarea. They are clearly distin-
guished both from the evpanerrai, or heavy-armed
legionaries, who only went as far as Antipatris,
and from the hrvslr, or cavalry, who continued the
Journey to Caesarea. As nothing is ssid of the
return of the oe{ioAa£ei to Jerusalem after their
arrival at Antipatris, we may infer that they
accompanied the cavalry to Caesarea, and this
■ Ewsld (Ooxa. tv. IT*, «T, note) supposes mat lbs
Man- was ad dre ssed to Oulae tt. during Us minority
(a* MO-MO), la the course of the nan with Dsmetrfcs.
SPICK, 8PI0E6
strengthens the supposition thst they seen lit*
gular ".iEht-armed troops, so lightly anae], hatred,
as to be able to keep pace en the march Witt
mounted soldiers. Meyer (Kommentar, n. t
s. 404, 2te Aufl.) conjectures that they war* a
particular kind of light-armed troops (called by
the Romans Vtlitm, or iBorarsV), probably either
javelin-men or slingers. In a passage quoted by
the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenneta (Stem,
i. 1) from John of Philadelphia tbey are dis-
tinguished bom from the archers and tram the
peltasts, or targeteers, and with these are described
as forming a body of light-armed troops, who
in the 10th century were under the command of
an officer called a turmarch. Grotfos, however,
was of opinion that at this late period the term
bad meiely been adopted from the narrative fa
the Acta, and that the usage in the 10th century
is no safe guide to ill true meaning. Others
regard them as body-guards of the governor, and
Meursius, in his Gkuariitm Qraeoo-ta r ba r um,
supposes them to have been a kind of military
Uctors, who had the charge of arresting prisoners ;
but the great number (200) employed is against
both these suppositions. In Sojdas and the Ety-
mologicum Magnum vapo4>vAa( is given as the
equivalent of St (toKiffot. The word occurs again
in one of the Byaantine Historians, Tbeophylactna
Simoeatta (iv. 1), and is used by hint of soldiera
who were employed on skirmishing duty. It is
probable, therefore, that the t*(ieXifioi were tight-
armed troops of some kind, but nothing is certainly
known about them. [W. A. W.J
8PI0E, SPICES. Under this head K will be
desirable to notice the following Hebrew words,
Maim, nicith, and axmman.
1. Bdtim, bam, or tdsem (0(73, 0^3, or
DCS: tfiivpmra, ffvpidsurra: aremata). The
first-named form of the Hebrew terra, which occurs
only in Cant. v. 1, " I have gathered my myrrh
with my spice," points apparently to some definite
substance. In the other places, with the exception
perhaps of Cant. i. IS, vi. 2, the words refer more
generally to sweet aromatic odours, the principal of
which was that of the balsam, or balm of Gilead; the
tree which yields this substance is now generally
admitted to be the Amyrit {Balmamdaidrtm) fo-
bahamum ; though it is probable that other species
of Amyridaoeat are included under the terms.
The identity of the Hebrew name with the Arabic
8 ~~ S »»-
Batham (»L&j) or Solatia f\„\j\ leaven
no reason to doubt that the substances are identical.
The Amyrit opobabamum was observed by Korskai
near Mecca ; it was called by the Arabs JUmtcKmn,
i. e. " very odorous." But whether this was the
same plant that was cultivated in the plains of Je-
richo, and celebrated throughout the world (Pliny,
N. H. xii. 25; Theophrastus, Hilt. Plead, ix. 6 ;
Josephus, Ant. xv. 4, {2 ; Strabo, xvi. 367 ; tie.), it
is difficult to determine; bat being a tropical phut,
it cannot be supposed to have grown except in the
warm valleys of the S. of Palestine. The shrub
mentioned by Borckhardt (7>or. p. 323) as grow-
iLg in gardens near Tiberias, and which he was in-
formed was the balsam, cannot have been the tree
in question. The A. V. never renders Bitim by
" balm;" it gives this word as the representative at
the Hebrew tteri, at ttori [Balm J. The form
Bnem or Bttm, which is of frequent occurrence in
SPICE. SPICES
ibe O. T., »nsy well be represented by the genera]
bmn of " spices," or "sweet odours," in accordance
with the renderings of the LXX. and Vulg. The
barm of Gilead tree grows in some ports of Arabia
and Africa, and is seldom more than fifteen feet
high, with straggling branches ami wanty foliage.
Tba balsam is chiefly obtained from incisions in the
bark, bat the substance is procured also from the
green and ripe berries. The balsam orchards near
Jericho appear to hare existed at the time of Titus
by whose legions they were taken formal possession
of, not no remains of this celebrated plant are now
to be seen in Palestine. (See Seripturt Herbal,
p. 88.)
SPICE, SPICES
1369
Silaa or OUmI {imfru l Wrtn« *
2. JWedM (rtOJ : *vuia/i« . aromata). The
company of Ishmaelitiah merchants to whom Joseph
was sold were on their way from Gilead to Egypt,
with their camels bearing nlcdth. txeri [Balm],
sod lit (ladarum) (Hen. xxxvii. 25); this same
substance was also among the presents which Jacob
sent to Joseph in Egypt (see Gen. xliii. 11). It is
probable from both these passages that nidth, if a
name for some definite substance, wss a product of
Psltttanc, as it is named with other " best fruits of
the land," the lit in the former passage being the
gam of the Cistut oretiau, and not " myiTh," as
the A. V. renders it, [Myrrh.] Vaiious opinions
have been formed as to what nlcith denotes, for
which see Celsius, Hienb. i. 548, and Roaenmuller,
Sonol. in Otn. (I. c); the most probable exflana-
tioo is that which refers the word to the Arabic
note/at (iaxS), «. «. " the gum obtained from the
Tragacanth" (JMragalut), three or four species
of which genus are enumerated as occurring in
Palestine ; see Strand's Flora Palaaima, No. 413-
II*. The gum is a rw'nral exudation from the
trunk and branohts of j* plant, which on being
" exposed to the air grows hard, and is fcrmed
either into lumps or slender pieces curled and
winding like worms, more or lees long acccrding
as matter offers" (Tournefbrt, Voyage, i. 59, <*€
Loud. 1741).
It is uncertain whether the word flM in 2 K.
T
xi. 13 ; Is. xxxix. 2, denotes spice of sny kind. The
A. V, reads in the text " the house of his precious
things," the margin gives " spicery," which has the
support of the Vulg., Aq., and Symm. It is clear
from the passages referred to that Hezekiah possessed
a house or treasury of precious and useful vegetable
production*, and that nidth may in these places
denote, though perhaps not exclusively, Tragacanth
gum. Keil (Comment. I. c) derives the word from
an unused root (JH3, "implevit lcculum"), and
renders it by " treasure."
3. Sanmlm (D'BO: ftvovto, ifiverptit, if-put,
Svplapa : snoot fragrant, boni odoris, grot issnmis,
aromata), A general term to denote those aromatic
substances which were used in the preparation of
the anointing oil, the incense offerings, be. The
root of the word, according to Gesenius, is to be re-
ferred to the Arabic Samm, " olfecit," whenot
Satntm, " an odoriferous substance." For more par-
ticular information on the various aromatic *uh-
stances mentioned in the Bible the reader is referred
to the articles which treat of the different kinds :
Frankincense, Galbanum, Mtrrh, Spike-
nard, Cinnamon, Aw.
The spices mentioned as being used by Nico-
demus for the preparation of our Lord's body (John
xii. 39, 40) are " myrrh and aloes," by which latter
word must be understood, not the aloes of medicine
(Aloe), but the highly-scented wood of the Aqui-
laria agaUochwn (but we ALOES, App. A). Tba
enormous quantity of 100 lbs. weight of which St,
John speaks, baa excited the incredulity of some
authors. Josephus, however, tells us that then
were five hundred spicebearen at Herod's funeral
(Ant. xvii. 8, §3), and in the Talmud it t> aid
1370
SPIDER
that 80 lbs. of opobalsamum wen employed at the
funeral of a certain Itabbi ; still taere u no reason
to conclude that 100 lbs. weight of pure myrrh and
biota was consumed ; the words of the Evangelist
imply a preparation (prypa) in which perhaps the
myrrh and aloes were the principal or most costly
aromatic ingredients; again, it must be i-emem-
oered that Nioodemus was a rich man, and perhaps
was the owner of large stores of precious sub-
stances ; as a constant though timid disciple of our
Lord, he probably did not scruple at any sacrifice
so that he could show his respect for Him. [W. H.]
SPIDER. The representative in the A. V. of
the Hebrew words 'acc&btth and Km&mith.
1. 'AootbhA (B^IpJh &p4x"l : aranta) occurs
in Job Tiii. 14, where of the ungodly (A. V. hypo-
crite) it is said his '• hope shall be cut off, and his
trust shall be the house of an 'aootbtih," and in Is.
liz. 5, where the wicked Jews are allegorically said
to " weave the web of the 'acedbts/i." There is no
doubt of the correctness of our translation in ren-
dering this word " spider." In the two passages
quoted above, allusion is made to the fragile na-
ture of the spider's web, which, though admirably
suited to fulfil all the requirements of the animal,
is yet most easily torn by any violence that may
be offered to it. In the passage in Is. (/. c), how-
ever, there is probably allusion also to the lurking
habits of the spider for his prey : " The wicked
hatch viper's eggs and weave the spider's web . . .
their works are works of iniquity, wasting and de-
struction are in their paths." We have no informa-
tion as to the species of Araneidae that occur in
Palestine, but doubtless this order is abundantly
represented.
2. Sfmimtth (JVDDSV: a-aXaA&Vip : tttUio),
wrongly translated by the A. V. " spider" in Prov.
zxx. 28, the only passage where the word is found,
hiu reference, it is probable, to some kind of lizard
(Bouhart, Hieroz. ii. 510). The SimimWi is men-
tioned by Solomon as one of the four things that are
exceeding clever, though they be little upon earth.
" The Simimta taketh hold with her hands, and
is in kings' palaces." This term exists in the
modern Greek language under the form aafuifur-
tot. "Quem Graeci hodie aafuifurtow vocant,
antiquae Graeciae est «V*-aAa£«rn)S, id est stellio—
quae vox pun Hebraica est et reperitur in Prov.
cap. xxx. 28, JI'DDt?" (Salm-wi Pirn. Exerdt.
p. 817, b. G.). The lizard indicated is evidently
some species of Gecko, some notice of which genus
of animals is given under the article Lizard, where
the LetaJk was referred to the Ptyodactylvt QecJm.
The Stm&mUh U perhaps another species. [W.H.]
SPIKENARD (TU, nird: vipSos: nardm).
We are much indebted to the late lamented Dr.
Royle for helping to clear up the doubts that had
long existed as to what particular plant furnished
the aromatic substance known as " spikenard." Of
this substance mention is made twice in the O. T.,
viz. in Cant. i. 12, where its sweet odour is
xiluizd to, and in iv. 13, 14, where it is enume-
rated with various other aromatic substances
waich were imported at an early age from Arabia
ur ludia and the far East. The ointment with
which our Lord was anointed as He sat at meat in
Htmon'a house at Bethany consisted of this pre-
cious substance, the costliness of which may be
taftrred from the indignant surprise manit'etied by
SPIKENARD
some of the witnesses of the transaction «■* Mara
xiv. 3-5; John xii. 3-5). With this may be
compared Horace, 4 Cam. xii. 16, 17 —
* Nsrdo vtna merebers.
Nsrdi parvus onyx elictet cedum."
Dioecorides speaks of several kinds of rif h t
and gives the names of various substances which
composed the ointment (i. 77). The Hebrew
itsW, according to Gesenius, is of Indian origin,
and signifies the stalk of a plant; hence one of
the Arabic names given by Avicenna as the equi-
valent of nard is imbui, "spies;" cosnp. the
Greek raotsVraxto, and our " aottiniard." But
whatever may be the derivation of the Heb. T1J.
there is no doubt that sunbui is by Arabian
authors used as the representative of the Greek
nardot, as Sir Wm. Jones has shown (Ariat. Sea.
ii. 416). It appears, however, that this great
Oriental scholar was unable to obtain the plant
fi-om which the drug is procured, a wrong plant
having been sent him by Roxburgh. Dr. Koyle
when director of the E. I. Company's botanic
garden at Saharunpore, about 30 miles from the
foot of the Himalayan Mountains, having ascer-
tained that the jatamonaee, one of the Hindu
synonyms for the nmbul, was annually brought
from the mountains overhanging the Ganges and
Jumna rivers down to the plains, purchased some
of these fresh roots and planted them in the
botanic gardens. They produced the same phut
which in 1825 had been described by Don from spe-
cimens sent by Dr. Wallich from Nepal, and named
by him Poirinia jaiamansi (see the Prodromae
Florae Nepalentit, d^c, aooedimt plantae a Wat.
lichio nupernu miaae, Lond. 1825). The iden-
tity of the jatamanti with the Sunbvl hindae of
the Arabs is established beyond a doubt by the
form of a portion of the rough stem of the plant,
which the Arabs describe as being like the tail of
an ermine (see woodcut). This plant, which has
bean called Nardottaohys jatamanm by De Can-
dolle, is evidently the kind of nardot described by
Dioecorides (i. 6) under the name of ytryytTis, i. c.
"the Ganges nard." Diosoorides refers especially
to its having many hnggy {toXvkSuovi) spikes
SPINNING
nag Com one not. It is very interesting to
i that Dioscorides gives the same locality frr
the plant ax is mentioned by Royle, &w6 twos wa-
tmuov wapoMiorm too tpovt, Tiyyov koXov-
sUrov wap' 4 ipitrcu : though he is here speaking
ot' lowland specimens, he also mentions plants ob-
tained from the mountains. [W. H.]
SPINNING (njO: rifiur). The notices of
spinning in the Bible are confined to Ex. iar. 25,
26 ; Matt. vi. 28 ; end Prov. zxxi. 1». The letter
passage implies (according to the A. V.) the use
of the same instruments which hare been in vogue
for hand-spinning down to the present day, via. the
iistafT and spindle. The distaff, however, appears
to hare been dispensed with, and the term* so ren-
dered means the spindle itself, while that rendered
•* spindle " • represents the icnsW (verticilhu, Plin.
Exxvii. 1 1) of the spindle, a button or circular rim
which was affixed to it, and care steadiness to its
circular motion. The " whirl " of the Syrian
women was made of amber in the time of Pliny
(/. c). The spindle was held perpendicularly in
the one hand, while the other was employed in
drawing out the thread. The process is exhibited
in the Egyptian paintings (Wilkinson, ii. 85).
Spinning was the business of women, both among
the Jews (Ex. /. c), and for the most part among
the Egyptians (Wilkinson, ii. 84). [W. L. B.]
BPHUT, THE HOLT. In the 0. T. He is
generally called D'rfat PHI, or rrtnj Ttin, the
Spirit of God, the Spirit of Jehovah ; sometimes
the Holy Spirit of Jehovah, as Ps. Ii. 11 ; Is. lxiii.
10, 1 1 ; or the Good Spirit of Jehovah, as Ps. cxliii.
10 ; Neh. ix. 20. In the N. T. He is generally to
■mvfia re tytor, ot simply to mm/to, the Holy
Spirit, the Spirit; sometimes the Spirit of God, of
the Lord, of Jesus Christ, as in Matt. iii. 16; Acts
T. 9 ; Phil. i. 19, &c
In accordance with what seems to be the general
rule of Divine Revelation, that the knowledge of
heavenly things is given more abundantly and more
clearly in later ages, the person, attributes, and
operations of the Holy Ghost are made known to us
chiefly in the New Testament. And in the light
of such later revelation, words which when heard
by patriarchs and prophets were probably under-
stood imperfectly by them, become full of meaning
to Christians.
In the earliest period of Jewish history the Holy
Spirit was revealed as co-operating in the creation
of the world (Gen. i. 2), as the Source, Giver, and
ffcistainer of lift (Job xxvii. 3, xxxiii. 4 ; Gen. ii. 7) ;
as resisting (if the common interpretation be cor-
rect) the evil inclinations of men (Gen. vi. 3); as
the Source of intellectual excellence (Gen. xli. 38 ;
Deut. xxxiv. 9) ; of skill in handicraft (Ex. xxviii.
3, xjuri. 3, xxxv. 31) ; of supernatnial knowledge
and prophetic gifts (Num. xxhr. 2) ; of valour and
these qualities of mind or body which give one man
acknowledged superiority over others (Jndg. iii. 10,
vi. 34, xi. 29, xiii. 25).
In that period which began with Samuel, the
•Beet of the Spirit coming on a man is described in
the remarkable case of Saul as change of heart
( 1 Sam. x. 6, 9), shown outwardly by prophesying
ft 8am. s. 10 ; camp. Num. xi. 25, and 1 Sam. xix.
90). He departs from a an whom He has once
(1 bam. xvi. 14). His departure is the
8PIBIT. THE HOLf
1371
'^f
»"teh2.
depa-ture of God ixn. 14, xviii. 12, xxviii. 15)
His presence is the presence of God (xvi. IS, xviii
12). In the period of the Kingdom the operation
of the Spirit was recognised chiefly in the inspiration
of the prophets (see Witsins, Miscellanea Sacra,
lib. i. ; J. Smith's Select Discourses, 6. Of Pro-
phecy ; Knobel, Prophetismus der HebrSer). Sepa-
rated more or less from the common occupations or 1
men to a life of special religious exercise (Bp. Bull'*
Sermons, x. p. 187, ed. 1840), they were sometimes
worken of miracles, always foretellers of future
events, and guides and advisers of the social and
political life of the people who were contemporary
with them (2 K. U. 9; 2 Chr. xxiv. 20 ; Ex.ii.23;
Neh. ix. 30, Ik.). In their writings are found
abundant predictions of the ordinary operations of
the bpirit which were to be most frequent in Inter
times, by which holiness, justice, peace, and conso-
lation were to be spread throughout the world (Is.
xi. 2, xlii. 1, lxi. 1, Ac).
Even after the closing of the canon of the O. T.
the presence of the Holy Spirit in the world con-
tinued to be acknowledged by Jewish writers (Wiad.
i. 7, ix. 17 ; Philo, Be Gigcmt. 5 ; and see Ridley,
Mayer Ledum, Serm. ii. p. 81, &c).
In the N. T., both in the teaching of our Lord
and in the narratives of the events which preceded
His ministry and occurred in its course, the exist-
ence and agency of the Holy Spirit am frequently
revealed, and are mentioned in such a manner as
shows that these tacts were pait of the common
belief of the Jewish people at that time. Theirs
was, in truth, the ancient faith, but more generally
eutrrtained, which looked upon prophets as inspired
teachers, accredited by the power of working signs
and wonders (see Nitzmch, Christl. Lelire, §84). It
was made plain to the understanding of the Jews
of that age that the same Spirit who wrought of
old amongst the people of God was still at work.
" The Dove forsook the ark of Moses and fixed its
dwelling in the Church of Christ " (Bull, On Justi-
fication, Diss. ii. ch. xi. §7). The gilts of miracle*,
prediction, and teaching, which had cast a fitful
lustre on the times of the great Jewish prophets,
were manifested with remarkable vigour in the
first century after the birth of Christ. Whether in
the course of eighteen hundred years miracles and
predictions have altogether ceased, and, if so, at
what definite time they ceased, are questions still
debated among Christians. On this subject reference
may be made to Dr. Conyers Middleton's Free En-
quiry into tie Miraculous Poteen of the Christian
Church ; Dr. Brooke's Examination of Middleton's
Free Enquiry, W. DodweU's Letter to Middleton
Bp. Douglas's Criterion ; J. H. Newman's Essay
on Miracles, aVc. With respect to the gifts of
teaching bestowed both in early and Uter agea,
compare Neander, Planting of Christianity, b. iii.
ch. v., with Horsley, 8ermms, xiv., Potter, On
Church Government, ch. v., and Hooker, keel.
Polity, r. 72, §§5-8.
The relation of the Holy Spirit to the Incarnate
Son of God (see Oxford translation of Treatises of
Athanasim, p. 196, note d) is a subject for reverent
contemplation rather than precise definition. By
the Spirit the redemption of mankind was made
known, though imperfectly, to the prophets of old
(2 Pet. i. 21), and through them to the people of
God. And when the time for the Incarnation had
arrived, the miraculous conception of the Redeemer
(Matt. i. 18> was the work cf the Spirit; by ttw
Spirit He was anointed in the womb or si. baptism
1S72 8PIMT, THE; HOLT
(Acta z. S8 ; cf. Pearson, On the Creed, Art. 1
p. 126, ed. Oxon. 1643) ; and the gradual grwtk
of Hi* perfect human nature was in the Spirit
(Luke ii. 49, 52). A risible sign from heaven
showed the Spirit descending on and abiding with
Christ, whom He thenceforth filled and led (Luke
it. 1), co-operating with Christ in His miracles
(Matt. zii. 18). The multitude of disciples are
taught to pray for and expect the Spirit as the best
and greatest boon they can seek (Lnke xi. 13). He
inspires with miraculous poweis the first teachers
whom Christ sends forth, and He is repeatedly pro-
mised and given by Christ to the Apostles (Matt.
z. 20, xii. 28 ; John xiv. 16, xx. 22 ; Acts i. 8).
Perhaps it was in order to correct the grossly
defective conceptions of the Holy Spirit which pre-
vailed commonly among the people, and to teach them
that this is the most awful possession of the heirs
of the kingdom of heaven, that our Lord Himself
pronounced the strong condemnation of blasphemers
r>( the Holy Ghost (Matt. xii. 31). This has roused
in every age the susceptibility of tender consciences,
and has caused much inquiry to be made as to the
specific character of the sin so denounced, and of
the human actions which fall under so terrible a
ban. On the one hand it is argued that no one
now occupies the exact position of the Pharisees
whom our Lord condemned, for they had not en-
tered into covenant with the Holy Spirit by baptism ;
they did not merely disobey the Spirit, but blas-
phemously attributed His works to the devil ; they
resisted not merely an inward motion but an out-
ward call, supported by the evidence of miracles
wrought before their eyes. On the other hand, a
morbid conscience is prone to apprehend the unpar-
donable sin in every, even unintentional, resistance
of an inward motion which may proceed from the
Spirit. This subject is referred to in Article
XVI. of the Church of England, and is discussed
by Burnet, Beveridge, and Harold Browne, in their
Expositions of the Articles. It occupies the greater
part of At hamulus' Fourth Epixtle to Serapion,
ch. 8-22 (sometime) printed separately as a Tieatise
on Matt. xii. 31). See also Augustine, Ep. ad
Bom. Expotitio inchoata, §$14-23, torn. iii. pt. 2,
p. 933. Also Odo Cameracensis (a.d. 1113), Dt
Blasphemia m Sp. Sanctum, in Migne's Patroloqia
Lot. voL 163; J. Drnison (a.d. 1611), The Sin
against the Holy Ghost; Waterland's Sermons,
xxrii. in Works, vol. v. p. 706 ; Jackson, On the
Creed, bk. viii. ch. iii. p. 770.
But the Ascension of our Lord is marked (Eph.
iv. 8 ; John vii. 39, Ik.) as the commencement of
a new period in the history of the inspiration of
men by the Holy Ghost. The interval between that
event and the end of the world is often described as
the Dispensation of the Spirit It was not merely
(as Didymus Alex. De Trinitats, iii. 34, p. 431,
and others have suggested) that the knowledge of
the Spirit's operations became more general among
mankind. It cannot be allowed (though Bp. Heber,
Lectures, viii. 514 and vii. 488, and Warburton
have maintained it) that the Holy Spirit has suffi-
ciently redeemed His gracious promise to every suc-
ceeding age of Christians only by presenting us
with the New Testament, Something more was
promised, and continues to be given. Under the
old dispensation the gifts' of the Holy Spirit were
nncuvenanted, not universal, intermittent, chiefly
ax-anal. All this was changed. Our Lord, by
■rosining (Matt, xxviii. 19) that every Christian
■Wild be baptised in tre name of the Holy Ghost,
SPIRIT, THE HOLT
indicated at once the absolute n ece s sity fjrtm that
time forth of a personal connexion of every beLever
with the Spirit; and (in John xvi. 7-15) He de-
clares the internal character of the Spirit's work,
and (in John xiv. 16, 17, etc) His permanent stay.
And subsequently the Spirit's operations under the
new dispensation are authoritatively announced as
universal and internal in two remarkable paasagea
(Acta ii. 16-21 ; Heb. viii. 8-12). The duTerent
relations of the Spirit to believers severally made*
the old and new dispensation are described by St.
Paul under the images of a master to a servant
and a father to a son (Horn. viii. 15); so much
deeper and more intimate is the union, so mud,
higher the position (Matt xi. 1 1 ) of a believer, in
the later stage than in the earlier (see J. 6. Walch-
ius, Miscellanea Sacra, p. 763, De 8piritu Adop-
tionis, and the opinions collected in note H in Hare's
Mission of the Comforter, vol. ii. p. 499). The
rite of imposition of hands, not only on teachers,
but also on ordinary Christiana, which has been
used in the Apostolic (Acta vi. 6, xJii. 3, xix. 6,
&Vc.) nnd in all subsequent ages, is a testnooay
borne by those who come under the new deafens*.
tion to their belief of the reality, permanence, and
universality of the gift of the Spirit.
Under the Christian dispensation it appears to be
the office of the Holy Ghost to enter into and dwell
within every believer (Rom. viii. 9, 1 1 ; 1 John iii.
24). By Him the work of Redemption is (so to
speak) appropriated and carried out to its comple-
tion in the case of every one of the elect people of
God. To believe, to profess sincerely the Christian
faith, and to walk as a Christian, are His gifts
(2 Cor. iv. 13; 1 Cor. xii. 3; Gal. v. 18) to each
person severally: not only does He bestow the
power and faculty of acting, but He concurs (1 Cor
iii. 9 ; Phil. ii. 13) in every particnlar action so Su-
ae it is good (see South' s Sermons, xxxv, vol. it p.
292). His inspiration brings the true knowledge
of all things (1 John ii. 27). He unites the whole
multitude of believers into one regularly organised
body (1 Cor. xii, and Eph. iv. 4-16). He is not
only the source of life to us on earth (9 Cor.
iii. 6 ; Rom. viii. 2), but also the power by whom
God raises us from the dead (Rom. viii. 11). All
Scripture, by which men in every successive gene-
ration are instructed and made wise unto salvation,
is inspired by Him (Eph. iii. 5 ; 2 Tim. iii. 16 ;
2 Pet i. 21) ; He co-operates with sopplianta in
the utterance of every effectual prayer that aaoaadt
on high (Eph. ii. 18, vi. 18; Rom. viii. 26 1;
He strengthens (Eph. iii. 16), sanctifies (2 These,
ii 13), and seals the souls of men unto the day of
completed redemption (Eph. i. IS, iv. SO).
That this work of the Spirit is a real work, and
not a mere imagination of enthusiasts, may l-e
shown (1) from the words of Scripture to which
reference has been made, which are too definite and
clear to be explained away by any such hypothesis ;
(2) by the experience of intelligent Christiana in
every age, who are ready to specify the marks and
tokens of His operation in themselves, and even to
describe the manner In which they bebeve He
works, on which see Barrow's Sermons, Ixxvtt. sod
lxxviii., towards the end; Waterland's Sermons,
xxri., vol. v. p. 686; (3) by the superiority of
Christian nations over heathen nations, in the pea-
session of those characteristic qualities which are
gifts of the Spirit, in the establishment of aoob
custDtns, habits, and laws as are agreeable thereto,
and to the exercise of an enlightening and purifying
ttPIBIT, THE HOLT
m toe world. Christianitv and etvilixa-
tioo are never far asunder : thuae nauuns whidi nre
now eminent in power and knowledge are all to be
found within the pale of Christendom, not indeed
're* from national vines, T»t on the whole mani-
festly superior both to contemporary unbelievers
and to Paganism in its ancient palmy days, (See
Hare's Motion 0/ the Comforter, Serm. 6, vol. i.
p. 202 -, Porteus on the Beneficial Effects of Chris-
tianity on the Temporal Concerns of Mankind, in
Works, toI. Ti. pp. 375-46U.)
It hiss been interred from various passages of
Scripture that the operations of the Holy Spirit are
nut limited to those persons who either by circum-
cision or by baptism bare entered into covenant
with God. Abitnelech (Gen. xx. 3V Melcbiiedek
(sir. 18), Jethro (Ex. xviii. 12), Balaam 'Num.
zaii. 9), and Job in the 0. T.; and the Magi (Matt.
ii. 12) and the case of Cornelius, with the declara-
tion of St. Peter (Acta x. 35) thereon, are instances
ahowinx that the Holy Spirit bestowed His gitVi of
knowledge and holiness in some degree eren among
heathen nations; and if we may go beyond the
attestation of Scripture, it might be argued from
the virtuous actions of some heathens, from their
ascription of whatever good was in them to the in-
fluence of a present Deity (see the references in
Haber's Lectures, vi. p. 446), and ftom their tena-
cious preservation of the rite of animal sacrifice,
that the Spirit whose name they knew not must
have girded thnn, and still girds such as they were,
with secret blessedness.
Thus far it baa been attempted to sketch briefly
the work of the Holy Spirit among men in all ages
as it is revealed to us in the Bible. But after the
dosing of the canon of the N. T. the religious
aubtilty of Oriental Christians led them to scruti-
nize, with the most intense accuracy, the words in
which God has, incidentally as it were, revealed to
us something of the mystery of the Being of the
Holy Ghost. It would be vain now to condemn
the superfluous and irreverent curiosity with which
these researches were sometimes prosecuted, and the
scandalous contentions which they caused. The
result of them was the formation and general ac-
ceptance of certain statements as inferences from
Holy Scripture which took their place in the esta-
blished creeds and In the teaching of the fathers
of the Church, and which the grant body of Chris-
tiana throughout the world continue to adhere to,
and to guard with more or leas vigilance.
The ■'Ntdducam are sometimes mentioned as pre-
ceding any professed Christians in denying the per-
sonal existence of the Holy Ghost. Such was the
inference of Kpiphanius {Haeres. xli.), Gregory
KaziauxeQ {Orotic xxzi. §5, p. 558, ed. Ben.), and
others, from the testimony of St. Luke (Acts izxiii.
•). But it may be doubted whether the error of
the Sadducees did not rather consist in asserting a
eorporeal Deity. Passing over this, in the first
youthful age of the Church, when, as Noander ob-
serves <Ch. Hist. ii. 337, Bonus edit.), the power
of the Holy Spirit was so mightily felt as a new
creative, transforming principle of life, the know-
ledge of this Spirit, aa identical with the Essence of
God. was not so thoroughly and distinctly impressed
on the undemanding of Christians. Simon Magus,
the MoutanUta, and the Manielieans, are said to
bar* inusHned that the promised Comforter was
nenonined in certain human beings. The language
•f soma of the primitive Fathers, though its de-
Sriaucies nave bean greatly exaggerated, occasions' !y
SPIRIT, THE HOLT 1V.7S
names short of a full xzi complete ncknon ledgrasm
of the Divinity of the Spirit. Their opinions arc
given in their own words, with much valuable
criticism, in Dr. Burton's Testimonies of the Ante-
Nicent /other* to the Doctrine of the Trinity ami
the Divinity of the Huty Ghost (1831). Valentinna
believed that the Holy Spirit was an angel. The
Sabellians denied that He was a distinct Person
from the Father and the Son. Eunomius, with the
Anomaeana aud the Ariana, regarded Him as a
created Being. Mncedonius, with his followers the
Pueumatomachi, also denied His Divinity, aud re-
garded Him as a created Being attending on the
Son. His ProoBssinn from the Son as well aa from
the Father was the great point of controversy in the
Middle Ages. In modem times the Socinians aud
Spinosa have altogether denied the Personality, and
have regarded Him as an influence or power of the
Deity. It must suffice in this article to give the
principal texts of Scripture in which these erroneous
opinions are contradicted, and to refer to the prin-
cipal works in which they are discussed at length.
The documents in which various existing commu-
nities of Christians have stated their belief are spe-
cified by G. B. Winer, Comparative Darstethtng dee
Lehrbegriffs, be., pp. 41 and 80.
The Divinity of the Holy Ghost is proved by the
fact that He is called God. Compare 1 Sam. xvi.
13 with xriii. 12 ; Acts v. 3 with v. 4; 2 Cor. iii.
17 with Ez. xxziv. 34 ; Acta xxviil. 25 with Is.
vi. 8; Matt. zii. 28 with Luke zi. 20; I Cor. iii.
1 6 with vi. 1 a. The attributes of God are ascribed
to Him. He creates, works miracles, inspires pro-
phets, is the Source of holiness (see above), is ever-
lasting (Heb. iz. 14), omnipresent, and omniscient
(Ps. exxxix. 7; and 1 Cor. ii. 10).
The Peisonality of the Holy Ghost is shown by
the actions ascribed to Him. He hears and speaks
(John xvi. 13 ; Acts x. 19, xiii. 2, be.). He wills
and acta on His decision (1 Cor. xii. 11). He
chooses and diiecta a certain course of action (Acta
xv. 28). He knows (1 Cor. ii. 1 1). He teaches
(John ziv. 26). He intercedes (Rom. viii. 26j.
The texts 2 These, iii. 5, and 1 Theas. iii. 12, 13,
are quoted against those who confound the three
Persons of the Godhead.
The Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Father
is shown from John xiv. 26, xv. 26, he. The tenet
of the Western Church that He proceeds from the
Sou is grounded on John xv. 26, xvi. 7 ; Bom. viii.
9; Gal. iv. 6; Phil. i. 19; 1 Pet. i. 11; and on
the action of our Lord recorded by St. Johu xx. 22.
The history of the lung and important controversy
on this point has been written by PCuT, by J. G.
Walchius, Historia ControvtJtiae de J'rocesskmc,
1 751, aud by Neale, History of the Eastern Church,
ii. 1093.
Besides the Expositions of the Thirty*une Articles
referred to above, and Pearson, On the Creed, sit.
viiu, the work of Barrow {De Spirita Suncto) con-
tains an excellent summary of the various heresies
aud their confutation. The following works may
be cousnlted for more detailed discussion : — Atha-
uasius, Epistolae IV. ad Serapionem J Didymus
Alex. De Spirita Sancto ; Basil the Great, De
Spiritu Sancto, and Adversus Eimomnem; Gregory
Niixianxen, Oratitmes de Theologia ; Gregory of
Nyssa, Contra Eanomium lib. xiii. ; Ambrose, Ds
Spirit* Sancto, lib. iii. ; Augustine, Contra Mas)*
iininum, and De Trhxitate ; Paschasius Diaoonus,
f)e 3p. Sane. ; Isidorus, Hisp. Etymoiogia, vii. 3,
De Sp. Sane ; Uatramnus Corbeiensis, Cbsjrnt
1374
SPONGE
Vraecoram, &c lib. It.; Alcain, P. Dnmian, and
Ansdm, De Pncessione; Aquinas, Sum. The-4.
L 36-43; Owen, Trentise on the Holy Spirit;
}. Howe, Office and Works of the Holy Spirit ;
W. CUgett, On the Operation! of the Spirit, 1678 ;
M. Hole, On the Gifts and Graces of the H.S.;
Bp. Warburton, Doctrine of Grace; Gl. Ridley,
Moyer Lectures on the Divinity and Operations
of the H. 8. 1742 ; S. Ogden, Sermons, pp. 157-
176; Kaber, Practical Treatise on the Ordinary
Operations of the H. S. 1813 ; Bp. Heber, Samp-
ton Lectures on the Personality and Office of the
Comforter, 1816; Archd. Hare, Mission of the
Comforter, 1846. [W. T. B.]
SPONGE (rriyyot : spongia) is mentioned
only in the N.T. in thoae passages which relate
the incident of " a sponge filled with vinegar aud
put on a reed " (Matt, xxvii. 48 ; Hark xv. 36),
or " on hyssop" (John xix. 29) being offered to
our Lord on the cross. The commercial value of
the sponge was known from very early times ; and
although there appear* to be no notice of it in the
O. T., yet it is probable that it was used by the
ancient Hebrews, who could readily hare obtained
it good from the Mediterranean. Aristotle men-
tions several kinds, and carefully notices those
which were useful for economic purposes (Hist.
Anim. v. 14). His speculations on the nature of
the sponge ai* very interesting. [W. H.]
BTACHTS (Zrdxvt : Stachys). A Christian
at Rome, saluted by M. Paul in the Epistle to the
Romans (ivi. 9). The name is Greek. According
to a tradition recorded by Nicephorus Callistu*
\H. E. riii. 6) he was appointed bishop of Hymn*
tium by St Andrew, held the office for sixteen
yean, and was succeeded by Onesimua,
SPOUSE. [Marriage.]
8TACTE (C|Q3, nitif: avtucrfi: stacte), the
name of one of the sweet spices which composed
the holy incense (see Ex. xxx. 34). The Heb.
word occurs onos again (Job xxxri. 27), where it
is used to denote simply "a drop" of water. For
the various opinions as to what substance is in-
tended by ndiaf, see Celsius (Hierob. i. 529);
RownniOJler (Bib. Bot. p. 164) identities the
nitif with the gum of the storax tree (Styrax
officinale); the LXX. otokt^ (from irrd(«, "to
drop ") is the exact translation of the Heb. word.
How Diw-xrides describes two kinds of trrasrHj:
one is tie 6wih gum of the myrrh tree (Balsamo-
dendron myrrka) mixed with water and squeezed
out through a press (i. 74); the other kind, which
he calls, from the manner in which it is pre-
pared, <rito#\ijiriTij» oripaf, denotes the resin of
the stonu adulterated with wax and fat. The
true stacte of the Greek writers points to the
distillation from the myrrh tree, of which, according
to Theophrastus (». iv. 29, ed. Schneider), both a
natural and an artificial kind were known ; this is
the mor dtrtr (IITI "AD) of Ex. xxx. 23. Perhaps
the nitif denotes the storax gum ; but all that is
positively known is that it signifies an odorous
distillation from some plant, r'or some account of
the styiax tree iiee under Poplar. [W. H.J
STANDARDS. [Eirsiom.]
STAB OF THE WISE MEN. Until the
tut few years the interpretation of St. Matt. il.
••12, by theologians in general, comadeJ in the
STAB OF THE WISH MEN
t main •nth that which would be given to it by nay
person of ordinary intelligence who rati the inr«"*nT
with due attention. Some superxK-.nl light
resembling a star had appeared in seme country
(possibly Peisia) far to the East of Jerusalem, to
men who were versed in the study of neUsitial
phenomena, conveying to their mind* a superna-
tural impulse to repair to Jerusalem, where they
would find a new-bom king, it supposed them
to be followers, and possibly priests, of the Zend
religion, whereby they wee led to expect a Re-
deemer in the person of the Jewish infant, On
arriving at Jerusalem, after diligent inquiry and
consultation with the priests and learned men who
could naturally brst inform them, they are directed
to proceed to Bethlehem. The star which they
had seen in the East re-appeared to them and par-
celled them (wfoirt** ahrois), until it took op it*
station over the place where the young child was :
(fan fAeW fWaWn twirm oS *}* t* rolls*).
The whole matter, that is, was supernatural;
forming a portion of that divine pn-arrangement,
whereby, in hi* deep humiliation among men, the
child Jesus waa honoured and acknowledged by the
Father, a* Hi* beloved Son in whom He was well
pleased. Thus the lowly shepherds who kept their
nightly watch on the hills near to Bethlehem,
together with all that remained of the highest and
best philosophy of the East, are alike the par-
takers and the witnesses of the glory of Him who
was " bom in the city of David, a Saviour which
is Christ the Lord." Such is substantially the
account which, until the earlier put of the present
century would hare been given by orthodox divines,
of the Star of the Magi. Latterly, however, a
very different opinion has gradually become preva-
lent upon the subject The star has been displnosd
from the category of the supernatural, and ha*
been referred to the ordinary astronomical pheno-
menon of a conjunction of the planets Jupiter and
Saturn. The idea originated with Kepler, who,
among many other brilliant but untenable fancies,
supposed that if he could identify a conjunction of
the above named planets with the Star of Bethle-
hem, he would thereby be able to determine, on the
basis of certainty, the very difficult aud obscure
point of the Annu* Domini. Kepler's suggestion
was worked out with great care and no very great
naccuracy by Dr. Ideler of Berlin, and the results
of his calculations certainly do, on the first imprea-
»ion, seem to show a very specious accordance with
the phenomena of the star in question. We pur-
pose, then, in the first place, to state what celestial
phenomena did occur with reference to the pUuet*
Jupiter and Saturn, at a date assuredly not very
distant from the time of our Saviour's birth ; and
then to examine how far they fulfil, or fail to
fulriL the conditions required by the narrative in
St Matthew.
In the month of May, D.C. 7, a conjunction ot
the planets Jupiter mid Saturn occurred, not far
from the tint poiut of Aries, the planets rising in
Chaldaea about 3j hours before the sun. It is
said that on astrological grounds such a conjunction
could not fail to excite the attention of men like the
Magi, and that in consequence partly of their
knowledge of Balaam's prophecy, and portly from
the uneasy persuasion then said to be prevalent that
some great one w«* to be born in the bast, these
Magi commenced their journey to Jerusalem. Sup-
posing them to have set out at the end of May
B.C. 7 upon a jourrey fiir which the ciiciirmtsrin
MAR OF THE WISE MEN
will I* sten to require at least seven month*, the
planets were observed to separate slowly until the
•nd of JuIt, when their motions becnmiug retro-
grade, they again came into conjunction by the end
of September. At that time there can be no dou:t
Jupiter would present to astronomers, especially a
so clear an atmosphere,* a magnificent spectaeb.
It was then at its most brilliant apparition, for it
was at its nearest approach both to the sun and to
the earth. Not far from it would be seen its duller
and much less conspicuous companion Saturn.
This glorious spectacle continued almost unaltered
tor several days, when the planets again slowly
separated, then came to a halt, when, by re-assum-
ing a direct m jtion, Jnpiter again approached to a
conjunct;. 1,1 for the third time with Saturn, just as
the Magi may be supposed to have entered the Holy
City. And, to complete the fascination of the
tale, about an hoar and a half after sunset, the
two planets might be seen from Jerusalem, hang-
ing as it were in the meridian, and suspended over
Bethlehem in the distance. These celestial pheno-
mena thus described are, it will be seen, beyond
the reach of question, and at the first impression
they assuredly appear to fulfil the conditions of the
Star of the Magi.
The first circumstance which created a suspicion
to the contrary, arose from an exaggeration, unac-
countable for any man having a claim to be ranked
among astronomers, on the part of Dr. Ideler
nhnself, who described the two planets as wearing
the appearance of one bright but diffused light
to persons hating vtak eye: " So datt ftr em
eduitKket Auge der eine Plmet fast m den Ztr-
ttremmgskreit da andern trat, rmthin beide alt ein
eintiger Stern encheuun ioimten," p. 407, voL ii.
Mot only is this imperfect eyesight inflicted upon
the Magi, but it is quite certain that had they
possessed any remains of eyesight at all, they could
not have failed to see, not a single star, but two
planets, at the very considerable distance of double
the moon's apparent diameter. Had they been
even twenty times closer, the duplicity of the two
(tars must have been apparent ; Saturn, moreover,
rather confusing than adding to the brilliance of
his companion. This forced blending of the two
lights into one by Ideler was stilt further Improved
by Dean Alford, in the first edition of his very
valuable and suggestive Greek Testament, who
indeed rmtores ordinary sight to the Magi, but
represents the planets as forming a single star of
surpassing brightness, although they were certainly
at more than double the distance of the sun's appa-
rent diameter. Exaggerations of this description
induced the writer of this article to undertake tbe
very formidable labour of calculating afresh an
ephemera of the planets Jupiter and Saturn, and of
the sun, from May to December B.C. 7. The
result was to confirm the fact of there being three
conjunctions during the above period, though some-
what to modify the dates assigned to them by
Dr. Ideler. Similnr results, also, hare been ob-
tained by Encke, and tbe December conjunction has
been confirmed by the Astronomer-Royal ; no celes-
tial phenomena, therefore, of ancient date are so
certainly ascertained as the conjunctions in question.
We shall now proceed to examine to what extent,
3t, as it will be seen, to how slight an extent the
• The stmmph er e in parts of Persia Is so transparent
that Ibe Maui may have wso '.he satellites of Jjptb?
with lb* naked eyes.
BTAK OF THE WISE MEU 13V5
December conjunction fulfils the cotditioLs of tot
narrative of St. Matthew. We can hardly avoid
a feeling of regret at the dissipation of so Hm-infKng
an illusion : but we are in quest of the truth, rather
than of a picture, however beautiful.
(a.) The writer must confess himself profoundly
ignorant of any system of astrology ; but sun-
posing that some system did exist, it nevertheless is
inconceivable that solely on the ground of astrolo-
gical reasons men would be induced to undertake a
seven months' journey. And as to the widely-
spread and prevalent expectation of some powerful
personage about to show himself in the East, the
tact of its existence depends on the testimony of
Tacitus, Suetonius, and Josephus. But it ought to
be very carefully observed that all these writers
speak of this expectation as applying to Vespasian,
in a.d. 69, which date was seventy-five years, or
two generations after the conjunctions in question !
The well-known and often quoted words of Tacitus
are, "eo ipso tempore;" of Suetonius, "eo tem-
pore ;" of Josephus, " Kara ror xaipbr Uttror;'
all pointing to a.d. 69, and not to B.C. 7. Seeing,
then, that these writers refer to no general uneasy
expectation as prevailing in B.C. 7, it can have
formed no reason for the departure of the Magi.
And, furthermore, it is quite certain that in the
February of B.O. 66 (Pritchnrd, in Tram. R. Alt.
Soc. vol. xxv.), a conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn
occurred in the constellation Piacet, closer than the
one on Dec. 4, B.C. 7. If, therefore, astrological
reasons alone impelled the Magi to journey to Jeru-
salem in the latter instance, similar considerations
would have impelled their fathers to take the same
journey fifty-nine years before.
(6.) But even supposing the Magi did undertake
the journey at the time it question, it seems impos-
sible that the conjunction of Dec. B.C. 7 can on any
reasonable grounds be considered as fulfilling the
conditions in St. Matt. ii. 9. The circumstances
are as follows : On Dec. 4, the sun set at Jerusa-
lem a! 5 p.m. Supposing the Magi to have then
commenced their journey to Bethlehem, they would
first see Jupiter and his dull and somewhat distant
companion 1 ( hour distant from the meridian, in a
S.E. direction, and decidedly to the East or Bethle-
hem. By the time they came to Rachel's tomb
(see Robinson's Bib. Ret. ii. 568) the planets would
be due south of them, on the meridian, and no
longer over the hill of Bethlehem (see the maps of
Van de Velde and of Tobler), for that village (set
Robinson, as above) bears from Rachel's tomb
S. 5° E. + 8° declension = S. 13° E. The road
then takes a turn to the east, and ascends the hill
near to its western extremity; the planets there-
fore would now be on their right hands, and a little
behind them: the "star," therefore, ceased alto-
gether to go " before them " as a guide. Arrived
on the hill and in the village, it became physically
impossible for the star to stand over any house
whatever close to them, seeing that it was now
visible far away beyond the hill to the west, and
far off in the heavens at an altitude of 57°. As
they advanced, the star would of necessity recede,
and under no circumstances could it be said w
stand - over" (" eVdVat ") any house, unless at th*
distance of miles from the place where they were.
Thus the two heavenly bodies altogether fail to
fulfil either of the conditions implied in the words
" vpoyytv auVroeV or " eVnMn i-riva" A
star, if vertical, would appear to stand over any
house or object to which a spot tutor might chauca
1376
STATES
to be sew ; bat a star at an altitude of 57° could
appear to stand over no house or object in the
immediate neighbourhood of the observer. It is
scarcely necessary to add that if the Magi had left
the Jaffa Gate before sunset, they would not hare
seen the planets at the outset ; and if they hod
left Jerusalem later, the " star " would hare been a
more useless guide than before. Thus the beau-
tiful phantasm of Kepler and Ideler, which has
fascinated so many writers, vanishes before the more
perfect daylight of investigation.
A modem writer of greet ability (Dr. Words-
worth) has suggested the antithesis to Kepler's
r illation regarding the star of the Magi, viz. that
star was visible to the Magi alone. It is diffi-
cult to see what is gained or explained by the hypo-
thesis. The song of the multitude of the heavenly
host was published abroad in Bethlehem ; the
journey of the Magi thither was no secret whis-
pered in a corner. Why, then, should the heavenly
light, standing as a beacon of glory over the place
where the young child was, be concealed from all
eyes but theirs, and form no part in that series of
wonders which the Virgin Mother kept and pon-
dered in her heart ?
The original authorities on this question are
Kepler, De Jem Chritti vero anno natalitio,
Frankfurt, 1614; Ideler, ffmdbuoh der Chrono-
login, U. 399 ; Pritchard, Memoirs of Royal Ast.
Society, vol. xxv. [C. P.]
STATER (orar*>: stater : A. V. "a piece
of money ;" margin, " stater ").
1. The term stater, from Tsttjju, is held to sig-
nify a coin of a certain weight, but perhaps means
a standard coin. It is not restricted by the Greeks
to a single denomination, but is applied to standard
coins of gold, electnim, and silver. The gold staters
were didrachms of the later Phoenician and the Attic
talents, which, in this denomination, differ only
about four grains troy. Of the former talent were
the Doric staters or Dorics (ororfjjwj Aapeurof,
Aosctxof), the famous Persian gold pieces, and those
of Croesus (Kfouruoi), of the latter, the stater of
Athens. The electnim staters were coined by the
Greek towns on the west coast of Asia Minor ; the
most famous were those of Cyzicus (ffrarijpei
Kufurnrof, Kvfunpol), which weigh about 248
grains. They are of pjld and silver miied, in the
proportion, according to ancient authority — for we
believe these rare coins have not been analysed— of
three parts of gold to one of silver. The gold
was alone reckoned in the value, for it is said that
toe of these coins was equal to 28 Athenian silver
drachms, while the Athenian gold stater, weighing
about 132 grains, was equal to 20 (20: 132 :: 28 :
184 -f or I of a Cyzicene stater). This stater was
thus of 184 + grains, and equivalent to a didrachm
of the Aegnietan talent. Thus Zu the stater is
always a didrnchm. In silver, however, the term
is applied to the tetradrachm of Athens, which was
of the weight of two gold states of the same cur-
rency. There can therefore be no doubt that the
name stater was applied to the standard denomina<
tion of both metals, and doss not positively imply
either a didracbm or a tetradrachm.
3. In the N. T. the stater is once mentioned, in
the narrative of the miracle of the sacred tribute-
money. At Capernaum the receivers of the di-
drachms {el t& Sltpaxju* XanfOrorrts) asked
• It has been supposed by some ancient sod lootero
na'mo*alot> that the dvll tribute Is ben refema to;
STX1X.
St. Peter whether his master past the rlMracftsxc
The didrnchm refers to the yearly tribute paid h*
every Hebrew into the treasury of the Temple.*
The sum was half a shekel, called by the IXX. r)
f^uotf rou SiSodx/isu. The plain inference wculd
therefore be, that the receivers of sacred tribute faxL
their name from the ordinary coin or weight of metal,
the shekel, of which each person paid half. But it
has been supposed that as the coined equivalent at
this didrachm ot the period of the Evangelist was
a tetradrachm, and the payment of each person
was therefore o current didrachm [of account], tha
term here applies to single payments of didrachms.
This opinion would appear to receive some support
from the statement of Josephus, that Vespasian
fiied a yearly tax of two drachma an the Jews
instead of that they had formerly paid into tha
treasury of the Temple (B. J. vii. 6, §6). Rut this
passage loses its force when we remember that tha
common current silver coin in Palestine at the time
of Vespasian, and that in which the civil tribute was
paid, was the denarius, the tritmte-nxmr^, then
equivalent to the debased Attic drachm. It seams
also most unlikely that the use of the term didrachm
should have so remarkably changed m the interval
between the date of the LXX. translation of the
Pentateuch and that of the writing of St. Matthew's
Gospel. To return to the narrative. St, Peter
was commanded to take up a fish which should he
found to contain a stater, which he was to pay to
the collectors of tribute for Our Lord and himself
(Matt. xvii. 24-27). The stater must her* mean •
silver tetradrachm; and the only tetrabrachius
then current in Palestine were of the same weight
as the Hebrew shekel. And ft is observable, in
confirmation of the minute accuracy of tha Evan-
gelist, that at this period the silver currency in
Palestine consisted of Greek imperial tetrad rarhms,
or staters, and Roman denarii of a quarter their
value, didrachms having fallen into disuse. Had
two didrachms been found by St. Peter the recti var a
of tribute would scarcely have taken them ; and, no
doubt, the ordinary coin paid was that nxtraeulooa.y
supplied. [K. & P.]
STEEL. In all cases where the word « steel "
occurs in the A. V. the true rendering of the Hebrew
is " copper." fllttm. nlcMsha/t, except in 2 Sua.
xxii. 35, Job xx.*24,'Ps. xviii. 34 [35], is always
translated " brass ;" as is the case with the cognate
word riBTO, nicMsheth, with the two e x ceptions
of Jer. it. f2 (A. V. "steel"), and Ear. viii. 27
(A. V. " copper "). Whether the Ancient Hebrew*
were acquainted with steel is not perfectly certain.
It has been inferred from a passage In Jeremiah
(zv. 12), that the "iron from the north" there
spoken of denoted a superior kind of metal, hard-
ened in an unusual manner, like the steel obtained
from the Chalybes of the Pontus, the ironsmiths
of the ancient world. The hardening of iron
for cutting instruments was practised in Pontus,
Lydia, and laconia (Eustath. TL ii. p. 294. 6a.
quoted in Mfiller, Hand. d. Arth. d. /Tanas,
§307, a 4). Justin (xliv. 3, §8: mentions twe
rivers in Spain, the Bilbiba (the Solo, or Salon,
a tributary of the Ebro) and Chalyba, the water
of which was used for hardening iron (rem p.
Plin. xxriv. 41). The same practice ft alluded ta
both by Horesr (Of. ix. 393/ and Sophocles [Af.
but by this explanation the farce of our Lorfs rea s on tot
tm&m from the payment seems la be completely n i l ai t
STEPHANAS
650). the Celtiberiaus, Recording to Diodorus
Siculus 'v. 33), bid a singular custom. They buried
■Jbaeti of iron in the earth till the weak put, as
Diodorus calk it, was consumed by rust, and what
eras hardest remained. This firmer portion was then
converted into weapons of different kinds. The
same practice is said by Beckmann (ffist. of Im.
ii. :S28, ed. Bohn) to prevail in Japan. The last
mentioned writer is of opinion that of the two
methods of making steel, by fusion either from
iron-stone or raw iron, and by cementation, the
ancients were acquainted only with the former.
There is, however, a word in Hebrew, iTTSBi
paldth, which occurs only in Nah. ii. 3 [4], and is
there rendered " torches," but which most probably
denotes steel or hardened iron, and refers to the Sash-
ing scythes of the Assyrian chariots. In Syriac
and Arabic the cognate words (J. \«*i , pildi,
S3 - S, )
i«JU,/<KsVtt, iJJji, filW) signify a kind of
•roa of excellent quality, and especially steel.
Steel appears to have been known to the Egyp-
tians. The steel weapon* in the tomb of Rameses
III., say* Wilkinson, are painted blue, the bronze
rod (Am. Eg. iii. 247). [W. A. W.]
STEPHANAS (Xredwar: Stephanas). A
Christian convert of Corinth whose household Paul
baptised as the " first fruits of Achaia " (I Cor. i.
16, rri. 15). He was present with the Apostle at
Kphenus when he wrote his First Epistle to the
Corinthians, having gone thither either to consult
him about matters of discipline connected with the
Corinthian Church (Chrysost Horn. 44), or on some
charitable mission arising out of the " service for
tiie saints" to which he and bis family had devoted
themselves (1 Cor. xvi. 16, 17). [W. L. B.]
8TETHEN(*r«<paro»: Stephanas), the First
Martyr. His Hebrew* (or rather Syriac) name is tra-
ditionally said to have been Chelil, or Cheliel(acrown).
He was the chief of the Seven (commonly called
Deaoonb) appointed to rectify the complaints in
the early Church of Jerusalem, made by the Hel-
lenistic against the Hebrew Christians. Hi* Greek
name indicates his own Hellenistic origin.
Hi* im p or tanc e is stamped on the narrative by a
reiteration of emphatic, almost superlative phrase* :
* full of faith and of the Holy Ghost " (Acta vi. 5) ;
" full of grace* and power" (ib. 8) ; irresistible
*• spirit and wisdom " (ib. 10) ; ; « full of the Holy
Ghost"* (vii. 55;. Of his ministrations amongst
the poor we hear nothing. But he seems to have
be* n an instance, such as is not uncommon in history,
of a new energy derived from a new sphere. He shot
far ahead of his six companions, and far above his
particular office. First, he arrest* attention by the
" great wonders and miracles that he did." Then
levins a series of disputations with the Hellenistio
Jews of North Africa, Alexandria, and Asia Minor,
his companions in race and birthplace. The subject
of these disputations is not expressly mentioned ;
but, from what follows, it is evident that he struck
into a new vein of teaching, which eventually caused
Bis martyrdom.
STEPHEN
UTi
• Bull or tMenda, Oral, at S. SUfkamo. Bra U.«enh»
SB voce /"J3.
• A, B l>, and most of the versions, read x*>>toc- The
*<«. Tea- -mat rUrnm.
• Tnd.tjxiaJlr ae was reckoned amount the Seventy
•Mater.
VOL. UL
Down to this time the Apostle* and the ear)?
Christian community had clung in their worship,
not merely to the Holy Land and the Holy City,
but to the Holy Place of the Temple. Thil
local worship, with the Jewish customs belong-
ing to it, he now denounced. So we must infer
from the accusation* brought against him, con-
firmed as they are by the tenor of his defence.
The actual words of the charge may Lave been
false, as the sinister and malignant intention which
they ascribed to him was undoubtedly false. " Blas-
phemous" (/3AdV<pi|/«), that is, "calumnious"
words, " against Moses and against God " (vi. 11),
be is not likely to have used. But the overthrow
of the Temple, the cessation of the Mosaic ritual, ,s
no more than St. Paul preached openly, or than is
implied in Stephen's own speech : " against this holy
place and the Law" — " that Jesus of Nazareth shall
destroy this place, and shall change the customs
that Moses delivered us" (vi. 13, 14).
For these sayings be was arrested at the instiga-
tion of the Hellenistic Jews, and brought before the
Sanhediin, where, as it would seem, the Pharisaic
party had just before this time (v. 34, vii. 51 ) gained
an ascendancy.
When the charge was formally lodged against
him, his countenance kindled as if with the view of
the great prospect which was opening for the Church ;
the whole body even of assembled judges was trans-
fixed by the sight, and " saw his face as it had been
the face of an angel " (vi. 15).
For a moment, the account seems to imply, the
judges of the Sanhedrin were awed at his presence.*
Then the High Priest that presided appealed to him
(as Caiaphas had in like manner appealed in the
Great Trial in the Gospel History) to know his own
sentiments on the accusations brought against him.
To this Stephen replied in a speech which has every
appearance of being faithfully reported. The pecu-
liarities of the style, the variations from the Old
Testament history, the abruptness which, by breaking
off the argument, prevents us from easily doing it
justice, are all indications of its being handed down
to us substantially in its original form.
The framework in which his defence is cast is a
summary of the history of the Jewish Church. In
this respect it has only one parallel in the N. T.,
the 11th chapter* of the Epistle to the Hebrews—
a likeness that is the more noticeable, as in all
probability the author of that Epistle was, like Ste-
phen, a Hellenist.
In the facts which he (elect* from this history
he is guided by two principles— at first more or
less latent, but gradually becoming more and more
apparent as he proceeds. The first is the endeavour
to prove that, even in the previous Jewish history,
the presence and favour of God had not bean con-
fined to the Holy Land or the Temple of Jerusalem,
This he illustrates with a copiousness of detail
which makes his speech a summary almost as much
of sacred geography as of sacred history — the ap-
pearance of (>od to Abraham "in Mesopotamia
before he dvrelt in Haran " (vii. 2) ; his successive
migrations to Haran and to Canaan (vii. 4); his
want of even a resting place for his foot in Canaan
(vii. 5) ; the dwelling of his seed in a strange land
<• Well described In Conybear* and Howaoa, Lift of
8. /'out, I. 74 ; the poetic aspect of it beantutlly s*vaa
ia Trnnysoo's Tu-o Voicu.
• Other verbal likenesses to this Epistle are pointed eel
br T)r. Kuwson, 1. 77 (quctinr, front Mr. Humphry, i
mlMMlsy
4T
1378
STEPHEN
(vii. 6) ; the details of the stay M Egypt (vK. 8-14);
the education of Moses w Egypt (vii. £0-22) ; his
exile m Midian (vii. 29) ; the appearance tn Sin/u,
with the declaration that the detert ground was
holy earth [-fi htyin) (vii. 30-33) ; the forty years
ji the uMernem (vii. 36, 44) ; the long delay be-
fore the pre|*ration for the Tabernacle of David
' vii. 45) ; the proclamation of spiritual worship
even after the building of the Temple (vii. 47-50).
The second principle of selection is based on the
attempt to show that there was a tendency from
the earliest times towards the same ungrateful and
narrow spirit that had appeared in this last stage of
their political existence. And this rigid, suspi-
cious, disposition he contrasts with the freedom of
the Divine Grace and of the human will, which
were manifested in the exaltation of Abraham (vii.
4), Joseph (vii. 10), and Moses (vii. 20), and in
the jealousy and rebellion of the nation against these
their greatest benefactors, as chiefly seen in the bit-
terness against Joseph (vii. 9) and Meses (vii. 27),
and in the long neglect of true religious worship in
the wilderness (vii. 39-43).
Both of these selections are worked oat on what
may almost be called critical principles. There is
no allegorizing of the text, nor any forced construc-
tions. Every passage quoted yields fail If the sense
assigned to it.
Besides the direct illustration of a freedom from
local restraints involved in the general argument,
there is also an indirect illustration of the same
doctrine, from his mode of treating the subject in
detail. No less than twelve of his references to the
Mosaic history differ from it either by variation or
addition.
1. The call of Abraham before the migration
to Haran (vii. 2), not, as according to Gen. xii. 1, in
Haran.
2. The death of his father after the coil (vii. 4),
not, as according to Gen. xi. 32, before it
3. The 75 souls of Jacob's migration (vii. 14),
not (as according to Gen. xlvi. 27) 70.
4. The godlike loveliness (itrrtTot rf *>♦#) of
Moses (vii. 20), not, simply, as according to Ex.
i. 2, the statement that " be was a goodly child."
5. His Egyptian education (vii. 22) as contrasted
with the silence on this point in Ex. iv. 10.
6. The same contrast with regard to his secular
greatness, " mighty in words snd deeds " (vii. 22,
comp. Ex. ii. 10).
7. The distinct mention of the three periods of
forty years (vii. 23, 30, 36) of which only the last
\r specified in the Pentateuch.
8. The terror of Moses at the bash (vii. 32), not
mentioned in Ex. iii. 3.
9. The supplementing of the Mosaic narrative
by the allusions in Amos to their neglect of the
true worship in the desert (vii. 42, 43).
10. The intervention of the angels in the giving
of the Law (vii. 53), not mentioned in Ex. xix. 16. 1
11. The burial of the twelve Patriarchs at I
Shecbem (vii. 16), not mentioned in Ex. i. 6.
12. The purchase of the tomb at Shechem by |
Abraham from the cons of Emroor (vii. 16), not,
as according to Gen. xxiii. 15, the purchase of the
cave at Madipelah from Ephron the Hittite.
To which may be added
13. The introduction of Kemphan from thcLXX.
of Amos v. 26, not found in the Hebrew.
The explanation ami source of these variations
•Bust be sought under the difl'erent names to which
'.hf y Her ; tut the general fact of their adoption
SIEMHEN
ov Stephen is significant as showing the Ireufnm
with which he handled the sacred history, and tie
comparative unimportance assigned by him and by
the sacred historian who records his speech, to urinate
accuracy. It may almost be said that the whole
speech is a protest against a rigid view of the me-
chanical exactness of the inspired records of the O.T.
"He had regard," as St. Jerome says, "to the
meaning, not to the words."
it would seem that, just at the dose of his argu-
ment, Stephen saw a change in the aspect of hie
judges, as if for the first time they had aught the
drift of his meaning. He broke off from his calm
address, and turned suddenly upon them in an im-
passioned attack which shows that be saw what wee
in store for him. Those heads thrown hack on their
unbending necks, those ears closed against any pene-
tration of truth, were too much for his patience : —
" Te stiffneeked and uncircMncised in heart and
ears 1 ye do always resist the Holy Ghost: as yoin
fathers did, so do ye. Which of the prophets did
not your fathers persecute? ... the Jost One:
of whom ye are the betrayers and murderers.*'
As he spoke they showed by their faces that their
hearts (to use the strong language of the narrative)
" were being sawn asunder," and they kept gnash-
ing their set teeth against him ; but still, though
with difficulty, restraining themselves. He, in this
last crisis of his Site, turned his face upward s to the
open sky, and as he gazed the vault of heaven
seemed to him to part asunder (Srnrorynirox) :
and the Divine Glory appeared through the rending
of the earthly veil — the Divine Presence, seated on
a throne, and on the right band the human form
of "Jesus," not, as in the usual representations,
sitting in repose, bat standing erect as if to assist
His suffering servant. Stephen spoke as if to him-
self, describing the glorious vision; and, in so doing,
alone of all the speakers and writers in the N. T.,
except only Christ Himself, uses the expressive
phrase, "the Son of Man." As his judges heard the
words, expressive of the Divine exaltation of Him
whom they had sought so lately to destroy, they
could forbear no longer. They Volte into a lood veil ;
they clapped their hands to tneh- ears, as if to pre-
vent the entrance of any more blasphemous words ;
they flew as with one impute upon him, and
dragged him out of the city to the place of exe-
cution.
It has been questioned by what right the San*
bedrin proceeded to this act without the concur,
rence of the Roman government; but it is enough
to reply that the whole transaction is one of violent
excitement. On one occasion, even in onr Loid'h
life, the Jews had nearly stoned Him even within
the precincts of the Temple (John viii. 59). " Their
vengeance in other cases was confined to those sub-
ordinate punishments which were left under their
own jurisdiction: imprisonment, pubtio scourging
in the synagogue, and excommunication" (Mihnan's
Hint, of Latin Chrietiutiity. i. 400). SeeConybaare
and Howson's St. Paul, i. 74.
On this occasion, however, they determined for
once to carry out the full penalties enjoined by the
severe code of the Mosaic ritual.
Any violator of the law was to be taken oatsioa
the gates, and then, as if for the sake of giving to
each individual member of the community a sense
of his responsibility in the transaction, he was to be
cruxhed by stones, thrown at him by all the peoj V,
Those, however, were to take the lend in thto
wild and terrible act who had take, upon Cw>
STEPHEN
elns tic respoaaibuity of denouncing him (Dent,
xvii. 7 ; oorop. John viii. 7). Then were, in this
instance, the witnesses who had reported or tnis-
nborted the words of Stephen. They, according to
tne eostom, fer the sake of facility in their dreadful
task, stripped themselves, as is the Eastern practice
on rwnmenclng any violent exertion ; and one of the
prominent leaders in the transaction was deputed by
custom to signify his assent ' to the act by taking
the clothes into hie custody, and standing over them
whilst the bloody work went on. The person who
officiated on this occasion was a young man from
Tarsus— one probably of the Cilician Hellenists who
had disputed with Stephen. His name, as the nar-
rative significantly adds, was Saul.
Everything was now reedy for the execution. It
was outside the gates of Jerusalem. The earlier trn-
ditionf fixed it at what is now called the Damascus
gate. The later, which is the present tradition,
fixed ft at what is hence called St. Stephen's gate,
opening on the descent to the Mount of Olives; and
in the red streaks of the white limestone rocks of
the sloping hill used to be shown the marks of his
blood, and on the first rise of Olivet, opposite, the
eminence on which the Virgin stood to support him
with her prayers.
The sacred narrative fixes its attention only on
two figures — that of Saul of Tarsus already no-
ticed, and that of Stephen himself.
Aa the first volley of stones burst upon him, be
. called upon the Master whose human form he had
just seen in the heavens, and repeated almost the
words with which He himself had given up His life
on the cross, " O Lord Jesus, receive my spirit."
Another crash of stones brought him on his
knees. One loud piercing cry (lutoafe usydAp
^Mwfj) — answering to the loud shriek or yell with
which his enemies had Sown upon him— escaped
his dying lips. Again clinging to the spirit of
ois Master's words, he cried " Lord, lay not this
sin to their charge," and instantly sank upon the
ground, and, in the touching language ot the nar-
rator, who then uses for the first time the word,
afterwards applied, to the departure of all Chris-
tians, but hare the more remarkable from the
bloody scenes in the midst of which the death took
place — faoip^tfn, "fall atletp." »
His mangled body was buried by the class of
Hellenists and proselytes to which he belonged (of
mbaefitit), with an amount of funeral state and
lamentation expressed in two words used here only
in the N. T. (swcceVurav and jem-crds).
This simple expression is enlarged by writers of
the 5th century into an elaborate legend. The High-
Priest it is said, had intended to leave the corpse to
be devoured by beasts of prey. It was rescued by
Gamaliel, earned off in his own chariot by night,
and buried in a new tomb on his property at
Caphar Gamala (village of the Camel), 8 leagues
from Jerusalem. The funeral lamentations lasted
for forty days. All the Apostles attended. Gamaliel
undertook the expense, and, on his death, was in-
terred in an adjacent cave.
This story was probably first drawn up on the
I of the remarkable event which occurred in
8TEPHKN
187V
A.n. 418, under the name of the Invention and
Translation of the Relics of S. Stephen. Successive
visions of Gamaliel to Lucian, the parish priest ot
Caphar Gamala, on the 3rd and 18th of December
in that year, revealed the spot where the martyr's
remains would be found. They were identified by
a tablet bearing his name Cheliel, and were carried
in state to Jerusalem, amidst various portents, and
buried in the church on Mount Zioo, the scene of
so many early Christian traditions. The event of
the Translation is celebrated in the Latin Church
on August 3, probably from the tradition of that
day being the anniversary of the dedication of a
chapel of S. Stephen at Anoona.
The story itself is encompassed with legend, but
the event is mentioned in all the chief writers of
the time. Parts of his remains were afterwards
transported to different parts of the coast of the
West — Minorca, Portugal, North Africa, Anoona,
Constantinople — and in 460 what were still left at
Jerusalem were translated by the Empress Endocia
to a splendid church called by his name on the
supposed scene of his martyrdom (Tillemont, S.
Eticme, art. 5-9, where all the authorities are
quoted).
The importance of Stephen's career may be briefly
summed up under three heads :—
I. He was the first great Christian ecclesiastic
The appointment of " the Seven," commonly (though
not in the Bible) called Deacons, formed the first
direct institution of the nature of an organised
Christian ministry, and of these Stephen was the
head — " the Archdeacon," as he is called in the
Eastern Church — and in this capacity represented as
the companion or precursor of Laurence, Archdeacon
of Rome in the Western Church. In this sense
allusion is made to him in the Anglican Ordination
of Deacons.
II. He ia the first martyr — the proto-martyr.
To him the name " martyr " ia first applied (Acts
xxii. 20). He, first of the Christian Church, bore
witness to the truth of his convictions by a violent
and dreadful death. The veneration which has ac-
crued to his name in consequence is a testimony of
the Bible to the aacredness of truth, to the nobleness
of sincerity, to the wickedness and the folly of per-
secution. It also contains the first germs of the
reverence for the character and for the relics of
martyrs, which afterwards grew to a height, now
regarded by all Christians as excessive. A beautiful
hymn by Reginald Heber commemorates this side ot
Stephen's character.
III. He is the forerunner of St. Paul. So he was
already regarded in ancient times. Xlaikou i StBia-
KttAot is the expression used for him by Basil of Se-
leuoia. But it ia an aspect that has been much more
forcibly drawn out in modern times. Mot only was
bis martyrdom (in all probability) the first means
of converting St. Paul — Jiis prayer for his murderers
not only was fulfilled in the conversion of St. Paul
—the blood of the first martyr, the seed of the
greatest Apostle— the pangs of remorse for his
death, amongst the stings of conscience, against
which the Apostle vainly writhed (Acta ix. 5);
not only thus, but ia his doctrine also he was the
r Oorap. " I was standing by and consenting to bis death,
•sal kept tbe raiment of those that slew him " (Acts xxli
CO).
r These eonMctinf versions are well given in Oonvbeare
and Nowaso, .«. Paul, L 80
* rtedsie of Stepbesf»aeeu« unknown. Bat
statical trsdltion fixes It In the saw year as the Cruci-
fixion, on the aeth of December, the day after Christmas
d»v. Itls beautifully Mid by Aognet]n«( to «na«k>n to Uk
Juxtaposition of the two festivals), that men would noi
have had lbs eeaxase to die for God. tf God bad not becna*
man to die for them (Tluemost, S. Attune, art 4).
411
i380
STOCKS
satibpator, as, bad he lived, he would hare been
the propagator, of the new phase of Chris* lanity.
jf which St. Paul became the main support. His
denunciations of local worship — the stress which ne
tars on the spiritual side of the Jewish history — his
freedom in treating that history — the very tarns of
expression that he uses — are all Pauline.
The history of the above account is taken from
Acts (vi. 1-viii. 2 ; xxii. 19, 20) ; the legends from
Tillerannt (ii. p. 1-24) ; the more general treatment
from Neander's Planting of the Christian Church,
and from Howson and Conybcare in The Life of
St. Paul, ch. 2. [A. P. S.]
STOCKS (njSnO, ID : {eXer). The term
" stocks " is applied in the A. V. to two different
articles, one of which (the Hebrew malipeceth)
answers rather to our pillory, inasmuch as its name
implies that the body was placed in a bent position
by the confinement of the neck and arms as well
as the legs ; while the other {sad) answers to our
" stocks," the feet alone being confined in it. The
former may be compared with the Greek Kviptcv,
as described in the Scholia ad Aristoph. Plat. 476 :
the latter with the Roman nertmt (Plaut. Atin. iii.
2, 5 ; Copt. v. 3, 40), which admitted, however,
of being converted into a species of torture, as the
legs could be drawn asunder at the will of the
jailor (Biacoe on Acts, p. 229). The prophet Jere-
miah was confined in the first sort (Jer. xx. 2),
which appears to have been a common mode of
punishment in his day (Jer. xjcix. 26), as the pri-
sons contained a chamber for the special purpose,
termed " the house of the pillory " (2 Chr. xvi. 10 ;
A. V. "prison-house"). The stocks (sad) are
noticed in Jobxiii. 27, xxxiii. tl, and Acts xvi. £4.
The term used in Prov. vii. 22 (A. V. " stocks";
Jiore properly means a fetter. [W. L. B,]
STOICS. The Stoics and Epicureans, who are
mentioned together in Acts xvii. 18, represent the
two opposite schools of practical philosophy which
survived the fall of higher speculation in Greece
[Philosophy]. The Stoic school was founded Ly
Zeno of Citium (c. B.C. 280), and derived its name
from the painted portico (q trciti'Ai- trroi, Diog.
L. vii.) in which he taught. Zeno was followed by
Cleanthes (c B.C. 260), Cleanthes by Clirysippus
(c. B.C. 240), who was regarded as the intellectual
founder of the Stoic system (Diog. L. vii. 183).
Stoicism soon found an entrance at Home. Dio-
genes Babylonius, a scholar of Chrysippus, was
its representative in the famous embassy of philo-
sophers, B.C. 161 (Aulus Gellius, N.A. vii. 14);
and not long afterwards Panaetius was tile friend
of Scipio Africanus the younger, and many other
leading men at Home. His successor Posidonius
cumbered Cicero and Pompey among his scholars ;
tad under the Empire stoicism was not unnaturally
connected with republican virtue. Seneca (fA.u.
05) and Musonius (Tac. Hist. iii. 81) did much
to popularize the ethical teaching of the school by
their writings; but the true glory of the later
S'xics is Epictetns (fu. A.D. 115), the accords of
rhoee doctrine form the noblest monument of
■ S. a. Seneca, De Clem. 05 : " Peccavimus omncs .
nee deltqalmus tsntum sed sd extremum wvi celiti-
i|aemas." Rom. iii. 23 : " Feccaverunt omnes'* ....
Up. L : " (juera mini dabls .... qui Intelllgat se qwotidiz
meriV Vjam. iv. 31 : " Qiuttidie marior."
J«ro.om(a,yl2: "LandanlenunCEntcnerjeaqnltva
crobtscrhact et vltlo glorfanliir." Putt. UL 1* : » lansa
.... gloila In ctnfrulone eorvui."
STOVES
heatbeii morality (Epictoteae Pkilos. UToman. «4
SchweyniuMer, 1799). The precepts of Kpia.ua
wen adopted by Marcus Aurelius (a.i>. 121-180*;
who endeavoured to shape his public lift by their
guidance. W this last effort stoicism m a r h ad
its climax and iu> end. [Philosophy.]
The ethical system of the Stoics has been com-
monly supposed to have a close connexion with
Christian morality (Gataker, Antoninus Praef. ;
Meyer, Stoic. Eth. c. Christ, compar., 1823), and
the outward similarity of isolated precepts is tc i t
close and worthy of notice. 1 But the morality oi
stoicism is essentially based on pride, that of
Christianity on humility; the one upholds indi-
vidual independence, the other absolute faith in
another; the one looks for consolation in the i»ne>
of fate, the other in Providence ; the one is limited
by periods of cosmical ruin, the other is consum-
mated in a personal resurrection (Acts xvii. 18).
But in spite of the fundamental error of stoicism,
which lies in a supreme egotism, 1 the teaching of
this school gave a wide currency to the noble doo-
trines of the Fatherhood of God (Cleanthes, Hymn.
31-38; comp. Acta xvii. 28), the common bond*
of mankind (Anton, iv. 4), the sovereignty of the
soul. Nor is it to be forgotten that the earlier
Stoics were very closely connected with the East,
from which much of the form, if not of the essence,
of their doctrines seems to have been derived. Zeno
himself was a native of Citium, one of the oldest
Phoenician settlements. [Chittim.] His successor
Chrysippus came from Soli or Tarsus ; and Tarsus
is mentioned as the birthplace of a second Zeno and
Antipater. Diogenes came from Seleuda in Baby-
lonia, Posidonius from Apamea in Syria, and Epic-
tetus from the Phrygian Hieiapolis (comp. Sir A.
Giant, The Ancient Stoics, Oxford Essays, 1858,
p. 82).
The chief authorities for the opinions of the
Stoics are Diog. Laert. vii. ; Cicero, De fht. ;
Plutarch, De Stoic, repugn. ; De plat. Phihs. adv.
Stoic. ; Sextus Empiricus ; and the remains of Seneca,
Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius. Gataker, in his
edition of the Meditations of If. AureJius, has
traced out with the greatest care the parallels which
they oner to Christian doctrine. [B. F. W.]
STOMACHEB (^rna). TheHeb..pet%«
describes some article of female attire (is. iii. 24),
the character of which is a mere matter of con-
jecture. The I. XX. describes it as a variegated
tunic (xit*>7 fiftroTtSfHpvpos) ; the Vnlg. se c
species of girdle {fascia pectoralis). The woid ■
evidently a compound, but its elements are uncer-
tain. Geteuius (Thes. p. 1137) derives it from
7*3 1'IIB, with very much the same sense as in
the LXX. ; Saalschutz {ArchSol. i. 30) from 'JIB
7 s }, with the sense of " undisguised Inst," as applied
to some particular kind of dress. Other explana-
tions are given in Gesen. Thes. \. c. [W. L. B.]
STONES (J3K\ The uses to which stones
were applied in ancient Palestine were very various.
7<t}16: "In regno nsti ramus: Deo psrere Ubertas est.**
KpicL Diss. ii. IT, 22 : i»*»K MlfStr «A"u> sVXe f tl
fab? 9c\ct.
Anton, vtl. T4 : pi) oSv KOfiy* *M*>«AWfU»0? ir -p
wtftcActc.
1 Seneca. De VS». beat. ,8 : " Incorruptus vlr sit entente
•tinsuperahlH.««trafor/i«'tonr«»i»ui.tWt!ifsii'aostqii«
'* uuutnou t p»niwi a-ities Vitus." 1
1. Tiey wata o»ed for 'he ordinary purposes of
boilding, aud in this respect the most noticeable
point ia the very laige size to which th^y occasion-
illy run (Mark xiii. 1). Robinson gives the dimen-
sions of one as 24 feet long by 6 feet bioad and 3
feet high (lies, i. 233 ; see also p. 284, note). For
most public edifices hewn stones were used : an
exception was made in regard to altars, which were
to be built of unhewn stone (Ex. xx. 25 ; Deut.
xxvii. 5 ; Josh. viii. 31), probably as being in a
more natural state. The Phoenician* were parti-
cularly famous for their skill in hewing stone
(2 Sam. v. 11 ; 1 K. v. 18). Stones were selected
of certain colours in order to form ornamental
string-courses : in 1 Chr. xxix. 2 we find enume-
rated " onyx stones and stones to be set, glisteriug
stones (lit. stones of eye-paint), aud of divers colours
(i. «. streaked with veins), and all manner of pre-
cious stones, and marble stones " (comp. 2 Chr. iii.
6). They were also employed for pavements (2 K.
xvi. 17 ; comp. Esth. i. 6). 2. Large stones were
used for closing the entrances of caves (Josh. x.
18; Dan. vi. 17), sepulchres (Matt, xxvii. 60;
John xi. 38, xx. 1), and spriugs (Gen. xxix. 2).
3. Flint-stones * occasionally served the purpose of
a knife, particularly for circumcision and similar
objects (Ex. iv. 25; Josh. v. 2, 3; comp. Herod,
ii. 86 ; Plutarch, Nicias, 13 ; Catull. Cam. lxii. 5).
4. Stones were further used as a munition of war for
dings (1 Sam. xvii. 40, 49), catapults (2 Chr. xxvi.
14), and bows (Wisd. v. 22 ; comp. 1 Mace. vi.
51 ) ; as boundary maiks (Deut. xix. 14, xxvii. 17 ;
Job xxiv. 2; Prov. xxii. 28, xxiii. 10); such were
probably the stone of Bohan (Josh. xv. 6, xviii. 17),
the stoue of Abel (1 Sam. vi. 15, 18), the stone
Esd (1 Sun. xx. 19), the great stone by Gibeon
(2 Sam. xx. 8), and the stone Zohdeth (1 K. i. 9) ;
as weights for scales (Dent. xxv. 13; Prov. xvi.
11) ; and for mills (2 Sam. xi. 21). 5. Large
stones were set up to commemorate any remarkable
events, as by Jacob at Bethel alter his interview
with Jehovah (Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxv. 14), and again
when he made the covenant with Laban (Gen. xxxi.
45) ; by Joshua alter the passage of the Jordan
(Josh. iv. 9) ; and by Samuel in token of his vic-
tory over the Philistines (1 Sam. vii. 12). Similarly
the Egyptian monarchs erected their stelae at the
farthest point they reached ; Herod, ii. 100). Such
stones were occasionally consecrated by anointing, as
instanced in the stone erected st Bethel (Gen. xxviii.
18). A similar practice existed in heathen coun-
tries, and by a singular coincidence these stones
were described in Phoenicia by a name very similar
to Bethel, vis. baetylia (ffcurvAia), whence it has
bean surmised that the heaths name wss derived
from the Scriptural one, or vice vend (Kalisch's
Cor/101, in Gen. 1. c). But neither are the names
actually identical, nor are the associations of a
kiudrad nature ; the baetylia were meteoric stones,
sod derived their sanctity from the belief that they
bad fallen from heaven, whereas the stone at Bethel
was simply commemorative. [Bethel; Idol.]
The only point of resemblance between the two
consists in the custom of anointing — the anointed
stent* (Aifloi XiTopof), which are frequently men-
tioned by ancient writers as objects of divine honour
t Arnob. adv. Gent. i. 39 ; Euseb. Praep. Evan. i.
8TOHES
13d)
TMf or -ft .
TV3bD J3K.
'smb. "'
10, §18 ; Plin. xxxvii. 51), being probably aerolite*
6. That the worship of stones prevailed among the
heathen nations surrounding Palestine, and was
borrowed from them by apostate Israelites, appeal*
from Is. Ivii. 6, according to the ordinary rendering
of the passage ; but the original k adnite of another
sense, " in the smooth (clear of wood) place* of the
valley," and no reliance con be placed on a peculiar
term introduced partly for the sake of alliteration.
The eben masclth,' noticed in Lev. xxvi. 1 (A. V.
" image of stone "), has again been identified with
the baetylia, the doubtful term masctih (comp. Num.
xxxiii. 52, "picture;" Ex. viii. 12, "imagery")
being supposed to refer to devices engraven on the
stone. [Idol.] The statue (matststliah*) of Baal
is said to have been of stone and of a conical shape
(Movers, Pluxn. i. 673), but this is hardly recon-
cileable with the statement of its being burnt in
2 K. x. 26 (the correct reading of which would be
matstsiodh, and not matsUeboth). 7. Heaps of
stones were piled up on various occasions, as in token
of a treaty (Gen. xxxi. 46), in which case a certain
amount of sanctity probably attached to them 'cf.
Horn. Od. xvi. 47 1 ) ; or over the grave of some
notorious offender (Josh. vii. 26, viii. 29 ; 2 Sam.
xviii. 17; see Propert. iv. 5, 75, for a similar cus-
tom among the Romans). The size of some of these
heaps becomes very great from the custom preva-
lent among the Arabs that each passer-by adds a
stone ; • Burckhardt mentions one near Damascus
20 ft. long, 2 ft. high, and 3 ft. broad (Syria,
p. 46). 8. The " white stone " noticed in Rev. ii.
17 has been variously regarded as referring to the
pebble of acquittal used in the Greek courts (Ov.
Met. xv. 41 1 ; to the lot cast in elections in Greece ;
to both these combined, the white conveying the
notion of acquittal, the stone that of election
(Bengel, Gnom. ) ; to the stones in the high-priest's
breastplate (Ziillig) ; to the tickets presented to the
victors at the public games, securing them main-
tenance at the public expense (Hammond) ; or,
lastly, to the custom of writing on stones (Alford
in I. o.). 9. The use of stones for tablets ia alluded
to in Ex. xxiv. 12, and Josh. viii. 32. 10. Stones
for striking Cre are mentioned in 2 Mace x. 3. 11.
Stones were prejudicial to the operations of hus-
bandry : hence the custom of spoiling an enemy's
field by throwing quantities of stones upon it (2 K.
iii. 19, 25), and, again, the necessity of gathering
stones previous to cultivation (Is. v. 2): allusion is
made to both these practices in Eccl. iii. 5 (" a time
to cast away stones, and a time to gather stones ").
12. The notice in Zecb. xii. 3 of the " burdensome
stone" is referred by Jerome to the custom of
lifting stones ss an exercise of strength, which he
describes as being practised in Judaea in his day
(comp. Ecclua. vi. 21) ; but it may equally well
be explained of a large •aornei-stone as a symbol
of strength (Is. xxviii. 10).
Stones are used metaphorically to denote hardness
or insensibility (1 Sam. xxv. 37 ; Ex. xi. 19, xxxvi.
26), as well as firmness or strength, as in Geo.
xlix. 24, where " the stone of Israel is equivalent
to "the rock of Israel " (2 Sam. xxiii. 3; Is. xxx.
29). The members of the Church are called " living
stones," as contributing to rear that living temple
in which Christ, himself " a living stone," is the
U be contained in Prov. xxvi. 8, which he renders ' as a
sag of gems In a heap of stones" (Thee, p. rjsa). Ft*
v i>Jsate has a curiotw version of this passags '• Steal oat
A refeience to (his practice Is supposed by veaenie* ' vlUH lapWess hi acervam MsseunV'
I
1382 STONES, PBEClOUts
Jii»f or bead of the aorner (Eph. ii. £0-23, t Pet.
ii. 4-8). [W. L. B.]
STONES, PBECIOtJS. The reader ie re-
ferred to the separate article*, such as Aoate,
Cabbuhclb, Sardonyx, fcc, ftr such informa-
tion ae it hu bean possible to obtain on the various
genu mentioned in the Bible. The identification
of many of the Hebrew names of precious stones is
a task of considerable difficulty : sometimes we have
no further due to aid us in the determination of a
name than the mere derivation of the word, which
derivation is always too vague to be of any service,
as it merely expresses some quality often common
to many precious stones. As far, however, as
regards the stones of the high-priest's breastplate,
it must be remembered that the authority oi
Josephus, who had frequent opportunities of seeing
it worn, it preferable to any other. The Vulgate
agrees with his nomenclature, and in Jerome's time
the breastplate was still to be Inspected in the
Temple of Concord : hence this agreement of the
two is of great weight* The modern Arabic names
of the more usual gems, which have probably re-
mained fixed the hut 2000 years, afford us also some
approximations to the Hebrew nomenclature; still,
as it was intimated above, there is much that can
only be regarded as conjecture in attempt* at identi-
fication. Precious stones are frequently alluded to
in the Holy Scriptures ; they were known and very
highly valued in the earliest times. The onyx-
stone, fine specimens of which are still of great
value, is expressly mentioned by Moses as being
found in the land of Havilah. The sard and sard-
onyx, the amethyst or rose-quarts, with many
agates and other varieties of quarts, were doubtless
the best known and most readily procured. " Onyx-
stones, and stones to be set, glistering stones and
of divers colours, and all manner of precious
stones," were among the articles collected by David
for the temple (I Chr. xxix. 2). The Tynans
traded in precious stones supplied by Syria (Es.
xxvii. 16), and the robes of their king were covered
with the most brilliant gems. The merchants of
Sheba and Raamah in South Arabia, and doubtless
India and Ceylon, supplied the markets of Tyre
with various precious stones.
The art of engraving on precious stones war
known from the very earliest times. Sir G
Wilkinson says (Anc. Egypt, a. 67, Loud. 1854),
" The Israelites learnt the art of cutting and i
graving stones from the Egyptians." There can be
so doubt that they did learn much of the art from
this skilful nation, but it is probable that it was
known to them long before their sojourn in Egypt ;
for we read in Gen. xxxviii. 18, that when Tamar
desired a pledge Judah gave her his signet, which
we may safely conclude was engraved with soma
device. The twelve stones of the breastplate were
engraved each one with the name of one of the tribes
(Ex. xxviii. 17-21). The two onyx (or sardonyx)
stones which formed the high-priest's shoulder-
pieces were engraved with the names of the twelve
tribes, six on one stone and six on the other, " with
the work of an engraver in stone like the engraving*
ef a signet." See also ver. 36, " like the en.
STONES, PRECIOUS
pavings el a signet." It is an undecided «;a«tioa
wnether toe diamond was known to the early
nations of antiquity. The A. V. gives it as the
rendering of the Heb. TahaUm, (D^iT), but it
is probable that the jasper is intended. Six G.
Wilkinson is of opinion that the ancient Egyptian
were acquainted with the diamond, and used it fV«
engraving (ii. p. 67). Beckmann, on the other
hand, maintains that the use of the diamond was
unknown even to the Greeks and Romans: " I must
confess that I have found no proofs that the ancients
cut glass with a diamond" (Hist, of Invention*,
ii. p. 87, Boon's ed.). The substance used for
polishing precious stones by the ancient Hebrews
and Egyptians was emery powder or the emery
stone (Corundum), a mineral inferior only to the
diamond in hardness [Adamant, App. A.J. There
is no proof that the diamond was known to the
ancient Orientals, and it certainly must be banished
from the list of engraced stones which made the
sacerdotal breastplate ; for the diamond can be cut
only by abrasion with its own powder, or by friction
with another diamond ; and this, even in the hands
of a well-practised artist, is a work of most patient
labour and of considerable difficulty ; and it is not
likely that the Hebrews, or any other Oriental
people, were able to engrave a name upon a dia-
mond as upon a signet ring. k Again, Josephus telts
as (Ant. iii. 7, §5) that the twelve stones of the
breastplate were of great size and extraordinary
beauty. We have no means of ascertaining their
size; probably they were nearly an inch square;
at any rate a diamond only half that size, with
the five letters of jSnt (Zebulun) engraved an
it — for, az be was the sixth son of Jacob (Gea.
xxx. 20), his name would occuoy the third place
in the second row — is quite out of the question,
and cannot possibly be the YahilAm of the bnaat-
plate.
Perhaps the stone called " ligure" by the A. V.
has been the subject of more discussion than any
other of the precious stones mentioned in the Bible.
In our article on that subject we were of opinion
that the stone denoted was probably Umrmahnm.
We objected to the " hyacinth stone representing
the lyncurnm of the ancients, because of its not
possessing attractive powers in any marked degree,
as we supposed and had been informed by a well-
known jeweller. It appears, however, from a com-
munication kindly made to us by Mr. King, that
the hyacinth (strosn) is highly electric when
rubbed; He states he is practically convinced of
this fact, although he allows that highly electric
powers are not usually attributed to it by mineralo-
gists. Mr. King asserts that our hyacinth (JadntA,
zircon) was greatly used for engraving on by-
Greeks, Romans, and Persians, and that numerous
intaglios in it exist of the age of Theophrastua.
The ancient hyacinth** was our sapphire, as
Solinus shows.
Precious stones are used m Scripture in a figura-
tive sense, to signify value, beauty, durability,
fcc, in those objects with which they are com-
pared (see Cant. v. 14; Is. liv. 11, 12; Lam. iv.
• The LXX, Vulg. sod Joseph™, are all agreed as to
Ibe names of Uie stones; there ts, however, some little
IJfmm as to their relative positions in the breastplate :
thus lbs imont, which, according to Josephs*, occupies
•h* second place fa the third row, is by too LXX. and
Vulg. put la the third place; a similar trauqxMitiov
•cam with respect to the ajUsWroc and the «x»rv< hi
the third row.
• 'The srtlsts of the Mrnatawnoa actually snete s ord
In engraving on the dismoDQ ; toe discovery Is assigned
to Clement Bingo, by others to J. as Tfxxe, Philip Ii."*
engraver." [C. W. Kins.]
STONING
T ; Bm. tv. .% I si. K«-21). As to the precious
nonet in th« treastplate of the high-priest, we
Jostphus, Ant, iii. 7, §5; Kpiphanius, rtfl ruv
iS Xitmr rip draw tV r. irroX. r. 'hapiv, in
Efiphanii Opuao. ed, I'etnviua, ii, p. 225-232,
Cologne, 1682, (thit treatise has been edited
wpuately by Conr. Gesner, Dt omni rtrum
ftmil. genere, Ac. Tiguri, 1565 ; and by Mat,
Miller, the author of the Hieropliyticon, in his
8{iutagmata Hermmmtm, p. 83, Tubing. 171 1) ;
Brsun, De Vettitu Socerdotum Hebraearvm
(Amstd. 1680, and 2nd ed. 1698), lib. ii. enpp.
7 and 8; Bellennann, Die (Trim wui Thummim
dieAeUaUn Qemmm, Berlin, 1824; Rosenmiiller,
• The Mineralogy of the Bible,' Biblical Cabinet,
vol. xxvii. [W. H.l
STONING. [Pdndjiihehtb.]
STORK (nTDn, cAosMdA: translated indif-
fercntly by LXX. Aoflta, tvoty. fpttSfoi, xt\fxir :
Vulg. kerodio, herodiut, milvut: A. V. "stork,"
except in Job xxxix. 13, where it is translated
" wing " (" stork " iu the msi^in). But there in
some question as to the correct reading in this
pusnge. The LXX. do not seem to hare recognised
the stork under the Hebrew term fWDn ; other-
wise they could scarcely have missed the obvious
rendering of wt\apy4s, or have adopted in two in-
stances the phonetic representation of the original,
oafSa (whence no doubt Hesych. aVii, floor ip-
rsev). It is singular that a bird so conspicuous
and familiar as the stork must have been both in
Egypt and Palestine should have escaped notice by
the' LXX., but there can be no doubt of the correct-
ness of the rendering of A. V. The Heb. term is
derived from the root TOft, whence IDn, " Hnd-
- T V V
nets," from the maternal and filial affection of which
this bird has beta in all ages the type).
BTOBK
1388
WUaSUk |CMu
The White Stork (Omnia alba, L.) is one of the
Largest and most conspicuous of land birds, standing
nearly rout feet high, the jet black of its wings and
its bright red beak and 'egi contrasting finely with
the pure white of its plumage (Zech. T. 9, "They
had wings like the wings of a stork "). It Is ( laced
by naturalists near the Heron tribe, with wtich it
has some uft.nity, forming a connecting link between
it and the spoonbill and ibis, like all of which, the
stork feeds on fish and reptiles, especially ou the
latter. In the neighbourhood of man it devours
readily all kinds of ofial and garbage. For tliU
reason, doubtless, it is placed in the list of unclean
birds by the Mosaic law (Lev. xi. lit; Dent. xiv.
18). The range of the white stork extends ovei
the whole of Europe, except the British Isles, where
it is now only a rare visitant, and over Northern
Africa and Asia, as far at least as Bhutan.
The Black Stork (Ciconia nigra, L.), though less
abundant in places, is scarcely less widely distri-
buted, but has a more easterly range than its
congener. Both species are very numerous in
Palestine, the white stork being universally distri-
buted, generally in pairs, over the whole country,
the black stork living in large flocks after the
fashion of herons, in the more secluded and marshy
districts. The writer met with a flock of upwards
of fifty black storks feeding near the west shore of
the Dead Sea. They are still more abundant by
the Sea of Galilee, where also the white stork is
so numerous as to be gregarious ; and in the swamps
round the waters of Merom.
While Ihe black stork is never found about build-
ings, but prefers marshy places in forests, and breeds
on the tops of the loftiest trees, where it heaps up
its ample nest far from the haunts of man ; the
white stork attaches itself to him, and for the
service which it renders in the destruction of rep-
tiles and the removal of offal has been repaid from
the earliest times by protection and reverence.
This is especially the case in the countries where it
breeds. In the streets of towns in Holland, In the
villages of Denmark, and in the bazaars of Syria
and Tunis, it may be seen stalking gravely among
the crowd, and wo betide the stranger either in
Holland or in Palestine who should dare to molest it
The claim of the stork to protection seems to have
been equally recognized by the ancients. Sempr.
Rufus, who first ventured to bring young storks to
table, gained the following epigram, on the failure <f
his candidature for the praetorship : —
- Qusnquam est duobns elegsntlor Hands
Sufrrsfrioram puncta dor tullt septem.
Ctconianun populns nltns est mortem."
Horace contemptuously alludes to the same sacrilege
in the lines
" Tntoque dconla nkfci.
Donee vos auctor docuit praetorlaa " (Sat. II. 2, t»\
Pliny (Nat. Hist. x. 21) tells us that in Theasaly
it was a capital crime to kill s stork, and that they
were thus valued equally with human life, in con-
sequence of their warfare against serpents. They
were not lets honoured in Egypt. It is said that
at Fez in Morocco, there is an endowed hospital for
the purpose of assisting and nursing sick crana and
storks, and of burying them when dead. The Maro-
rains hold that storks are human beings in that
form from tome distant islands (see note to Brown's
Pteui. Epid. iii. 27, §3). The Turks in Syria potut
to the stork at a true follower of Islam, from the
preference he always shows for the Turkish and Arab
over the Christian quarters. For this undoubted
feet, however, there may be two other reasons— the
greater amount of offal to be found about the Mutant
houses, and the persecutions suffered from the tap
1384
STORK
Ileal Grata, who rob the nests, and jhow none of
the gentle consideration towards the lower animals
which often redeems the Turkish character. Strick-
land, Mam. and Paper*, vol. ii. p. 227, states that
ft is said to hare quite deserted Greece, since the
expulsion of its Mohammedan protectors. The ob-
Hmtions of the writer corroborated this remark.
Similarly the rooks were said to be so attached
to the old regime, that most of them left France at
theRerolution; a true statement, and accounted for
by the clearing of most of the tine old timber which
used to surround the chateaux of the noblesse.
The derivation of iTTDn points to the paternal
and filial attachment of which the stork seems to
hare been a type among the Hebrews no less than
the Greeks and Romans. It was believed that the
young repaid the care of their parents by attaching
themselves to them for life, and tending them in
old age. Hence it was commonly called among
the Latins " avis pia." (See Laburnus in Petronius
Arbiter ; Aristotle, Hist. Aram. ix. 14 ; and Pliny,
-Voi. Hist. z. 32.)
Pliny also notices their habit of always returning
to the same nest, Probably there is no foundation
for the notion that the stork so far differs from other
birds as to recognise its parents after it has become
mature ; but of the fact of these birds returning
year after year to the same spot, there is no ques-
tion. Unless when molested by msn, storks' nests
ail over the world are rebuilt, or rather repaired,
for generations on the same site, and in Holland the
same individuals have been recognised for many years.
That the parental attachment of the stork is very
strong, has been proved on many occasions. The
tale of the stork which, at the burning of the town
of Delft, vainly endeavoured to carry off her young,
and at length sacrificed her life with theirs rather
than desert them, has been often repeated, and seems
corroborated by unquestionable evidence. Its watch-
fulness over its young is unremitting, and often
shown in • somewhat droll manner. The writer
was once in camp near an old ruined tower in the
plain of Zona, south of the Atlas, where a pair of
storks had their nest. The four young might often
be seen from a little distance, surveying the prospect
from their lonely height; but whenever any of the
human party happened to stroll near the tower,
sue of the old storks, invisible before, would in-
stantly appear, anil, lighting on the nest, put its
foot gently on the necks of all the young, so as to
hold them down out of sight till the stranger had
passed, snapping its bill meanwhile, and assuming
a grotesque air of indifferenc* and unconsciousness
of there being anything under its charge.
Few migratory birds are mora punctual to the
time of their reappearance than the white stork, or
at least, from its familiarity and conspicuousness,
its migrations have been more accurately noted.
" The stork in the heaven knoweth her appointed
*=-— " (see Virgil, Qeorg. ii. 319, and Petron,
times"
Sat.). Pliny states that it is rarely seen in Asia
Minor after the middle of August, This is pro-
bably a slight error, as the ordinary date of its
arrival in Holland is the second week in April, and
it remains until October. In Denmark Judge Boie
toted it* arrival from 1820 to 1847. The earliest
late was the 26th March, and the latest the 12th
April (Kjaerbolling, Danmarh Fugle, p. 262). In
Palestine it has been observed to arrive on the 22nd
March. Immense flocks of storks may be seen on
the banks of the I'pper Nile during winter, and
STOHA
some few further west, in the Sahara; lit H d*m
not appear to migrate very tar south, m leas tnrlrief
the birds that are seen at ihc Cape of Good Boss*
in December be the same which visit Europe.
The stork has no note, and the only sound it
emits is that caused by the sudden snapping of it*
long mandibles, well expressed by the epithet " crota-
lidtria" in Petron. (quasi npoTaXi(m, to rattle the
castanets). From the absence of voice probably
arose the error alluded to by Pliny, "bant qui
cienniis non inane linguas conrirment."
Some unnecessary difficulty has been raised re-
specting the expression in Ps. civ. 1 7, " As for the
stork, the fir-trees are her house." In the west of
Europe the home of the stork is connected with
the dwellings of man, and in the East, ss the easrfca
is mentally associated with the most sublime steoes
in nature, to, to the traveller at least, is the stork
with the ruins of man's noblest works. Amid tike
desolation of his fallen cities throughout Eastern
Europe and the classic portions of Asia and Africa,
we are sure to meet with them surmounting hie
temples, his theatres or baths. It is the same in
Palestine. A pair of storks have possession of the
only tall piece of ruin in the plain of Jericho ; they
are the only tenants of the noble tower of Richard
Coeur de Lion at Lydda; and they gaze on the
plain of Sharon from the lofty tower of Ramleh
(the ancient Arimathea). So they have a pillar
at Tiberias, and a comer of a ruin at Nebi Mousseh.
And no doubt in ancient times the sentry shared
the watch-tower of Samaria or of Jezreel with the
cherished storks. But the instinct of the stork
seems to be to select the loftiest and most con-
spicuous spot he can find where his huge nest may-
be supported ; and whenever he can combine thi*
taste with his instinct for the society of man, be
naturally selects a tower or a roof. In lands of
ruins, which from their neglect and want of drainage
supply him with abundance of food, be finds a
column or a solitary arch the most secure position
for his nest ; but where neither towers nor ruin*
abound he does not hesitate to select a tall tree, as
both storks, swallows, and many other birds most
have done before they were tempted by the artificial
conveniences of man s buildings to desert their na-
tural places of nidirication. Thus the golden eagle
builds, according to circumstances, in cliffs, on trees,
or even on the ground ; and the common heron,
which generally associates on the tops of the tallest
trees, builds in Westmoreland and in Gslway on
bushes. It is therefore needless to interpret the
text of the stork merely perching on trees. It pro-
bably was no less numerous in Palestine when
David wrote than now ; but the number of suitable
towers must have been far fewer, and it would
therefore resort to trees. Though it dees not fre-
quent trees in South Judaea, yet it still builds on
trees by the Sea of Galilee, according to several
travellers ; and the writer may remark, that while
he has never seen the nest except on towers or
pillars in that land of ruins, Tunis, the only nest
he ever saw in Morocco was on a tree. Vanrc
{Re Sustica, iii. 5) observes, " Advenae voluciw
pullos faciunt, in agro ciamiae, in tecto hirundhw*.'*
All modern authorities give instances of tno white
stork building on trees. Degland mentions several
pairs which still breed in a marsh near Chaloua-
sur-Mame (Om. Europ. ii. 153). Kjserbollinp
makes a similar statement with respect to lien-
mark, and Nillson also as to Sweden. rVyiekej
obs-i ve> " that in fiernviay the white stoik builds
BTBADt AT
in tint grilles, ic, and in trees, chiefly the tops of
poplars and the strong upper branches of the oak,
binding the branches together with twigs, turf, and
earth, and covering the fiat surface with straw,
tnoas, and feathers {Eier Eur. pi. xxxvi.).
The black stork, no leas common in Palestine,
hai never relinquished its natural habit of building
upon trees. This species, in the north-eastern por-
tion of the land, is the most abundant of the two
(Harmer's 06s. iii. 323). Of either, however, the
expression mav be taken literally, that " the fir-trees
are a dwelling for the stork." [H. B. T.]
STBAIN AT. The A. V. of 1611 renders
Matt, xxiii. 24, " Ye blind guides ! which strain at
t gnat, and swallow a camel." There can be little
doubt, as Dean Trench has supposed, that this ob-
scure phrase is due to a printer's error, and that
the true reading is " strain out." Such is the sense
of the Greek SivXlfcur, as used by Plutarch ( Op.
Mar. p. 692 D, Symp. PrM. vi. 7, §1) and Dios-
corides (ii. 86 j, viz. to clarify by passing through
a strainer (bKurH\p). " Strain out," is the reading
of Tyndale's (1539), Cranmer's (1539), the Bishops'
(1568), and the Geneva (1557) Bibles, and " strain
at," which la neither correct nor intelligible, could
only have crept into our A. V., and been allowed
to remain there, by an oversight. Dean Trench
gives an interesting illustration of the passage from
a private letter written to him by a recent traveller
in North Africa, who says : " In a ride from Tan-
gier to Tetuan, I observed that a Moorish soldier
who accompanied me, when he drank, always un-
folded the end of his turban and placed it over the
month of his bota, drinking through the muslin, to
strain out the gnat*, whose larvae swarm in the
water of that country " {On the Auth. Vers, of the
A*. T. pp. 172, 173). If one might conjecture the
cause which led, even erroneously, to the substitu-
tion of at for out, it is perhaps to be found in the
marginal note of the Geneva Version, which explains
the verse thus : "Ye stay at that which is nothing,
and let pan that which is of greater importance."
STKANGEE (13, 3B>n). A "stranger" in
the technical sense of the term may be defined to be
■ person of foreign, •'. e. non-Israelitish, extraction
resident within the limits of the promised land.
He was distinct from the proper " foreigner," ■
inasmuch as the latter still belonged to another
country, and would only visit Palestine as a tra-
veller : be was still more distinct from the " na-
tions," * or non-Israelite peoples, who heid no
relationship with the chosen people of God. The
term answers most nearly to the Gieek steroiKoi,
and may be compared with our expression " natu-
ralized foreigner," in as far as this implies a certain
political status in the country where the foreigner
resides : it is opposed to one *' born in the land," c
or, as the term more properly means, •' not trans-
planted," in the same way that a naturalized
foreigner is opposed to a native. The terms applied
to *Jie " stranger" have special reference to the fact
of his residing * in the land. The existence of such
8TRANGBK
1386
D'U.
«mt«.
* "U, SCnR. These terms appear to describe, not
two different classes of strangers, but the stranger under
two different aspects, ger ratber Implying his foreign
Hizln, or tbe (set of his having turned tuidt to abide
with another people, Uthdb implying his permanent re-
Minor In tbr land of bis adoption. Winer iKeatuo
" frtmde "*, regards tbe Utter as eciii'valrnt j hireling.
a class of persons among the Israelite* is easily
accounted for: the "mixed multitude" that ac-
companied them out of Egypt (Ex. xii. 38) formed
one element ; the Canaanitish population, which
was never wholly extirpated froa their native soil,
formed another and a still more important onoj
captives taken in war formed a third ; fugitives,
hired servants, merchants, &c., formed a fourth.
The number from these various sources must hart
been at all times very considerable ; the census of
them : n Solomon's time gave a return of 153,600
males (2 Chr. ii. 17), which was equal to about a
tenth of the whole population. The enactments
of the Mosaic Law, which legulated the political
and social position of resident strangers, were con-
ceived in a spirit of great liberality. With the
exception of the Moabites and Ammonites (Dent.
xxiii. 3), all nations were admissible to the rights
of citizenship under certain conditions. It. would
appear, indeed, to be a consequence of the prohibition
of intermarriage with the Canaanites (Deut. vii. 3),
that these would be excluded from the rights of
citizenship; but the Rabbinical view that this ex-
clusion was superseded in the case of proselytes
seems highly probable, as we find Doeg the Edoinite
(1 Sam. xxi. 7, xxii. 9), Uriah the Hittite (2 Sam.
xi. 6), and Araunah the Jebusite (2 Sam. xxiv. 18),
enjoying to all appearance the full rights of citizen-
ship. Whether a stranger could ever become legally
a landowner is a question about which there may
be doubt. Theoretically the whole of the soil w:is
portioned out among the twelve tribes, and Ezekiel
notices it as a peculiarity of the division which he
witnessed in vision, that the strangers were to share
the inheritance with the Israelites, and should thus
become as those " born in the country" (Ez. xlvii.
22). Indeed the term "stranger" is more than
once applied in a pointed manner to signify one
who was not a landowner (Gen. xxiii. 4 ; Lev. xxv.
23) ; while on the other hand ezrach (A. V. " bnrn
in the land ") may have reference to the possession
of the soil, as it is borrowed from the image of a
tree not transplanted, and so occupying its native
soil. The Israelites, however, never succeeded in
obtaining possession of the whole, and it is possible
that the Canaanitish occupants may in comae of
time have been recognised as " strangers," and had
the right of retaining their land conceded to them.
There was of course nothing to prevent a Cnnaanite
from becoming the mortgagee in possession of a
plot, but this would not constitute him a proper
landowner, inasmuch as he would lose all interest
in the property when the year of Jubilee came
round. That they possessed land in one of these
two capacities is clear from the case of Araunah
above cited. The stranger appears to have been
eligible to all civil offices, that of king excepted
(Deut. xvii. 15). In regard to religion, it was
absolutely necessary that the stranger should not
infringe any of the fundamental laws of the Isrnel-
itish state: he was forbidden to blaspheme the
name of Jehovah (Lev. xxiv. 16), to work on the
Sabbath (Ex. xx. 10), to eat leavened bread at the
Jshn (ArchaeoL i. 11, $181) explains tiskib of one who,
whether Hebrew or foreigner, was destitute of a home.
We see do evidence for either of these opinions. In the
LXX. these terms are most frequently rendered byirapot-
KOf , tbe Alexandrian substitute for the classical proucoe
Sometimes jrjxxnjXiTot Is used, ani la two passages <K*
ill. it ; Is. xlv. l) ytuipat, as remesei'UnK tb- Cb iVse
fomi of tr.i word far
1386
8TBANGKR
woe of (he Passover (Ex. xii. 19), to commit ant
01 each of the marriage laws (Lev. nriii. 26), to
worship Holech (Lor. xx. 2), or to eat blood or
the nest of any animal that had died otherwise
than by the hand of man (Lev. xvii. 10, 15). He
was required to release a Hebrew servant in the
year of Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 47-54), to observe the day
of atonement (Lev. xvi. 29), to perform the rites
of purification when necessary (Lev. xvii. 15 ; Num.
xix. 10), and to offer kin-offerings after sins of igno-
rance (Num. iv. 29). If the stranger wss a bonds-
man he was obliged to submit to circumcision (Ex.
*'!' **) ' ^ "• WM independent, it was optional
with him ; but if he remained uncircumcised, he
was prohibited from partaking of the Passover ifii.
xii. 48), and could not be regarded as a full citizen.
Lilerty was also given in regard to the use of pro-
hibited food to an uncircumcised stranger ; for on
this ground alone can we harmonise the statements
in Deut xiv. 21 and Lev. xvii. 10, 15. Assuming,
however, that the stranger was circumcised, no
distinction existed in regard to legal rights between
the stranger and the Israelite : " one law " for both
classes is a principle affirmed in respect to religious
observances (Ex. xii. 49 ; Num. xv. 16), and to legal
proceedings (Lev. xxiv. 22), and the judges are
strictly warned against any partiality in their de-
cisions (Deut i. 16, xxiv. 17, 18). The Israelite
is also enjoined to treat him as a brother (Lev. xii.
34; Deut x. 19), and the precept is enforced in
each case by a reference to his own state in the
land of Egypt. Such precepts were needed in older
to counteract the natural tendency to treat persons
in the position of strangers with rigour. For,
though there was the possibility of a stranger ac-
quiring wealth and becoming the owner of Hebrew
slaves (Lev. xxv. 47), yet his normal state was one
of poverty, as implied in the numerous passages
where he is coupled with the fatherless and the
widow (e. g. Ex. xxii. 21-23 ; Deut x. 18, xxiv.
17), and in the special directions respecting his
having a share in the feasts that accompanied cer-
tain religious festivals (Deut xvi. 1 1, 14, xxvi. 11),
in the leasing of the corn-field, the vineyard, and
the olive-yard (Lev. xix. 10, xxiii. 22 ; Deut xxiv.
20), in the produce of the triennial tithe (Deut. xiv.
28, 29), in the forgotten sheaf (Deut. xxiv. 19), and
in the spontaneous production of the soil in the
sabbatical year (Lev. xxv. 6). It also appears that
the "stranger" formed the class whence the hire-
lings were drawn : the terms being coupled together
in Ex. xii. 45 ; Lev. xxii. 10, xxv. 6, 40. Such
labourers were engaged either by the day (Lev. xix.
13 ; Deut xxiv. 15), or by the year (Lev. xxv. 53),
and appear to have been considerately treated, for
'he condition of the Hebrew slave is favourably
aimpared with that of the hired servant and the
sojourner in contradistinction to the bondman (Lev.
xxv. 39, 40). A less fortunate class of strangers,
probably captives in war or for debt, were reduced
to slavery, and were subject to be bought and sold
'Lav. xxv. 45), as well as to be put to task-work, as
was the case with the Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 21) and
with those whom Solomon employed in the building
rf the Temple (2 Chr. 11. 18). The liberal spirit of
the Mosaic regulations respecting strangers presents
a strong contrast to the rigid exclusiveness of the
Jews at the commencement of the Christian era.
The growth of this spirit dates from the time of
the Babylonish captivity, and originated partly in
the outrages which the Jews suffered at toe hands
•f foreigners, and partly through a fear lest their
STREET
nationality should be swampea by cotstsnt ftJmtr-
tur* with foreigners : the latter motive apsmra la
have dictated the stringent measures adopted by
Neheminh ;Neh. ix. 2, xiii. 3). Our Lord condemns
this exclusive spirit in the parable of the good
Samaritan, where He defines the term "neighbour"
in a sense new to His hearers (Luke x. 36). It
should be observed, however, that the proselyte"
of the New Testament is the trne representative of
the stranger of the Old Testament, and towards this
class a cordial feeling was manifested. [Prose-
lyte.] The term " stranger" {lint) is generally
nsed in the New Testament in the general sense ot
foreigner, and occasionally in its more technical sense
as opposed to a citizen (Eph. ii. 19). [W. L. B.J
STRAW (|3R Ubm : &x»*»r : poito). Both
wheat and barley straw were used by the ancient
Hebrews chiefly as fodder for their horses, cattle,
and camels (Gen. xxiv. 25 ; 1 K. iv. 28 ; Is. xi. 7.
lxv. 25). The straw was probably often chopped
and mixed with barley, beans, &c, for provender
(see Haimer's Observation*, i. 423-4; Wilkinson,
Anc. Egypt, ii. 48, Lond. 1854). There is no
intimation that straw was used for litter; Banner
thinks it was not so employed ; the litter the people
now use in those countries is the animals* dung,
dried in the sun and bruised between their hands
which they heap up again in the morning, sprinkling
it in the summer with fresh water to keep it from
corrupting {Ota. p. 424, Lond. 1797). Straw in
employed by the Egyptians for making bricks
(Ex. v. 7, 16) : it win chopped up and mixed
with the clay to make them more compact and tn
prevent their cracking (y4nc. Egypt, ii. 194).
[Bricks.] The ancient Egyptians reaped their
com close to the ear, and afterwards cut the straw
close to the ground (Td. p. 48) and laid it by.
This was the straw that Pharaoh refused to give to
the Israelites, who were therefore compelled to gather
"stubble" {dp, JT<un) instead, a matter of con-
siderable difficulty, seeing that the straw itself had
been cut off near to the ground. The Stubblt fie-
quently alluded to in the Scriptures may denote
either the short standing straw, mentioned above,
which waa commonly set on rire, hence the stilt
sions in Is. v. 24; Joel ii. 5, or the small frag-
ments that would be left behind after the reapir (%,
hence the expression, " as the KaA before the wil 1 "
(Ps. lxxxiii. 13; Is. xii. 2; Jer. xiii. 24). [W. 4.]
STREAM OF EGYPT {&?& SrW: *W
itipoupa (pi.) : torrent Aegypti), once occurs in the
A. V. instead of " the river of Egypt," apparently
to avoid tautology (Is. xrvii. 12). It is the best
translation of this doubtful name, for it sxpresaea
the sense of the Hebrew while retaining the vague-
ness it has, so long as we cannot decide whether it
is applied to the Pelusian branch of the Kile or the
stream of the Wadi-l-'Areesh. [RtVEB. OF Eotft :
NlUS.] [R. & P.]
BTBEET (f>n, Sim, ptt?: wAorttk, *•>«).
The streets of a modern Oriental town present *
great contrast to those with which we are familiar,
being generally narrow, tortuous, and gloomy, ever,
in the best towns, such as Cairo (Lane, i. 25),
Damascus (Porter, i. 30), and Aleppo f Russell, '
14). Their character is mainly fixed by the cli-
• The term epoOTJitmx occurs tn the IXX. as =
tn Kc an. 18. xx. 10, xxii. at, uili. a.
Tl
5THEET
•tut* and Oh style of architecture, the na i iowi m a
wing due to the extreme heat, and the gloominea
to the circumstance of the windows looking for the
roost pert into the inner court. As theee seme
influences existed in ancient times, we should be
*nclinad to think that the streets were much of the
same character as at present. The opposite opinion
has, indeed, been maintained on account of the He-
brew term HUM, frequently applied to streets, and
properly meaning a wide place. The specific signi-
fication of this term, however, is rather a court-
yard or square: it is applied in this sense to the
broad open space adjacent to the gate of a town,
where public business was transacted (Deut. xiii.
\6;, and, again, to the court before the Temple
(Ear. x. 9) or before a palace (Esth. it. 6). Its
application to the street may point to the aom-
paratiee width of the main street, or it may per-
haps convey the idea of publicity rather than of
width, a ■ sense well adapted to the passages in
which it occurs («. g. Gen. xix. 2 ; Judg. xix. 15 ;
2 Sam. xxi. 12). The street called " Straight," in
Damascus (Acta ix. 11), was an exception to the
rule of narrowness: it was a noble thoroughfare,
100 met wide, divided in the Roman age by colon-
nades into three avenues, the central one for foot
passengers, the side passages for vehicles and horse-
men going in different directions (Porter, i. 47).
The shops and warehouses were probably collected
together into bazars in ancient as in modem times :
we read of the bakers' baxar (Jer. xxxvii. 21), and
of the wool, bnu-ier, and clothes bazars (eVveosl)
in Jerusalem (Joseph. B. J. v. 8, §1), and perhaps
the agreement between Benhadad and Ahab that
the latter should " make streets in Damascus"
(I K. xx. 34), was in reference rather to bazars
(the term chit* here used being the same as in Jer.
xxxvii. 21), and thi<s amounted to the establishment
of a jus oommercii. A lively description of the
bazars at Damascus is furnished us by Porter
'i. 58-60). The broad and narrow streets are dis-
tinguished under the terms richSb and chits in the
following passages, though the point is frequently
lost in the A. V. by rendering the latter term
"abroad" or "without": — Prov. v. 16, vii. 12,
jiii. 13; Jer. v. 1, ix. 21 ; Am. v. 16; Nah.ii.4.
The same distinction is apparently expressed by the
terms rtaUb and sAstt in Cant. iii. 2, and by s-Xorsia
and ^sfttsj in Luke xiv. 21 : but the etymological
sense of shU points rather to a place of concourse,
such as a market-place, while p^in) is applied to
the " Straight" street of Damascus (Acts ix. 11),
and is also used in reference to the Pharisees (Matt,
vi. 2) as a place of the greatest publicity: it is
therefore doubtful whether the contrast can be sus-
tained : Josephus describes the alleys of Jerusalem
under the term artnwol {B. J. v. 8, $1). The
term sttt occurs elsewhere only in Prov. vii. 8;
Keel. xii. 4, 5. The term chits, already noticed,
applies generally to that which is outside the resi-
dence (as in Prov. vii. 12, A. V. - she is witboot "),
and hence to other places than streets, as to a
pasture-ground (Job xiii. 17, where the A. V.
requires emendation). That streets occasionally had
Lames appears from Jer. xxxvii. 21; Acts ix. 11.
That they were generally unpaved may be inferred
fiom the notices of the pavement laid by Herod the
Great at Aotioch (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 5, $3), and by
Herod Agrippa II. at Jerusalem {Ant. xx. 9, §7).
H'occ pavement forms ooe of the peculiar features
A the ideal Jerusalem (Tob. xiii. 17 ; Rev. xii. 21 ).
lata street aud bazar in a modern town is locked
fLOUOTH
1387
up st night (Lane, i. 25 ; Russell, 1. 21), and hsnet
a person cannot pass without being observed ty the
watchman : the same custom appters to have pt«-
vailed in ancient times (Cant. iii. 3). [W. L. B.]
BTBEPE8. [Pusishments.]
STJ'AH(niD: lovi: Sue). Son of Zophah, sa
Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 36).
SU*BA (2aM I Alex. SevjSdi : 8uba). The
sons of Sum were aiiong the sons of Solomon's
servants who returned with Zerubbabel (1 Esd. v.
34). There is nothing corresponding to the name
in the Hebrew lists of Ezra and Nehemioh.
BUBA'I (Zv0at; Alez.2v/3«1: O&ai) = Shai^
KAI (1 Esd. v. 30; comp. Ezr. ii. 46).
SUCCOTH (nbD: 1*W in Gen. in both
MSS., elsewhere 2okx<£6, SoKjrwfa, 2<x.Ysi a i
Alex. Sokx»S : in Gen. Sochoth, id at, tabernaoula ;
Soacath, Soochath). A town of ancient data in the
Holy Land, which is first heard of in the account
of the homeward journey of Jacob from Padan-aiam
(Gen. xxxiii. 17). The name is fancifully derived
from the fact of Jacob's having there put uj
" booths" (Succdth, nbD) for his cattle, as well
as a house for himself. Whether that occurrence
originated the name of Succoth (and, following the
analogy of other history, it is not probable that it
did), the mention of the house and the booths in
contrast to the " tents " of the wandering life indi-
cates that the Patriarch made a lengthened stay
there — a fact not elsewhere alluded to.
From the itinerary of Jacob's return it seems
that Succoth lay between Pkniel, near the ford oi
the torrent Jabbok, and Shechem (comp. xxxii. 30,
and xxxiii. 18, which latter would be more accurately
rendered " Came safe to the city Shechem "). In
accordance with this is the mention of Succoth in
the narrative of Gideon's pursuit of Zebah and Zol-
munna (Judg. viii. 5-17). His course is eastward
— the reverse of Jacob's— and he comes first to
Succoth, and then to Penuel, the latter being far-
ther up the mountain than the former (ver. 8,
" went up thence "). Its importance at this time
is shown by the organisation and number of its
seventy-seven head-men— chiefs and ■ sheikhs — and
also by the defiance with which it treated Gideon on
his first application.
It would appear from this passage that it lay on
the east of Jordan, which is corroborated by the
fact that it was allotted to the tribe of Gad (Josh,
xiii. 27). In the account of Jacob's journey, all
mention of the Jordan is omitted.
Succoth is named once again after this — in 1 K. vii.
46 ; 2 Chr. iv. 17 — as marking the spot at which
the brass foundries were placed for casting the
metal-work of the Temple, " in the district of
Jordan, in the fat or soft ground between Succoth
and Zarthan." But, as the position of Zarthan is
not yet known, this notice has no topographical
value beyond the mention of the Jordan.
It appears to hare been known in the tune of
Jerome, who says ( Quaest. m (Jen. xxxiii. 16) that
there was then a town named Sochoth beyond the
Jordan {trans Jordanem), in the district (parte) of
Scythopolis. Nothing more, however, was heard
of it till Burckhordt's journey. He mentions it in
• t«gj. A.V. •
stenlflcutoii of the
u> head or struts.
." The word has exactly us
sftcstt, aa old nan, sod baas*
1388
SUuOOTH
a not* to p. 345 (July 2). He is speaking of the
places about the Jordan, and, after naming three
ruined towns " on the west side of the river to the
north of Bysan," he says : *' Near where we crossed
to the south are the ruins of Sukkot (tJu.). On
the western bank of the river there are no rains
between Ain Sultan (which he has just said was
She southernmost of the three rained places north
jf Bvsan) aud Kieha or Jericho." There can,
therefore, be no doubt that the Sukkot of Burck-
haidt was on the east of the Jordan. The spot
at which he crossed he has already stated (p. 343,
4) to have been " two hours fiom Bysan, which
bore N.N.W."
Dr. Robinson (B. R. iii. 309, be.) and Mr. Van
de Velde (Syr. and Pal. ii. 343) have discovered
a place named Sikit (^ JX„), evidently entirely
distinct both in name aud position from that of
Burckhardt. In the accounts and maps of these
travellers it is placed on the west side of the Jor-
dan, less than a mile from the rivet, and about 10
miles south of Beisdn. A tine spring bubbles out
on the east side of the low bluff on which the rains
stand. The distance of Sakut from Beisdn is too
great, even if it were ou the other side of the
Jordan, to allow of its being the place referred to by
Jerome. The Sukkot of Burckhardt is more suit-
able. But it is doubtful whether either of them
can be the Succoth of the Old Test. For the events
of Gideon's story the latter of the two is uot un-
suitable. It is in the line of flight and pursuit
which we may suppose the Midianites and Gideon
to have taken, and it is also near a ford. Sakut, on
the other haud, seems too far south, and is also on
the west of the river. Bnt both appear too far
to the north for the Succoth of Jacob, lying as that
did between the Jabbok and Shcchem, especially if
we place the Wady Zerka (usually identified with the
Jabbok) further to the south than it is placed
in Van de Velde 's map, as Mr. Beke* proposes to
do. Jacob's direct road from the Wady Zerka to
Sbechem would have led him by the Wady Fer-
rah, on the one hand, or through Yanin, ou the
other. If he went north as far us Sikit, he must
have ascended by the Wady italeh to Teyadr. and
so through Tubas and the Wady Bid/in. Perhaps
his going north was a raw to escape the dangerous
proximity of Esau ; and if he made a long stay at
Succoth, as suggested in the outset of this article.
*he detour from the direct road to Shechem would
be of little importance to him.
Until the position of Succoth is more exactly
ascertained, it is impossible to say what was the
ValXET OP Soccoth mentioned in Hs. lx. 6 and
cviii. 7. The word rendered " Valley " is 'tmek in
both oases (ii KalXas Taw o-irnn»> ; VaUis Soccoth).
The same word is employed (Josh. xiii. 27; in speci-
fying the position of the group of towns amongst
which Succoth occurs, in describing the allotment
of Gad. So that it evidently denotes some marked
feature of the country. It is not probable, however,
that the main valley of the Jordan, the Ghdr, is
intended, that being always designated in the Bible
by the name of " the Arabah." f G.J
a This gentleman, an old and experienced traveller, has
lately returned from a Journey between Damascus, the
Wady Zerka, and Nablna. It was undertaken with the
view of testing his theory that Haran was In the notch
SUOOOTH-BENOTH
BUC'OOTH (rtSD: 3o« X e5»: SocctA, Soeaoik
"booths," or "tents"), the first camping-place <t
the Israelites when they left Egypt 'Ex. xii. 37
xiii. 20; Num. xziiii. 5, 6). This place vai
apparently reached at the close of the first day's
march. It can scarcely be doubted that each ot
the first three stations marks the end of a single
journey. Barneses, the starting-place, we have
shown was probably near the western end of the
Wadi-t-Tumeylat. We have etlculated the dis-
tance traversed in each day's journey to have been
about fifteen miles, and as Succoth was not in the
desert, the next station, Etham, being " in the edge
of the wilderness " (Ex. xiii. 20 ; Num. xxxiii. 6 ; . it
must have been in the valley, and consequently
nearly due east of Rameses, and fifteen miles distant
in a straight line. If Kameses may be supposed to
have been near the mound called EI-'Abbiseeyeh.
the position of Succoth can be readily determine)
within moderate limits of uncertainty. It was
probably, to judge from its name, a resting-place
of caravans, or a military station, or a town named
from one of the two. We fiud similar names in
Scenae Mandrne (/tin. Ant.), Sceuae Mandrornir
(Not. Dign.) or 2*-nyJ) Moropur (Nut. Qntrc.
Episcopatuum), Sceuae Veteranorum (It. Ant. Not.
Dig".), and Sccnae extra Gerasa (sic : Not. Dign. .
See, for all these places, Parthey, Zur Erdhmtlt
des alten Aegyptms, p. 535. It is, however,
evident that such a name would he easily lost, and
even if preserved, hard to recognise, as it might be
concealed under a corresponding name of similar
signification, though veiy different in sound, as that
of the settlement of Ionian and Carian mercenaries*,
called t4 'Xrpariwtta (Herod, ii. 154).
We must here remark upon the extreme carries?-
nets with which it has been taken Sir granted that
the whole joumey to the Red Sea was through the
desert, and an argument against the authenticity
of the sacred narrative based upon evidence which
it not only does not state but contradicts. For,
as we have seen, Etham, the second camping-
place, was " in the edge of the wilderness,'' and tl.e
country was once cultivated along the vallev
through which passed the canal of the Red !Sea.
The demand that Moses was commissioned to make,
(hat the Israelites might take " three days' journey
into the wilderness" (Ex. iii. 18), does not imply thjit
the joumey was to be of three days through the
wilderness, but rather that it would be necessary ti<
make three days' journey in order to sacrifice in th»
wilderness. [ExoDCS, the; Red Ska, Pass a. a:
op.] [R. S. P.J
8UC'COTH-BEN'OTH(rtJVTrt3p: Ss.«-
x£r0-B<W0: Sochoth-benolh) occurs only in 2 K.
x vii. 30, where the Babylonish settlers in ivtmaria are
said to have set up the worship of Succoth-benoth
ou their arrival in that country. It has generally
been supposed that this term is pure Hebrew, and
signifies the "tents of daughters;" which some
explain as " the booths in which the daughters ot
the Babylonians prostituted themselves in honour
of their idol," others as " small tabernacles in which
were contained images of female deitie* " 'compare
Gesenius and S. Newman, ad two. flSO ; Wine-,
all that concerns as here Is to say that its has aud the
latitude ot the mouth or the Wady Zerka at W 13", ca
more than ten miles south of Ita position In Von di
VelJc'a map. Mr. Beke's paper and map wfU be pat
towbood of I Ionian us. Without gulugbuo thalqaewien, UalMd In the Jaumai ol tiJ It. tieogr. ikctetj tor JHS»
Si'CHATTtrro
l/cjhatrttrbuc/t, ii. p. 543; Oalmet, Commmtaire
/Jitinxl, ii. t>d7j. It is a strong objection to both
these explanations, thai Sucooth-benoth, which in
the passage in Kings occurs in the some construc-
tion with Nergal and various other gods, is thus
not a deity at all, nor, strictly speaking, an object
of worship. Perhaps therefore the suggestion of
3ir H. Rawlinson, against which this objection does
not lie, roar be admitted to deserve some attention.
This writer thinks that Succoth-benoth represents
the Chaldaean goddess Zir-banit, the wife of Me-
rodach, who was especially worshipped at Babylon,
in conjunction with her husband, and who is called
the " queen " of the place. Succoth he supposes to
be either " a Hamitic term equivalent to Zir,' or pos-
sibly a Shemitic mistranslation of the term — Zir at,
" supreme," being confounded with Zarat, " tents."
(See the Eetay of Sir H. Rawlinson in Rawlinson 'a
Herodotus, rot. i. p. 630.) [6. R.]
SUCHATIUTK8(D'lt5lfe>: a»casWp: in
taberHaculU commorantet). One of the fiunilies of
scribes at Jabcz (1 Chr. ii. 55).
8UD (SovS : Sodi). A river in the immediate
neighbourhood of Babylon, on the banks of which
Jewish exiles lived (Bar. i. 4). No such river is
known to geographers : but if we assume that the
first part of the book of Baruch was written in He-
brew, the original text may have been Sur, the finals
having been changed into "I. In this case the name
would represent, not the town of Sora, as suggested
by Bochart (Phaleg, i. 8), but the river Euphrates
itself, which is always named by Arab geographers
" the river of Sura," a corruption probably of the
" Sippara" of the inscriptions (Rawlinson's Herod.
i. 611, not**). [W. L. B.]
8UD (SowM; Alex, iowri: 8u) = Sia, or
SlAHA (1 Esd. v. 29 ; comp. Neh. vii. 47 ; Ezr.
ii. 44).
SUTRAS (XoMas : Serebia et Edias) =
HoDAVIAR 3 and Houevah (1 had. v. 26 ; comp.
Exr.iii.40; Neh. vii. 43}.
SUK'KHMS (D"3^: TporyAootVo. : IVogb-
ditac), a nation mentioned (2 Chr. xii. 3) with the
Lubim azd Coahim as supplying part of the army
which cams with Shishak out of Egypt when he in-
vaded Jndah. Gssenius (Lex. s. v.) suggests that
their name signifies "dwellers in tents," in which
case it might perhaps be better to suppose them to
have been an Arab tribe like the Scenitae, than
Ethiopians. If it is borne in mind that Zerah was
apparently allied with the Arabs south of Palestine
fZsBAll}, whom we know Shisbak to have subdued
Shishak], our conjecture does not seem to be im-
probable. The Sukkiims may correspond to some
one of the shephi.rd or wandering races mentioned
on the Kgyptian monuments, but Te have not
found auy nami} in hieroglyphics resembling their
a«roe in the Bible, and this somewhat favours the
opinion that it is a .Sh»mitic appellation. [K. S. P.]
SUN (Wt&). In tie history of the creation
the sun is df scribed as the " greater light " in con-
tradiitlncticn to the moon or "lesser light," in
smijcinctiou with which it was to serve " for signs,
ami rbr seasons, and for days, and for years," while
its special office was " to rule the day " (Gen. i.
14-16). The "signs" referred to were probably
such extraordinary phenomena as eclipses, which
men reg.irded as conveying premonitions of coming
RUN
1380
events ( Jer. x. 2 ; Matt. xxiv. 29, with Luke xxi, 1'H
The joint influence assigned to the sun and moon in
deciding the " seuoos," both for agricultural opera-
tions and for religious festivals, and also in regulating
the length and subdivisions of the " yeai s," correctly
describes the combination of the lunar and solar
year, which prevailed at all events subsequently tr
the Mosaic period — the moon being the measurer
(ft-ar* i{axh*) »( the lapse of time by the subdivi-
sions of months and weeks, while the sun was the
ultimate regulator of the length of the year by
means of the recurrence of the feast of Pentecost at
a fixed agricultural season, vii. when the corn be-
cameripe. The sun " ruled the day " alone, sharing
the dominion of the skies with the moon, the bril-
liancy and utility of which for journeys and other
purposes enhances its value in Eastern countries.
It "ruled the day," not only in reference to
its powerful influences, but also as deciding the
length of the day and supplying the means of
calculating its progress. Sun-rise and sun-set are
the only defined points of time in the absence of
artificial contrivances for telling the hour of the
day: and as these points are less variable in the
latitude of Palestine than in our country, they
served the purpose of marking the commence-
ment and conclusion of the working day. Be-
tween these two points the Jews recognized three
periods, viz. when the sun became hot, about
9 a.m. (1 Sam. xi. 9 ; Neh. vii. 3) ; the double light
or noon (Gen. xliii. 16 ; 2 Sam. ir. 5), and " the
cool of the day " shortly before sunset (Gen. iii. 8).
The sun also served to fix the quarters of the he-
misphere, east, west, north, and south, which were
represented respectively by the rising sun, the
setting sun (Is. xlv. 6 ; Ps. 1. 1), the dark quarter
(Gen. xiil. 14 ; Joel ii. 20), and the brilliant quarter
(Dent, xxxiii. 23; Job xxxrii. 17 ; Ex. xl. 24); or
otherwise by their position relative to a person
facing the rising sun — before, behind, on the left
hand, and on the right hand (Job xxiii. 8, 9). The
apparent motion of the sun is frequently referred to
in terms that would imply its reality (Josh. x. 13;
■Z K. xx. 11 ; Ps. xix. 6 ; Eccl. i. 5 ; Hab. iii. 11).
The ordinary name for the sun, iltemeth, is sup-
posed to refer to the extreme brilliancy of its rays,
producing ttapar or attonithment in the mind of
the beholder; the poetical names, chammAh' (Job
xxx. 28; Cant. vi. 10; Is. xxx. 26), and cAer«s>
(Judg. xiv. 18 ; Job ix. 7) have reference to its
heat, the beneficial effects of which are duly com-
memorated (Deut, xxxiii. 14; Ps. xix. 6), as well
as its baneful influence when in excess (Ps. exxi. 6 ;
Is. zlix. 10; Jon. iv. 8 ; Koclus. xliii. 3, 4). The
vigour with which the sun traverses the heavens it
compared to that of a " bridegroom coming out of
his chamber," and of a " giant rejoicing to run his
course " (Ps. xix. 5). The speed with which the
beams of the rising sun dart across the sky, is ex-
pressed in the term " wings " applied to them (Ps.
exxxix. 9 ; Mai. iv. 2).
The worship of the sun, as the most prominent
and powerful agent in the kingdom of nature, was
widely diffused throughout the countries adjacent
to Palestine. The Arabians appear to have paid
direct worship to it without the intervention of any
statue or symbol (Job xxxi. 26, 27 ; Strnb. xvi. p.
784), and this simple style of worship was pro*
bably familiar to the ancestors of the Jews la
nan.
•mn.
1390
SOU
Cnoldau and Mesopotamia. In Egypt the ran m
worshipped under the title of Re or Ra, and not aa
wai supposed by ancient writers under the form of
Oairia (Died. Sic. L 11 ; aee Wilkinson's Ano. Eg.
iv. 289) : the name came conspicuously forward as
the title of the kings, Pharaoh, or rather Phra,
meaning "the sun" (Wilkinson, ir. 287). The
Hebrews must have been well acquainted with the
idolatrous worship of the sun during the captivity
in Egypt, both from the contiguity of On, the chief
aaat of the worship of the sun as implied in the
name itself (On = the Hebrew Bethshemesh, " house
of the sun," Jer. xliii. 13), and also from the con-
nexion between Joseph and Poti-pherah (" he who
belongs to Ka"), the priest of On (Gen. xli. 45)
After their removal to Canaan, the Hebrews earn*
in contact with various forms of idolatry, which
originated in the worship of the sun ; such as the
Baal of the Phoenicians (Movers, PhDn. 1. 180),
the Molech or Hilcom of the Ammonites, and the
IUdad of the Syrians (Plin. xxxvii. 71). These
idols were, with the exception of the last, intro-
duced into the Hebrew commonwealth at various
periods t'Judg. ii. 11 ; 1 K. xi. 5) ; but it does not
follow that the object symbolised by them was
known to the Jews themselves. If we have any
notice at all of conscious sun-worship in the early
stages of their history, it exists in the doubtful
term chammivim ' (Lev. xrvi. SO ; Is. xvii. 8, 4V.),
which was itself significant of the sun, and pro-
bably described the stone pillars or rtatues under
which the solar Baal (Baal-Haman of the Punic in-
scriptions, Gesen. Thes. i. 489) was worshipped
at Baal-Hamon (Cant. viii. 11) and other places.
Pure sun-worship appears to have been introduced
by the Assyrians, and to have become formally
established br Hanasseh (2 K. xxi. 3, 5), in con-
travention of the prohibitions of Hoses (Dent. iv.
19, xvii. 3;. Whether the practice was borrowed
from the Sepharvites of Samaria (2 K. xvii. 31),
wh-ve gods Adrammelech and Anammelech are
supposed to repres e n t the male and female sun, and
whose original residence (the Heliopolis of Berosus)
was the jiief seat of the worship of the sun in Ba-
bylonia (Rawlinaon's Herod, i. 611), of whether
the kings of Jndah drew their model of worship
more immediately from the Bast, is uncertain. The
dedication of chariots and horses to the sun (2 K.
rxiii. 11) was .perhaps borrowed from the Persians
(Herod, i. 189 ; Curt. iii. 3, §11 ; Xen. Cyrop.
viii. 8, $24), who honoured the tun under the
form of Mithras (Strab. xv. p. 732). At the
same time it should be observed that the hone
was connected with the worship of the sua In other
countries, as among the M a s s a ge to e (Herod, i. 216),
and the Armenians (Xen. Anab. iv. 5, §35), both
of whom used it at a sacrifice. To judge from
the few notion we have on the subject in the
Bible, we should conclude that the Jewi derived
their mode of worshipping the sun from several
quarters. The practice of burning incense on the
house-tops (2 K. xiiii. 5, 12; Jer. xix. 13;
Zeph. i. 5) might have been borrowed from the
Arabians (Strab. xri. p. 784), ae also the simple
act of adoration directed towards the rising sun
(Ex. viii. 16 ; comp. Job xxxi. 27). On the other
hood, the oat of the chariots and horses in the pro-
aesiniii on festival days came, as we have observed,
BUSA
from Persia ; and so also the custom at* " prt-og
the branch to the note " (Ex. viii. 17; according to
the generally received explanation, wLich mentihrt
it with the Persian practice of holding in the toft
hand a bundle of twigs called Bertam while wor-
shipping the sun (Strab. xv. p. 733 ; Hyde, SsL
Pert. p. 345). This, however, is very doubtful,
the expression being otherwise understood of ** pat-
ting the knife to the nose," i. e. producing self.
mutilation (Hitxig, Oh Exek.). An objection lies
against the former view from the met that tin
Persians ore not aaid to have held the branch to that
nose. The importance attached to the worship erf
the tun by the Jewish kings, may be inferred from
the tact that the horses were stalled within the
precincts of the temple (the term panar* meaning
not " suburb " as in the A. V^ but either a portico
or an outbuilding of the temple). Tbey were re-
moved thence by Josiah (2 K. xxuL 11).
In the metaphorical language of Scripture the
sun is emblematic of the law of God (Ps. xix. 7),
of the cheering presence of God (Ps. Ixxxiv. 11),
of the person of the Saviour (John i. 9 ; Mai. iv.
2), and of the glory and purity of heavenly beinga
(Rev. 1. 16, x. 1, xii. 1). [W. L. B.J
STJB ("£oe» : Tulg. omit*). One of the placet
on the sea-coast of Palestine, which are named at
having been disturbed at the approach of Holofemes
with the Assyrian army (Jud. ii. 28). It cannot
be Tyre, the modern Sir, since that it mentioned
immediately before. Some have suggested Dor,
others a place named Sora, mentioned by Stoph.
Byi. as in Phoenicia, which they would identity
with AthtU ; others, again, SArafend. Bat none of
these are satisfactory.
6UBETI8HIP. (1.) The A. V. rendering for
tiki'tmf lit. in marg. " those that strike (hands)."
(2.) The phrase* Usimeth yid, " depositing in the
hand," i. e. giving in pledge, may be understood
to apply to the act of pledging, or virtual though
not personal suretiship (Lev. vi. 2, in Hebr. v. 21).
In the entire absence of commerce the law laid down
no rales m the subject of turetiship, bat it is
evident that in the time of Solomon commercial
dealings had become so multiplied that suretiship
in the commercial sense was common (Prov. vi.
1, xi. 15, xvii. 18, xx. 16, xxii. 26, xxvii. 13).
But in older times the notion of one man be-
coming a surety for a service to be discharged
by another was in full force (tee Geo. xliv. 32),
and it is probable that the time form of under-
taking existed, vix. the giving the hand to (striking
hands with), not, as Michaeus represents, the per-
son who was to discharge the ttrviee— fa the
commercial sense the debtor — but the person to
whom it wai due, the creditor (Job xvii. 3 ;
Prov. vi. 1 ; Michaelis, Lam of Motet, $151, ii.
322, ed. Smith). The surety of course became
liable for hit client's debts in cote of hit failure, in
later Jewish times the system had become common,
and caused much distress in many instances, yet
the duty of suretiship in certain cases it recognised
as valid (Ecclut. viii. 13, xjdx. 14, 15, 16, 18, 19).
[Loan.] [H. W. P.]
SUSA (Storm). Esth. xi. 3. xri. 18. folia
SHAH.]
« o"J8n.
* T -
* Cyi-AH Vuirj.
m Pf?n, "rtrlHe"
(Oes. lstt). __
► T nO-IB*!"! ; vapaMa*.
HUSANCHITE8
SUBANCH'ITES (IP3XH&: X. w«x*«:
Sracmerinn) is found once only — in Ezr. iv. 9,
where it ocean among the list of the nations whom
Use Assyrian* had settled in Samaria, and whose
descendants still occupied the country in the reign
of the Pseudo-Smerdis. There can be no doubt
■Jhat it designates either th« inhabitants of the city
£>u» (JE'IE'), or those of the country — Susis or
Susiana — whereof Suaa was the capital. Perhaps
au the Elamites are mentioned in the same passage,
stud as Daniel (viii. 2) seems to call the country
Klam and the city Shuahan (or Sosa), the former ex-
planation is preferable. (See Shcbhan.) [0. R.]
SUBAN'NA (3«trdV»o, 3ov<rdVra, i. «.
n3&\&, «• a lily"). I. The heroine of the story
of the Judgment of Daniel. [Daniel, Apocry-
phal. Additions to.] The name occurs in Dial.
Sic as that of the daughter of Ninua (ii. 6), and
Sheshan (1 Chr. ii. 31, 34, 35) is of the same
origin and meaning (Ge». Thin. s. v.).
2. One of the women who ministered to the
Lord (Luke viii. 3). [B. K. W.]
SU'BI ('WO: Soircrf: Sun",. The father of
Gaddi the Manassite spy (Num. xiii. 11).
SWALLOW, TivT*, aVreV, and TU^, ig*r,
both thus translated in A. V. "CTft occurs twice.
Pa. liiriv. 3, and Ptot. xxvi. 2 : transl. by LXX.
-rpmyiw and arpwMt ; Tulg. turtur and passer.
"HJJ? also twice, Is. xxxriii. 14, and Jer. viii. 7,
both times in conjunction with D'D or WD, and
rendered by LXX. vtfurrtpA and o-rpovoW, Vulg.
" columba " and " ciconia." In each passage D'D
is rendered, probably correctly, by LXX xt\iiiv
(swallow), A. V. crow [Crane], which is more
probably the true signification of "HJJf. D'D is,
pei haps, connected with Arab, tf w* w.t {'mtissi),
applied to many warbling birds.
The rendering of A. V. for TT"H seems less open
to question, and the original (quasi tVTI, " free-
dom ") may include the swallow with other swiftly
flying or free birds. The old commentators, except
Bochart, who renders it " columba fera," apply
it to the sw&llow from the lore of freedom in
this bird and the impossibility of retaining it in
captivity.
Whatever be the precise rendering, the characters
ascribed in the several passages where the names
occur, are strictly applicable to the swallow, viz.
its swiftness of flight, its nesting in the buildings
of the Temple, its mournful, garrulous note, and its
regular migration, shared indeed in common with
several others. But the turtle-dove, for which the
LXX have taken "frV», was scarcely likely to be a
familiar resident in the Temple enclosure. On
Is. xxxviii. 14, " Like a swallow, so did I chatter,"
we may obst : ve that the garrulity of the swnllow
was proverbial among the ancients (see Konn.
Honys. ii. 133. and Aristoph. Bair. 93). Hence
its epithet mrriAas, "the twitterer," nmXi&as
I) v*» x«*<*<W», Athen. 622. See Amur. 101,
sod ipSpoy&ti, He*. Op. 566; and Virg. Qeorg.
Iv. 306.
Although Arit'ofle in his ' Natural History,* and
SWAM
1391
Pliny following him, have giien currency to tni
f»We that many swallows bury themselves dui :0f
winter, yet the regularity of their migration alluder
to by the Prophet Jeremiah was familiarly recofr
nised by the ancients. See Anacrtw (Od. xxxiii.i
The ditty quoted by Athen. (360) from Theognis
is well known—
HA** ^A*i gt At&atr, xaAaf &pnc Ayovtfa,
saAovt eViatrrovc, hri yo tsj m Acvse, hr\ m*ts
ksAshw.
So Ovid {Fast, ii. 853), " Praenuntia veris
hirnndo."
Many species of swallow occur in Palestine. All
those nuniliar to us in Britain are found. Th»
swallow (ffinmdo nutiea, L., var. CaMrica,
Lichst.), martin (Chelidon urbica, L.), sand
martin {Cotylt riparia, L.), abound. Besides these
the eastern swallow (JTtr. rufuta. Tern.), which
nestles generally in fissures in rocks, and the crag
martin (Cotylt rupestris, L.), which is confined to
mountain gorges and desert districts, are also com-
mon. See ibis, vol. i. p. 27, voL ii. p. 386. The
crag martin is the only member of the genus which
does not migrate from Palestine in winter. Of
the genus Cypsehis (swift), our swift (Cypselia
opus, L.) is common, and the splendid alpine swill
(Cyps. melba, L.) may be seen in all suitable loca-
lities. A third species, peculiar, so far as is yet
known, to the north-east of Palestine, has recently
been described under the name oi Cypselia Oali-
Itensis.
Whatever be the true appellation for the swallow
tribe in Hebrew, it would perhaps include the
bee-eaters, so similar to many of the swallows,
at least in the eyes of a cursory observer, in Might,
note, and habits. Of this beautiful genus three
species occur in Palestine, Merops apiasttr, L.,
Merops Persian, L., and in the valley of the
Jordan only, the eastern sub-tropical form Merops
viridis, L. [H. B. T.j
SWAN (DQBta, tinsTiemeth). Thus rendered
by A. V. in Lev. xi. 18, Deut. xiv. 16, where it
occurs in the list of unclean birds ; LXX. iropOv-
pitni, tj3i» ; Vulg. porphyrio, Ms. Bochart (//«*■«.
ii. 290) explains it noctua (owl), and derives the
name from DOCS', " to astonish," because othei
birds are startled at the apparition of the owl.
Gesenius suggests the pelican, from DCJ, " to
breathe, to puff," with reference to the inflation ot
its pouch. Whatever may have been the bird in-
tended by Mows, these conjectures cannot be ad-
mitted as satisfactory, the owl and pelican being
both distinctly expressed elsewhere in the catalogue.
Nor is the A. V. translation likely to be correct.
It is not probable that the swan was known tc
Moses or the Israelites, or at least that it was
sufficiently familiar to have obtained a place in this
list. Hasselquist indeed mentions his having seen
a swan on the coast of Damietta; but though a
regular winter visitant to Greece, only accidental
stragglers wander so far south as the Nile, and it
has not been observed by recent naturalists either
in Palestine or Egypt. Nor, if it had been known to
the Israelites, is it easy to understand why the awan
should have been classed among the unclean birco
The renderings of the LXX., " porphyrio" and
" ibis," are either of them more probable. Neither
of these birds occur elsewhere in the cntalrrgue,
both would he familiar to residents in Erjm sod
1392
SWEARING
the original menu to point to some water Wowi.
The Samaritan Version also agrees with thr LXX.
HopQvpiatv, porphyrio antiqitorum, Bp., tht pui*ple
water-hen, is mentioned by Aristotle (Hist. An.
riii. 8), Aristophanes (Av. 707), Pliny (Xat. Hist.
a. 63), and more fully described by Athenaeus
tfltipn. ix. 388). It is allied to oar coru-crake
and water-hen. and is the largest and most beautiful
of the family Rallidae, being larger than the do-
mestic fowl, with n rich dark-blue plumage, and
brilliant red beak and legs. From the extraordinary
length of it* toes it h> enabled, lightly treading on
the flat leaves of water-plant*, to support itaelf
without immersion, and apparently to ran on the
sm face of the water. It frequent* marshes and
the sedge by the banks of rival in all the countries
bordering on the Mediterranean, and is abundant in
Lower Egypt. Athenaeus has correctly noted it*
singular habit of grasping its food with it* very
long toes, and thus conveying it to its mouth. It
■* distinguished from all the otlier species of
Rallidae by it* short powerful mandibles, with
which it crushes it* prey, consisting often of
reptiles and young birds. It will frequently seize
a young duck with its long feet, and at once crunch
Jie head of its victim with its beak. It is an
omnivorous feeder, and from the miscellaneous
character of its food, might reasonably find a place
in the catalogue of unclean birds. Its flesh is rank,
coarse, and very dark-coloured. [H. B. T.]
SWEARING. [Oath.]
SWEAT, BLOODY. One of the physical
phenomena attending our Lord's agony in the garden
of Gethsemane ia described by St. Luke (nil. 44):
'• Hi* sweat was as it were great drops (lit. clots,
Dpin&oi) at blood filling down to the ground."
The genuineness of this verse and of the preceding
has been doubted, but is now generally acknow-
ledged. They are omitted in A and B, but are
found in the Codex Sinai ticus (K), Codex Bezae,
and others, and in the Peshito, Philoxeuian, and
Curetonian Syriac (see Tregelles. Greek Nea Test. ;
Scrivener, Introd. to the Crit. of the N. T. p. 434),
and Tregelle* points to the notation of the section
and canon in ver. 42 as a trace of the existence of
the verse in the Codex Alexandrinus.
Of this malady, known in medical science by the
terra ditpedesis, there hare been examples recorded
both in ancient and modern times. Aristotle was
aware of it (JDe Part. Anim. iii. 5). The cause
assigned is generally violent mental emotion.
" Kannegiesser," quoted by Dr. Stroud (Phys. Cause
of the Death of Christ, p' 86), " remarks, ' Violent
mental excitement, whether occasioned by uncon-
'j-ollable anger or vehement joy, and in like manner
sndden terror or intense fear, forces out a sweat,
accompanied with signs either of anxiety or hilarity.'
After ascribing this sweat to the unequal constric-
tion of some vessels and dilatation of others, he
further observes • ' If the mind is seized with a
sudden fear of death, the sweat, owing to the exces-
sive degree of constriction, often becomes bloody.' "
Dr. Millmeen (Curiosities of Medical Experience,
p. 489, 2nd ed.) gives Ihe following explanation of
the phenomenon : " It is probable that this strange
disorder arises from a violent commotion ot the
nervous system, turning the streams of blood nut
of their natural course, and forcing the red particles
into the cutaneous excretories. A mere relaxation
M* the fibres could not produce so powerful a
It mar also ari>? in rases ot' extieme
SWISS
debility ,n connexion with a thiaoa condition of
the blood."
The following are a few of the instances on recce*
which hare been collected by Cnlmet (Diss, sm- la
8«evr da Sang), Millingen, Stroud, Truseu (Dit
Sitten, OebrSuche, and Krankkeiten d. alt. Hebr.,
Breslau, 1853). Schenkius (Oat. Med. lib. iii.
p. 458) mentions the case of a nun who was so
terrified at falling into the hands ot" soldiers terns
blood oozed from all the pores of her body. The.
same writer cays that in the plague of Hiaeno In
1 554 a woman who was seized sweated blood far
three days. In 1552, Conrad Lycosthenes (de Pro-
digiis, p. 623, ea. 1557) reports, a woman sick ot
the plague sweated blood from the upper part ol
her body. Haldotato (Coram, in Erano.) giro,
an instance, attested by eyewitnesses, of a man
at Paris in full health and vigour, wbo, hearing
the sentence of death, was covered with a bloody
sweat. According to De Thou 'lib. xi. vol. i.
p. 326, ed. 1626;, the governor of Monte-
maro, being seized by stratagem and threatened
with death, was so moved thereat that he sweated
blood and water. Another case, recorded in the
same historian (lib. Ixxxii. vol iv. p. 44.., is that
of a Florentine youth who was unjustly con-
demned to death by Pope Sixtus V. The death
of Charles IX. of France was attended by the same
phenomenon. Mezeray (Hist, de France, ii. p.
1 170, ed. 1646) says of his last moments, '• II
s'agitoit et se remuoit sans cease, et le sang luy
jaillissoit par tous les conduits, mesoi* par lea
pores, de sorte qu' on le trouvn tine foisqui baignoit
dedans." A sailor, during a fearful storm, is said
to have fallen with terror, and when taken up hi*
whole body was covered with a bloody sweat (Mil-
lingen, p. 488). In the Melanges dHistoire (iii.
179), by Dom Bonaventare d'Argoone, the case U
given of a woman who suffered so much from this
malady that, after her death, no blood was found
in her veins. Another case, of a girl of 18 who
suffered in the same way, is reported by Messporiti,*
a physician at Genoa, accompanied by the observa-
tions of Valisneri, Professor of Medicine at Padua.
It occurred in 1703 (Phil. Trans. No. 303, p.
2144). There is still, however, wanted a well-
authenticated instance in modem times, observed
with all the care and attested by all the exactness
of later medical science. That given in Caspar's
Wochensehrift, 1848, as having been observed by
Dr. Schneider, appears to be the most recent, and
resembles the phenomenon mentioned by Thjav
phrastus (London Med. Oat., 1848, vol. ii. p.
953). For farther reference to authorities, se*
Copeland's Diet, of Medicine, ii. 72. [ W. A. W.]
SWINE (Tin. chaitr: fa, foot, *•»*; x «po*
in S. T. : tvs, aper). All'ision will be found in the
Bible to these animals, both (1) in their domestic
and (2) in their wild state.
(1.) The flesh of swine was forbidden as Sari
by the Levitical law (Lev. xi. 7; Dent. xiv. 8);
the abhorrence which the Jews as a nation hod ot
it may be interred from Is. Ixv. 4, where some ot
the idolatrous people are represented as " eating
swine's Hesh," and as having the " broth of abom-
inable things in their vessels;" see also lxvu S, 17,
and 2 Mace. vi. 18, 19, in which passage we ind
that Klenzar, an aged scribe, when compelled l>y
» So the name Is given in the /'Mist. Trms. ;
writes It " .11. SjpurlUus."
swore
AuUocbua t» receive in his month swine's flesh,
"spit it forth, choosing rather to die gloriously
thin to live stained with men an abomination.
Tl.« use of twine's flesh was forbidden to the
Egyptian priests, to whom, says Sir G. Wilkinson
(Anc. Egypt, i. 322), "above all meats it was
particularly obnoxious " (see Herodotus, ii. 47 ;
Aeliaa, de Sat. Anim. x. 16; Josephus, CotUr.
Apiim. ii. 14), though it was occasionally eaten by
the people. The Arabians also were disallowed the
use of swine's flesh (see Pliny, S. B. viii. 52 ;
Koran, ii. 175), as were also the Phoenicians,
Aethiopians, and other nations of the East.
No other reason for the command to abstain from
swine's flesh is given in the law of Moses beyond
the general one which forbade any of the mam-
malia as food which did not literally fulfil the
terms of the definition of a " clean animal," viz.
that it was to be a cloven-looted ruminant. The
pig, therefore, though it divides the hoof, but does
not chew the end, was to be considered unclean;
and consequently, inasmuch as, unlike the ass and
the horse in the time of the Kings, no use could
be made of the animal when alive, the Jews did
not breed swine (Lactam, ftutit. iv. 17). It is,
however, probable that dietetics! considerations may
have influenced Moses in his prohibition of swine s
flesh; it is generally believed that its use in hot
countries is liable to induce cutaneous disorders ;
hence in a people liable to leprosy the necessity for
the observance of a strict rule. " The reason of
the meat not being eaten was its unwholesomeness,
on which account it was forbidden to the Jews and
Moslems " (Sir G. Wilkinson's note in Rawlinson's
Bemdotwt, ii. 47). Bam. Smith, however (Kitto's
Cyd. art. ' Stents '), maintains that this reputed
unwholesomeness of swine's flesh has been much
exaggerated; and recently a writer in Colburn's
Sew Monthly Magazine (July 1. 1862, p. 266)
has endorsed this opinion. Other conjectures for the
reason of the prohibition, which are more curious
than valuable, may be seen in Bochart (Bieroz.
i. 806, a??.). Callistratos (spud Plutarch. Sympot.
br. 5) suspected that the Jews did not use swine's
flesh for the same reason which, he says, influ-
enced the Egyptians, vis. that this animal was
■acred, Inasmuch as by turning up the earth with
its snout it first taught men the art of ploughing
'see Bochart, Bieroz. i. 806, and a dissertation by
Osssel, entitled Dt Judaeorvm odio et abttinentia
a portina {/mow cousst, Magdeb. ; also Michaelia,
Comment, en the Lam of Motet, art. 203, iii.
230, Smith 'a transL). Although the Jews did not
breed swine, during the greater period of their
existence as a nation, there can be little doubt
that the heathen nations of Palestine used the flesh
as food.
At the time of our Lord's ministry it would
appear that the Jews occasionally violated the law
of Moses with respect to swine's flesh. Whether
" the herd of swine" into which the devils were
allowed to enter (Matt. viii. 32; Mark v. 13)
were the property of the Jewish or Gentile inha-
bitants of Gadara does not appear from the sacred
narrative ; but that the practice of keeping swine
did exist amongst some of the Jews seems clear
from the enactment of the law of Hyrcanus, " ne
cui porcum alere liceret" (Grotius, Annot. ad
Matt. 1. c). Allusion is made in 2 Pet. ii. 22
to the fondness which swine have for " wallowing iu
the nun ;" this, it appears, was a proverbial expres-
sion, with which may be compared the " arnica
VOL. III.
SYOAMTNE-TREE
1393
Into sus" of Horace (Ep. i. 2, 26). Solomon's
comparison of a " jewel of gold in a swine's snout "
to a " fair woman without discretion" (Pror. xu
22), and the expression of our Lord, " neither east
ye your pearls before swine," are so obviously
intelligible as to render any remarks unnecessary.
The transaction of the destruction of the herd of
swine already alluded to, like the cursing of the
ban-en fig-tree, has been the subject of most unfair
cavil : it is w«*l I answered oy Tiwich ( Miracla,
p. 173), who observes thjit "a mm is of ridf*.
valise than ninny swine ;*' besides which it must
be remembej'ed I] jut it is not necessaiy to suppose
that our Lord tent the derils into the twine. He
tin-rely peunitted them to go, as Aquinni any*,
'' qucul autem porei in mare prneripitati sunt nou
fuit opensiio divin: miraculi, wd operatic dnemo-
tiutn e permissione dirina ;" and if these Gftinreiie
vill-igers wcie Jews wid owned the swine, tliey
were rightly punt -ha] by the loss of that whitrt
they ought not to have li.pl at nil.
I
lH
t-**v2
(2.) The wild boar of the wood (>'». I in. 13}
in the common Sus scra/a which is fireqiTently met
with in the woody pw-ti of Palestine, especially
in Mount Tnlar. The allusion in the pwlm l<j
the injury the wild bow- does to the vineyards if
well borne out by foot. ** It is astonishing what
havoc a wild boiir is capable of effecting during a
single night; whtit with eating and tnunpling under
foot, he will destroy u vast uuautity of grapes "
{ Hartley's Ite&carchta m Greet*, p. ^34^. [W, H*]
SWORD. [Arms.]
SYCAJirNE-THEE {.inrd/unii : mam) is
mentioned once only, viz., in Luke xvii. 6, " If
ys had faith as a grain of mustard-seed, ye might
say to this sycamine-tree, Be thou plucked up,"
he. There is no reason to doubt that the rwcaV
furos is distinct from the orvaottwoofa of Use some
Evangelist (xix. 4) [Sycamore], although we learn
from Dioscorides (i. 180) tnat this name was some-
time given to the ovKi/uipoi. The sycamine is
the mulberry-tree (Morut), at is evident from
Dioscorides, Theophrastua {B. P. i. 6, $1; 10,
§10; 13, §4, fa.), and various other Greek writers;
see Celsius, Bienb. i. 288. A form of the same
word, o-uKcutnrnd, is still one of the names tor tin
mulberry-tree in Greece (see Heldreich's Nutt-
pflonzm Qritekenlandi, A then. 1862, p. 19
" Moras alba L. und M. nigra L. ii Moupd,
Mtvpyni, und Mouond, auch SvKasiwKptf— pelasf,
mn/cr— ad.*). Both black and whit* mulberry*
4 U
1304
BYOAMOUK
trees are common in Syria and Palestine, ace) in
largely cultivated there for the sake of supplying food
to the caterpillars of the silk-worm, which are bred
in great numbers. The mulberry-tree is too well
known to render further remarks necessary. [ W. H.J
CMuUMnr).
8YCAMOBE(nOj5B», Shi/Smth: avuifunt,
<ruitOfiop4a or ovKopopata, in the X. T. : Syca-
moras, monit, ficetum). The Hebrew Word occurs
in the O. T. only in the plural form masc. and once
fern., Ps. lxxviii. 47 ; ami it is in the LXX. always
translated by the Greek word awci/iiras. The two
Greek words occur only once each in the N. T.,
vmtiiums (Luke xvii. 6), and auxauetpta (Luke
xix. 4). Although it may be admitted that the
Sycamine is properly, and in Luke xvii. 6, the
Mulberry, and the Sycamore the Fig-mulberry, or
Sycamore-fig (Fiats Sycomona), yet the latter is
the tree generally referred to in the O. T., and called
by the Sept tycauune, as 1 K, x. 27 ; 1 Chr. rxrii.
28 ; Ps. lxxviii. 47 ; Am. vii. 14. Dioscorides ex-
pressly says XvitiiMpar, frioi 8< «al rovro crvattt-
furor \4yovm, lib. i. cap. 180. Compare Gese-
niua, Thesaurus Heb. p. 1476 b; Winer, J?tcf>. ii.
65 ff.; Rosenmiiller, Alterthumshmde, B. iv.
t. 281 ft*. ; Celsius, Hitrob. i. 310.
The Sycamore, or Fig-mulberry (from avxor,
fig. and uApov, mulberry), is in Egypt and Palestine
a tree of great importance and very extensive use.
It attains the size of a walnut-tree, has wide-
spreading branches, and affords a delightful shade.
On this account it is frequently planted by the
waysides. Its leaves are heart-thaped, downy on
the under side, and fragrant. The fruit grows
directly from the trunk itself on little sprigs, and
in clusters like the grape. To make it eatable, each
• Amos says of himself he was D'OpC* D^13 : ,J[ X.
npiCmr OTwajum : Vulg. vUicanx tycamina ; i. e. a
cnttrr or the fruit for the purpose of ripening it. Krt$M
la tbs very word used by Theophrastus
* See Wilkinson's Ancirnl Fgyftiar,$, i|. no, bond.
in*. " For coffins, boxes table*, doors, and otter
8YCAMOBE
fruit, three or four days befo- e gathering, moat, H
is said, be punctured with a sharp instrument or
the finger-nail. Comp. Theophrastua, Dt Can
Plant, i. 17, §9 j Hist. PI. to. 2, §1 ; Pliny,
N. H. xiii. 7 ; Forskal, Doer. Plant, p. 1 82. This
was the original employment of the prophet Amos,
as he says vii. 14.* 'Hasselquist (Trae. p. 260
Lond. 1766) says, * the fruit of this tree taste
pretty well ; when quite ripe it is soft, watery,
somewhat sweet, with a very little portion of an
aromatic taste." It appears, however, that a
species of gall insect (Cynipt Syoomori) often spoils
fi€m Sj w m rm.
much of the fruit. '• The tree," Hasstlquirt add:,
" is wounded or cut by the inhabitants si the tune
it buds, for without this precaution, at they say, it
will not bear fruit " (p. 261). In form an-i smell
and inward structure it resembles the fig, and hence
its name. The tree is always verdant, and bears
fruit several times in the year without being con-
fined to fixed seasons, and is thus, as a permanent
food-bearer, invaluable to the poor. The wood of
the tree, though very porous, is exceedingly durable.
It suffers neither from moisture nor heat. The
Egyptian mummy coffins, which are made of it,
are still perfectly sound after an entombment ol
thousands of years. It was much used for doors,
and large furniture, such as sofas, tables, and chairs. : '
objects which required large and thick planks, for Hols
and wooden statues, the sycamore was principally em-
ployed ; and from the quantity discovered hi the tombs
alone, It is evident that toe tree was .nlUvated to a
I great extent" Don. however, believed that the mummy ■
i cases of the Egyptians were made of the woai c •
' the Cordis Xi/x*. a tree which furnishes the BMealec
SYCUAB
80 gnu wis (lie value of these trees, that David
appointed fro ^hcni in his kingdom a speck] over-
Mtr. as ha did for the olives (1 Chr. xxvii. 28) ; and
t is mentioned as one of the heaviest of Egypt's
calamities, that her sycamores were destroyed by
hailstones (Pi. lxrviii. 47). That which is' called
Sycamore in N. America, the Occidental Plane or
SutttM-wood tree, has no resemblance whatever to
the sycamore of the Bible ; the name is also applied
to a species of maple (the Acer Pseudo-plataruu or
fbtte-pfanei, which is much used by turners and
millwrights. [C. E. S.]
SY'CHAB (*>x*> in K A C D ; but Rec Text
S4X«V with B: Sickar ; but Codd. Am. and Fuld.
Sychar: Syriac, Sacar). A place named only in
John iv. 5. It is specified as " a city of Samaria
called Sychar, near the ground which Jacob gave to
Joseph his son ; and there was the well of Jacob."
Jerome believed that the name was merely a
copyist's error for Syijiem; but the unanimity of
the MSS. is sufficient to dispose of this supposition.
Sychar was either a name applied to the town of
Shec h i m , or it was an independent place. 1. The
first of these alternatives is now almost universally
accepted. In the words of Dr. Robinson (Bib. Res.
fi. 290), "In consequence of the hatred which
existed between the Jews and the Samaritans, and
m allusion to their idolatry, the town of Sichem
■eceired, among the Jewish common people, the by-
name Sychar.' This theory may be correct, but
the only support which can be found for it is the
very imperfect one afforded by a passage in Isaiah
(xxviii. 1, 7), in which the prophet denounces the
Ephraimitss as skicdiim—" drunkards;" and by a
passage in Uabakkuk (ii. 18) in which the words
mtrei theker, " a teacher of lies," are supposed to
contain an allusion to Moreh, the original name of
the district of Sbechem, and to the town itself. But
this is surely arguing in a circle. And had anch a
nickname been spplied to Shechem so habitually as
its occurrence is St. John would seem to imply,
there would be some trace of it in those passages
of the Talmud which refer to the Samaritans, and in
which every term of opprobrium and ridicule that
can be quoted or invented is heaped on them. It may
be) affirmed, however, with certainty that neither in
Tsrgum nor Talmud is there any mention of such a
thing. Lightfuot did not know of it. The numerous
treatises on the Samaritans are silent about it, and
recent doss search has failed to discover it.
Presuming that Jacob's well was then, where it is
■ow shown, at the entrance of the valley of Ifabha,
."-berhevn would be too distant to answer to the
words of St. John, since it must hare been more
than a mile off.
" A city of Samaria called Sychar, near to the
plot of ground which Jacob gave to Joseph " —
surely these are hardly the terms in which such a
place as Sbechem would be described; for though
it was then perhaps at the lowest ebb of its fortunes,
ret the tenscity of places in Syria to name and fame
is almost proverbial.
plums. There can be no doubt, however, that the
weed of the Picut Syamonu was extensively used In
ancient says. The dry climate of Egypt might have
heloed to have preserved the Umber, which most have
bean valuable In a country when large timber-trees are
•The text of Euartrius reads « = » miles; but this Is
DOrreottd by Jerome to 3.
* The tomb or monument slloded to tn three two
asssages most have occupied the pays of the llosttm
8YGHAB 139.
There is not much force in the argument thai
St. Stephen uses the name Sychem in speaking 01
Sbechen„ for he is recapitulating the ancient history,
and the names cf the Old Testament narrative (in
the LXX. form) would come most naturally to his
mouth. But the earliest Christian tradition, in the
persons of Eusebius and the Bourdeaux Pilgrim —
both in the early part of the 4th century— discrimi-
nates Shechem from Sychar. Eusebius ( Onomatt.
iuxip and Aovfd) says that Sychar was in front of
the city of Neapolis ; and, again, that it lay by the
side of Luxa, which was 'three miles from Neapolis.
Sychem, on the other hand, he places in the suburbs
of Neapolis by the tomb of Joseph. The Bour-
deaux Pilgrim describes Sechim as at the foot of the
mountain, and as containing Joseph's monument ■
and plot of ground (villa). And he then proceeds
to say that a thousand paces thence was the place
called Sechar.
And notwithstanding all that has been said of the
predilection of Orientals for the water of certain
springs or wells (Porter, Handbook, 342), it does
appear remarkable, when the very large number ot
sources in Nablus itself is remembered, that a woman
should hare left them and come out a distance 01
more than a mile. On the other hand, we need
not suppose that it was her habit to do so ; it may
have been a casual visit.
2. In favour of Sychar having been an independ-
ent place is the fact that a village named 'Askar
(j> af) still exists 1 at the south-east foot of
Kbal, about north-cast of the Well of Jacob, and
about half a mile from it. Whether this is the vil-
lage alluded to by Eusebius, and Jerome, and the
Bourdeaux Pilgrim, it is impossible to tell. The
earliest notice of it which the writer has been able
to discover is in Quaresmius (Elucidatio, ii. 808 6;.
It is uncertain if he is speaking of himself or
quoting Brocerdus. If the latter, he had a different
copy from that which is ' published. It is an im-
portant point, because there is a difference of more
than four centuries between the two, Brocarduj
having written about 1280, and Quaresmius about
1 630. The statement is, that "on the left of the
well," 1. e. on the north, as Geriiim has just been
spoken of as on the right, " is a large city (oppidum
magnum), but deserted and in ruina, which is be-
lieved to have been the ancient Sichem The
natives told me that they called the place Ittar."
A village like 'Askar' answers much more ap-
propriately to the casual description of St. John
than so large and so venerable a place as Shechem.
On the other hand there is an etymological diffi-
culty in the way of this identification. 'Askar begins
with tiie letter 'Am, which Sychar does not appear
to have contained ; a letter too stubborn and enduring
to be easily either dropped or assumed in a name-
In favour of the theory that Sychar waa a " nick-
name" of Shechem, it should not be overlooked that
St. John appears always to use the expression \ryi-
peros-, "called," to denote a soubriquet or title
tomb of Yxmf, now shown at the loot of Gerlsrm, not
far from the east gate of Xablus.
• Dr. Rosen, In Zcittchrtft dtr D. M. O. xlv. KM. Van
de Vekk (S. * P. II. 333) proi»»c» 'Askar as ue natlva
place of Judas lscarioU
■> Perhaps this Is one of the variations fpokea of by
Robinson (ii. 63»).
' The Identity of Askar with Sychar Is supported bj
Dr. Thomson (Land and nook. ch. xxxL), and by Mr. WU
turns In the Diet cf O'tegr. (II. 412 b),
4 U2
1896
SYCHEM
Soros by place or person in addition to tha name,
ur «> attach it to a place remote and little known.
Instances of tha former practice are xl 16, zx. 24,
Six. 13, 17 ; of the latter, xi. 54.
These considerations have been stated not so much
with the hope of leading to any conclusion on the
identity of Sychar, which seems hopeless, as with
the desire to shew that the ordinary explanation is
not nearly so obvious as it is usually assumed
to be. r G 1
SY'CHEM (*>x*/»- Sichem; Cod. Amiat-iV
ehem). The Greek form of the word Shechem, the
name of the well known city of Central Palestine.
It occurs in Acta vfi. 16 only. The main interest
of the passage rests on its containing two of those
numerous and singular variations from the early
history, as told in the Pentateuch, with which the
speech of St. Stephen" abounds. [Stephen.] This
single verse exhibits an addition to, and a discrepancy
from, the earlier account. (1) The patriarchs are
said in it to have been buried at Sychem, whereas
in the 0. T. this is related of the bones of Joseph
alone (Josh. xxiv. 32). (2) The sepulchre at
Sychem is said to have been bought from Emmor
by Abraham ; whereas in the 0. T. it was the
cave of M-ichpelah at Kirjath-arba which Abraham
bought and made into his sepulchre, and Jacob
who bought the plot of ground at Shechem from
Hamor (Gen. xxxiii. 19}. In neither of these cases
is there any doubt of the authenticity of the present
Greek text, nor has any explanation been put for-
ward which adequately meets the difficulty— if
diffi-jul*; it be. That no attempt should have
beeu made to reconcile the numerous and obvious
discrepancies contained in the speech of St. Stephen
by altering tha MSS. is remarkable, and a cause of
great thankfulness. Thankfulness because we are
thus permitted to possess -at once a proof that it is
possible to be as thoroughly inspired by the Spirit
of God as was Stephen on this occasion, and yet
have remained ignorant or forgetful of minute facts,
—and a broad and conspicuous seal to the unimport-
ance of such slight variations in the different ac-
counts of the Sacred History, as long as the general
tenor of the whole remains harmonious.
A bastard variation of the name Sychem, vix.
tilCuT.lt, is found, and its people are mentioned as —
BY'OHEMITE, THE (to* 3ux«>: Hnaeua),
in Jud. v. 16. This passage is remarkable for
giving the inhabitants of Shechem an independent
place among the tribes of the country who were
dispossessed at the conquest. [G.]
SYEXiOB (SuijAoj ; Alex. 'HwqAot: om. in
Vuhr.)=jEBiEL 3 (1 Esd. i. 8; comp. 2 Chr.
xxxv. 8).
BYE KB, properly Seveneh (?U1D: 3v*i*V-
Bytne), a town of Egypt on the frontier of Cush
or Ethiopia. The prophet Eiekiel speaks of the
desolation of Egypt " from Higdol to Seveneh, even
onto the lorder of Cosh " (xxix. 10), and of its
rple being slain " from Migdol to Seveneh " (xxx.
Mlgdol was on the eastern border [Migdol],
and Seveneh is thus rightly identified with the town
of Syene, which was always the last town of Egypt
an the south, though at one time included in the
aome Nubia. Its ancient Egyptian name is SUM
(Brugsch, Qeogr. InacKrift. i. 155, tab. 1., No. 55),
* Those ant »™-*in»A at great length, sad elaborate! y
ncenrlUM, In the .Vn> Vulament of Canon Wordsworth,
.aeo, pp. te-M.
SYNAGOGUE
preserved in the Coptic CO"* A-It, C€ltOlts
and the Arabic Aswan. The modern town is
slightly to the north of the old site, which is markaal
by an interesting early Arab burial-ground, covered
with remarkable tombstones, having inscriptions
in the Cufio character. Champollion suggests the
derivation CA-, catsative, 01*KIt> OTGItj
" to open," as though it signified the opening or key
of Egypt (L'tfgypte, i. 161-166), ted this b the
meaning of the hieroglyphic name. [R. S. P.]
SYNAGOGUE (Xwayrrf: Synagoga).—
It may be well to note at the outset the points of
contact between the history and ritual of the syna-
gogues of the Jews, and the facts to which tfaa
inquiries of the Biblical student are principally
directed. (1.) They meet us as the great charac-
teristic institution of the later phase of Judaism.
More even than the Temple and its services, in the
time-of which the N. T. treats, they at once rexttw-
sented and determined the religious life of tb*>
people. (2.) We cannot separata them from the
most intimate connexion with our Lord's life and
ministry. In them He worshipped in His youth,
and in His manhood. Whatever wa can learn of
the ritual which then prevailed tells us of a worship
which He recognised and sanctioned ; which for that
reason, if for no other, though, like the statelier
services of the Temple, it was destined to paas away,
is worthy of our respect and honour. They were
the scenes, too, of no small portion of His work.
In them were wrought aome of His mightiest work*
of healing (Hark i. 23 ; Matt. xii. 9 ; Luke xiii.
11). In them were spoken some of the most glo-
rious of His recorded words (Luke iv. 16; John si.
59) ; many more, beyond all reckoning, which are Dot
recorded (Matt. iv. 23, xiii. 54 ; John xviii. 2t>,
etc., etc). (3.) There are the questions, leading
us back to a remoter past : In what did tbe wor-
ship of the synagogue originate ? what type waa it
intended to reproduce? what customs, alike in
nature, if not in name, served as Use starting-point
for it? (4.) The synagogue, with all that be-
longed to it, was connected with the future as well
as with the past. It was the order with which the
first Christian believers were most familiar, from
which they were most likely to take the outlines,
or even the details, of the worship, organisatioo,
government of their own society. Widely diverg-
ent as the two words and the things they represented
afterwards became, the Ecdesia had its starting-
point in the Synagogue.
Keeping these points in view, it remains to de»l
with the subject in a somewhat more formal roannrr.
I. Jfame. — (1.) The Aramaic equivalent KIU723
first appears in the Taiwnm of Onkelos as a sub-
stitute for the Hebrew. fTTJ ( = congregation) in
the Pentateuch (Leyrer, vt ts/r.). The more pre-
cise local designation, npiSil fV3 (BHh Ac-Cra-
steasMsE House of gathering), belongs to a yet later
date. This is, in itself, tolerably strong evidence
that nothing precisely answering to tbe Liter syna-
gogue was recognised before the Exile. If it had
been, the name was quite as likely to have beeu
perpetuated as tha thing.
(2.) The word trwryoryf), not unknown in clas-
sical Greek (Thuc ii. 18, Plato, Republ. 52C D),
became prominent in that of the Hellenists. It
appears in the LXX. as the translation of not less
than tweuty-one Hebrew words in which the idea
of a gathering is implied (Tionuv. CosworaVisat. a. v.'j
SYNAGOGUE
With mat of tint we hare nothing to do. Two {
.if them nan noticeable. It is used 130 timet
fcr JTTJ7, whet the prominent idea is that of an
appointed meeting (Gesenius, «. e.), and 25 timet
fer ?np> • meeting called together, and therefore
more commonly tranalated in the LXX. by eVe-
■tAweia. In one memorable pi— ge (Prov. v. 14),
the two words, itutKi\al% ana n ray m f f), destined
to hare each divergent histories, to be representa-
tives of such contrasted systems, appear in don
juxtaposition. In the books of the Apocrypha the
wc.-d, as in those of the O. T., retains its general
meaning, and is not used specifically for any recog-
nised place of worship. For this the received phrase
seems to be reVor waofftvxv' (I Mace. iii. 46,
3 Mace. rii. 20). In the N. T., however, the local
meaning is the dominant one. Sometimes the word
is applied to the tribunal which was connected with
or sat in the synagogue in the narrower sense (Matt.
x. 17, xxfri. 34 ; Mark xiii. 9 ; Luke xxi. 12, xU.
11). Within the limits of the Jewish Church it
perhaps kept its ground as denoting the place of
meeting of the Christian brethren (Jas. ii. 2). It
seems to have been claimed bv some of the pseudo-
JodaMng, half-Gnostic sects of the Asiatic Churches
for their meetings (Rev. ii. 9). It was not altoge-
ther obsolete, as applied to Christian meetings, in
the time of Ignatius [Ep. ad Trail, c 5, ad Polyc.
e. 3). Eren fat Clement of Alexandria the two
words appear united as they had done in the LXX.
(<rrl rtjv trvraytrr^r f7r*Ano-far, Strom, vi. p. 633).
Afterwards when the chasm between Judaism and
Christianity became wider, Christian writers were
fond of dwelling on the meanings of the two words
which practically represented them, and showing
how far the Synagogue was excelled by the Ecclesia
(August. Enarr. in Pa. lxxx. ; Trench, Synonym*
if If. T. f i.). The cognate word, however, o-oVafi*,
was formed or adopted in its place, and applied to
the highest act of worship and communion for
which Christians met (Suicer, Tka. a. t.).
II. iHsfory.— (1.) Jewish writers hare claimed
for their synagogues a very remote antiquity. In
well-nigh every plane where the phrase " before
the Lord " appears, they recognise in it a known
sanctuary, a hied place of meeting, and therefore a
synagogue (Vitringa, De Synog. pp. 271 et eeq.).
The Targum of Onkelos finds in Jacob's " dwelling
in tents (Gen. xxv. 27) his attendance at a syna-
gogue or house of prayer. That of Jonathan finds
them in Judg. v. 9, and in " the calling of assem-
blies " of Is. 1. 13 (Vitringa, pp. 271-315).
(2.) Apart from these far-fetched interpretations,
we know too little of the life of Israel, both before
and under the monarchy, to be able to my with
certainty whether there was anything at all corres-
ponding to the synagogues of later date. On the
one hand, it is probable that if new moons and
sabbaths were observed at all, they must have been
attended by some celebration apart from, as well as
at, the Tabernacle or the Temple (1 Sam. xx. 5 ;
9 K. iv. 23). On the other, so far as we find
traces of such local worship, it seems to have fallen
too readily into a fetich-religion, sacrifices to ephodt
and temporal (Judg. viii. 27, xvii. 5) m groves and
en high-places, offering nothing but a contrast to
the ** rvatnnahk service,'* the prayers, psalms, in-
• The peassse Is not witfcont iu difflculUet, The ta-
Ssrotelalloa given above is sapported by the LXX.,
Vale, sad A.T. It k confinaed by the sanest! cmiomu
SYNAGOGUE
1SU7
stiuction In the Law, of the later synagogue. The
special mission of the Priests and Levites undo
Jehoahaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 7-9) shows that there
was no regular provision for reading the " book ot
the law of the Lord " to the people, and makes ft
probable that even the rule which prescribed that it
should be read once every seven years at the feast
of Tabernacles bad fallen into disuse (Dent, xxxi. 10).
With the rise of the prophetic order we trace a
more distinct though still a partial approximation.
Wherever there was a company of such prophets
there must have been a life analogous in many of
its features to that of the later Essence and Thera-
peutae, to that of the ooenobia ant monasteries of
Christendom. In the abnormal sta» i of the polity
of Israel under Samuel, they appear to have aimed
at purifying the worship of the high-places from
idolatrous associations, and met on fixed days for
sacrifice and psalmody (1 Sam. lx. 12, x. 5).
The scene in 1 Sam. xix. 20-24 indicates that the
meetings were open to any worahippai* who might
choose to come, as well as to " the sons of the
prophets," the brothers of the order themselves.
Later on, in the time of Eliaha, the question of the
Shunammite's husband (2 K. ir. 23), " Wherefore
wilt thou go to him (the prophet) to-day? It is
neither new moon nor sabbath ," implies frequent
periodical gatherings, instituted or perhaps revived
by Elijah and his successors, at a means of sus-
taining the religious life of the northern kingdom,
and counteracting the prevalent idolatry. The date
of Pi. lxxiv. is too uncertain for us to draw any
inference at to the nature of the " synagogues of
God " (7M 'TjrtD, meeting-places of God), which
the Invaders are represented at destroying (v. 8)
It may have belonged to the time of the Assyrian
or Chaldaean invasion (Vitringa, Smog. pp. 396
405). It has been referred to that of the Maccabees
(De Wette, Peatmen, in loc.), or to an intermediate
period when Jerusalem was taken and the land laid
waste by the army of Bagoses, under Artaxerxas II.
(Ewold, Poet. Bitch, ii. 358). The "assembly ot
the elders," in Pa. cvii. 32, leaves us in like un-
certainty.
(3.) During the exile, in the abeyance of the
Temple-worship, the meetings of devout Jews pro-
bably became more systematic (Vitringa, De Synog.
pp. 413-429; Joet, JudenUum, i. 168; Bomltius,
De Synagog. in Ugolini, Thee, xxi.), and luust have
helped forward the change which appeais so con-
spicuously at the time of the return. The repeated
mention of gatherings of the elders of Israel, sitting
before the prophet Esekiel, and hearing his word
(Ex. viii. 1, xiv. 1, xx. 1, xxxiii. 81), implies thi
transfer to the land of the captivity of the custom
that had originated in the schools of the prophets.
One remarkable passage may possibly contain a
more distinct reference to them. Those who still
remained in Jerusalem taunted the prophet and his
companions with their exile, as outcasts from the
blessings of the sanctuary. " Get ye far from
the Lord ; unto us is this land given in a pones
aion." The prophet's answer is, that it was not so
Jehovah was as truly with them in their " little
sanctuary" as He had been in the Temple at Jeru-
salem. His presence, not the outward 'glory, wai
itself the sanctuary (Ex. xi. 15, 16).* The whole
history of Exra presupposes the habit of I
of Jewish interpreters. (VatsMns, in Orlt. Sae. m lutsj
Calmet, s. v. Synagogue.) The other render!ase (eaatt
Kwald and BosanmUler, in tec.\ " I will be to them »
1396
SYNAGOGUE
probably of periodic meetings (Ezr. viii. 15 ; Neh.
riii. 2, iz. 1 ; Zech. vii. 5). To that period ac-
cordingly we may attribute the revival, if not the
institution of synagogues. The " ancient days "
of which St. James speaks (Acts xv. 21) may, at
least, go back so far. Assuming Ewald'a theory as
to the date and occasion of Ps. lxxiv., there must,
at some subsequent period, have been a great de-
struction of the buildings, and a consequent sus-
pension of the services. Jt is, at any rate, stinking
that they are not in any way prominent in the
Maccabaean history, either as objects of attack, or
rallying points of defence, unless we are to see in
the gathering of the persecuted Jews at Maspha
! Mizpah) as at a " place where they prayed afore-
time in Israel" (1 Mace. Hi. 46), not only a
reminiscence of its old glory as a holy place, but
the continuance of a more recent custom. When
that struggle was over, there appears to have been
a freer development of what may be oiled the
synagogue parochial system among the Jews of
Palestine and other countries. The influence of
John Hyrcanns, the growing power of the Pharisees,
the authority of the Scribes, the example, probably,
of the Jews of the " dispersion " (Vitringa, p. 426),
would all tend in the same direction. Well-nigh
every town or village had its one or more syna-
gogues. Where the Jews were not in sufficient
numbers to be able to erect and fill a building,
there was the wpovivx^l, or place of prayer, some-
times open, sometimes covered in, commonly by a
running stream or on the sea-shore, in which
devout Jews and proselytes met to worship, and,
perhaps, to read (Acts zvi. 13; Jos. Ant. ziv.
10, 23 ; Juven. Sat. iii. 296)> Sometimes the
term wpor*»xh ( = fl?pR JV3) was applied even
to an actual synagogue (Jos. Vit. c. 54).
(4.) It is hardly possible to overestimate the
influence of the system thus developed. To it we
Bury ascribe the tenacity with which, after the
Maccabaean struggle, the Jews adhered tc the
religion of their fathers, and never again relapsed
into idolatry. The people were now in no danger
of forgetting the Law, and the external ordinances
that hedged it round. If pilgrimage* were still
mode to Jerusalem at the great feasts, the habitual
religion of the Jews in, and yet more out of Pales-
tine was connected much more intimately with
the synagogue than with the Temple. Its simple,
edifying devotion, in which mind and heart could
alike enter, attracted the heathen proselytes who
Bight have been repelled by the bloody sacrifices of
the Temple, or would certainly have been driven
from it urJess they could make np their minds to
submit to circumcision (Acts ixi. 28; comp.
Proselytes). Here too, as in the cognate order
of the Scribes, there was an influence tending to
SYNAGOGUE
diminish and ultimately almost to destroy the
authority of the hereditary priesthood. The cer-
vices « r the synagogue required no sons of Assess ;
gave them nothing more than a oompUmentazy
precedence. [Priests ; Scribes.] The way was
silently prepared for a new and higher order, widest
should rise in " the fulness of time" oat of the
decay and abolition of both the priesthood and the
Temple. In another way too the synagogues every-
where prepared the way for that order. Not
" Moses" only bnt "the Prophets'* wen read in
them every Sabbath day, and thus the Messianic
hopes of Israel, the expectation of a kingdom of
Heaven, were universally diffused.
III. Structure. — (t.) The size of a synagogue,
like that of a church or chapel, varied with the
population. We have no reason for believing that
tliens were any fiied laws of proportion for its di-
mensions, like those which are traced m the Taber-
nacle and the Temple. Its position was, however,
determinate. It stood, if possible, on the highest
ground, in or near the dry to which it belonged.
Failing this, a tall pole rose from the roof to Tender
it conspicuous (Leyrer, s. r. Synag. in Herxog's
Reai-Encycl.). And its direction too was fixed.
Jerusalem was the Kibleh of Jewish devotion. The
synagogue was so constructed, that the worshippers
as thev entered, and as they prayed, looked toward
it* (Vitringa, pp. 178, 457). The building was
commonly erected at the cost of the district, whe-
ther by a church-rate 'evied for the purpose, or by
free gifts, must remain uncertain (Vitringa, p.
229). Sometimes it was built by a rich Jew, or
even as in Luke vii. 5, by a friendly proselyte. In
the later stages of Eastern Judaism it was often
erected, like the mosques of Mahometans, near the
tombs of famous Rabbis Or holy men. When the
building was finished it was set apart, as the
Temple had been, by a special prayer of dedication.
From that time it had a consecrated character. The
common acts of life, eating, drinking, reckoning np
accounts, were ftrbidden in it No one was to
pass through it as s short cut. Even if it oessad
to be used, the building was not to be applied to
any bow purpose — might not be turned, e. g. into a
bath, a laundry, or a tannery. A scraper stood
outside the door that men might rid thrmserrsa,
before they entered, of anything that would be de-
filing (Leyrer, '. c, and Vitringa).
(2.; In the internal arrangement of the syna-
gogue we trace an obvious analogy, nsutoftt ans>
tandis, to the type of the Tabernacle. At the upper
or Jerusalem end stood the Ark, the chest which,
like the older and more sacred Ark, contained the
Book of the Law. It gave to that end the i
and character of a sanctuary (73'fl). The i
thought was sometimes expressed by its bring called
sanctuary, for a Uttle time," or "In a little measure,"
give a leas satisfactory meaning. The language of the
later Jews applied the term " sanctuary " to the ark-end
of the synagogue (in/ra).
*> We may trace perhaps In this selection of totalities,
like the "sacri fontis neatw" of Jut. sat. 111. 13, the
re-appearance, creed from its old abomnaUoria, of the
attachment' of the Jews to the -vorshlp of the groves, of
the charm which led them to bow down under "every
green tree" (la Ivil. 5 ; Jer. IL 30%
* The practice of a fixed Kibkk (= direction) to
prayer was clearly very ancient and commended Itself to
wn« special necessities of the Eastern character. In
hs sxvtlL, ascribed to David, we have probably the
earliest trace of It (Oe Wette, in lac). It ■ l
In the dedication prayer of Solomon (1 K. viu. 31 et at).
It appears as a fixed rule in the devotions of Daatel
(Tan. vt 10). It was adopted afterwards by aUhocaet,
and the point of the Kibleh, after scene lingering l efes aaj e
to the Holy City, transferred from Jerusalem to the
Kaaba of Mecca. Tin mlj Christian practka iifniailasi
towards the East indicates a like feeling, and probat!*
originated in the adoption by the Churches of Karope
snd Africa of the structure of the synagogue. The
position of the altar to those churches rested on a Ilk*
i analogy. The table or the lord, bearing witness of Iks
blood uf the New Covenant, took the place of the Ark wltlea
I contained the law that was the groundwork of the lid.
(SYNAGOGUE
liter the name of Aaron (Buxtorf, Syltag. Jud. eh.
i.), and «w developed still further in the name of
ajp Str tt k , or Mercy-seat, given to the lid. or door
rf the chat, and in the Veil which hung before it
I Vitringa, p. 181). This part of the synagogue
was naturally the place of honour. Here were the
wfmrimatttplai, after which Pharisees and Scribes
strove so eagerly (Matt, ixiii. 6), to which the
wealthy and honoured worshipper was invited
'James ii. 2, 3). Here too, in front of the Ark,
still reproducing the type of the Tabernacle, was
the eight-branched lamp, lighted only on the greater
festivals. Besides this, there was one lamp kept
burning perpetually. Others, brought by devout
worshippers, were lighted at the beginning of the
Sabbath, i.«. on Friday evening (Vitringa, p. 198).'
A little further towards the middle pf the building
was a raised platform, on which several persons
could stand at once, and in the middle of this rose
a pulpit, in which the Header stood to read the
lesson or sat down to teach. The congregation
were divided, men on one side, women on the other,
• low partition, the or six feet high, running be-
tween than (lido, Di Vit. Contempt, ii. 476).
The arrangements of modem synagogues, for many
centuries, have made the separation more complete
by placing the women in low side-galleries, screened
off by lattice-work ( Leo of Modena, in Picart, Ce-
rdm. Relit). i.\ Within the Ark, as above stated,
were the rolls of the sacred books. The rollers
round which they were wound were often elabo-
rately decorated, the cases for them embroidered or
enamelled, according to their material. Such cases
were customary offerings from the rich when they
brought their infant-children on the first anniver-
sary of their birthday, to be blessed by the Rabbi
of the synagogue.* As part of the fittings we have
also to note ( 1.) another chest for the Haphtaroth,
or rolls of Oie prophets. (2.) Alms-boxes at or
near the door, after the pattern of those at the
Temple, one for the poor of Jerusalem, the other
tor local charities. 1 (3.) Notice-boards, on which
were written the names of offenders who had been
" put out of the synagogue." (4.) A chest for
trumpets and other musical instruments, used at
the New Tears, Sabbaths, and other festivals (Vi-
tringa, Leyrer, /. c).
IV. Officers. — (1.) In smaller towns there was
often but one Rabbi (Vitringa, p. 549). Whre
a fuller organization was possible, there was a
college of Elders (D'JPJ =*pttrfHn*poi, Lukevii.
3) presided over by one who was hot" e£oxV> •
cVxurvfdVvsryot (Luke viii. 41, 49, xiii. 14;
Acts xviii. 8, 17). To these elders belonged a
variety of synonymes, each with a special signifi-
cance. They were D'DJTB (Parnasimswoi/wVer,
Kph. ir. 11), watching over their flock, srooeffraV
Ttr, irfoifurtu, as ruling over it (1 Tim. v. 17;
SYNAGOGUE
13^9
* Hers slao the customs of toe Eastern Church, the
votive silver lamps hanging before the shrines and holy
ataoee, bring the old practice vividly before our eyes.
• The custom. It may be noticed, connects lUKlfwlth tie
TosmoreMe history of those who " brought young children "
(•Jesus that He should touch them (Mark x. 13).
i |f this pracUee existed, as is probable. In the first
csatery. It throws light npon the special stress laid by
St. Paul on the couectjon for the 'poor samta" In Jero-
assess (1 Cor. xvl. key. The Christian Churches were
net to as behind the Jewish Synagogues In their oontrt-
Msons to the Palestine Relief Fund.
( The two treatises De dasrss Oaosfi, by Bhenlerd and
Hcb. xiii. 7). With their bead, they fomul a kind
of Chapter, managed the aflaiis of the tjiiagogue,
possessed the power of excommunicating (Vitringa,
pp. 549-821, 727).
(2.) The most prominent functionary In a large
synagogue was known as the TVTZf {SUUach =
legatus), the officiating minister who acted as the
delegate of the congregation, and was therefore the
chief reader of prayers, &c., in their name. The
conditions laid down for this office remind us of St.
Paul's rule for the choice of a bishop. He was to be
active, of full age, the father of a family, not rich
or engaged in business, possessing a good voice, apt
to teach (comp. 1 Tim. iii. 1-7 ; Tit. i. 6-9). In
him we find, as the name might lead us to expect,
the prototype of the tyytKai eVaAna-uu of Rev. i.
20, ii. 1, ic. (Vitringa, p. 93i).
(3.) The Ouuzin (JOT), or frrrnotrfys of the
synagogue (Luke iv. 20) had duties of a lower
kind resembling those of the Christian deacon, or
sub-deacon. He was to open the doors, to get the
building ready for service. For him too there
were conditions like those for the legatus. Like the
legatus and the eldert, he was appointed by the
imposition of hands (Vitringa, p. 8315). Prac-
tically he often acted during the week as school-
master of the town or village, and in this way
came to gain a prominence which placed him nearly
on the same level as the legatus.
(4.) Besides these there were ten men attached
to every synagogue, whose functions have been the
subject-matter of voluminous controversy.! They
were known as tho liatlanim (CJ7Q2 = Olioti ),
and no synagogue was complete without them. They
were to be men of leisure, not obliged to labour fur
their livelihood, able therefore to attend the week-
day as well as the Sabbath services. By some
(Lightfoot, Hot. Htb. in Matt. iv. 23, and, in part,
Vitringa, p. 532) they have been identified with
the above officials, with the addition of the alms-
collectors.' Rhenferd, however (Ugolini, TVs. voL
xxi.), sees in them simply a body of men, perma-
nently on duty, making up a congregation (ten
being the minimum number'), so that there might
be no delay in beginning the service at the proper
hours, and that no single worshipper might go
away disappointed. The latter hypothesis is sup-
ported by the fact that there was a like body of
men, the Stationarii or Viri Stationis of Jewish
Archaeologists, appointed to act as permanent repre-
sentatives of the congregation in the services of the
Temple (Jost, Gesch. Judenth. i. 168-172). It is
of course possible that, in many cases the same
persons may have united both characters, and been,
e. g. at once Otiosi and alms-collectors.
(5.) It will be seen at once how closely the
organization of the synagogue was reproduced in
that of the Ecclesia, Here also there was the single
Vitrlngs, m Ugollnl's Thaaurui, voL xxl., occupy more
than 7oo folio paces. The present writer has not read
them through. la there any one living who baa r
» Ltghtfoot's classification la as follows. The Ten
consisted of three Judges, tho Legatus, whom this writer
(dentines with the Cfassaan, three Paraaslm, whom be
Identifies with slme-col lectors and compares to the dear
cons of the church, the Targumlat or Interpreter, the
schoolmaster and ula assistant The whole la, however
very conjectural.
■ Tola was based on a fantastic Inference from Nam.
xtv. (I The ten unfaithful spies were spoken of as an
"evUaxisv<oat>°»" SenAaar. Iv. «, ji lishttost. I a
1400
SYNAGOGUE
presbyter -:tshqp [Bishop] in small towns, ■ council
ef presby*.ers under one heed in large cities. The
legatus of the synagogue appears in the &yy\oi
(Rev. i. 20, ii. 1), perhaps also in the aa-oVreAos
of the Christian Church. To the elders as such
is given the name of Shepherds (Eph. iv. 11;
1 Pet. r. 1 ). They are known also as fryoiiuroi
(Heb. iiii. 7). Even the transfer to the Christian
proselytes of the once distinctively sacerdotal name
of It jwwt, foreign as it was to the feelings of the
Christians of the Apostolic Age, was not without
its parallel in the history of the synagogue. Sceva,
the exorcist Jew of Ephesus, was probably a " chief
priest" in this sense (Acta xix. 14). In the edicts
of the later Soman emperors, the terms apxwptfo
and upon are repeatedly applied to the rulers of
synagogues (Cod. Tbeodos. Dt Jud., quoted by Vi-
tringa, Dt decern Otiotit, in Ugolini, Thet. xxi.).
Possibly, however, this may have been, in part,
owing to the presence of the scattered priests, after
the destruction of the Temple, as the Rabbis or
elders of what was now left to them as their only
sanctuary. To them, at any rate, a certain pre-
cedence was given in the synagogue services. They
were invited Brat to read the lessons for the day.
The benediction of Num. vi. 22, was reserved for
them alone.
V. Worthip.— (1.) The ritual of the synagogue
was to a large extent the reproduction (here also, as
with the fabric, with many inevitable changes) of
the statelier liturgy of the Temple. This is not the
place for an examination of the principles and struc-
ture of that liturgy, or of the baser elements, wild
Talmudic legend*, curses against Christiana under
the name of En» nrtans, and other extravagances
which have mingled with it (McCaul, Old Paths,
oh. xvii., xix.). »t will be enough, in this place, to
notice in what way the ritual, no less than the
organization, was connected with the facts of the
N. T. history, and with the life and order of the
Christian Church. Here too we meet with multi-
plied coincidences. It would hardly be an exag
geration to say that the worship of the Church was
identical with that of the Synagogue, modified (1.)
by the new truths, (2.) by the new institution of
the Supper of the Lord, (3.) by the spiritual Cha-
rismata.
(2.) From the synagogue came the use of fixed
forms of prayer. To that the first disciples had
been accustomed from their youth. They had asked
their Master to give them a distinctive one, and he
had complied with their request (Luke xi. 1), as
the Baptist had done before for his disciples, as
every itabbi did for his. The forms might be
and were abused. The Pharisee might in syna-
gogues, or, when the synagogues were dosed, in
the open street, recite aloud the devotions appointed
for hours of prayer, might gabble through the
Shema ("Hear Israel," Ik. from Deut. vi. 4),
his Kaddish, his Shemtneh Etrih, the eighteen
Berachoth or blessings, with the " vain repetition *
which has reappeared in Christian worship. But
for the disciples this was, as yet, the true pattern
of devotion, and their Master sanctioned it. To
their minds there would seem nothing inconsistent
with true heart worship in the recurrence of a
fixed order (*«t4 rifu, 1 Cor. xiv. 40), of the
same prayers, hymns, doxologies, such as all litur-
gical study leads us to think of as existing in
the Apostolic Age. If the gifts of utterance which
characterised the firs*, period of that age led for a
tune to greater freedom, to unpremeditated prayer.
SYNAGOGUE
if that was in its turn succeeded by the renewed
predominance of a formal fixed order, the atterxw
tion and the struggle which have rea p peared in at
many periods of the history of the Church were assf
without their parallel in that of Judaism. Then
also, was > protest against the rigidity of an uar-
tending form. Eliexer of Lydda, a contamporary
of the second Gamaliel (circ A.D. 80-115), taught
that the legatut of the synagogue should discard
even the Shem&neh Etrih, the eighteen fixed
prayers and benedictions of the daily and Sabbath
services, and should pray ss his heart prompted
him. The offence against the formalism into which
Judaism stiffened, was apparently too great to be
forgiven. He was excommunicated (not, indeed,
avowedly on this ground), and died at Coaserae,
(Jost, Oetoh. Judmth. ii. 36, 45).
(3.) The large admixture of a didactic element
in Christian worship, that by which it was distin-
guished from all Gentile forms of adoration, wae
derived from the older order. " Motes " was " reed
in the synagogues every Sabbath-day " (Acta xr.
21), the whole Law being read consecutively, so aa
to be completed, according to one cycle, in three
years, according to that which ultimately prevailed
and determined the existing divisions of the Hebrew
text (Bible, and Leyrer, /. e.\ in the 52 weeks
of a single year. The writings of the Prophets
were read as second lessons in a corresponding;
order. They were followed by the Dtrath, the
\iyot waoacA^o-sais (Acts nil. 15), the exposition,
the sermon of the synagogue. The first Chr i sti a n
synagogues, we must believe, followed this order
with but little deviation. It remained for them
before long to add "the other Scriptures" which
they had learnt to recognise as more precious even
than the Law itself, the " prophetic word " of the
New Testament, which not less truly than that of
the Old, came, in epistle or in narrative, from the
same Spirit [Scripture]. The synagogue use ol
Psalms again, on the plan of selecting those which
had a special fitnuss for special times, answered to
that which appears to have prevailed in the Church
of the first three centuries, and for which the simple
consecutive repetition of the whole Psalter, in a
day as in some Eaotera monasteries, in a week as
in the Latin Church, in a month aa in the English
Prayer-book is, perhaps, a less sa t is f a ct o r y sub-
stitute.
(4.) To the ritual of the synagogue we may pro-
bably trace a practice which has sometimes been a
stumbling-block to the student of Christian anti-
quity, the subject-matter of fierce debate among
Christian controversialists. Whatever account may
be given of it, it is certain that Prayers for the
Dead appear in the Church's worship as soon as we
have any trace of it after the immediate records of
the Apostolic age. It has well been described iy a
writer, whom no one can suspect of Romish ten-
dencies, as an "immemorial practioe." Tbougn
"Scripture is silent, yet antiquity plainly speaks."
The prayers " have found a place in every early
liturgy of the world " (EUicott, Destiny of the
Creature, Seito. vi.). How, indeed, we may ask,
could it have been otherwise? The strong feeling
shown in the time of the Maccabees, that ft was
not "superfluous and vain" to pray for the dead
(2 Mace. xii. 44), was sure, under the influence of
the dominant Pharisaic Scribes, to view itself in the
devotions of the synagogue. So far as we trace
oack these devotions, we may my that theie els*
the practice is " immemorial," an old at ieart oi
SYNAGOGUE
the tridirkws of the Rabbinic fathers (Buitorf, D*
'Sfnag. jp. 708, 710 ; McCaul, Old Potto, ch.
ixrrtti.). There is a probability indefinitely great
that prayer* for Hie departed (the Kaddish of
late Judaism) were familiar to the (71111202061
af Palestine and other countries, that the early
Christian believers were not startled by them
as an innovation, that they passed uncondemned
arm by our Lord Himself. The writer already
2uotad tees a probable reference to them in 2 Tim.
, 18 'Elheott, Pari. Epistles, in loc.). St. Paul,
remembering Onesiphorus as one whose " house "
had been bereaved of him, prays that he may find
mercy of the Lord "in that day." Prayers for the
dead can hardly, therefore, be looked upon as anti-
ScriptoraL If the English Church has wisely and
rightly eliminated them from her services, it is not
because Scripture says nothing of them, or that
their antiquity is not primitive, but because, in
«ch a matter, experience is a truer guide than
the silence or the hints of Scripture, or than the
voice of the most primitive antiquity.
(5.) The conformity extends also to the times
of prayer. In the hours of service this was obvi-
ously the esse. The third, sixth, and ninth hours
were, in the times of the N. T. (Acts iii. 1, x. 3, 9),
and had been, probably, for some time before (Ps.
Iv. 17 ; Dan. vi. 10), the fixed times of devotion,
known then, and still known, respectively as the
Shachiritk, the Mmcha, and the 'Aribiik ; they had
sot only the prestige of an authoritative tradition,
but were connected respectively with the names of
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, to whom, as to the
first originators, their institution was ascribed
' v Buxtorf, Synag. p. 280). The same hours, it is
well known, were recognised in the Church of the
second, probably in that of the first century also
(Clem. Al. Strom. 1. c. ; Tertull. De Orat. e. xxv.).
The sacred days belonging to the two systems seem,
at first, to present a contrast rather than a resem-
blance ; but here, too, there is a symmetry which
points to an original connexion. The solemn days
of the synagogue were the second, the fifth, and the
seventh, the last or Sabbath being the conclusion
of the whole. In whatever way the change was
brought about, the transfer of the sanctity of the
Sabbath to the Lord's Day involved a corresponding
change in the order of the week, and the first, the
fourth, and the sixth became to the Christian so-
ciety what the other days had been to the Jewish,
(6.) The following suggestion as to the mode in
which this transfer was effected, involves, it is be-
lieved, fewer arbitrary assumptions than any other
fcomp. Lord's Day, Sabbath], and connects it-
self with another interesting custom, common to
the Church and the Synagogue. It was a Jewish
custom to end the Sabbath with a feast, in which
they did honour to it as to a parting king. The
feast was held in the synagogue. A cup of wine,
ever which a special blessing had been spoken, was
handed round (Jost, Qetch. Judenta. i. 180). It
is obvious that, so long as the Apostles and their
followers continued to use the Jewish mode of
SYNAGOGUE
1401
* It ass always to be borne in mini that the word was
jfcrkxuty earned (or the purposes of Christian life, and Is
applied fa lbs first Instance to toe sapper (1 Cor. xi. 30),
afterwards to the day (Rev. L 10).
• One point of centrist Is as striking as these points of
resemblance. The Jew prayed with hi* bead covered,
wttb ths TaUitk drawn over his ears and reaching to the
thoulders. The Greek, however habitually In worship
m la other acts, went bare-beaded, and the Apostle ef
reckoning, so long i. e. as they fraternised wttb
their brethren of the stock of Abraham, this would
coincide in point of time with their Ithtvov on the
first day of the week. A supper on what we should
call Sunday evening would have been to them on
the second. By degrees, as has been shown else-
where [Lord's Supper], the time became later,
passed on to midnight, to the early dawn of tiu
next day. So the Lord's Supper ceased to be a sup-
per really. So, as the Church rose out of Judaidn,
the supper gate its- holiness to the coming, instead
of deriving it from the departing day. The day
came to be avpuurff, because it began with the
Stiryow mipuutiv,* Gradually the Sabbath ceased
as such to be observed at all. The practice ot
observing both, a* in the Church of Rome up to the
fifth century, gives us a trace of the transition
period.
(7.) From the synagogue lastly came many less
conspicuous practices, which meet us in the litur-
gical life of the first three centuries. Ablution,
entire or partial, before entering the place of meet-
ing (Heb. x. 22 ; John xiii. 1-15 ; TertulL De Orat.
cap. xi.) ; standing and not kneeling, as the attitude
of player (Lnkexviii.il ; Tertull. ibid. cap. xxiii.i;
the arms stretched out (Tertull. ibid. cap. xiii.) ; the
face turned towards the Kibleh of the East \Cyan.
Al. Strom. 1. c.V, the responsive Amen of the
congregation to the prayers and benedictions of the
elders (1 Cor. xiv. 16).* In one strange exceptional
custom of the Church of Alexandria we trace the
wilder type of Jewish, of Oriental devotion. There,
in the dosing responsive chorus of the prayer, the
worshippess not only stretched out their neck* and
lifted up their hands, but leapt up with wild ges-
tures (rott 1* srooWr iirrytlpoiuv), as if they
would fain rise with their prayers to heaven itself
(Clem. Al. Strom, vii. 40).* This, too, reproduced a
custom of the synagogue. Three times did the whole
body of worshippers leap up simultaneously as they
repeated the great Teroanctus hymn of Isaiah vi.
(Vitringa, p. 1100 et aeq. ; Buitorf, cap. x.).
VI. Judicial Functions. — (1.) The language of
the N.T. shows that the officer* of the synagogue
exercised in certain cases a judicial power. The
synagogue itself was the place of trial (Luke xii,
11 ; xxi. 12) ; even, strange as it may seem, of the
actual punishment of scourging (Matt. x. 17 ; Mark
xiii. V). They do not appear to have had the
right of inflicting any severer penalty, unless,
under this head, we may include that of excom-
munication, or " putting a man out of the
synagogue" (John xii. 42, xvi. 2), placing him
under an anathema (1 Cor. xvi. 22 ; Gal. i. 8, 9),
" delivering him to Satan " (1 Cor. v. 5 ; 1 Tim.
i. 20). (Meyer and Stanley, in loc.) In some
cases they exercised the right, even outside the
limits of Palestine, of selling the persons of the
accused, and sending them in chains to take their
trial before the Supreme Council at Jerusalem (Acts
ix. 2 ; xxii. 5).
(2.) It is not quite so easy, however, to define
the nature of the tribunal, and the precise limits of
the Oenttle Churches, renouncing all early prejudices,
recognises this as more fitting, more natural, more m
harmony with the right relation of the sexes (t Cor.
xt. 4).
• The ssme curious practice existed In the 1TU1 wa-
tery, and is perhaps not yet extinct In the Chorea us
Abyssinia, m this, as In other things, preserving more Usui
any other Christian society, the type of Judaism (lasMf
IKK. Aslkup. U). • ; Stanley, Batttrn Vkarik, p. 11).
1402 SYNAGOGUE. THE GBEAT
it* jurisdiction. Iu two of the pasnages referred to
'Matt. x. 17; Mark xiii. 9) they are carefully
iictinguished from the evviZpta, or councils, yet
both appear at instrument* by which the spirit of
religious persecution might fasten on it* victims.
The explanation commonly given that the couucil
sat in the synagogue, and was thus identified with
it, is hardly satisfactory H^eyrer, in Herzog's
Beal-Encyc. "Synedrien '). It seems more pro-
bable that the council was the larger tribunal
of 33, which sat in every city [Cooncil], iden-
tical with that of the seven, with two Levites as
assessor* to each, which Josephus describes as acting
in the smaller provincial towns (Ant. iv. S, §14 ;
H. J. ii. SO, §5),° and that under the term syna-
gogue we are to understand a smaller court, pro-
bably that of the Ten judges mentioned in the
Talmud (Gem. Hieros. Sanhedr. 1. a), consisting
either of the eldeis, the chatzan,and the legatus, or
otherwise (as Herzfeld conjectures, i. 392) of the
ten Batlanim, or Otiosi (see above, IV. 4).
(3.) Here also we trace the outline of a Christian
institution. The (WxAirtria, either by itself or by
appointed delegates, was to act as a Court of Arbi-
tration in all disputes among its members. The
elder* of the Church were not, however, to descend
to the trivial disputes of daily life (to fiurruci).
For these any men of common sense and fairness,
however destitute of official honour and position
(oi i(ou9miiiiroi), would be enough (1 Cor. vi.
1-8). Kor the elders, as for those of the synagogue,
were reserved the graver offences against religion
and morals. In such cases they had power to
excommunicate, to " put out of" the Ecclcsia,
which had taken the place of the synagogue, some-
times by their own authority, sometimes with the
consent of the whole society (1 Cor. v. '.). It is
worth mentioning that Hammond and other com-
mentators have seen a reference to these judicial
functions in James ii. 2-4. The special sin of
those who fawned upon the rich was, on this view,
that they were "judijes of evil thoughts," carrying
respect of persons into their administration of jus-
tice. The interpretation, however, though inge-
nious, is hardly sufficiently supported. [E. H. P.]
SYNAGOGUE, THE GBEAT (JIMS
rPiUil). The institution thus described, though
not Biblical in the sense of occurring as a word in
the Canonical Scriptures, is yet too closely con-
nected with a laige number of Biblical facts and
names to be passed over. In the absence of direct
historical data, it will be best to put together the
traditions or conjectures of Rabbinic writers.
(1.) On the return of the Jews from Babylon, a
great council was appointed, according to these tra-
ditions, to re-organise the religious life of the
people. It consisted of 120 members (Meijilluth,
176, 18c), and these were known as the men of
the <3reat Synagogue, the successors of the pro-
phets, themselves, in their turn, succeeded by scribes
prominent, individually, as teachers ( Pirke Aboth,
i. 1). Ezra was recognised as president. Among
the c her members, in part together, in part suc-
cess! vrty, were Joshua, the High Priest. Zerubha-
bel, and their companions, Daniel and the three
"children," the prophets Haggai, Zechariah, Ma-
lachi, the ruler* Nehemiah and Mordecai. Their
urn wis to restore again toe »<«, or owy of
• Tbs tdentmcaUen of these two Is due to an kssjs-
n*ns umjectura hj Urotfos (on HaU. v 11} The sd-
SYNTYOHK
Israel, i.e. to reinstate in fa majesty the Earns
of God as Great, Mighty, Terrible (Dent. vii. 21
x. 17 ; Neh. i. 5, ix. 32 ; Jer. xxxii. 18 ; Dan. ix
4). To this end they collected all the sacred
writings of former ages and their own, and so com-
pleted the canon of the O.T. Their work included
the revision of the text, and this was settled by the
introduction of the rowel points, which have been
handed down to us by the Masoretic editors. They
instituted the feast of Purim. They organised the
ritual of the synagogue, and gave their sanction to
the Shemtneh Etrth, the eighteen solemn bene-
dictions in it (Ewald, GeecA. iv. 193). Their de-
crees were quoted afterwards as those of the elders
(the wptofSirrfpoi of Mark vii. 3, the OfXatM
of Matt v. 21, 27, 33), the Dibri StpUrim ( =
words of the scribes), which were of more authority
than the Law itself. They left behind them the
characteristic saying, handed down by Simon the
high-priest, the last member of the order, "Be
cautious in judging ; train up many scholars ; set
a hedge about the Law" (Pirke Moth, L 1).
[Scribes.]
(2.) Much of this is evidently uncertain. The)
absence of any historical mention of such a body.,
not only in the O.T. and the Apocrypha, bat ia
Josephus, Philo, and the Seder Olam, so that the
earliest record of it is found in the Pirke Aboth,
circ. the second century after Christ, had led some
critics (e.g. De Wette, J. D. Michaelis) to reject
the whole statement as a Rabbinic invention, testing
on no other foundation than the existence, after the
exile, of a Sanhedrim of 71 or 72 members, charged
with supreme executive functions. Ewald (Qetck.
Isr. iv. 192) is disposed to adopt this view, and
looks on the number 120 as a later element, intro-
duced for its symbolic significance. Jest (Getck.
dee Jud. i. 41) maintains that the Greek origin of
the word Sanhedrim points to its later date, and
that its functions were prominently judicial, while
those of the so-called Great Synagogue were promi-
nently legislative. He recognises, on the other hand,
the probability that 120 was used as a round
number, never actually made up, and thinks that
the germ of the institution is to be found in the
85 names of those who are recorded as having
joined in the solemn league and covenant of Neh. x.
1-27. The narrative of Neh. viii. 13 clearly im-
plies the existence of a body of men acting as coun-
sellors under the presidency of Esra, and these may
have been (as Jost, following the idea of another
Jewish critic, suggests) an assembly of delegate*
from all provincial synagogues — a synod (to use the
terminology of a later time) of the National Church.
The Pirke Aboth, it should be mentioned, speaks of
the Great Synagogue as ceasing to exist before the
historical origin of the Sanhedrim (x. 1 ), and it is
moie probable that the latter rose out of an attempt
to reproduce the former than that the former was
only the mythical transfer of the latter to an earlier
time. (Comp. Leyrer, s. v. Synagoge,die orosse, in
Herzog's Encyclop.) [E. H. P.]
8YNTYCHE (Siwroxrj: Syntycht), a female
member of the Church of Philippi,mentioned(PhiLiv.
2, 3) along with another named EOOD1AS (or rathe
Euodia). To what has been said uder the lattea
head the following may be added. The Apostle'*
injunction to these two women is, that they should
live in harmony with one another; from which we
otUon of two scribes or secretariat tuku lie ntantn IB
buUi Base* equal.
SYRACUSE
infer that the; had, more or less, failed m this in-
spect, Such harmony was doubly important, if
they held an office, as deaconesses, in the Churcii :
4nd it is highly probable that this was the case.
They had afforded to St. Paul active co-operation
under difficult circumstances (cV r$ tbayytkty
autrfi9Kr)aiy poi, vet. 2), and perhaps there were
at Philippi other women of the same class i aTnyf r,
ib.). At all events this passage is an illustration
of what the Gospel did for women, and women for
the Gospel, in the Apostolic times : and it is the more
interesting, as having reference to that Church which
was the first founded by St. Paul in Europe, and the
first member of which was Lydia. Some thoughts
on this subject will be found in Riliiet, Comm. tut
CEpV.ro aux Pkilipp. pp. 31 1-314. [J. S. H.]
BVRACUSE (Svffojrovo-cu : Syraaaa). The
celebrated city on the eastern coast of Sicily. St.
Paul arrived thither in an Alexandrian ship from
Melita, on his voyage to Rome (Acts xzviii. 12).
The magnificence which Cicero describes as still re-
maining in his time, was then no doubt greatly im-
paired. The whole of the resources of Sicily had been
exhausted in the civil wars of Caesar and Pompey,
and the piratical warfare which Sextus Pompeius,
the youngest son of the latter, subsequently carried
on against the triumvir Octavius. Augustus restored
Syracuse, as also Catana and Centoripa, which last
had contributed much to the successful issue of his
struggle with Sextus Pompeius. Yet the island
Ortygia, and a very small portion of the mainland
adjoining, sufficed for the new colonists and the rem-
nant of the former population. But the site of
Syracuse rendered it a convenient place for the
African corn-ships to touch at, for the harbour was
an excellent one, and the fountain Arethusa in the
island furnished an unfailing supply of excellent
water. The prevalent wind in this part of the
Mediterranean is the W.N.W. This would carry
the vessels from the corn region lying eastward of
< Upe Bon, round the southern point of Sicily, Cape
Pachynns, to the eastern shore of the island. Creep-
ing up under the shelter of this, they would lie either
•n the harbour of Hessana, or at Khegium, until the
wind changed to a southern point and enabled them
to fetch the Companion harbours, Puteoli or Gaeta,
or to proceed as far as Ostia. In crossing fiom
Africa to Sicily, if the wind was excessive, or varied
two or three points to the northward, they would
naturally bear up for Malta,— and this had pro-
hably been the case with the "Twins," the ship in
which St. Paul found a passage after his shipwreck
on the coast of that island. Arrived in Malta, they
watched for the opportunity of a wind to take
them westward, and with such a one they readily
made Syracuse. To proceed further while it con-
tinued blowing would have exposed them to the
dangers of a lee-shore, and accordingly they re-
named ** three day*." They then, the wind having
probably shifted into a westerly quarter so as to
give them smooth water, coasted the shore and
made (wfu\$irr*s n w rriirr^trafur sis) Rhegium.
After one day there, the wind got round still more
and blew from the south ; they therefore weighed,
and arrived at Puteoli in the course of the second
day of the ran (Acts xxviii. 12-14).
la the time of St. Paul's voyage, Sicily did not
supply the Romans with corn to the extent it had
done in the time of King Hiero, and in a less degree
ts late as the time of Cicero. It is ta error, how-
ever, to suppose that the soil was exhausted ; for
itrabo expressly says, the' <br corn, and smsrothar
SYRIA 1*CS
production*, Sicily even surpass .d Italy, But the
country had become depopulated by the long series
of wars, and when it passed into the hands of Rom*
her great nojles turned vast tracts into pasture.
In the time of Augustus, the whole of the centre
of the island wns occupied in this manner, and
among its exports (except from the neighbourhood
of the volcanic region, where excellent wine was
produced), fat stock, hides, and wool appear to
have been the prominent articles. These grazing
and horse-breeding farms were kept up by slave
labour; and this was the reason that the whob
island was in a chronic state of disturbance, owing
to the slaves continually running away and forming
bands of brigands. Sometimes these became so
formidable as to requite the aid of regular military
operations to put them down ; a circumstance of
which Tiberius Gracchus made use a* an argument
in favour of his measure of an Agrarian law ( Ap-
pian, B. C. i. 9), which would hare reconverted the
spacious grass-lands into small arable farm* culti-
vated by Roman freemen.
In the time of St. Paul there were only five Ra-
man colonies in Sicily, of which Syracuse was one.
The others were Catana, Tauromenium, Thermae,
and Tyndaris. Messana too, although not a colony,
was a town tilled with a Roman population. Pro-
bably its inhabitants were merchants connected
with the wine trade of the neighbourhood, of which
Messana was the shipping port. Syracuse and
Panormus were important as strategical points,
and a Komnn force was kept up at each. Sicels,
Sicani, Morgetes, and Iberes (aboriginal inhabitants
of the island, or very early settlers;, still existed in
the interior, in what exact political condition it is
impossible to say ; but most likely in that of vil-
leins. Some few towns are mentioned by Pliny
as having the Latin franchise, and some as paying
a fixed tribute ; but with the exception of the five
colonies, the owners of the soil of the island were
mainly great absentee proprietors, and almost all
its produce come to Rome (Strabo, vi. c 2 ;
Appian, B. C. iv. 84 seqq., v. 15-118; Cicero,
V/rr. iv. 53; Plin. S. H. iii. 8). [J. W. B.]
SYK'IA (DTK : ivpta : Syria) is the term used
throughout our version for the Hebrew Aram, as
well as for the Greek 2voia. The Greek writers
generally regarded it as a contraction or corruption
of Assyria (Herod, vii. 63 ; Scylax, Peripl. p. BO ;
Dionys. Perieg. 970-975; Eustath. Comment, ad loc
&c.). But this derivation is exceedingly doubtful.
Most probably Syria is for Tsyria, the country about
Tiur (T1Y), or Tyre, which was the first of the
Syrian towns known to the Greeks. The resem-
blance to Assyria ("ASPK) is thus purely accidental ; '
and the two words must be regarded as in reali'y
I completely distinct.
1. Geographical extent . — It is very lifficult tc
fix the limits of Syria. The Hebrew Aram seems
to commence on the northern frontier of Palestine,
and to extend thence northward to the skirts of
Taurus, westward to the Mediterranean, and east-
ward probably to the Khabour river. It* chief
divisions are Aram-Dommesek, or "Syria of Da-
mascus," Aram-Zobah, or " Syria of Zobah," Aram-
Naharairs. " Mesopotamia," or " Syria of the Two
Riven," and Padan-Aram, "the plain Syria," or
" the plain at the foot of the mountains." Of these
we cannot h» mistaken in identifying the first witl
the nch country about Damascus, lying bstweer
Anti-libanus and the desert, and the last with tin
1404
SYRIA
fistrict about Hinu and Orfah, the flat country
stretching Mt from the western extremity of Mode
Manns towards the true source of the Khabour at
BimI-J«. Aiam-Nahsraim aeenu to be a term
including this last tract, and extending beyond it,
though how far beyond is doubtful. The "two
rivers" intended are probably the Tigris and the
Euphrates, which approach very near each other in
the neighbourhood of Diarbekr ; and Aram-Naha-
raim may hare originally been applied especially to
the mountain tract which here separates them. If
so, it no doubt gradually extended its meaning ; for
in Gen. xxiv. 10 it clearly includes the district
about Harran, the Padan-Aram of other places.
Whether the Scriptural meaning ever extends much
beyond this is uncertain. It is perhaps most pro-
bable that, as the Mesopotamia of the later Greeks,
so the Aram-Naharaim of the Hebrews was limited
to the north-western portion of the country con-
tained between the two great streams. [See Meso-
PCTiHIA.] Aram-Zobah seems to be the tract
between the Euphrates and Coetesyria ; since, on
the one hand, it reaches down to the Great River
(2 Sam. viii. 3, x. 16), and on the other excludes
Hamath (2 Sam. viil. 9, 10). The other divisions
of Aram, such as Aram-Maachah and Aram-beth-
Reohob, are more difficult to locate with any cer-
tainty. Probably they were portions of the tract
intervening between Anti-libanns and the desert.
The Greek writers used the term Syria still
more vaguely than the Hebrews did Aram. On
the one hand they extended it to the Euxine, in-
cluding in it Cappadocia, and even Blthynia (Herod.
i. 72, 76, ii. 104; Strab. xvi. 1, $2; Dionys.
Perieg. 972) ; on the other they carried it to the
borders of Egypt, and made it comprise Philietia
and Edom (Herod. Hi. 5; Strab. xvi. 2, §2).
Again, through the confusion in their minds be-
tween the Syrians and the Assyrians, they some-
times {Deluded the country of the latter, and even
its southern neighbour Babylonia, in Syria (Strab.
xvi. 1, §2). Still they seem always to have had a
feeling that Syria Proper was a narrower region.
Herodotus, while he calls the Cappadociana and the
Assyrians Syrians, gives the name of Syria only to
the country lying on the Mediterranean between
Oilkaa and Egypt (ii. 106, 157, 159, lii. 6, 91).
Dionysius, who speaks of two Syrias, an eastern
and a western, assigns the first place to the latter
{Perieg. 895). Strsbo, like Herodotus, has one
Syria only, which he defines as the maritime tract
between Egypt and the Gulf of Iasua. The ordi-
nary use of the term Syria, by the LXX. and New
Testament writers, is even more res tr i ct ed than this.
They distinguish Syria from Phoenicia on the one
hand, and from Samaria, Judaea, Idumaea, &c., on
the other. In the pre s e nt article it seems best to
take the word in this narrow sense, and to regard
Syria as bounded by Amanus and Taurus on the
north, by the Euphrates and the Arabian desert on
the east, by Palestine, or the Holy Land, on the
south, by the Mediterranean near the month of the
Orontes, and then by Phoenicia upon the west.
The tract thus circumscribed is about 300 miles
long from north to south, and from 50 to 150 miles
broad. It contains on area of about 30,000 square
2. General physical feature*, — The general cha-
racter of the tract is mountainous, as the Hebrew
name Aram (from a -oot signifying " height") suf-
ficiently implies. Oi the west, two longitudinal
rhaias, running parajcl with the coast at no great
SYRIA
distance from one another, extend along two-Urrd*
of the length of Syria, from the latitude of Tyra to
that of Antioch. These chains, towards the south,
wen kzown respectively aa Libanua and Autt-
libanus, after which, about 1st 35°, the more
western chain, Libanus, became Bargylus; white
the eastern, sinking into comparative insignificance,
was without any special appellation. In the lati-
tude of Antioch the longitudinal chains an met by
the chain of Amanus, an outlying barrier of Taurut,
having the direction of that range, which in this
part is from south-west to north-east. From this
point northwards to the true Taurus, which here
bounded Syria, and eastward to the Euphrates)
about Bireh-jik and Sumtvat, the whole tract ap-
pears to consist of mountains infinitely raxoinea;
below which, towards Sajur and Aleppo, are some
elevated plains, diversified with ranges of hills, while
south of these, in about tot. 36, you enter tin
desert. The most fertile and valuable tract of
Syria is the long valley intervening between Li-
banns and AntMibanua, which slopes southward
from a point a little north of Baalbek, and is there
drained by the Litany ; while above that point the
slope is northward, and the streams form the
Orontes, whose course is in that direction. That
northern mountain region is also fairly productive ;
but the soil of the plains about Aleppo a poor, and
the eastern flank of the Anti-libanus, except in one
place, is peculiarly sterile. The exception is at the
lower or southern extremity of the chain, where
the stream of the Barada forms the rich and de-
lightful tract already described under the head of
Damascus.
3. The MoaUcm Sanaa. — (a) Lebanon. Of the
various mountain ranges of Syria, Lebanon p oe s a s s ee
the greatest interest. It extends from the mouth
of the Litany to Arka, a distance of nearly 10O
miles, and is composed chiefly of Jura limestone,
but varied with sandstone and basalt. It culmi-
nates towards its northern extremity, half-way be-
tween Tripoli and Beyrut, and at this point at-
tains an elevation of nearly 10,000 feet (Robinson,
Bibl. Betearchf, iii. 547). Anciently it was
thickly wooded with cypresses, cedars, and firs;
but it is now very scantily clothed- As a minute
description of its present condition has been already
given in the proper place, it ia unnecessary to pro-
long the present account. [Lebahom.] (») Anti-
libanus. This range, aa the name implies,* stands
over sgsiust Lebanon, running in the same direc-
tion, i. e. nearly north and south, and extending the
same length. It is composed of Jura limestone,
oolite, and Jura dolomite. The fulminating point
is Herman, at the southern, or rather the south-
eastern end of the chain ; for Anti-libsnus, unlike
Libanus, bifurcates at its lower extremity, dividing
into two distinct ridges, between which flows the
stream of the Hatbeya, Herman ia thought to
exceed the height of 9000 feet, (e) Bargylua.
Mount Bargylua, called now Jebel A'ojoin towards
the south, and towards the north Jebel Kraai, ex-
tends from the mouth of the Nakr-el-Kehir (Eton
therm), nearly opposite Hems, to the vicinity at
Antioch, a distance of rather more than 100 miles.
It is separated from Lebanon by a comparatively
level tract, 15 or 20 miles broad (ELBulHoa),
through which flows the stream called St-Kebir.
Mount Bargylus is broader than Lebanon, and
throws out a number of short spurs ejst and wast,
both towards the sea and towards the valley of the
Orontes. One of the western stum fa rmnates in a
SYRIA
•trjarimble headland, known to the ancients as
Mount Camas, mod now called Jebel-et-Akra, or the
" Bald Mountain," which rise* abruptly from the aea
to a height exceeding 5000 feet At the northern
extremity of Bargyl'is, where it overhangs the
lower oonrae of the Orontes, was Daphne, the deli-
don* suburb ot Antioch. and the favourite haunt of
its luxurious populace, (d) Amanus. North of
the mouth of the Orontes, between its course and
the eastern thorn of the Gulf of lams (fakandenm),
lies the range of Amanus, which extends from
the south-west end of the gulf, in a north-easterly
direction, a distance of 85 or 90 miles, and finally
forms a junction with Taurus in about long.
36° 25'. Amanus divides Syria from Cilieia, and
ia a stony range with bold ragged peaks and conical
summits, formed of serpentines and other secondary
rocks supporting a tertiary formation. Its average
elevation ia 5000 feet, and it terminate* abruptly at
Sat sf Kkanzir, in a high cliff overhanging the sea.
There are only two or three peases across it ; and
one alone, that of Beilan, ia tolerably commodious.
Amanus, Uke Anti-llbanus, bifurcates at its south-
western extremity, having, besides it* termination
at the Rae-tl-Kkamir, another, now called Uuta
Dagh, which approaches within about six miles of
the month of the Orontes, and seems to be the
Pieria of Strabo (xvi. 2, §8). This spur is of
limestone formation. The hanks of Amanus are
well clothed with forests of pine, oak, and larch, or
copses of myrtle, arbutus, oleander, and other
shrubs. The range was well known to the Assy-
rians, who called it Kkamana, and «n t unfrequently
cut timber In it, which was conveyed thence to
their capital.
4. The Bktn.— The principal rivers of Syria
are the Litany and the Orontes. The Litany spring*
from a small lake situated in the middle of the
Ooele-eyrian valley, about six miles to the south-
west of Baalbek. Hence it descends the valley
called Ei-Mkaa, with a course a little west of
south, lending out on each side a number of canals
for irrigation, and receiving rills from the opposite
ranges of Libanns and Antl-libanna, which eom-
peoaabt for the water given off. The chief of these
is called El-Btrdony, and descend* from Lebanon
near Zakiek. The Btkaa narrows as it proceeds
southwards, and terminates in a gorge, through
whhh the Litany forces itself with a course which
h still to the south-west, flowing deep between
high precipices, and spanned by a bold bridge of a
singh) arch, known as the Jar Burghus. Having
em er ged from the ravine, it flows first south-west
by west, and then nearly due south, till it reaches
the latitude of Tyre, when meeting the mountains
of Upper Galilee, it is forced to bend to the west,
and, passing with many windings througn the low
•oast tract, enters the sea about 5 miles north of
(be great Phoenician city. The entire course of the
stream, exclusive of small windings is about 80
anils*. The source of the Orontes is but about 15
mile* from that of the Li»tny. A little north of
Baalbek, the highest point or water-ehed of the
Coele-eyrian valley is reached, and the ground
begins to descend northwards. A small rill breaks
out from the foot of Anti-libsnus, which, after
flowing nearly due north for 15 miles across the
plain, meet* another greater source given out by
Lebanon in lat. 34° 22', which is now considered
the true •' bead of the stream." The Orontes from
this point flows down the valley to the north ea st ,
sad jsssilng through the Bahr-el- K a d u a lake
SYRIA
1405
about 6 miles long and 2 broal — approaches Htm
(Emeaa), which it leaves on its right bank. It thea
flows for 20 miles nearly due north ; after which,
on approaching Haman (Hamath), it makes a
slight bend to the east round the base of the Jebet
Erbayn, and then, entering the rich pasture country
of fU-Qhab, runs north-west and north to Jitr
Badid. The tributaries which it receives in this
part of its oonrae are many but small, the only one
of any importance being the Wady-el-Sarvj, which
enters it from the west a little below Hamath. At
Jitr Badid, or " the Iron Bridge," the course of
the Orontes suddenly changes. Prevented by the
range of Amanus from flowing any further to the
north, it sweeps round boldly to the west, and re-
ceiving a large tributary — the KaraSa — from the
north-east, the volume of whose water exceeds
its own, it enters the broad valley of Antionh,
"doubling back here upon itself, and flowing to
the south-west." In this part of it* course the
Orontes has been compared to the Wye (Stanley,
Sinai and Patettme, p. 409). The entire length
of the stream is estimated at above 200 mile*. It*
modern name ia the Jfakr-el-Asi, or " Rebel
Stream," an appellation given to it on account of
ita violence and impetuosity in many parte of Us
course.
The other Syrian streams of some consequence,
besides the Litany and the Orontes, are the Barada,
or river of Damascus, the Kotrtik, or river of
Aleppo, end the Sajur, a tributary of the Euphrates.
The course of the Barada has already been de-
scribed under the head of Damascus. [Damascus.]
The Koweik rises in the highlands south of Am
Tab, from two sources, one of which is known a*
the Baioklu-Su, or " Fish-River." It seems to be
the Chains of Xenophon (Anab. i. 4, §9). Its
course is at first east, but soon becomes south, or a
little west of south, to Aleppo, after which it me-
anders considerably through the high plain south
of that city, finally terminating in a marsh known
ss Et-Mutkh. The Sajur rises a little further to
the north, in the mountains north ofAm-Tab. Ita
course for the first 25 miles is south-east, after
which it runs east for 15 or 20 miles, finally re-
suming its first direction, and flowing by the town
of Sajur into the Euphrates. It is > larger river
than the Kaumk, though its course is scarcely so
long.
5. The Lakei. — The principal lakes of Syria are
the Agh-Dengii, or Lake of Antionh ; the Sabakkah,
or Salt Lake, between Aleppo and Balis ; the Bohr-
tl-Kadn, on the upper Orontes ; and the Bakr-el-
Merj, or Lake of Damascus, (a) The Lake of An-
tioch is an oblong fresh-water basin, 10 miles long
by 7 broad, situated to the north of the Orontes,
where it sweeps round through the plain of Omk,
before receiving the KaraSu. It is formed by the
waters of three large streams— fie Kara-Sn, the
Afrin, and the Atvad — which collect the diainage
of the great mountain tract lying north-east and
east of Autioch, between the 3«th and 37th pa*
rallels. It has been argued, from the silence of
Xenophon and Strabo, that this lake did not exist
in ancient times (Rennell, Ittuttratimu of Vu Expe-
dition of Cyrus, p. 65), but modern investigations
pursued upon the spot are thought to disprove this
theory (Ainsworth, Rettarchee in Metopotamia,
p. 299). The waters flow into the lake on the east
and north, and flow out of it at its south-west
angle by a broad and deep stream, known as the
KaraSu, which falls into the Orontes a few milts
1406
SYRIA
above Antioch. (b) The Solas uih la a salt lake,
into which only insignificant •treuni flow, and
which has no outlet. It lies midway between Balis
and Aleppo, the route between these places passing
■long its northern shore. It is longer than the Lake
of Antioch, but narrower, being about 13 miles
from east to west, and 4 miles only from north to
south, even where it is widest, (c) The Bahr-el-
Kades is smaller than either of the foregoing lakes.
It has been estimated at 8 miles long and 3 broad
(I'ococke, Description of the East, i. 140), and
again at 6 miles long and 2 broad (Chesney,
Euphrates Exp. i. 394), but has never been accu-
rately measured. Pococke conjectures that it is of
recent formation ; but his only reason seems to be
the silence of ancient writers, which is scarcely suf-
ficient to prove the point. (<i) The Bahr-el-Merj,
like the piece of water in which the Koiccik or
river of Aleppo ends, scarcely deserves to be called
a lake, since it is little better than a large marsh.
The length, according to Col. Cheaney, is 9 miles,
and the breadth 2 miles (Euphrat. Exp. i. 503) ;
but the size seems to vary with the seasons, and
with the extent to which irrigation is used along
the course of the Barada. A recent traveller, who
traced the Barada to its termination, found it divide
a few milea below Damascus, and observed that
each branch terminated in a marsh of its own;
while a neighbouring stream, the Awaadj, com-
monly regarded as a tributary of the Barada, also
lost itself in a third marsh separate from the other
two (Porter in Geograph. Joarn. xxvi. 43-46).
6. The Great Valley.— By far the most im-
portant part of Syria, and on the whole its most
striking feature, is the great valley which reaches
from the plain of Umk, near Antioch, to the narrow
gorge on which the Litany enters in about lat.
33° 30'. This valley, which runs nearly parallel
with the Syrian coast, extends the length of 230
miles, and has a width varying from 6 or 8 to IS
or 20 miles. The more southern portion of it was
known to the ancients as Code-Syria, or " the
Hollow Syria," and has been already described.
[Coelesvkia.] In length this portion is rather
more than 100 miles, terminating with a screen of
hills a little south of Hems, at which point the
north-eastern direction of the valley also ceases,
and it begins to bend to the north-west. The lower
valley from Hems downward is broader, generally
speaking, and richer than the upper portion. Here
was " Hamath the Great" (Am. vi. 2), now
Hamuli; and her* too was Apameia, a city but
little inferior to Antioch, surrounded by rich pas-
tures, where Seleucus Nicator was wont to feed 500
elephants, 300 stallion horses, and 30,000 mares
'Strab. xvi. 2, §10). The whole of this region is
fertile, being watered not only by the Orontes, but
by the numerous affluents which flow into it from
the mountain ranges enclosing the valley on either
side.
7. The Northern Highlands.— Koribm Syria,
especially the district called Commagene", between
Taurus and the Euphrates, is still very insufficiently
explored. It seems to be altogether an elevated
tract, consisting of twisted spurs from Taurus and
Amanus, with narrow valleys between them, which
open out into bare and sterile plains. The valleys
themselves are not very fertile. They are watered
by small streams, producing often abundant fish,
» Tbe root of tbts name appears m the early Assyrian
Hucripll. tt? as that of a people, the QummufJt, or V"*-
8YHIA
and, for the moat; part, flowing into the Orontes at
the Euphrates. A certain number of the more
central ones, however, unite, and constitute thai
" river of Aleppo " which, unable to reach either of
the Oceanic streams, forms (as we hare seen) a. lake
or marsh, wherein its waters evaporate. Aloof; the
comae of the Euphrates there is rich had and
abundant vegetation ; but the character of the
country thence to the valley of the Orontes is ban
and woodless, except in the vicinity of the towns,
where fruit-trees are cultivated, and orchards and
gardens make an agreeable appearance. Host of
this region is a mere sheep-walk, which grows mora
and more harsh and repulsive as we approach the
south, whan it gradually mingles with the desert.
The highest elevation of the plateau between the
two rivers U 1500 feet ; and this height is reached
soon after leaving the Euphrates, while towards the
west the decline is gradual.
8. The Eastern Desert. — East of the inner
mountain-chain, and south of the cultivable srround
about Aleppo, is the great Syrian Desert, an
11 elevated dry upland, for the most part of gypsum
and marls, producing nothing but a few spare
bushes of wormwood, and the usual aromatic plants
of the wilderness.'' Here and there bare and stony
ridges of no great height cross this arid region, but
fail to draw water from the sky, and have, conse-
quently, no streams flowing from them. A few
wells supply the nomad population with a brackish
fluid. The region is traversed with difficulty, and
has never been accurately surveyed. The moat
remarkable oasis is at Palmyra, where there are
several small streams and abundant palm-trees.
[See Tadmoh.] Towards the more western part
of the region along the foot of the mountain-ranga
which there bounds it, is likewise a good deal cf
tolerably fertile country, watered by the stream-
which flow eastward from the range, and after a
longer or a shorter course are lost in the desert.
The best known and the most productive of these
tracts, which seem stolen from the desert, is the
famous plain of Damascus — the el-Ghutah and el~
Merj of the Arabs — already described in the account
given of that city. [Damascus.] No rival to
this " earthly paradise " is to be found along the
rest of the chain, since no other stream flows down
from it at all comparable to the Barada ; but wher-
ever the eastern side of the chain has been visited,
a certain amount of cultivable territory has beat
found at its foot; com is grown in places, and
olive-trees are abundant (Burckhardt, Travels in
Syria, pp. 124-129 ; Pococke, Description of the
East, vol. ii. p. 146). Further from the hills all
is bare and repulsive ; a dry hard desert like that
of the Sinaitic peninsula, with a soil of marl and
gravel, only rarely diversified with sand.
9. Chief Divisions. — According to Strabo, Syria
Proper was divided into the following districts : —
1. Coinmagencf ; 2. Cyrrhestica ; 3. Seleucis ; 4.
Coele-syria; and 5. Damascene. If we take its
limits, however, as laid down above (§ 1), we mus*.
odd to these districts three others: Chalybonitis
or the country about Aleppo ; Chalcis or ChalcMice,
a small tract south of this, shout the lake in which
the river of Aleppo ends ; and Palmyraue, or the
desert so far as we consider it to have been Syrian.
(a) Commagene'* lay to the north. Its capita]
was Samoaata or Sumeisat. The territory is said
mutti. They dwell, however, east of IB* tpattt**
between Humeitat -jid rxnrbekr.
STBIA
Id have ban fairly fertile, bat small; and from
this we may gather that it did not descend lower
than about Ant-Tab. (o) From Ain-Tab, or per-
haps from a point higher up, commenced Cirrhestica
or Cyriatica. It was bounded on the north by
Commag6oe3 , on the north-west by Amanus, on the
west and south-west by Seleocis, and on the south
by Chalybonitis or the region of Chalybon, Both
it ani Commag6ne' reached eastward to the Eu-
phrates. Cyrrhestica was so called from its capital
Cyrrhna, which seems to be the modem Coma.
It included Hierapolis (Buinbuk), Batnae (Dohabf),
Mid Gindarus (Qindories). (c) Chalybonitis
adjoined Cyrrhestica on the south, lying between
that region and the desert. It extended probably
from the Euphrates, about Balis, to Mount St.
Simeon (Amguli Dagh). Like Cyrrhestica, it de-
rived its name from its capital city, which was
Chalybon, now corrupted into Haleb, or Aleppo,
(i) Chalcidice' was south of the more western por-
tion of Chalybonitis, and was named from 1j* capital,
Chalcis, which seems to be marked by the modern
KemuuBtrm, a little south of the lake in which the
river of Aleppo ends (Pooocke, Trawls, ii. 149).
(«) Seleucis lay between Cyrrhestica, Chalybonitis,
anil Chalcis on the one side, and the Mediterranean
on the other. It was a large province, and con-
tained four important subdivisions, 1. Seleucis
Proper or Pieria, the little comer between Amanus
and the Orontes, with its capital, Seleucia, on the
const, above the mouth of the Orontes ; 2. Antio-
chis, the region about Antioch; 3. Laodicene, the
coast tract between the mouth of the Orontes and
Phoenicia, named after its capital, Laodiceia (still
called Ladikiyeh), which was an excellent port, and
situated in a most fertile district (Strab. xvi. 2, §9) ;
and 4. Apamend, consisting of the valley of the
Orontes from Jisr Hadid to Hamak, or perhaps to
Hems, and having Apamea (now Famieh) for its
chief city. (/) Coele-syria lay south of Apamea,
being the continuation of the Great Valley, and ex-
tending from Hcms to the gorge iu which the valley
ends. The chief town of this region was Heliopolis
{Baalbek), (g) Damascene included the whole
cultivable tract between the bare range which
breaks away from Anti-libanus in lat. 33° 30', and
the hills which shut in the valley of the Awaj on
the south. It lay east of Coele-syria and south-west of
Palmyrend. (A) Palmyrine was the name applied
to the whole of the Syrian Desert. It was bounded
on the east by the Euphrates, on the north by
Chalybonitis and Chalcidice", on the west by Apa-
m&ie and Coele-syria, and on the south by the great
desert of Arabia.
10. Principal totals. — The chief towns of Syria
may be thus arranged, as nearly as possible in the
order of their importance: 1. Antioch; 2. Da-
mascus ; 3. Apameia ; 4. Seleucia ; 5. Tadmor or
Palmyra ; 6. Laodiceia ; 7. Epipbaneia (Hamath)
8. Samosata ; 9. Hierapolis (Mabog) ; 10. Chaly-
bon; 11. Emesa ; 12. Heliopolis; 13. Laodiceia
ad Libanum; 14. Cyrrhus; 15. Chalcis; 16.
Poaeideium ; 17. Heracleia; 18. Gindarus; 19.
Zeugma ; 20. Thapsaens. Of these, Samosata,
Zeugma, Thapsacus, are on the Euphrates ; Seleucia,
Laodiceia, Poaeideium, and Heracleia, on the sea-
shore ; Antioch, Apameia, Epiphaueia, and Emesa
[Htio.1, on the Orontes; Heliopolis and Laodiceia ad
Lioanum, in Coele-syria; Mierapnlis, Chalybon,
Cyrrhus, Chalcis, and Gindarus, in the northern
highland* ; Damascus on the skirts, and Palan*m
in the centre of the raMera desert.
8YEIA
1407
' 11. Sisters;.— The first occupants of Syria
appear to have been of Hamitie descent. The
Ctmaanitish races, the Hittites, Jebusites, Amorites,
&c, are connected in Scripture with Egypt and
Ethiopia, Cush and Mizraim (Gen. x. 6 and 15-18) ;
and even independently of this evidence, there seems
to be sufficient reason for believing that the races
in question stood in close ethnic connexion with the
Cushite stock(BawUnson's Herodotus, iv. 243-245).
These tribes occupied not Palestine only, but also
Lower Syria, in very early times, as we may gather
from the fact that Hamuth is assigned to them it
Genesis (x. 18). Afterwards they seem to have
become possessed of Upper Syria also, for when the
Assyrians first push their conquests beyond the
Euphrates, they find the Hittites (Khatti) esta-
blished in strength on the right bank of the Great
River. After a while the first comers, who wera
still to a great extent nomads, received a Shemitk
infusion, which most probably came to them from
the south-east. The family of Abraham, whose
original domicile was in Lower Babylonia, may,
perhaps, be best regarded as furnishing us with a
specimen of the migiatory movements of the period.
Another example is that of Chedorlaomer with his
confederate kings, of whom one at least — Amraphel
— must have been a Shemite. The movement may
have begun before the time of Abraham, and hence,
perhaps, the Shemitic names of many of the inhabi-
tants when Abraham first comes into the country,
as Acimelerh, Helchizedek, Eliezer, &c. b The only
Syrian town whose existence we find distinctly
marked at this time is Damascus (Gen. xiv. 15 ;
rr. 2), which appears to hare been already a plact
of some importance. Indeed, in one tradition,
Abraham is said to have been king of Damascus for
a time (Nic. Dam. Fr. 30) ; but this is quite un-
worthy of credit. Next to Damascus must be
placed Hamath, which is mentioned by Moses as a
well-known place (Nam. xiii. 21, xxxiv. 8), and
appears in Egyptian papyri of the time of the
eighteenth dynasty {Cambridge Essays, 1858, p.
268). Syria at this time, and for many centuries
afterwards, seems to have been broken up among a
number of petty kingdoms. Several of these are
mentioned in Scripture, as Damascus, Kehob,
Muachah, Zobah, Geshur, fee. We also hear oc-
casionally of " the kings of Syria and of the Hit-
tites" (1 K. x. 29; 2 K. vii. 6)— an erpressioa
indicative of that extensive subdivision of the tract
among numerous petty chiefs which is exhibited to
us very dearly in the early Assyrian inscriptions.
At various times different states had the pre-
eminence ; but none was ever strong enough to
establish an authority over the others.
The Jews first come into hostile contact with
the Syrians, under that name, in the time of
David. The war* of Josuua, however, must have
often been with Syrian chiefs, with whom he dis-
puted the possession of the tract about Lebanon
and Harmon (Josh. xi. 2-18). After his time the
Syrians were apparently undisturbed, until David
began his aggressive wars upon them. Claiming
the frontier of the Euphrates, which God had
promised to Abraham (Gen. xv. 18), David made
war on Hadadeaer, king of Zobah, whom he
defeated in a great battle, killing 18,000 of his
men, and taking from him 1000 chariots, 700
b Itte possible, however, that tl rse names may ie tbt
Shemluc equivalents of the real names of these person*
which naoer mjfht In that cue have uvea HamltJo.
1408 SYBIA
nenemen, and 20,000 footmen (2 Sua. riii. 3, 4,
13). The Damascene Syrians, having endeavoured
to succour their kinsmen, were likewise defeated
with great loss (ib. ver. 5); and the blow so
weakened them that they shortly afterwards snb-
scitteil and became David's subjects (ver. 6).
Zobah, however, was far from being subdued as
yet. When, a few yean later, the Ammonites
determined on engaging in a war with David, and
applied to the Syrians lor aid, Zobah, together
with Beth-Rehob, sent them 20,000 footmen, and
two other Syrian kingdoms furnished 13,000 (2
San:, x. 6). This army being completely defeated
by Joab, Hadadezer obtained aid from Mesopotamia
(ib. ver. 16), and tried the chance of a third battle,
which likewise went against him, and produced the
general submission of Syria to the Jewish monarch.
The submission thus begun continued under the
reign of Solomon, who " reigned over all the king-
doms from the river (Euphrates) unto the land
of the Philistines and unto the border of Egypt ;
they brought presents and served Solomon all the
days of his life" (t K. iv. 21). The only part of
Syria which Solomon lost seems to have been Damas-
cus, where an independent kingdom was set up by
Rezon, a native of Zobah (1 K. zi. 23-25). On
the separation of the two kingdoms, soon after the
accession of Rehoboam, the remainder of Syria no
doubt shook off the yoke. Damascus now became
decidedly the leading state, Hamath being second
to it, and the northern Hittites, whose capital was
Carchemish near Bamhnk, third. [Carchemish.]
The wars of this period fall most properly into
the history of Damascus, and have already been
described in the account given of that city. [Da-
mascus.] Their result wss to attach Syria to
the great Assyrian empire, from which it passed
to the Babylonians, after a short attempt on the
part of Egypt to hold possession of it, which wss
frustrated by Nebuchadnezzar. From the Baby-
lonians Syria passed to the Persians, under whom
it formed a satrapy in conjunction with Judaea,
Phoenicia, and Cyprus (Herod, iii. 91;. Its re-
sources were still great, and probably it was his
confidence in them which encouraged the Syrian
satrap, Megabazua, to raise the standard of revolt
against Artaxerzes Longimanus (b.O. 447). After
this we hear little of Syria till the year of the
battle of Issus (n.c. 333), when it submitted to
Alexander without a struggle.
Upon the death of Alexander Syria became, for
the first time, the head of a great kingdom. On
the division of the provinces smong his generals
(B.C. 321), Seieucus Kicntor received Mesopotamia
and Syria; and though, in the twenty years of
struggle which followed, this country was lost and
won repeatedly, it remained finally, with the
exception of Coele-syria, in the hands of the priore
to whom it was originally assigned. That prince,
whose dominions reached from the Mediterranean
to the Indus, and from the Oxus to the Southern
Cmtan, having, as he believed, been exposed to
great dangers on account of the distance from
Greece of his original capital, Babylon, resolved
immediately upon his victory of Ipsus (B.C. 301)
to fix his metropolis in the West, and settled upon
Syria as the fittest place for it. Antioch was
aegun in b.c. 300, and, being finished in a Aw
rears, was made the capital of Seieucus' kingdom.
The whole realm was thenceforth ruled from this
jeitir, and Syria, which bad long been the prey
si stronger countries, and bad been exhausted by
STRIA
their i action*, grew rich with th: wealth i
bow flowed into it on all sides. The luxury
and magnificence of Antioch were extraordinary.
Broad straight streets, with colonnades from end
to end, temples, statues, arches, bridges, a rayaa
palace, and various other public buildings dispersed
throughout it, made the Syrian capital by far the
most splendid of all the cities of the East. At
the same time, in the provinces, other towns of
large size were growing up. Seleueia in Pterin,
Apameia, and both Laodiceias were foundations of
the Seleucidae, as their names sufficiently indi-
cate. Weak and indolent as were many of these
monarch*, it would seem that they had a here-
ditary taste for building; and so each aimed at
outdoing his predecessors in the number, beauty ,
and magnificence of his constructions. At the
history of Syria under the Seleucid princes has
been already given in detail, in the articles treating
of each monarch [Antiochus, Demetrius, Se-
leuccs, &c], it will be unnecessary here to do
more than sum it np generally. The most flour-
ishing period was the reign of the founder, Nieator.
The empire was then almost ss large as that of
the Achsemenian Persians, for it at one thus
iucluded Asia Minor, and thus reached from the
Egean to India. It was organised into satrapies,
of which the number wss 72. Trade flourished
greatly, old lines of traffic brine restored and new
ones opened. The reign of Micator's son, Antio-
chus I., called Soter, was the beginning of the
decline, which was progressive from his date, with
only one or two slight interruptions. Soter lost
territory to the kingdom of Pergamus, and failed
in an attempt to subject Bithynia. He was also
unsuccessful against Egypt. Under his son, An-
tiochns H., called Beds, or " the God," wh*
ascended the throne in B.c. 261, the disintegration
of the empire proceeded more rapidly. The revolt
of Parthia in b.c. 256, followed by that of Bactria
in B.C. 254, deprived the Syrian kingdom of same
of its best provinces, and gave it a new enemy
which shortly became a rival and finally a supe-
rior. At the same time the war with Egypt waa
prosecuted without either advantage or glory.
Fresh losses were suffered in the reign of Seleneus
IL (Callinicus), Antiochus the Second's successor.
While Callinicus was engaged in Egypt against
Ptolemy Kuergetes, Eumenes of Pergaraus obtained
possession of a great part of Asia Minor (B.C.
242); and about the same time Arsacea n., king
of Parthia, conquered Hyrcsnia and annexed it to
his dominions. An attempt to recover this latter
province cost Callinicus his crown, as he waa
defeated and made prisoner by the Parthian* (B-c
226). In the next reign, that of Seleneus III.
(Ceraunns), a slight reaction set in. Most of Asia
Minor was recovered for Ceraunns by his wife'*
nephew, Achaeus (B.C. 224), and he was pro
paring to invade Pergamua when he died poisoned.
His successor and brother, Antiochus III., though
he gained the surname of Great from the grandeur
of his expeditions and the partial success of soma
of them, can scucdy be slid to hare really done
anything towards raising the empire from its
declining condition, since his conquest* on the side
ot Egypt, consisting of Coele-syria, Phoenicia, and
Palestine, formed no sufficient compensation for the
loss of Asia Minor, which he was forced to cede tc
Rome for the aggrandisement of the rival kingdom
of rVrgamua (b.c. 190). Even had the territorial
balance bean kept more even, the ill pshoy of
SYRIA
mating Ram« an eLemy of the Syrian kingdom,
with which Antiochus the Great ia taxable, would
bare neceasitateH car placing him among the
prime to whom iU ultimate ruin wm mainly
owing. Toward* the East, indeed, he did some-
thing, if not to throat back the Parthiana, at any
rata to protect hi» empire from their aggressions.
Bat the exhanation consequent upon hit conatant
wan and aignal defeata — more especially those of
lUphia and Magnesia — left Syria far more feeble
at his death than ahe had been at any former
period. The almost eventless reign of Seleucua IV.
(Philopator), his aoa and sucoataor (B.C. 187-175),
■ sufficient proof of this feebleness. It waa not
till twenty yean of peace had recruited the
resources of Syria in men and money, that An-
tioohat IV. (Epiphanes), brother of Philopator,
rentured on engaging in a great war (B.C. 171)—
a war for the conquest of Egypt. At first it
seemed aa if the attempt would succeed. Egypt
waa on the point of yielding to her foe of so many
years, when Rome, following out her traditions of
hostility to Syrian power and influence, interposed
her mediation, and deprived Epiphanea of all the
fruits of his Yictoriee (B.C. 168). A greater
injury was, about the same time (B.C. 167),
inflicted on Syria by the folly of Epiphanea him-
self. Not content with replenishing his treasury
by the plunder of the Jewish temple, be madly
ordered the desecration of the Holy of Holies, and
thus caused the revolt of the Jews, which proved
a permanent loss to the empire and an aggravation
of its weakness. After the death of Epiphanes
the empire rapidly verged to its fall. The regal
power foil into the hands of an infant, Antiochus V.
(Eupater), sou of Epiphanea (b.o. 164) ; the nobles
contended for the regency j a pretender to the
crown started up in the person of Demetrius, son
of Seleucus IV.; Rome put in a claim to ad-
minister the government; and amid the troubles
thus caused, the Parthians, under Mithridates I.,
overran the eastern provinces (B.C. 164), con-
quered Media, Persia, Susiana, Babylonia, tic., and
ndvanced their frontier to the Euphrates. It was
in vain that Demetrius II. (Nicator) made an
attempt (B.C. 142) to recover the lost territory;
hie baldness oast him bis liberty; while a similar
attempt on the part of his successor, Antiochus VII.
(Sidetes), cost that monarch his life (B.C. 128).
Meanwhile, in the shorn Syrian kingdom, disorders
of every land were on the increase ; Commagene
revolted and established her independence; civil
wars, murders, mutinies of the troops, rapidly
succeeded one another; the despised Jews were
called in by both sides in the various straggles ;
and Syria, in the space of about ninety years, from
sVC. 154 to B.O. 64, bad no fewer than ten sove-
reigns. AH the wealth of the country had been
by this time dissipated; much had flowed Rome-
wards in the shape of bribes ; more, probably, had
been spent on the wars ; and still more bad been
wasted by the kings in luxury of every kind.
Under these circumstances the Romans showed no
eagerness to occupy the exhausted region, which
passed under the power of Tigranes, king of
Armenia, in B.C. 83, and was not made a province
of the Koman Empire till after Pompey's complete
defeat of Mithridates sod his ally Tigranes, B.O. 64.
The chronology of this period has been well worked
sal by Clinton \F. U. vol. iii. pp. 308-346), iron
whom the following table of the kings, with the
dates of their accession, is taken : —
vol. m.
8VBIA
1406
KHm
Length ot
Dsteot
Jteign.
Acoesshm.
1. Selena* Nleator . .
31 years.
Oct. Sit
2. \nUochoa Soter . .
.
1*
Jsn. MO
3. Antiochus Them
.
15
Jan. 3*1
4. Seleucu. Calllnlctis .
20
Jan. 34*
ft. •'•Weucttfl Omrainu .
,
3
Aug. 23»
•. AnUocbni Magna. .
.
3*
A tig. 333
7. -tel«ocas Philopator .
.
13
,,
Oct. 1*7
8. Antiochust Epiphanes
tt. Antlochtjfl Kapator -
.
11
Aug. 115
.
3
1Mb 164
10. 'femetriaa 8oter . .
,
13
,
Not. 163
11. ilexander Bala . .
.
5
Aug. 161
12. Demetrin* Nicator (lit)
>
1 1
Nov. 146
13. AnUocfau Stdete* *
,
8
Feb. 1ST
14. Demetrlm Nleator (Snd)
3
t •
Feb. 138
15. AnttochuB Grypu* .
,
13
,
Aug. 13*
16. Aotlochtu Cnenlcm
17. Antiocho- EoMbc* ai
,
18
113
"}
13
»»
86
18. Tfgnnea ....
11
,,
83
IB. Anttochm AsUttnu
•
4
"
e*
At Syria holds an important place, not only in
the Old Testament, but in the New, some account
of its condition under the Romans must now be
given. That condition was somewhat peculiar.
While the country generally was formed into a
Roman province, under governors who were at first
propraetors or quaestors, then proconsuls, and
finally legates, there were exempted from the direct
rule of the governor, in the first place, a number of
" free cities," which retained the administration of
their own affairs, subject to a tribute levied accord-
ing to the Roman principles of taxation ; and 2ndly,
n number of tracts, which were assigned to petty
princes, commonly natives, to be ruled at their
pleasure, subject to the same obligations with the
free cities aa to taxation (Appian, Syr. 50). The
free cities were Antioch, Seleucia, Apameia, Epi-
phaneia, Tripoli*, Sidon, and Tyre ; the principali-
ties, Commagene, Chalcis ad Belum (near Baalbek),
Arethusa, Abila or Abilene, Palmyra, and Da-
mascus. The principalities were sometimes called
kingdoms, sometimes tetrarchies. They were esta-
blished where it was thought that the natives were
so inveterately wedded to their own customs, and so
well disposed for revolt, that it was necessary to
consult their feelings, to flatter the national vanity,
and to give them the semblance without the sub-
stance of freedom, (a) Commagene was a king-
dom (regnum). It had broken off from Syria
during the later troubles, and become a separate
state under the government of a branch of the Se-
leucidae, who affected the names of Antiochus and
Mithridates. The Romans allowed this condition
of things to continue till A.D. 17, when, upon the
death of Antiochus III., they made Commagene
into a province ; in which condition it continued till
A.D. 38, when Caligula gave the crown to An-
tiochus IV. (Epiphanes), the son of Antiochus III.
Antiochus IV. continued king till A.D. 72, when hi
waa deposed by Vespasian, and Commagtne was
finally absorbed into the Empire. He had a son,
called also Antiochus and EpipL^nes, who wss be-
trothed to Drusilla, the sister of " King Agrippa,"
and afterwards the wiie of Felix, the procurator of
Judaea. (6) Chalcis " ad Belum " was not the city
so called near Aleppo, which gave name to the
dktrict of Chalcidice, but a town of leas import woe
near Heliopolis (Baalbtk), whence probably tlif
suffix " ad Belum." It is mentioned in this soar
4 X
U10
SYRIA
uezion by Strabo (xvi. C, §10), and Joatt ras says
thai it m under Lebanon {Ant. xiv. 7, §4), to
that there ounot be much doubt u to its posi-
tion. It must hare been in the " Hollow Syria" —
the modern Bikaa — to the south of Baalbek (Jo-
seph. B. J. i. 9, §2), and therefore probably at
Mgar, where there are large ruins (Robinson, Bibl.
Bet. iii. 496, 497). This too wss generally, or
perhaps always, a " kingdom." Pompey found it
under a certain Ptolemy, " the son of Mennaeus,"
and allowed him to retain possession of it, together
with certain adjacent districts. From him it passed
to his son, Lysanias, who was put to death by
Antony at the instigation of Cleopatra (ab. B.C.
34), after which we Hod its revenues farmed by
Lysaniss' steward, Zenodoras, the royalty being in
abeyance (Joseph. Ant. rr. 10, §1). In B.C. 22
Chalcia was added by Augustus to the dominions of
Herod the Great, at whose death it probably passed
to his son Philip (ib. zvii. 1 1 , §4). Philip died
A.D. 34 ; and then we lose sight of Chalds, until
Claudius in his first year (A.D. 41) bestowed it on
a Herod, the brother of Herod Agrippa I., still as a
" kingdom." From this Herod it passed (A.D. 49)
to his nephew, Herod Agrippa II., who held it only
three or four years, being promoted from it to a
better government (ib. sx 7, §1). Chalcia then
fell to Agrippa's cousin, Aristobulus, son of the
first Herodian king, under whom it remained till
a.d. 73 (Joseph. B. J. vii. 7, §1). About this
time, or soon after, it ceased to be a distinct go-
vernment, being finally absorbed into the Roman
province of Syria, (c) Arethnsa (now Bestun)
was for a time separated from Syria, and go-
verned by phylarchs. The city lay on the right
bank of the Orontes between Hamah and Hems,
rather nearer to the former. In the government
were included the Emiaeni, or people of Hems
'Kmesa), so that we may regard it as comprising
the Orontes valley from the Jeoel Eriayn, at least
as high as the Bahr-el-Kada, or Bakeiret-Bems,
the lake of Hems. Only two governors are known,
Sampsicersmus, and Jamblichus, his son (Strab.
xvi. 2, §10). Probably this principality was onu
of the first absorbed, (d) Abilene, so called from
its capital Abila, was a "tetrarchy." It was
situated to the east of Anti-libanus, on the route
between Baalbek and Damascus (/fin. Ant.).
Ruins and inscriptions mark the site of the capital
(Robinson, Bib. Be*, iii. 479-482), which was at
the village called El Sulk, on the river Barada, just
where it breaks forth from the mountains. The
limits of the territory are uncertain. We first hear
of this tetrarchy in St. Luke's Gospel (iii. 1), where
it is said to have been in the possession of a certain
Lysaniss at the commencement of St. John's mi-
nistry, which was probably A. D. 27. Of this
Lynanias nothing more is known; he certainly
cminot be the Lysanias who once held Chalcis ; since
that Lysanias died above sixty years previously.
Eleven years after the date mentioned by St. Luke,
A.D. 38, the heir of Caligula bestowed "the te-
trarchy of Lysanias," by which Abilene* is no doubt
intended, on the elder Agrippa (Joseph. Ant. xviii.
6, §10), and four years later Claudius confirmed
the same prince in the possession of the " Abila of
Lyssnias" (ib. xix. 5, §1). Finally, in a.d. 53,Clau
dius, among other grants, conferred on the younger
Agrippa " Abila, which hud been the tetrarchy of
Lysanias" (ib.xx.7, §1). Abila was taken by Pla-
ririus, one of *Jie geoerals of Vespasian, in B.C. 69
'Joseph. BeB hid. iv. 7, §6), and thencefotth was
uinunl to byria. (e s Palmyra appears to have
SYHIA
occupied a different position fiom the rest at" tot
Syrian principalities. It was in no sense dep en den t
upon Rome (Plin. B. S. ▼. 25), but, relying on
its position, claimed and exe r cised the right of self-
government from the breaking up of the Syrina
kingdom to the reign of Trajan. Antony made an
attempt against it, B.O. 41, but failed. It sras not
till Trajan's successes against the Parthian*, between
A.D. 1 14 and A.D. 1 16, that Palmyra was added to
the Empire. (/) Damascus is the last of the prin-
cipalities which it is necessary to notice here, it
appears to have been left by Pompey in the hand,
of an Arabian prince, Aretas, who, however, was to
pay a tribute for it, and to allow the Romans to
oocui / it at their pleasure with a garrison (Joseph.
Ant. xiv. 4, §5; 5, §1 ; 11, §7). This state of
things continued most likely to the settlement of
the Empire by Augustus, when Damascus was At-
tached to the province of Syria. During the nst
of Augustus' reign, and during the entire reign of
Tiberius, this arrangement was in force ; but it seems
probable that Caligula on his accession separated
Damascus from Syria, and gave it to another Antes,
who was king of Petra, and a relation (son ?) of the
former. [See Aretas.] Hence the met, noted by
St Paul (2 Cor. li. 32), that at the time of his
conversion Damascus was held by an " ethnarch of
king Aretas." The semi-independence of Damascus
is thought to have continued through the reigns of
Caligula and Claudius (from a.d. 37 to A.D. 54%
but to have come to an end under Nero, when the
district was probably re-attached to Syria.
The list of the governors of Syria, from its con-
quest by the Romans to the destruction of Jeru-
salem, has been made out with a near approach to
accuracy, and is as follows:—
Dakar Du*<4
Mia. THkaatassai
M. AemQios Scaurus .
(Quaestor pro
\ prseiore .
LC.es .
ax.01
L. Marclus Phltippus .
Leatnlue llsrauinus .
. Propraetor .
. Propraetor .
. »1 .
. M .
. M
. at
. M .
. as
.
. U .
. 43
Gustos ....
. Quaestor. .
. ag .
. 61
IL Calpumlue BIbtuus
SexL Julius Osesar
• Proconsul
. 61 .
. 41
,
. « .
. 46
Q. Oatdllus Bassos
. Praetor . .
. t* .
. 44
(Q. CornlDdns . . .
(L. Statins M ureas . .
(received authority from <be
i Senate to 4
1 bat failed.)
jafHaaeas Baaaua.
fa. Marctas Crispin .
C. Cassias Longlnus .
. Proconsul
hO.43 .
SJX43
L. DecJdius Baza . .
. Legato* . .
. 41 .
. 40
P. Vratldius Hasans .
. L*gatns . .
. 40 .
. 3a
. St .
. 3a
L. Monatius Plancus .
. Legatus . .
. M .
. 33
L. Calpumius Bibulns
. Legates . .
. 31 .
. 31
Q.Dtd1ns
. SO
li. Valerius ateasslla .
. Legatus . •
. t» .
. SO
. U
M. Vtpsaoius Agrippa
. Legato* . .
. at .
. 30
H. Tulllus ....
. Legatus . .
. itffl
M. Vtpssnius Agrippa
. Legatus . .
. IS
. it .
. »
C. Sentlus Ssturolnos.
. Legatus . .
. i .
3
P. (Jnlntlllus Varus .
. Legatus . .
. 3 .
JLJ>. 6
P. Sulplclui Qulrinus .
. Legatus . .
A AS
Q. CsecUlus Hetallus >,.,_,„
CreUcusSiuums. . i"**™ ■ ■
. .
IT
M. Calpumius Pun .
. Legatus . .
. It..
. It
Cn. Sendus Satumlnus
. Prolegatus .
. IB
L. Pumponlus Flaocus
. Propraetor .
. *a .
. 33)
. ss .
. SO
. » .
. 41
Vlblua Mareus . . .
. Legatus . .
. 42 .
4»
C. Caastus Longinm .
. Legatus . .
. 4« .
. SI
T. Numldlua* Quadratua Lrgatus . .
. (i .
. 00
DomiUus Corbulo . .
. Legatus . .
. M .
. OS
. «
U. Oaitos Uallus . .
. Legates . .
. at .
. 07
P. Lirinlus liaclsnus .
. Legatus . .
. « .
. e»
• Called - Vlnidlus uy Tacttas,
SYB1A
The history of Syria during this period may be
mmmed up in a Aw words. Down to the battle of
Pharsalia, Syria mi fairly tranquil, the only trouble*
being with the Arabs, who occasionally attacked
the eastern frontier. The Roman governors laboured
hard to raise the condition of the province, taking
great pains to restore the cities, which had gone to
decay under the later Seleucidae. Gabinius, pro-
consul in the years 56 and 55 B.O., made himself
particularly conspicuous in works of this kind.
A tier Pharsalia (B.C. 46) the troubles of Syria were
renewed. Julius Caesar gave the province to his
relative Sextus in B.C. 47 ; but Pompey's party
was still so strong in the East, that in the neit
year one of his adherents, Caecilius Bassus, put
Sextos to death, and established himself in the go-
vernment so firmly that he was able to resist tor
three years three proconsuls appointed by the Senate
to dispossess him, and only finally yielded upon
terms which he himself offered to his antagonists.
Many of the petty princes of Syria sided with him,
stud some of the nomadic Arabs took his pay and
fought under his banner (Strab. zvi. 2, §10). Bassus
bad but just made his submission, when, upon the
assassination of Caesar, Syria was disputed between
Cassius and Dolabella, the friend of Antony, a dis-
pute terminated by the suicide of Dolabella, B.C.
-43, at Laodiceia, where he was besieged by Cassius.
The next year Cassius left his province and went to
Philippi, where, after the first unsuccessful engage-
ment, he too committed suicide. Syria then fell to
Antony, who appointed as his legate, L. Decidius
Sen, in E.O. 41. The troubles of the empire now
tempted the Parthians to seek a further extension
of their dominions at the expense of Rome, and
Pacorus, the crown-prince, son of Arsaces XIV.,
assisted by the Roman refugee, Labienns, overran
Syria and Asia Minor, defeating Antony's generals,
and threatening Rome with the loss of all her Asiatic
possessions (B.C. 40-39). Ventidios, however, in
B.C. 38, defeated the Parthians, slew Pacorua, and
recovered for Rome her former boundary. A quiet
time followed. From B.C. 38 to B.C. 31 Syria
was governed peaceably by the legates of Antony,
and, after his defeat at Actium and death at Alex-
andria in that year, by those of Augustus. In B.C.
27 took place that formal division of the provinces
between Augustus and the Senate from which the
imperial administrative system dates; and Syria,
being from ita exposed situation among the pro-
vinciae principis, continued to be ruled by legates,
who were of consular rank (consvlares) vid bore
severally the full title of " Legatus August! pro
praetore." During the whole of this period the
province enlarged or contracted its limits according
as it pleased the reigning emperor tc bestow tracts
of land on the native princes, or to resume them
and place them under his legate. Judaea, when
attached -in this way to Syria, occupied a peculiar
position. Partly perhaps on account of its remote-
ness from the Syrian capital, Antioch, partly no
doubt because of the peculiar character of its people,
it was thought best to make it, in a certain sense,
a separate government. A special procurator was
therefore appointed to rule it, who was subordinate
to the governor of Syria, but within his own pro-
vince had the power of a legatus. [See Judaea.]
Syria continued without serious disturbance from
the expulsion of the Parthians (b 3. 38) to the
breaking out of the Jewish war (A.O. 66). In B.C.
lit it was visited by Augustus, and in A.D. 18-19
by Gercaticns who died at Antioch in the Issv
8YRO-PHOENICIAN
1411
named yea'. In A.D. 44-47 it was the scene at
a severs famine. [See Aqabus.] A little earliei
Christianity had begun to spread into it, partly by
means of those who " were scattered " at the time
of Stephen's persecution (Acts xi. 19), partly by
the exertions of St. Paul (Gal. i. 21). The Syrian
Church soon grew to be one of the most flourishing
(Acts xiii. 1, xv. 23, 35, 41, &c.). Here the name
of "Christian" first arose — at the outset no doubt
a gibe, but thenceforth a glory and a boast. Antioch.
the capital, became as early probably as A.D. 44
the see of a bishop, and was soon recognised as a
patriarchate. The Syrian Church is accused ot
laxity both in faith and morals (Newman, Arium,
p. 10) ; but, if it must admit the disgrace of having
given birth to Lucian and Paulns of Samosata,
it can claim on the other hand the glory of such
names as Ignatius, Theophilus, Ephraem, and Ba-
bylas. It suffered without shrinking many grievous
persecutions', and it helped to make that emphatic
protest against worldliness and luxuriousness of
living at which monasticism, according to its ori-
ginal conception, must be considered to have aimed.
The Syrian monks were among the most earnest
and most self-denying ; and the names of Hilarion
and Simon Stylites are enough to prove that a
most important part was played by Syria in the
ascetic movement of the 4th and 5th centuries.
(For the geography of Syria, see Pococke's De-
scription of the East, vol. ii. pp. 8S-209 ; Burck-
hardt's Trawls in Syria and the Holy Land, pp.
1-309 ; Robinson's Later Biblical Researches, pp.
419-625; Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, pp.403.
414; Porter's Foe Tears in Damascus; Ains-
worth's Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand,
pp. 57-70 ; Researches, &c., p. 290 et seoq. For
the history under the Seleucidae, see (Besides the
original sources) Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, vol. iii.
Appendix iii. pp. 308-346 ; Vaillant's Imperium
Seleucidarum, and Fiolich's Annates Kenan et
Begum Suriae. For the history under the Romans,
see Norisius, Cerwtaphia Pisana, Op. vol. iii. pp.
424-531.) [Q. B.]
SYBIA.0 VERSIONS. [Vbhmohb, Striac]
SY'KO- PHOENICIAN (XupooWa-ure-o,
2vpo<tH>tricr<ra, or Ztipa vofvura-a: Syro-Phoenissa)
occurs only in Mark vii. 26. The coinage of the
words " Syro-Phoenicia," and " Syro-Phoenicians,"
seems to have been the work of the Romans, though
it is difficult to say exactly what they intended by
the expressions. It has generally been supposed
that they wished to distinguish the Phoenicians oi
Syria from those of Africa (the Carthaginians) ;
and the term " Syrophoenix " has been regarded as
the exact converse to " Libyphoemx " (Alford, in
loo.). But the Libyphoenjces are not the Phoe-
nicians of Africa generally — they are a peculiar
race. half-African and half- Phoenician (" mixtun
Punicum Afris genus," Liv. xxi. 22). The Syro-
Phoenicians, therefore, should, on this analogy, be
a mixed race, half-Phoenician and half-Syrians.
This is probably the sent! of the word in the
satirists Lucilius (ap. Non. Marc. De proprietat,
serm. iv. 431) and Juvenal {Sat. viii. 159), whs
would regard a mongrel Oriental as peculiarly
contemptible.
In later times a geographic sense of the terms
superseded the ethnic one. The Emperor Hadrian
divided Syria into three parts, Syria Proper, Syro-
Pheenice, and Syria Palaestina ; and henceforth i
Syro-Phoenician meant a native of this eub-pre
4X2
1412 TAANACH
raoe (Lucian, D$ Corns. Dior. §4), which included
Phoenicia Proper, Damascus, and Palmyrenej.
As the geographic seme had not coma into nae
in St. Mark'i time, and at the ethnic one would be
a refinement unlikely in a sacred writer, it is per-
hape moat probable that he really wrote Zipa
ttolvunra, " a Phoenician Syrian," which ia found
in tome copies.
St. Matthew uses " Canaanitish " (Xturj'oio) in
the pLice of St. Mark'i " Syro-Phoenician," or
" Phoenician Syrian," on the same ground that the
IAX. translate Canaan by Phoenicia (voirtirn).
The terms Canaan and Phoenicia had succeeded one
another as geographical names in the same country ;
and Phoenicians were called " Crnaanites," just
as Englishmen are called " Britous." No con-
clusion as to the identity of the Canaanites with
the Phoenicians can properly be drawn from the
indifferent use of the two terms. (See Bawlinaon's
fferodotm, vol. ir. pp. 243-245.) [G. R.]
TA'ANAOH 0|£FFI : Zoa-rfx, BaAd x , Oowutx,
BoAdo* ; Alei. 0arax> Tavax, cueVwaao', 0*mXt
9aay*x- Thanac, Thanac/t). An ancient Ca-
naanitish city, whose king is enumerated amongst the
thirty-one conquered by Joshua (Josh. xii. 21). It
came into the hands of the half tribe of Manaaseh
(Josh. xvii. 11, ixi. 25; 1 Chr. vii. 29), though it
would appear to hare lain outside their boundaiy
and within the allotment of either Issachar or Asher
(Josh. xvii. U), probably the former. It was be-
stowed on the Kohathite Levites (Josh. xxi. 25).
Taauach was one of the places in which, either
from some strength of position, or from the ground
near it being favourable for their mode of righting,
the Aborigines succeeded in making a stand (Josh,
xrii. 12 ; Judg. i. 27) ; and in the great struggle
of the Canaanites under Siscra ngainst Deborah and
Barak, it appears to have formed the head-quarters
of their army (J\.dg. v. 19). After this defeat the
Canaanites of Taanach were probably made, like the
rest, to pay a tribute (Josh. xvii. 13 : Judg. i. 28),
but in the town they appear to hare remained to
the List. Taanach is almost always named in com-
pany with Megiddo, and they were evidently the
chief towns of that fine rich district which forms
the western portion of the great plain of Esdraelou
(1 K. iv. 12).
rhera it is still to be found. The identification
of Ta'cmmik with Taanach, may be taken as one of
the surest in the whole Sacred Topography. It was
known to Eusebius, who mentions it twice in the
Ouomattioon (Baayix and Sored)) as a " very large
village," standing between 3 and 4 Roman miles
from Legio— the ancient Megiddo. It was known
to hap-Parchi, the Jewish mediaeval traveller, and
it still stands about 4 miles south-east of Lejjin,
retaining its old name with hardly the change of a
letter. The ancient town was planted on a large
noond at the termination of a long spur or pro-
montory, which runs out northward from the hills
of M'lsneseh into the plain, and leaves a recess or
bar, subordinate to Jie main plain on its north
side and between h and Lejjiat. The modern
samlet clings to the S.W. base of the mound (Rob.
H. 316, 329; Van de Velds, i. S£6; Stanley.
fevbh Chnh, ?2l, Z2-i\
TAJJBATH
In one passage the name is slightly changed betfe
in original and A. V. (Tahach.] [G.]
TA'ANATH-SHI'LOH (r6t? R3KR, : et>
rao-a col 'XiKKriaa ; Alex. Ti/rat o-ajXat : Tbsaot*-
8eh). A place named once only (Josh. rvi. 6) aa
one of the landmarks of the boundary of Ephrainv
but of which boundary it seems impossible to as-
certain. All we can tell is, that at this part the
enumeration is from west to east, Janohah being
east of Taanath Shiloh. With this agrees the
statement of Eusebius (Onomasticon), who places
Janohah 12, and Thenath, or as it was then called
Thcna," 10 Roman miles east of Neapolis. Janohah
has been identified with some probability at Tcm&n,
on the road from Ndhhu to the Jordan Valley.
The name Tina, or Am Tana, seems to exist in
that direction. A place of that name was seen by
Robinson N.E. of Mejdtl (B.S. in. 295), and it is
mentioned by Berth (Hitter, Jordan, 471), bat
without any indication of its position. Much stress
cannot however be laid on Eusebius's identification.
In a list of places contained in the Talmud (/«-
rutalem Megiltah i.), Taanath Shiloh is said to be
identical with Shiloh. This has been recently »-
vired by Kurtz (0escA.des.4it. Bmda,\\. 70). His
view ia that Taanath was the ancient Canaanite
name of the place, and Shiloh the Hebrew name,
conferred on it in token of the " rest " which allowed
the tabernacle to be established there after the con-
quest of the country had been completed. This is
ingenious, but at present it is a mere conjecture,
and it is at variance with the identification of Eu-
sebius, with the position of Janohah, and, as far as
it can be inferred, of Michmethah, which ia men-
tioned with Taanath Shiloh in Josh. xvi. 6. [0.]
TABAOTH(TojW«; Al«.Ta3sM: TMoeh).
Tahbaotii (1 Esd. v. 29).
TABBAOTH (ntySD : Tafrit; Alex. To*.
0as)0: Tabbaoth, Ttbbaoth). The children of Tnb-
baoth were a family of Nethinim who returned
with Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 43 ; Nth. vii. 46). The
name occurs in the form Tabaoth in 1 Esd. v. 29.
TAB BATH (1130: To/id*; Alex. TafiaS .
Tebbatfi). A place mentioned only in Judg. vii. 22,
in describing the Sight of the Midiaiiite host alter
Gideon's night attack. The host fled to Beth-shittah.
to Zererah, to the brink of Abel-meholah on \T0),
Tabbath. Beth-shittah may be Skittah, which lie*
on the open plain between Jebel fukia and Jtbel
Pufty, 4 miles east of Ain Jalid, the probable seen*
of Gideon's onslaught Abel-meholah was no doubt
in the Jordan Valley, though it may not have been
no much as 8 milts south of Beth-sheen, where)
Eusebius and Jerome would place it. But no
attempt seems to have been made to identify Tab-
bath, nor does any name resembling it appear in th*>
books or maps, unless it be Tubukhat- Fa/iU, i«.
" Terrace of Kahil." This is a very striking na-
tural bank, 600 feet in height (Rob. iii. 325;, with
a long, horizontal, and apparency fiat top, which in
embanked again rt the western face of the mountains
east of the Jordan, and descends with a very steep
front to the rivw. It is sucn a remarkable object
in the whole view of this part of the Jordan Valley
that it is difficult to imagine that it did not bear a
distinctive name in ancient as well as modern times.
• Ptolemy names Tbena and Neapolis as the two chttC
towns of the district of Samaria (cap. 1 a, awoted m Bessxai
TABERNACLE
At «jy rate, the:* ia no doubt that, whether thia
TttimkaJt representi Tabbath or not, the atter waa
•otnuirLere about thia part of the Ghor. [0.]
TAB'EAL fa&Q : Tn/MAs Tabeel). Pro-
perly " Tabeel," the pathach being due to the pause
(Gesen. lehry. §52, 1 6; Heb. Gr. §29, 4c). The
■on of Tabeal waa apparently an Ephraimite in the
army of Fekah the eon of Remaliah, or a Syiian in
the army of Kezin, when they went up to besiege
Jerusalem in the reign of Ahax (la. vii. 0). The
Aramaic form of the name &vours the latter sup-
position [comp. Tabkiumon]. The Targum of
Jonathan renders the name as an appellative, " and
we will make king in the midst of her him who
seems good to us" (tab "ICb'=l 10 IV). Rashi by
V TT - T I * -f -
Gematria turns the name into tODT, Simla, by
which apparently he would understand Remaliah.
TABEEL (^K3Q: To/MA: Thatml). An
officer of the Persian government in Samaria in the
reign of Artaxerxes (Err. iv. 7). Hi* name appears
to indicate that he waa a Syrian, for it is really the
same as that of the Syiian vassal of Kezin who is
called in our A. V. " Tabeal." Add to this that
the letter which he and his companions wrote to
the king was in the Syrian or Aramaean language.
Geteniua, however (Jes. i. 280), thinks that he
may have been a Samaritan. He is called Tabel-
liob in 1 Esd. ii. 16. The name of Tobiel the
rather nfTobit is probably the same. [W. A. W.]
TABELTIUS (TafleAAior : Sabelliut). (1
Esdr. u. 16.) [Tabeel.]
TABEBAH (mj^FI: iimvpuniii). The
name of a place in the wilderness of Paran, given
fiom the tact of a " burning" among the people by
the " fire of the Lord" which there took place (Num.
xi. 3, Deut. ix. 22). It has not been identified and
is not mentioned among the list of encampments in
Num. xxxiii. [H. H.]
TABEBING(rrtDBht3: atfeyyoV**": mur-
murantet). The obsolete woi-d thus used in the
A. V. of Xah. ii. 7 requires some explanation. The
Hebrew word connects itself with C|n, "a timbrel,"
and the image which it brings before us iu this
passage is that of the women of Nineveh, led away
into captivity, mourning with the plaintive tones
of doves, and beating on their breasts in anguish,
as women beat upon their timbrels (comp. Ps.
Ixriii. 25 [26], where the same verb is used). The
LXX. and Vulg., as above, make no attempt at
giving the exact meaning. The Targum of Jona-
than gives a word which, like the Hebrew, has the
meaning of " tympanizantes." The A. V. in like
manner reproduces the original idea of the words.
The " labour " or " tabor was a musical instru-
met- of the drum-type, which with the pipe
formed the band of a country village. We retain
a trace at once of the word and of the thing in the
" tabourioe" or " tambourine" of modern music,
is the "tabret" of the A. V. and older English
writers.. To " tabour," accordingly, is to beat with
I Mid strokes as men bent upon such an instrument.
The verb is found in this sense in Beaumont and
Fletcher, The Tamer Tamed ("I would tabor
her "), and answers with a singular felicity to the
met meaning of the Hebrew. [E. H. P.]
TABERNACLE (J3B»C, tact : o*i)Hi : to.
hemsauhm). The description of the Tabernacle
ltd in materials will be found under Temple.
TABERNACLE 1413
The writer of that article holds that he cannot deal
satisfactorily with the structural order and propor- .
ttoos of the one without discussing also those cf the
other. Here, therefore, it remains for us to treat —
(1) of the word and its synonyms ; (2) of the
history of the Tabernacle itself; (3) of its relation
to the religious life of Israel ; (4) of the theories oi
later times respecting it.
I. The Word and itt Synonyms. — (1.) The
first word thus used (Ex. xxv. 9) is ]3%fo (ifisA-
coin), formed from \3Xtf = to settle down or dwell,
and thus itself = dwelling. It connects itself with
the Jewish, though not Scriptural, word Shechinab,
as describing the dwelling-place of the Divine Glory.
It is noticeable, however, that it is not applied in
prose to the common dwellings of men, the tents of
the Patriarchs in Genesis, or those of Israel in the
wilderness. It seems to belong rather to the speech
of poetry (Ps. Ixxxrii. 2 ; Cant. i. 8). The loftier
character of the word may obviously have helped to
determine its religious use, and justifies translators
who have the choice of synonym* like " tabernacle "
and " tent " in a like prefeience.
(2.) Another word, however, is also used, more
connected with the common life of men ; ?!"IK
v
{ihel), the " tent" of the Patriarchal age, of Abra-
ham, and of Isaac, and of Jacob (Gen. ix. 21, &c.).
For the most part, as needing something to raise it,
it is used, when applied to the Sacred Tent, with
some distinguishing epithet. In one passage only
(1 K. i. 3d) does it appear with this meaning by
itself. The LXX. not distinguishing between the
two words gives exr)*)) for both. The original
difference appears to hare been that tact repre-
sented the outermost covering, the black goat's hair
curtains ; JSE'D, the inner covering, the curtains
which rested on the boards (Gesenius, ». e.). The
two words are accordingly sometimes joined, as in
Ex. xxxix. 32, xl. 2, 6, 29 (A. V. " the tabernacle
of the tent "). Even here, however, the LXX.
gives trnirl) only, with the exception of the ear.
led. of 4 o-irnWl •")» axtxnt in Ex. xl. 29.
(3.) Il»3 {Baith), oIkost, domtu, is applied to tne
Tabernacle in Ex. xxiii. 1 9, xxxiv. 26 ; Josh. vi.
24, ix. 23 ; Judg. xviii. 31, xx. 18, as it had been,
apparently, to the tents of the Patriarchs (Gen.
xxxiii. 17). So far as it differs from the two pre-
ceding words, it expresses more definitely '.he idea
of a fixed settled habitation. It was theiefore fitter
for the sanctuary of Israel after the people were
settled in Canaan, than during their wanderings.
For us the chief interest of the word lies in its hav-
ing descended from a yet older order, the first
word ever applied in the 0. T. to a local sanctuary,
" Beth-el, " the hove cf God " (Gen. xxviii. 1 7,
22), keeping its place, side by side, with other
words, tent, tabernacle, palace, temple, synagogue,
and at last outliving all of them, rising, in the
Christian Eccleaia, to yet higher uses (1 Tim. iii.
(4.) en (3 ( Kddah), trjpp (■*/«*»»*), 47 w^o,
ayiturriipiov, rb tyior, ra, ayta, mmctuarivm, the
holy, consecrated place, and therefore applied, ac-
cording to the graduated scale of holiness of which
the Tabernacle bore witness, sometimes to the whole
structure (Ex. xxv. 8 ; Lev. xii. 4), sometimes to
the court into which none hut the priests might
enter (Lev. iv, 6; Num. iii. 38, iv. 12), sometimes to
the innermost sanctuary of all, the Holy of HoUtt
1414 TABEKNAJLE
(Lot. iv. 6?). Hat also the word had an earlier
starting-point and a far-reaching history. Es-
Mishpat, the city of judgment, the scat of tome old
oracle, had been also Kadesh, the sanctuary (Gen.
rjv. 7: Ewald, Qesch. Jar. ii. 307). The name
SI Khuda clings still to the walls of Jerusalem.
(5.) 73*n (flifcdi), Mt^s, terapAun, as mean-
ing the stately building, or palace of Jehovah
(1 Chr. nix. 1, 19), is applied more commonly to
the Temple (2 K. zxir. 13, Ac.), but was used
also (probably at the period when the thought of
the Temple had affected the religions nomenclature
of the time) of the Tabernacle at Shiloh (1 Sam.
i. 9, ill. 3) and Jerusalem (Pa. v. 7). In either
case the thought which the word embodies is, that
the "tent," the '• house," is royal, the dwelling-
place of the great king.
(6.) The two words (1) and (2) receive a new
meaning in combination (a.) with TjflD (mi'id),
and (6.) with TrVTgn (hctedtth). To understand
the full meaning of the distinctive titles thus
formed is to possess the key to the significance of
the whole Tabernacle, (a.) The primary force of
iy is " to meet by appointment," and the phrase
IjrtO ?ntt has therefore the meaning of "a place
>f or for a fixed meeting." Acting on the belief
that the meeting in this case was that of hSe wor-
shippers, the A. V. has uniformly rendered it by
" tabernacle of the congregation " (so Seb. Schmidt,
" tentorium convents* ;" and Luther, "StiftshOtte"
in which Stift = Pfarrkirche), while the LXX. and
Vulg., confounding it with the other epithet, have
endered both by 4 oKiirJ) too futprvplov, and
■ tabemacnlum teatimonii." None of these render-
ngs, however, bring out the real meaning of the
word. This is to be round in what may be called
Jie focus classicus, as the interpretation of all
wools connected with the Tabernacle. " This shall
be a continual burnt-offering ... at the door ot
the tabernacle of meeting (Tjfo) where I will
meet you OJttK. yrttaHa-oiuu) to speak there unto
thee. And there will I raed (Wjn, to|ou«) with
the children of Israel. And I will uinctify ('BtJ^f)
the tabernacle of meeting and I will dwell
PIU3tP) among the children of Israel, and will be
their dod. And they shall know that I am the Lord
their God" (Ex. xxix. 42-46). The same central
thought occurs in Ex. xxv. 22, •' There I will meet
with thee" (comp. also Ex. x». 6, 36 ; Mom. xvii.
4). It is dear, therefore, that " congregation " is
inadequate. Not the gathering of the worshippers
only, but the meeting of God with His people, to
commune with them, to make himself known to
them, was what the name embodied. Ewald nan
accordingly suggested Gffenbanmgszelt = Tent of
lievelation, as the best equivalent {AlterthSmer,
p. 130). This made the place a sanctuary. Thus
It was that the tent was the dwelling, the Imae ot
God (BShr, 3gmbolik, i. 81).
(7.) The other compound phrase, (6.) FHSn pflrt.
as connected with "HJ? (= to bear witness), is
rightly rendered by i ca-nH) too paprvptav.
TABERNACLE
tabenacuhan testimmii, die Wuhnatg dm 3r*a>
nines, "the tent of the testimony" (Num. is. 15)
" the tabernacle of witness " (Nam. xvii. 7, xviii.
2). In this case the tent derives its name from
that which is the centre of its holiness. The two
tables of stone within the ark are emphatically the
testimony (Ex. xxv. 16, 21, xxxi. 18). They were
to all Israel the abiding witness of the nature and
will of God. The tent, by virtue of its relation to>
them, became the witness of its own significance as
the meeting-place of God and man. The probable
connexion of the two distinct names, in sense as
well as in sound (Bahr, Bymb. i. 83 ; Ewald, Alt.
p. 230), gave, of course, a force to each which no
translation can represent.
II. History. — (1.) The outward history of the
Tabernacle begins with Ex. xxv. It comes after the
first great group of Laws (xii.-ixiii.), after the aore-
nant with the people, after the vision of the Divine
Glory (xxiv.). For forty daya and nights Moses
is in the mount. Before him there lay a problem,
as measured by human judgment, of gigantic diffi-
culty. In what fit symbols was he to embody the
great truths, without which the nation would sink
into brutality ? In what way could those symbols
be guarded against the evil which he had seen in
Egypt, of idolatry the most degrading? He wan
not left to solve the problem tor himself. There
rose before him, not without points of contact with
previous associations, yet in no degree formed ont
of them, the " pattern " of the Tabernacle. The
lower analogies of the painter and the architect
seeing, with their inward eye, their completed
work, before the work itself begins, may help ns to
understand how it was that the vision on the
mount included all details of form, measurement,
materials, the order of the ritual, the apparel of the
priests.* He is directed in his choice of the two
chief artists, Bezalerl of the tribe of Judah,* Aholiat
of the tribe of Dan (xxxi.). The sin of the
golden calf apparently postpones the execution.
For a moment it seems as if the people were to be
left without the Divine Presence itself, without any
recognised symbol of it (Ex. xxxiii. 3). As in a
transition period, the whole future depending on
the penitence of the people, on the intercession of
their leader, a tent is pitched, probably that of*
Moses himself, outside the camp, to be provisionally
the Tabernacle of Meeting. There the mind of the
Lawgiver enters into ever-closer fellowship with
the mind of God (Ex. xxxiii. 11), learns to think of
Him as "merciful and gracious" (Ex. xxxiv. 6),
in the strength of that thought is led back to the
fulfilment of the plan which had seemed likely to
ond, as it began, in vision. Of this prcvisiooal
Tabernacle it has to be noticed, that there was as
yet no ritual and no priesthood. The people went
out to it as to an oracle (Ex. xxxiii. 7). Joshua
though of the tribe of Ephraitn, had free access to
it (Ex. xxxiii. 11).
(2.) Another outline Law was however given ;
another period of solitude, like the first, followed.
The work could now be resumed. The people
offered the necessary materials in excess of what
was wanted (Ex. xxxvi. 5, 6). Other workmen
(Ex. xxxvi. 2) and work-women (Ex. xxxv. 25)
■ An Interesting parallel Is found in tbe preparations process or deliberation and decision (1 Chr. xxvtU. 1*).
for tin Temple. There son tbe extmnesi mlnnua: wura i » Tbe prominence of artistic power in the gewaloflaa
ranong tbe things which the Lord made limvtd " to ooder- of tbe tribe of Jodab Is worth noticing (1 Chr. It. *. I«,
■uad hi writing by His hind npoo trim," I. a by an In- ' si, M). Dan, also. In the person of Hiram, Is aftorwaroa
trard UtamuiaUon whi< h seemed to exclude tbe slow I eonsptcooos (a Chr. II. 14 ; comp. I K. vU. Is, MV
TABEBNACLE
placid themselves under the direction of Besaleel
and Aholiab. The parts were completed separately,
and then, on the first day of the second year from
the Exodus, the Tabernacle itself was erected and the
ritual appointed for it begun (Ex. xl. 2).
(3.) the position of the new Tent was itself
significant. It stood, not, like the provisional
Tabernacle, at a distance from the camp, but in its
very centre. The multitude of Israel, hitherto
scattered with no 6xed order, were now, within a
month of it* erection (Num. ii. 2), grouped round
it, as around the dwelling of the unseen Captain of
the Host, in a fixed order, according to their tribal
rank. The Priests on the east, the other three
families of the Lerites on the other sides, were
closest in attendance, the " body-guard " of the Great
King. [Levites.] In the wider square, Judah,
Zebulun, Issachar, were on the east; Ephraim,
Manaaseh, Benjamin, on the west ; the less conspicu-
ous tribes, Dan, Asher, Naphtali, on the north ;
Keuben, Simeon, Gad, on the south side. When
the army jut itself in order of march, the position
of the Tabernacle, carried by the Lerites, was still
central, the tribes of the east and south in front,
those of the north and west in the rear (Num. ii.).
Upon it there rested the symbolic cloud, dark by
day, and fiery red by night (El. xl. 38). When
the cloud removed, the host knew that it was the
signal for them to go forward (Ex. xl. 36, 37 ;
Num. ix. 17). As long as it remained, whether
for a day, or month, or year, they continued where
they were (Num. ix. 15-23). Each march, it
must be remembered, involved the breaking-up of
the whole structure, all the parts being carried on
waggons by the three Levite families of Kohath,
Gerahon, and Herari, while the " sons of Aaron "
prepared for the removal by covering everything
in the Holy of Holies with a purple cloth (Num.
iv. 6-15).
(4.) In all special facts connected with the
Tabernacle, the original thought reappears. It is
the place where man mttts with God. There the
Spirit "comes upon" the seventy Elders, and they
prophesy (Num. xi. 24, 25). Thither Aaron and
Miriam are called out, when they rebel against the
servant of the Lord (Num. xii. 4). There the
*' glory of the Lord " appears after the unfaithful-
ness of the twelve spies (Num. xiv. 10), and the
rebellion of Korah and hi* company (Num. xvi. 19,
42), and the sin of Meribah (Num. xx. 6). Thither,
when there is no sin to punish, but a difficulty to
be met, do the daughters of Zelophebad come to
bring their cause " before the Lord " (Num. xxvii.
2). There, when the death of Hoses draws near,
u the solemn " charge " given to his successor (Dent.
xxxi. 14).
J 5.) As long as Canaan remained unconquered,
the people were still therefore an army, the
Tabernacle was probably moved from place to
placs, wherever the host of Israel was, for the thr«,
encamped, at Gilgal (Jeah. iv. 19), in the valley
between Ebal and Gerixim (Josh. viii. 30-35);
again, at the head-quarters of Gilgal (Josh. ix. 6, x.
15, 43) ; and, finally, as at "the place which the
Lord had chosen," at Shiloh (Josh. ix. 27, xviii. 1).
The reason* of the choice are not given. Partly,
perhaps, its central position, partly it* belonging to
• Tbe occurrence of the tune distinctive word In Ex.
xxxvlll. a. Implies a recognised dedication of some kind,
by which women brand themselves to too service or tbe
Tsberaacle, proUblj as singers and dancers. What we
CnJ under Ell fa the coemption jf the original practice
TABERNACLE
1416
the powerful tribe of Ephraim, the tribe of the
great captain of the host, may have determined the
preference. There it continued during the whole
period of the Judges, the gathering-point for "the
heads of the fathers " of the tribes (Jush. xix. 51),
for councils of peace or war (Josh. xxii. 12 ; Judg.
xxi. 12), for annual solemn dances, in which the
women of Shiloh were conspicuous (Judg. xxi. 21 ).
There, too, a* the religion of Israel sank toward*
the level of an orgiastic Heathenism, troops oi
women assembled,' shameless as those of Midian,
worshippers of Jehovah, and, like the ispitovKo
of heathen temples, concubines of His priests ( 1 bam.
ii. 22). It was far, however, from being what it
was intended to be, the one national sanctuary, the
witness against a localized and divided worship.
Tbe old religion of the high places kept its ground.
Altars were erected, at first under protest, and
with reserves, is being not for sacrifice (Josh. xxii.
26), afterwards freely and without scruple (Judg.
vi. 24, xiii. 19). Of the names by which the
one special sanctuary was known at this period,
those of the " House," or the " Temple," of Jehovah
(1 Sam. i. 9, 24, iii. 3, 15) are most prominent.
(6.) A state of things which was rapidly assimi-
lating the worship of Jehovah to that of .Ashtaroth,
or Hylitta, needed to be broken tip. The Ark of
God was taken and the sanctuary lost its glory ;
and the Tabernacle, though it did not perish, never
again recovered it* (1 Sam. iv. 22). Samuel, at
once the Luther and the Alfred of Israel, who had
grown np within its precincts, treats it as an
abandoned shrine (so Ps. lxxviii. 60), and sacrifices
elsewhere, at Hupeh (1 Sam. vii. 9), at Raman
(ix. 12, x. 3), at Gilgal (x. 8, xi. 15). It pro-
bably became once again a moveable sanctuary, lea*
honoured as no longer possessing the symbol of the
Divine Presence, yet cherished by the priesthood,
and some portions, at least, of its ritual, kept up.
For a time it seems, under Saul, to have been
settled at NOB (1 Sam. xxi. 1-6), which thus
became what it had not been before— a priestly
city. The massacre of the priest* end the flight of
Abiatbar must, however, have robbed it yet further
of its glory. It had before lost the Ark. It now
lost the presence of the High-Priest, and with it
the oracular epbod, the Urim and the Thummim
(1 Sam. xxii. 20, xxiii. 6). What change of for-
tune then followed we do not know. The. fact
that all Israel was encamped, in the last days of
Saul at Gilboa, and that there Saul, though without
success, inquired of the Lord by Urim (1 Sam.
xxviii. 4-8), makes it probable that the Tabernacle,
as of old, was in the encampment, and that Abia-
tbar had returned to it. In some way or othtr, il
found its way to Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 39). The
anomalous separation of the two things which, in
the original order, had been joined, brought about
yet greater anomalies ; and, while the ark remained
at Kirjath-jearim, the Tabernacle at Gibeon con-
nected itself with the worship of the high-planes
(1 K. iii. 4). The capture of Jerusalem and the erec-
tion there of a new Tabernacle, with the ark, of which
the old had been deprived (2 Sam. vi. 17 ; 1 Chr.
xv. 1). left it little more than a traditional, histori-
cal sanctity. It retained only the old altar of
burnt-offerings (1 Chr. xxi. 29). Such a* it was,
(comp. Ewald, Altertk. t»l\ In the dances of JaJg. xxt
31, we have a state of transition.
* Ewald (ftscMeUs, II. MO) Infers that Shiloh It**
was conquered and laid wsste.
1416
TABERNACLE
however, neither king nor people could bring
themselves to sweep it away. The double eer-
noe went on ; Zadok, as high-priest, officiated at
Gibeon (1 Chr. iri. 39) ; the mora recent, more
prophetic service of psalms and hymns and music,
under Asaph, gathered round the Tabernacle at
Jerusalem (1 Chr. xvi. 4, 37). The divided wor-
ship continued all the days of David. The sanctity
of both places was recognised by SOLOMON on his
accession (1 K. iii. 15 ; 2 Chron. i. 3). But it
was time that the anomaly should cease. As long
ss it was simply Tent against Tent, it was difficult
to decide between them. The purpose of David
•ullilled by Solomon, was that the claims of both
.hould merge in the higher glory of the Temple.
Some, Abiathar probably among them, clung to the
old order, in this as in other things [Solomon ;
Urim add Thummlh], but the final day at last
came, and the Tabernacle of Meeting was either
taken down,* or left to perish and be forgotten.
So a page in the religious history of Israel was
closed. So the disaster of Sbiloh led to its natural
consummation.
III. Relation to the religion* life of Israel. —
(1.) Whatever connexion may be traced between
other parts of the ritual of Israel and that of the
nations with which Israel had been brought into
contact, the thought of the Tabernacle meets us as
entirely new.' The " house of God " [Bethel]
of the Patriarchs had been the large "pillar of
stone" (Gen. xxviii. 18, 19), bearing record of some
high spiritual experience, and tending to lead men
upward to it (Bahr, Symbol. I 93), or the grove
which, with its dim, doubtful light, attuned the
souls of men to a divine awe (Gen. xxi. 33). The
temples of Egypt were stately and colossal, hewn in
the solid rock, or built of huge blocks of granite, as
unlike as possible to the sacred Tent of Israel. The
command was one in which we can trace a special
fitness. The stately temples belonged to the house
of bondage which the" were leaving. The sacred
places of their fathers were in the land towards
which they were journeying. In the mean while,
they were to be wanderers in the wilderness. To
have set up a Bethel after the old pattern would
have been to make that a resting-place, the object
then or afterwards of devout pilgrimage ; and the
multiplication of such places at the different stages
of their march would have led inevitably to poly-
theism. It would have failed utterly to lead than
to the thought which they needed most — of a Divine
Presence never absent from them, protecting, ruling,
judging. A sacred tent, a moving Bethel, was the
fit sanctuary for a people still nomadicf it was
capable of being united afterwards, as it actually
came to be, with " the grove" of the older adtta
(Josh. xxiv. 26).
(2.) The structure of the Tabernacle was obvi-
ously determined by a complex and profound sym-
bolism ; but its meaning remains one of the things
at which we can but dimly guess. No interpreta-
tion is given in the Law itself. The explanations
af Jewish writers iong afterwards are manifestly
• The lsngDige of 1 Chr. v. 5, leaves it doubtful
wbeuVr the Tabernacle there referred to wss that at
Jerusalem or Qibeon. (But see Joseph. Ant. vlll. 4, (1.)
' Spencer (Dt lea. Btbraeor. ill. S) labours hard, but
not saonssnuiy, to prove that the tabernacles of Moloch
of Amos v. 20, were the prototypes of the Tent of M rel-
ief. It has to be remembered, however, (1) that the wont
teed In Amos (rimlla) Is never wed of (Ac Tabernacle,
uat mesas something very different; and (2) that the
TABEUNACLE
wide of the marc That which meets on in ttea
Epistle to the Hebrews, the application of the type*
of the Tabernacle to the mysteries of Redemption,
was latent till those mysteries were made known.
And, yet, we cannot but believe that, as each por-
tion of the wonderful order rose beftre the inward
eye of the lawgiver, it must have embodied dis-
tinctly manifold, truths which he apprehended him-
self, and sought to communicate to others. It
entered, indeed, into the order of a Divine educa-
tion for Moses and for Israel ; and an education by
means of symbol*, no Ins than by means of word*,
presuppose* in existing language. So far finn
shrinking, therefore, as men have timidly and un-
wisely shrank (Witsius, Aegyptiaca, in Ugolini,
Thee, i.) from risking what thoughts the Egyptian
education of Moses would lead him to connect with
the symbols he was now taught to me, we may
•ee in it a legitimate method of inquiry — almos
the only method possible. Where that fails, the
gap may be filled up (as in Bahr, Symbol paeeim)
from the analogies of other nations, indicating,
where they agree,' a wide-spread primeval symbol-
ism. So far from labouring to prove, at the price
of ignoring or distorting facta, that everything was
till then unknown, we shall as little expect to find
it so, as to see in Hebrew a new and hearext-
born language, spoken for the first time on Sinai,
written tor the first time on the Two Tables of the
Covenant.
(3.) The thought of a graduated sanctity, li><
that of the outer court, the Holy Place, the Holy t<
Holies, had its counterpart, often the same nnmba
of stages, in the structure of Egyptian temples
(Bahr, i. 216). The interior Adytum (to proceed
from the innermost recess outward) was small in
proportion to the rest of the building, and com-
monly, as in the Tabernacle (Joseph. Atd. ii. 6, §3),
was at the western end (Spencer, iii. 2), and wan
unlighted from without.
In the Adytum, often at least, was the sacred Ask,
the culminating point of holiness, containing the
highest and most mysterious symbols, winged
figures, generally like those of the cherubim (Wilk-
inson, Anc Egypt, v. 275 ; Kenrick, Egypt, i.460),
the emblems of stability and life. Here were oat-
ward points of resemblance. Of all elements ot
Egyptian worship this was one which could be trans-
ferred with least hazard, with most gain. No one
could think that the Ark itself was the likeness ot
the God he worshipped. When we ask what gave
the Ark its holiness, we are led on at once to the
infinite difference, the great gulf between the two
systems. That of Egypt was predominantly oaov
mioal, starting from the productive powers of nature.
The symbols of those powers, though not originally
involving what we know as impurity, tended to it
fatally and rapidly (Spencer, iii. 1 ; Warburlon, Di-
vine Legation, II. 4 note). That of Israel was pre-
dominantly ethical. The nation was taught to think
of God, not chiefly as revealed in nature, but as ma-
nifesting Himself in and to the spirits of men. In the
Ark of the Covenant, as the highest revelation them
Moloch' worship represented a defection of the people sao-
mpunt to the erection of the Tabernacle. On these grounder
then, and not from any abstract repugnance to the Idea of
such a transfer, I abide by the statement In the text.
v Analogies of like wants met In a like way, with ne
ascertainable historical connexion, ore to be found among
tbe laetulians snd other tribes of northern Africa (SI
Ital. HI. 289), and hi the Sacred Tent of tbe Carthaginian
encampments (Dial Sic. xs. 6i y
TABEBNACLE
> of the Divine Nature, were the two tabid of
■tone, on which wen graven, by the teaching of the
Divine Spirit, and therefore by " the finger of
God," * the great unchanging laws of human duty
which had been proclaimed on Sinai. Here the
lesion taught wu plain enough. The highest know-
ledge was as tiie simplest, the esoteric as the exo-
teric. In the depths of the Holy of Holies, and for
the high-priest as for all Israel, there was the reve-
lation of a righteous Will requiring righteousness in
man (Saalschfiti, Archtoi. c 77). And over the
Ark was the Cdphereth (Mercy-Seat), so called
with a twofold reference to the root-meaning of the
word. It omtred the Ark. It was the witness of
a mercy ccnermg sins. As the " footstool " of
God, the '* throne " of the Divine Glory, it declared
that over the Law which seemed so rigid and un-
bending there rested the compassion of One forgiv-
ing " iniquity and transgression." 1 And over the
Mercy-seat were the Cherubim, reproducing in
part at least, the symbolism of the great Hamitic
races, forms familiar to Moses and to Israel, needing
no description tor them, interpreted for us by the
fuller vision of the later prophets (Eiek. i. 5-13, x.
8-15, xli. 19), or by the winged forms of the imagery
of Egypt Representing as they did the manifold
powers of nature, created life in its highest form
(Bahr, i. 341) their " over-shadowing wings,"
"meeting" as in token of perfect harmony, de-
clared that nature as well as man fuund its highest
glory in subjection to a Divine Law, that men might
take refuge in that Order, as under " the shadow
of the wings" of God (Stanley, Jewish Church,
p. 98). Placed where those and other like figures
were, in the temples of Egypt, they might be hin-
drances and not helps, might sensualize instead of
purifying the worship of the people. But it was
part of the wisdom which we may reverently trace
in the order of the Tabernacle, that while Egyptian
symbols are retained, as in the Ark, the Cherubim,
the Urim and the Thumxim, their place is changed.
They remind the high-priest, the representative of
the whole nation, of the truths on which the order
rests. The people cannot bow down and worship
that which they never see.
The material not less than the forms, in the Holy
if Holies was significant. The acacia or shittim-
wood, least liable, of woods then accessible, to decay,
night well represent the imperishableness of Divine
Truth, of the Laws of Duty (Bahr, i. 286). Ark,
TABERNACLE
1417
mercy-seat, cherubim, the very walls, were ill over-
laid with gold, the noblest of all metals, the symbol
of light and purity, sun-light itself as it were, filed
and embodied, the token of the incorruptible, of the
glory of a great king (Bahr, i. 282). It was not
without meaning that all this lavish expenditure of
what was most costly was placed where none might
gaze on it. The gold thus offered taught man, that
the noblest acts of beneficence and sacrifice are not
those which are done that they may be seen of men,
but those which are known only to Him who " seeth
in secret" (Matt. vi. 4). Dimensions also had their
meaning. Difficult as it may be to feel sure that
we have the key to the enigma, there can be but little
doubt that the older religious systems of the world
did attach a mysterious significance to each separate
number ; that the training of Moses, as afterwards
the far less complete initiation of Pythagoras in the
symbolism of Egypt, must have made that trans-
parently clear to him, which to us is almost impe-
netrably dark.* To those who think over the words
of two great teachers, one heathen (Plutarch, De
Is. et Ob. p. 411), and one Christian (Clem. Al.
Strom, vi. p. 84-87), who had at least studied as
far as they could the mysteries of the religion of
Egypt, and had Inherited part of the old system,
the precision of the numbers in the plan of the
Tabernacle will no longer seem unaccountable. If
in a cosmical system, a right-angled triangle with
the sides three, four, five, represented the triad of
Osiris, Isis, Orus, creative force, receptive matter,
the universe of creation (Plutarch, /. c. ) , the perfect
cube of the Holy of Holies, the constant recurrence
of the numbers 4 and 10, may well be accepted as
symbolising order, stability, perfection (Bfthr, i.
225).-
(4.) Into the inner sanctuary neither people ncr
the priests as a body ever entered. Strange as it
may seem, that in which everything represented
light and life was left in utter darkness, in profound
solitude. Once only in the year, on the Dat of
Atonement, might the high-priest enter. The
strange contrast has, however, its parallel in the
spiritual life. Death and life, light and darkness, are
wonderfully united. Only through death can we
truly live. Only by passing into the " thick dark-
ness " where God is (Ex. xx. 21 ; 1 K. viii. 12), can
we enter at all into the "light inaccessible," in
which He dwells everlastingly. The solemn annuul
entrance, like the withdrawal of symbolic forma frera
* Toe equivalence of the two phrases, "by the Spirit
of God," and "by the finger of God," Is seen by com-
pering Matt xil. 28. and Luke xl. 20. Comp. also the
language »f Clement of Alexandria (Stress, vi v 133) and
the ose of "the hand of the Lord" In I K. xvlu.41;
} K. ill. 15; Esek. t. 3, III. It; 1 Car. xxvUI. 1*.
' EwakL giving to "IBS, She root of Ctphmtk, the
meaning of " to scrape," " erase," derives from that
meaning the Mea Implied In the LXX. iAwmjptw, sod
denies that the word ever signified entVua (.AUtrtk.
p. 128. 129).
k A fall discussion of the subject Is obviously impos-
sible here, but It may be useful to exhibit briefly the
eblef thoughts which have been connected with the
numbers that are most prominent In the IfTTcnftfltt of
symbolism. Arbitrary as some of tbem may seem, a
suffldent induction to establish each will be found In
sBnr's elaborate dissertation, L 128-366, and other works.
Comp. Wilkinson, Am. Eg. iv. 190-189; Leynr in
Berwog'i Sruydop. " Sliftahutte."
tare— The Godhead, Eternity, Life, Creative Voice,
the Ban, Man
Two— Matter, Time, Death, Receptive Capacity, the
Moon, Woman.
Thus (as a number, or in the triangle)— The Universe
in connexion with God, the Absolut* In Itself,
the Unconditioned, God.
For/a (the number, or in the square or cube) — Con-
ditioned Existence, the World as created. Divine
Order, Revelation.
Sxyex (as = 3 + *)-The Union of the World atx!
God, Rat (as In the Sabbath), Peace, Blessing,
Purification.
Tax (as = 1 + 2 + 3 + *)— Completeness, moral and
physical. Perfection.
Frvx — Perfection half attained, Incompleteness.
Twuva— The Signs of the Zodiac, tbe Cycle of the
Seasons; in Israel tbe Ideal number of the
people, of the Covenant or God with tbem.
" tbe symbol reappears In tbe most startling form In
the closing visions of tbe Apocalypse. There the hea-
venly Jerusalem is described, In words which absolutely
exclude the literalism which has sometimes been blindly
cpplled to It, as a city four-square, 12,000 furlongs la
length sud breadth an! height (Her. xxl. 16).
1418
TABEBNACLB
TABEENAOLE
the gate of tne people, was itself part of a wise | tuie, or of what size, or in what material, w* a!t
and Divine order. Intercourse with Egypt had
shown how easily the symbols of Troth might be-
come common and familiar things, yet without
symbols, the truths themselves might be forgotten
Both dangers were met To enter once, and once
only in the year, into the awful darkness, to stand
before the Law of Duty, before the presence of the
Sod who gave it, not in the stately robes that be-
came the representative of God to man, but as re-
presenting man in his humiliation, in the garb of
the lower priests, bare-footed and in the linen
ephod, to confess his own sins and the sins of the
people, this was what connected the Atonement-day
(Cippir) with the Mercy-seat {CipheretK), And
to come there with blood, the symbol of life, touch-
ing with that blood the mercy-seat, with incense,
the symbol of adoration (Lev. xvi. 12-14), what
did that express but the truth, (1.) that man must
draw near to the righteous God with no lower
offering than the pure worship of the heart, with
the living sacrifice of body, soul, and spirit ; (2.)
that could such a perfect sacrifice be found, it
would have a mysterious power working beyond
itself, in proportion to its perfection, to cover the
multitude of sins?
(5.) From all others, from the high-priest at all
other times, the Holy of Holies was shrouded by
the double Veil, bright with many colours and
strange forms, even as curtains of golden tissue were
to be seen hanging before the Adytum of an Egyp-
tian temple, a strange contrast often to the bestial
form behind them (Clem. Al. Patd. iii. 4), In one
memorable instance, indeed, the veil was the wit-
ness of higher and deeper thoughts. On the shrine
of Isis at Sais, there were to be read words which,
though pointing toa pantheistic rather than an ethical
religion, were yet wonderful in their loftiness,
"lira all that has been (to to ytyuAi), and is,
and shall be, and my veil no mortal hath withdrawn "
(4«a-dA»*w) (oV Is. et Osir. p. 394). Lib:, and
yet more, unlike the truth, we f«l that no such
words could hare appeared on the veil of the Taber-
nacle. In that identification of the world and God,
all idolatry was latent, as in the faith of Israel in
the I AM, all idolatry was excluded. 1 In that
despair of any withdrawal of the veil, of any revela-
tion of the Divine Will, there were Intent al! the aits
of an unbelieving priestcraft, substituting symbols,
pomp, ritual for such a revelation. But what then
was tiie meaning of the veil which met the gaze of
the priests as they did service in the sanctuary ?
Colours in the art of Egypt were not less significant
than number, and the four bright colours, probably,
after the fashion of that art, in parallel bands, blue
symbol of heaven, and purple of kingly glory, and
crimson of Ufa and joy, and white of light and
purity (Blhr, i. 305-330), formed in their combi-
nation no remote similitude of the rainbow, which
of old had been a symbol of the Divine covenant
with man, the pledge of peace and hope, the sign of
the Divine Presence (Ki. i. 28 ; Ewald, AlUrth. p.
333). Within the veil, light and truth were seen in
their unity. The veil itself represented the infinite
variety, the woAinrofciAof eopta of the Divine
order in Creation (tph. iii. 10). And there again
were seen copied upon the veil, the mysterious
forms of the cherubim ; how many, or in what atti-
• The name Jehovah, it has been well said, was "the
reading asunder of the veil of Sals." (BUnley, Jtwuk
Caarr*, p. 110.)
not told. The word* "cunning work" in Kx.
xxxvi. 35, applied elsewhere to combinations of em-
broidery and metal (Ex. xxviii. 15, xxxi. 4), jus-
tify perhaps the conjecture thai here also they
were of gold. In the absence of any other evidence
it would have been, perhaps, natural to think that
they reproduced on a larger scale, the number aud
the position of those that were over the mercy-seat.
The visions of Ezekiel, however, reproducing, as they
obviously do, the forms with which his priestly lite
had made him familiar, indicate not less than four
(c. i. and %.), and those not all alike, having seve-
rally the faces rf a man, a lion, an ox, and an eagle,
strange symbolic words, which elsewhere we should
have identified with idolatry, but which here were
bearing witness against it, emblems of the manifold
variety of creation as at once manifesting and con-
cealing God.
(6.) The outer sanctuary was one degree less
awful in its holiness than the inner. Silver, the
type of Human Purity, took the place of gold, the
type of the Divine Glory (BUhr, i. 284). It was)
to be trodden daily by the priests, as by men what
lived in the perpetual consciousness of the nearness
of God, of the mystery behind the veil. Barefooted
and in garn.. u cs of white linen, like the priests of
Isis [Priests], they accomplished their ministra-
tions. And here, too, there were other emblems of
Divine realities. With no opening to admit light
from without, it was illumined only by the golden
LAMP with its seven lights, one taller then the
others, as the Sabbath is more sacred than the
other days of the week, never all extinguished
together, the perpetual symbol of all derived gift*
of wisdom and holiness in man, reaching their
mystical perfection when they shine in God's sanc-
tuary to His glory (Ex. xxr. 31, xxvii. SO ; Zech.
iv. 1-14). The Shew-bread, the " bread of faces,"
of the Divine Presence, not unlike in outward form
to the sacred cakes which the Egyptians placed
before the shrines of their gods, served as a token
that, though there was no form or likeness of the
Godhead, He was yet there, accepting all offerings,
recognising in particular that special offering which
represented the life of the nation at once in the
distinctness of its tribes and in its unity ar a
people (Ewald, AUarth. p. 120). The meaning of
the Altar of Incense was not less obvious. The
cloud of fragrant smoke was the natural, almost the
universal, emblem of the heart's adoration (Ps. cxli
2). The incense sprinkled on the shew-bread and
the lamp taught men that all other offerings needed
the intermingling of that idoration. Upon that
altar no " strange fire " wn to be Kindled. When
fresh fire was needed it was to be taken from Ube
Altar of Burst-offerimo in the outer com*
(Lev. ix. 24, x. 1). Very striking, a« compared
with what is to follow, is the sublimity and the,
purity of these symbols. It is as though the
priestly oi-der, already leading a conserrated lifo,
were capable of understanding a higher language
which had to be translated into a lower for those;
that were still without (Saalschflti, ArchSol. §77).
(7.) Outside the tent, but still within the con-
secrated precincts, was the Court, fenced in by ar
enclosure, yet open to all the congregation as well
as to the Levites, those only excepted who were
ceremonially unclean. No Gentile might pass beyond
the curtains of the entrance, but every member of
the priestly nation might thus far " draw near " tc
the presence of Jehovah. Here therefore stood the
TABEBNAOLE
AixaB or Bcrht-offebingii. at which Sacri J
FiCKs in all their varieties were oflered by peniteti.
or thankful worshippers (Ex. xxvii. 1-8; xxrviii.
I ), the brazen LaVER. at which those worahippen
purified themselves before they sacrificed, the priests
before they entered into the sanctuary (Ex. xxx.
1 7-21). Here the graduated scale of holiness ended.
What Israel was to the world, fenced in and set
apart, that the Court of the Tabernacle was to the
surrounding wilderness, just as the distinction be-
tween it and the sanctuary answered to that between
the sons of Aaron and other Israelites, just as the
idea of holiness culminated personally in the high-
priest, locally in the Holy of Holies.
IV. Theories of later times.— (1.) It is not pro-
bable that the elaborate symbolism of such a struc-
ture was understood by the rude and sensual multi-
tude that came out of Egypt. In its fulness per-
haps no mind but that of the lawgiver himself ever
entered into it, and even for him, one-half, and that
the highest, of its meaning must have been alto-
gether latent. Yet. it was not the less, was perhaps
the more fitted, on that account to be an instru-
ment for the education of the people. To the most
ignorant and debased It was at least a witness of
the nearness of the Divine King. It met the crav-
ing of the human heart which prompts to worship,
with an order which was neither idolatrous nor im-
pure. It taught men that their fleshly nature was
the hindrance to worship; that it rendered them
unclean ; that only by subduing it, killing it, as
they killed the bullock and the goat, could they
offer up an acceptable sacrifice ; that such a sacri-
fice was the condition of forgiveness, a higher sacri-
fice than any they could otter the ground of that
forgiveness. The sins of the put were considered
is belonging to the fleshly nature which was slain
uid offered, not to the true inner self of the wor-
shipper. More thoughtful minds were led inevitably
to higher truths. They were not slow to see in the
Tabernacle the parable of God's presence manifested
in Creation. Darkness was as His pavilion (2 Sam.
xxii. 12). He has made a Tabernacle for the Sun
(Pa. xix. 4). The heavens were spread out like its
curtains. The beams of His chambers were in the
mighty waters (Ps. civ. 2, 3; Is. xl. 22; Lowth,
De Sao. Poes. viii.). The majesty of God seen in
the storm and tempest was as of one who rides
upon a cherub (2 Sam. xxii. II). If the words,
" He that dwelleth between the cherubim," spoke
on the one side of a special, localised manifestation
of the Divine Presence, they spoke also on the other
of that Presence as in the heaven of heavens, in the
light of setting suns, in the blackness and the flashes
of the thunder-clouds.
(2.) The thought thus uttered, essentially poetical
in its nature, had its fit place in the psalms and
hymns of Israel. It lost its beauty, it led men on
a false track, when it was formalised into a system.
At a time when Judaism and Greek philosophy
were alike effete, when a feeble physical science
which could read nothing but its own thoughts in
the symbols of an older and deeper system, was
after its own fashion rationalising the mythology
of heathenism, there were found Jewish writers
willing to apply the same principle of interpretation
• It Is carious to note how In dement of Alexandria
the two systems of Interpretation cross each other, lead-
ins; sometimes to extravagances like those In the text,
somettmas to thoughts at once lofty and true. Some of
Van have been already noticed. Others, not to be
TABERNACLK
1410
* the Tabernacle and its order. In that way, a
seemed to them, they would secure the retpect even
of the men of letters who could not bring them-
selves to be Proselytes. The result appears in
Josephus and in Philo, in part also in Clement of
Alexandria and Origen. Thus interpreted, the entire
significance of the Two Tables of the Covenant ant!
their place within the Ark disappeared, and the
truths which the whole order represe nted became
oosmicat instead of ethical. If the special idiosyn-
crasy of one writer (Philo, De Profiig.) led him
to see in the Holy of Holies and the Sanctuary that
which answered to the Platonic distinction between
the visible (olo*re!) and the spiritual (roi)ri),
the coarser, leas intelligent Josephus goes still more
completely into the new system. The Holy of
Holies is the visible firmament in which God dwells,
the Sanctuary as the earth and sea which meu in-
habit (.Ant. iii. 6, §4, 7 ; 7, §7). The twelve loaves
of the shew-brcad represented the twelve months ot
the year, the twelve signs of the Zodiac. The seven
lamps were the seven planets. The four colours
of the veil were the four elements (trrotxe<a)i air,
fire, water, earth. Even the wings of the cherubim
were, ia the eyes of some, the two hemispheres of
the universe, or the constellations of the Greater and
the Lesser Bears! (Clem. Alex. Strom, v. §35).
The table of shew-bread and the altar of incense
stood on the north, because north winds were most
fruitful, the lamp on the south because the motions
of the planets were southward (ib. $34, 35). We
need not follow such a system of interpretation fur-
ther. It wis not unnatural that the authority with
which it started should secure for it considerable
respect. We find it re-appearing in some Christian
writers, Chrysostom {Bom. in Jotmn. Bapt.) and
Theodoret (Quaeit. in Exod.) — in some Jewish,
Ben Uzziel, Kimchi, Abarbanel (Bahr, i. 103 et teq.).
It was well for Christian thought that the Church
had in the Epistle to the Hebrews and the Apoca-
lypse of St. John that which helped to save it from
the pedantic puerilities of this physico-theology.*
(3.) It will have been clear from all that has
been said that the Epistle to the Hebrews ha* not
been looked on as designed to limit our inquiry
into the meaning of the symbolism of the Taber-
nacle, and that there is consequently no ground for
adopting the system of interpreters who can see in
it nothing but an aggregate of types of Christian
mysteries. Such a system has, in fact, to choose
between two alternatives. Either the meaning was
made clear, at least to the devout worshippers of old,
and then it is no longer true that the mystery was
bid " from ages and generations," or else the mys-
tery was concealed, and then the whole order was
voiceless and unmeaning as long as it lasted, then
only beginning to be instructive when it wat
" ready to vanish away." Rightly viewed there
is, it is believed, no antagonism between the inter-
pretation which starts from the idea of symbols ol
Great, Eternal Truths, and that which rests on the
idea of types foreshadowing Christ and His Work,
and His Church. If the latter were the highest.
manifestation of the former (and this is the key
note of the Epistle to the Hebrews), then the two
systems run parallel with each other. The type
over, are, that the seven lamps set forth the varied
-degrees and forms (iroAvpcput itol iroAvrpoVwf) of flod's
Revelation, the form and the attitude of the Cbenibhn, the
union of active ministry and grateful, ceaseless retiteTv
pUtlsn (/Stress, v }3«, 31 J.
1420
TABERNACLE
may help at to understand the symbol. The sym-
bol may goard us against misinterpreting the type.
That the tunc things were at once symbols and
types may take its place among the proofs of an'
'.nsight and a foresight more than human. Not
the veil of nature only but the veil of the flesh,
the humanity of Christ, at once conceals and mani-
fests the Eternal's Glory. The rending of that
veil enabled all who had eyes to see and hearts tc
believe, to enter into the Holy of Holies, into the
Divine Presence, and to see, not less clearly than the
High Priest, as he looked on the ark and the Mercy
Seat, that Righteousness and Love, Truth and
Mercy were as one. Blood had been shed, a life
had been offered which, through the infinite power
of its Love, was able to atone, to satisfy, to purify .t
(4.) We cannot here follow out that strain of a
higher mood, and it would not be profitable to enter
into the speculations which later writers have en-
grafted on the first great thought. Those who wish
to enter upon that line of inquiry may find mate-
rials enough in any of the greater commentaries
on the Epistle to the Hebrews (Owen's, Stuart's,
Bleek's, Tholuck's, Delitzsch's, Alt'ord's), or in
special treatises, such as those of Van Till (De Dib-
ernac. in (Jgolini, Thes. viii.)} Bede (£xpositio
Mystica et Montis Motaici Tabernacali) ; VVitsius
(De Tabem. Levit. Mysteriis, in Miscell. Sacr.).
Strange, outlying hallucinations, like those of an-
cient Kabbis, inferring from " the pattern showed
to Moaes in the Mount," the permanent existence ot
a heavenly Tabernacle, like in form, structure,
proportions to that which stood in the wildernew
(Leyrer, I. ft), or of later writers who have seen in
it (not in the spiritual but the anatomical sense of
the word) a type of humanity, representing the
outer bodily framework, the inner vital organs
(Friederich, Si/mb. der J/os. StifteshStte in Leyrer,
/. c. ; and Ewald, Alt. p. 338), may be dismissed
with a single glance :
■Nan
dilor, ma
(5.) It is not quite as open to us to ignore a
speculative hypothesis which, though in itself un-
substantial enough, has been lately revived under
circumstances which have given it prominence. It
has been maintained by Von Bohlen and Vatke
(Biihr, i. 117, 273) that the commands and the de-
scriptions relating to the Tabernacle in the Books
of Moses are altogether unhistoiical, the result of
the effort of some late compiler to ennoble the
cradle of his people's history by transferring to a
remote antiquity what he found actually existing
in the Temple, modified only so far as was neces-
sary to fit it in to the theory of a migration and a
wandering. The structuie did not belong to the
time of the Exodus, if indeed there ever was an
Exodus. The Tabernacle thus becomes the myth-
ical aftergrowth of the Temple, not the Temple the
historical sequel to the Tabernacle. It has lately
been urged as tending to the same conclusion that
the circumstances connected with the Tabernacle in
the Pentateuch are manifestly unhistorical. The
whole congregation of Israel are said to meet in a
court which could not have contained more than a
few hundred men (Colenso, Pentateuch and Buok of
Joshua, P. I. c iv. v.). The number of priests was
p The allusions to the Tabernacle In the Apocalypse
sra, as might be expected, fall of Interest. As In a vision,
which loses sight ot all tuns limits, the Temple of the
rabarcacle Is seen m heaven (Rev. zv. s), and yet m
TABERNACLE
utterly inadequate for the services of the Taker
naeh {Ibid. c. xx.). The narrative of the heat*
coney collection, of the gifts of the people, is full
of anachronisms {Ibid. c.xtr.).
(6.) Some of these objections — those, e. g. as ts»
the number of the first-born, and the dispropor-
tionate smallness of the priesthood, have been met
by anticipation in remarks under Priests and Ls-
viteb, written some months before the objections,
in their present form, appeared. Others bearing;
upon the general veracity of the Pentateuch his-
tory it is impossible to discuss here. It will bo
sufficient to notice such as bear immediately upon
the subject of this article. (1.) It may be said that
this theory, like other similar theories a* to the
history of Christianity, adds to instead of diminish-
ing difficulties and anomalies. It may be possible
to make out plausibly that what purports to be the
first period of an institution, is, with all its docu-
ments, the creation of the second ; but the question
then comes how we are to explain the existence ot
the second. The world rests upon an elephant, and
the elephant on a tortoise, but the footing of the
tortoise is at least somewhat insecure. (2.) What-
ever may be the weight of the argument drawn
from the alleged presence of the whole congregation
at the door of the Tabernacle tells with equal foice
against the historical existence of the Temple and
the narrative of its dedication. There also when
the population numbered some seven or eight mil-
lions (2 Sam. xxiv. 9), " all the men of Israel "
(1 K. viii. 2), all *' the congregation " (ver. 5 ; , all
the children of Israel (ver. 63) were assembled, and
the king " blessed" all the congregation (ver. 14,
55). (3.) There are, it is believed, undesigned
touches indicating the nomade life of the wilderness.
The wood employed for the Tabernacle is not the
syenmore of the valleys nor the cedar of Lebanon,
as afterwards in the Temple, but the shittim of the
Sinaitic peninsula. [Siiittah-Tree, Siirmjt.]
The abundance of fine linen points to Egypt, the
seal or dolphin skins (" badgers" in A. V., but see
Geseniua s. v. ETCI) to the shores of the Red Sea,
[Badger-Skins, Appendix A.] The Levitts are
not to enter on their office till the age of thirty,
as needing for their work as' bearers a man's full
strength (Num. iv. 23, 30). Afterwards when
their duties are chiefly those of singers and gate-
keepers, they were to begin at twenty ( 1 Chr. xxiii.
24). Would a later history again have excluded
the priestly tribe from all share in the structure of
the Tabernacle, and left it in the hands of mythical
persons belonging to Judah, and to a tribe then so
little prominent as that of Dan-?- (4.) There re-
mains the strong Egyptian stamp, impressed upor
well-nigh every part of the Tabernacle and its ritual,
an«l implied in other incidents. [Comp. Priests,
Levites, Urim and Tuuauuu. Brazen Sea-
pent.] Whatever bearing this may have on our
views of the things themselves, it points, beyond
all doubt, to a time when the two nations bad been
brought into close contact, when not jewels of
silver and gold only, but treasures of wisdom, art,
knowledge were " borrowed " by one people from
the other. To what other period in the history
before Samuel than that of the Exodus of the Peo-
tbe heavenly Jerusalem mere Is no Temple sees (axl
W). And In the heavenly Temple there is no tuBgcr any
veil; It Is upen, and the ark of the covenant at clearly
seen (xl It)
TABEBNAOLE8, THE FEAST OF
1421
iatawzi can we refer that intercourw ? When was
it likely that a wild tribe, with difficulty keep-
ing its ground against neighbouring nations, would
have adopted such a complicated ritual from a
system so alien to ita own? So it is that the
wheel comes full circle. The (acts which when
urged by Spencer, with or without a hostile pur-
pose, were denounced as daring and dangerous and
unsettling, are now seen to be witnesses to the an-
tiquity of the religion of Israel, and so to the sub-
stantia! truth of the Mosaic history. They are
used as such by theologians who in various degrees
enter &?_' protest against the more destructive
criticism of our own time (Hengatenberg, Egypt
and the Books of Motes ; Stanley, Jewish Church,
lect. iv.\ (5.) We may, for a moment, put an
inruigin.ii y case. Let us suppose that the records
of the 0. T. had given ui in 1 and 2 Sam. a history
likr that wkk-h men now seek to substitute for
what is actually given, had represented Samuel
as the first great preacher of the worship of EIo-
him, Gad, or some later prophet as introducing
for the first time the name and worship of Jeho-
vah, and that the 0. T. began with this (Colenso,
P. II, c xxi.). Let us then suppose that some
old papyrus, freshly discovered, slowly deciphered,
gave us the whole or the greater part of what
we now find in Exodus and Numbers, that there
was thus given an explanation both of the actual
condition of the people and of the Egyptian element
to lui}$ely intermingled with their ritual. Can we
not imagine with what jubilant xeal the Books of
Samuel would then have been " critically ex-
amined," what inconsistencies would have been
detected in them, how eager men would have been
to prove that Samuel had had credit given him
for a work which was not his, that not he, but
Moses, was the founder of the polity and creed of
Israel, that the Tabernacle on Zion, instead of com-
ing fresh from David's creative mind, had been
preceded by the humbler Tabernacle in the Wilder-
ness? [E. H. K]
TABEBNACLES, THE FEAST OF (jn
rfapn : ioprii aicvrar : ferine tabernacuiorum :
C|OKn 3(1, Ex. xxiii. 16, " the feast of ingather-
ing :" mmmnryta, John vii. 2 ; Jos. Ant. viii.
4. §5 : amval, 1'hilo, De Sept. §24 : 4 o-<rn»ij,
Plut. 8t/mpo§. iv. 6, 2), the third of the three
great festivals of the Hebrews, which lasted from
the 15th till the 22nd of Tisri.
I. The following are the principal passages in
the Pentateuch which refer to it : Exod. xxiii. 16,
where it is spoken of as the Feast of Ingathering,
and is brought into connexion with the other festi-
vals under their agricultural designations, the Feast
of Unleavened Bread and the Feast of Harvest ;
Lev. xxiii. 34-36, 39-43, where it is mentioned ss
commemorating the passage of the Israelites through
the desert; Deut. xvi. 13-15, in which there is no
notice of the eighth day, and it is treated as a thanks-
giving for the harvest; Num. xxix. 12-38. where
there is an enumeration of the sacrifices which be-
* The word (1SD means "a bat," and Is to he distin-
guished from 7ilet> " a tent of skins or cloth," which Is
lbs term applied to the Tabernacle of the Congregation.
Gee ScicaAa
» rhl» Is the view of the KabbtnMs, which appears to
be cowtteaanced by a comparison of v. 40 wlih v. 4a.
Bat the Karaites held that the boughs here mentioned
rare for a; other purpose Mian to cover the huts, sod
long to the festival; Deut xxxi. 10-13, wheio the
injunction is given for the public reading of the Lin
iu the Sabbatical year, at the Feast of Tabernacles.
In Neh. viii. there is an account of the observance
of the feast by Ezra, from which several additional
particulars respecting it may be gathered.
II. The time of the festival fell in the autumn,
when the whole of the chief fruits of the ground,
the com, the wine, and the oil, were gathered in
(Ex. xxiii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 39; Deut. xvi. 13-15).
Hence it is spoken of as occurring " in the end ot
the year, when thou hast gathered in thy labour!
out of the field." Its duration was strictly only
seven days (Deut. xvi. 13 ; Ex. xlv. 25). But it
was followed by a day of holy convocation, dis-
tinguished by sacrifices of its own, which was
sometimes sptfcen of as an eighth day (Lev. xxiii.
36 ; Neh. viii. 18).
During the seven days the Israelites were com-
manded to dwell in booths or huts * formed of the
boughs of trees. These huts, when the festival
was celebrated tn Jerusalem, were constructed in
the courts of houses, on the roofs, in the court oi
the Temple, in the street of the water gate, and is
the street of the gate of Ephraim. The boughs were
of the olive, palm, pine, myrtle, and other trees
with thick foliage (Neh. viii. 15, 16). The com-
mand in Lev. xxiii. 40 is said to have been so
understood, * that the Israelites, from the first day
of the feast to the seventh, carried in their hands
" the fruit (as in the margin of the A. V., not
branches, as in the text) of goodly trees, with
branches of palm trees, boughs of thick trees, and
willows of the brook."
According to Rabbinical tradition, each Israelite
used to tie the branches into > bunch, to be
carried in his hand, to which the name lulib ' was
given. The " fruit of goodly trees " is generally
taken by the Jews to mean the citron.* But
Josephus (Ant. iii. 10, §4) says that it was the
fruit of the pertea, a tree said by Pliny to have
been conveyed from Persia to Egypt ( aitt. Nat.
xv. 13), and which some have identified with the
peach (Mains persicn). The boughs of thick trees
were understood by Onkelos and others to be
myrtles (D'EnPI). but that no such limitation to
a single species could hare been intended seems to '
be proved by the boughs of thick trees and myrtle
branches being mentioned together (Neh. viii. 15).
The burnt-offerings of the Feast of Tabernacles
were by far more numerous than those of any other
festival. It is said that the services of the priests
were so ordered that each one of the courses was
employed during the seven days (Succali, v. fi).
There were offered on each day two rams, fourteen
lambs, and a kid for a sin-offering. But what was
most peculiar was the arrangement of the sacrifices
of bullocks, iu all amounting to seventy. Thirteen
were offered on the tiret day, twelve on the second,
eleven on the third, and so on, reducing the number
by one each day nil the seventh, when seven bul-
locks only were offered (Num. xxix. 12-38).
that the willow branches were merely fur tying the pans
of the huts together.
• The word 271? strictly means simply g pain
branch. BuxL he*. Rum. & 1143; Carpso.*. Ajp Crit
p. 41* ; Drnsias, Not. Maj. In Lev. xxlu.
4 jVlW So Onkelos, Jonathan, and Snook Sat
Buxt Lm •«. sub ]~St\.
1422
TABEENACLE8, THE FEAST OF
The eighth day wu i day of holy convocation of
peculiar solemnity, and, with the seventh day of
the Passover, and the day of Pentecost, was desig-
nated riNSJ? [Passoveh, §2, note >]. We an
told that on the morning of this day the Hebrews
left their hats and dismantled them, and took ?p
their abode again in their houses. The special offer-
ings of the day were a bullock, a ram, seven lambs,
and a goat for a sin-offering (Num. xxix. 3f> 38).*
When the Feast of Tabernacles fell on a Sabbatical
fear, portions of the Law were read each day in
public, to men, women, children, and strangers
' v Deut rod. 10-13,. It ia said that, in the time
of the Kings, the king himself used to read from a
wooden pulpit erected in the court of the women,
and that the people were summoned to assemble by
sound of trumpet.' Whether the selections were
made from the Book of Deuteronomy only, or from
the rther books of the Law also, is a question. But
acceding to the Mishna (Sato, vi. 8, quoted by
Keland) the portiou, read w"j Deut i. 1-vi. 4,
d. lS-oriv. 22, xiv. 23-xvi. 22, xviii. 1-14, xxvii.
1-xxviii. 68 (see Fagins and Roeenmnller on Deut
jxxi. 11 ; Lightfoot, Temple Service, c xvii.).
We find Exra rending the Law during the festival
" day by day, from the first day to the last day "
(Neh. viii. 18)*
III. There are two particulars in the observance
of tile Feast of Tabernacles which appear to be re-
ferred to in the New Testament, but are not noticed
in the Old. These were, the ceremony of pouring
out some water of the pool of Siloam, and the dis-
play of some great lights in the court of the women.
We are told that each Israelite, in holiday attire,
having made up his tulab, before he broke his met
(Fagins in Lev. xziii.), repaired to the Temple with
the lulab in one hand and the citron in the other,
at the time of the ordinary morning sacrifice.
The parts of the victim were laid upon the altar.
One of the priests fetched some water in a golden
ewer from the pool of Siloam, which he brought
into the court through the water gate. As he
entered the trumpets sounded, and he ascended the
■lope of the altar. At the top of this were fixed
two silver basins with small openings at the bottom.
Wine was poured into that on the eastern side, and
the water into that on the western side, whence it
was conducted by pipes into the Cedron (Maimon.
ap. Carpsov. p. 419). The halld was then sung,
and when the singers reached the first verse of Ps.
exviii. all the company shook their lulabs. This
gesture was repeated at the 25th verse, and again
when they sang the 29th verse. The sacrifices
which belonged to the day of the festival were then
offered, and special passages from the Psalms were
chanted.
In the evening (it would seem after the day of
holy convocation with which the festival had com-
• The notion of Monster, Godwin, and others, that the
eighth day was called " the day of palms," la utterly
without foundation. No trace of such a designation la
found In any Jewish writer. It probably resulted from a
theory that lbs Feast of Tabernacles most, like the Pass-
over and Pentecost, have a festival to answer to It In the
calendar of the Christian Church, and that " the day at
palms " passed Into Palm Sunday.
' A story Is told of Agrtppa that when he was ones
performing this ceremony, as he came to the words " thou
may*st not set a stranger over thee which Is not thy
anther,* the thought of hut foreign blood occurred to
him. sod ha was affected to tears. Bat the bystanders
encouraged him. crying on; ' Fear not, Agrtppa I Thou
I menord had ended'), both men and women iisaw nalisiaf
in the court of the women, expressly to hold a
rejoicing for the drawing of the water of Stlcaxn.
On this occasion, a degree of unrestrained hilarity
was permitted, such as would havo been unbecoming
while the ceremony itself was going on, in the
presence of the altar and in connexion with the
offering of the morning sacrifice {Succah. iv. 9, v. 1 ,
and the passages from the Gem. given by Lightfoot,
Temple Service, §4).
At the same time there were set np in the court
two lofty stands, each sup|<orting four great lpropr.
These were lighted on each night of the festival.
It is said that they cast their light over nearly the
whole compass of the city. The wicks were
furnished from the cast-off garments of the priests,
and the supply of oil was kept up by the sons if
the priests. Many in the assembly carried flam-
beaux. A body of Levitca, stationed on the .'Acer.
steps leading up to the women's court, played in-
struments of music, and rli«pt*H the fifteen p«»l— —
which are called in the A. V. Songs of Degrees
(Ps. cxx.-cxuiv.). Singing and dancing were
afterwards continued for tome time. The same
ceremonies in the day, and the same joyous meeting
in the evening, were renewed on each of the seven
days.
It appears to be generally admitted that tha
words of our Saviour (John vii. 37, 38)—" If any
man thirst, let him come unto me and drink. He
that believeth on me, as the Scripture hath said,
out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water " —
were suggested by the pouring out of the water at
Siloam. The Jews seem to have regarded the rite
as symbolical of the water miraculously supplied to
their fathers from the rock at Meribah. But they
also gave to it a more strictly spiritual significa-
tion, in accordance with the use to which our Lord
appears to turn it. Maimonides (note in Swcak)
applies to it the very passage which appears to
be referred to by our Lord (Is. xii. 3>— "There-
fore with joy shall ye draw water out of the wells
of salvation." The two meanings are of course
perfectly harmonious, as ia shown by the use which
St Paul makes of the historical fact (1 Cor. x. 4)
— " they drank of that spiritual rock that followed
them : and that rock was Christ"
But it is very doubtful what is meant by " the
last day, that great day of the feast" It would
seem that either the last day of the feast itself,
that is the seventh, or the last day of the religious
observances of the aeries of annual festival*, the
eighth, must be intended. But there seems ta
have been nothing, according to ancient testimony,
to distinguish the seventh, as a great day, com-
pared with the other days; it was decidedly in-
ferior, in not being a day of holy convocation,
and in its number of sacrifices, to the first day*
art our brother." Ughtfoot, T. S. c xviL
t Dean Alford considers that there may be a refnvnea,
to the public reading of the Uv at tha Feast of Tabn>-
nacles, John vu. Is—" Did not Moan give you the lawi
sad yet none of yon keepeth the law "—even if that year
was not the Sabbatical year, and the observance did nr.*
actually take place at the time.
» But Buxtorf. who contends that St John sprees or fa*
seventh day, says that the modern Jews of his time nit—
that day " the Great Hoaanna," aad dtatlngolsbrd Itbyi
greater attention than nana to their personal appearand*
and by performing certain peculiar rites la tha tvaag.aE«
(Syn, Ai xzt)
TABERNACLES, THE FEAST OP
1423
On the other hind, it is nearly certain tint the
ceremony of touring oat the water did not take
place on the eif hth day,' though the day might
hare been, by mi easy licence, called the great day
of the font (2 Mace. x. 6 ; Joseph. Ant. iii. 10, §4 ;
Philo, Dt Sept. §24). Dean Alibrd reasonably
supposes that the eighth day may be meant, and
that the reference of our Lord wan to an ordinary
and well-known observance of the feast, though it
was not, at the very time, going on.
We must resort to some such explanation, if we
adopt the notion that our Lord's words (John viii.
1 2)—" I am the light of the world " — refer to the
great lamps of the festival. The suggestion must
have arisen in the same way, or else from the
apparatus tor lighting not being removed, although
the festival hail come to an end. It should, how-
ever, be remarked that BengeL Slier, and some
others, think that the words refer to the light of
morning which was then dawning. The view that
may be taken .n the genuineness of John viii. 1-11
will modify the probability of the latter interpre-
tation.
IT. There are many directions given in the
Mishna for the dimensions and construction of the
huts. They were not to be lower than tea palms,
nor higher than twenty cubits. They were to stand
by themselves, and not to rest on any external sup-
port, nor to be under the shelter of a larger building,
or of a tree. They were not to be covered with
skins or cloth of any kind, but only with boughs,
or, in part, with reed mats or laths. They were
to be constructed expressly for the festival, out of
new materials Their forms might vary in accord-
ance with the taste of the owners.* According to
«me authoiities, the Israelites dwelt in them during
the whole period of the festival {Sifri, in Relaud;,
bat others said it was sufficient if they ate fbiu'deen
meals in them, that is, two on each day (Suceah,
ii. 6). Persons engaged in religious service, the sick,
nurses, women, slave*, and minors, were excepted
altogether from the obligation of dwelling iu them,
and some indulgence appears to hare been given
to all in very tempestuous weather {Succah, i. ii. ;
Monster on Lev. xxiii. 40; Buxt. Syn. Jud. c.
ni.).
The furniture of the hots was to be, according to
most authorities, of the plainest description. There
was to be nothing which was not fcurly necessary.
It would seem, however, that there was no strict
rule on this point, and that there was a consider-
able difference according to the habits or circum-
stances of the occupant - (Carpzov, p. 415 ; Buxt.
Syn. Jud. p. 451).
It is said that the altar was adomed throughout
the seven davs with sprigs of willows, one of which
each Israelite who came into the conrt brought
with him. The great number of the sacrifices has
been already noticed. The number of public vic-
tims offered on the first day exceeded those of any
day in the year {Menack. xiil. 5). But besides
these, the Chagigahs or private peace-orierings
[Passover, ii. 3, f.] were more abundant than at
any other time ; and there is reason to believe that
the whole of the sacrifices nearly outnumbered all
those offered at the other festivals put together.
It belongs to the character of the feast that on each
i H. Jebnda, however, said that the water was poured
oat on eight days. Swot*, Iv. 9, with Bartenora's note.
* There are some curious figures of different forms of
but*, and vf the grant light* of the Feast of Taberasc'.es,
day the trumpets of the Temple ire said to "iavi
sounded twenty-one times.
V. Though all the Hebrew annual festivsla wer<
seasons of rejoicing, the Feast of Tabernacles was,
in this respect, distinguished above them all. The
huts and the lulabs must hare made a gay and
striking spectacle over the city by day, and tlie
lamps, the flambeaux, the music, and the joyous
gatherings in the court of the Temple must hare
§'ven a still more festive character to the night,
ence, it was called by the Rabbis Ml. the festival,
Rar'itoxJl*. There is a proverb in Succah (r. 1).
" He who has never seen the rejoicing at the
pouring out of the water of Silonm has never seen
rejoicing in his life." Maimonides says that he
who failed at the Feast of Tabernacles in contri-
buting to the public joy according to his means,
incurred especial guilt ^Carpxov, p. 419). The
feast is designated by Josephus {Ant. viii. 4, §1)
f eprh Ityutrirn Kol urvlorrj, and by Philo, ioprmr
Heytarn. Its thoroughly festive nature is showr
in the accounts of its observance in Josephus {Ant,
viii. 4. §1, xv. S3), as well as in the accounts of its
celebration by Solomon, Ezra, and Judas Mecca
baeus. From this fact, and its connexion with tht
ingathering of the fruits of the year, especially the
vintage, it is not wonderful that Plutarch shoulc
have likened it to the Dionysiac festivals, calling H
Ovpaafopia and Kparnpotpapia (Sympos. iv.). The
account which he gives of it is curious, but it U
not much to onr purpose here. It contains about
as much truth as the more famous passage on the
Hebrew nation in the filth book of the History oi
Tacitus.
VI. The main purposes of the Feast of Taber-
nacles are plainly set forth (Ex. xxiii. 16, and Lev
xxiii. 43). It was to be at once a thanksgiving
for the harvest, and a commemoration of the time
when the Israelites dwelt in tents during their pas-
sage through the wilderness. In one of its mean-
ings, it stands in connexion with the Passover, as
the Feast of Abib, the month of green ears, when
the first sheaf of barley was ottered before the
Lord ; and with Pentecost, as the feast of harvest,
when the first loaves of the year were waved
before the altar: in its other meaning, it is related
to the Passover as the great yearly memorial of
the deliverance from the destroyer, and from the
tyranny of Egypt. The tents of the wilderness
furnished a home of freedom compared with the
bouse of bondage out of which they had been
brooght. Hence the Divine Word assigns as a
reason for the command that they should dwell in
huts during the festival, " that your generations
may know that I made the children of Israel to
dwell in booths, when I brought them out of the
land of Egypt " (l-ev. xxiii. 43).
But naturally connected with this exultation in
their regained freedom, was the rejoicing in the
more perfect fulfilment of God's promise, iu the
settlement of His people in the Holy Land. Hence
the festival became an expression of thanksgiving
for the rest and blowing of a settled abode, and,
as connected with it, for the regular annual cul-
tivation of the ground, with the storing up or
the corn and the wine and the oil, by which the
prosperity of the nation was promoted and the feat
I
In Surenhnstus' Jfuaaa, vol. 11.
■ There Is a lively description cf some of the hats atri
by the Jews in modem times in La Vie Juiv as JImw
p. 110, to.
1424 TABERNACLES, THE FEAST OF
U limine put into a mooter distance. Thai the
agricultural and the historical ideas of the feast
became essential!; connected with eaoh other.
But besides this, Pbilo saw in this feast a witness
for the original equality of all the members of the
chosen race. All, during the week, poor and rich, the
inhabitant alike of the palace or the hovel, lived in
huts which, in strictness, were to he of the plainest
and most ordinary materials and construction.*
From this point of view the Israelite would be
reminded with still greater edification of the perilous
and toilsome march of his forefathers through the
dejert, when the nation seemed to be more imme-
diately dependent on God for food, shelter and pro-
tection, while the completed harvest stored np for
the coming winter set before him the benefits be had
derived from the possession of the land flowing
with milk and honey which had been of old pro-
mised to his race.
But the culminating point of this blessing was
the establishment of the central spot of the national
worship in the Temple at Jerusalem. Hence it was
evidently fitting that the Feast of Tabernacles
should be kept with an unwonted degree of obser-
vance at the dedication of Solomon's Temple (1 K.
viii. 2, 65 ; Joseph. Ant. viii. 4, §5), again, after
the rebuilding of the Temple by Ezra (Neh. viii.
13-18), and a third time by Judas Maceabaeus
when he had driven out the Syrians and restored
the Temple to the worship of Jehovah (2 Mace
i. 5-8).
The origin of the Feart of Tabernacles is by some
connected with Succoth, the first halting-place of
the Israelites on their march out of Egypt ; and the
huts are taken not to commemorate the tents in the
wilderness, but the leafy booths (succoth) in which
they lodged for the last time before they entered the
desert. The feast would thus call to mind the
transition from settled to nomadic life (Stanley,
Sinai and Palatine, Appendix, §89).
Carpzov, App. Crit. p. 414; B&hr, SymbvUt, ii.
624 ; Buxt. Syn. Jud. c. xxi. ; Reland, Ant. iv. 5 ;
Lightfoot, Temple Service, xvi. and Exercit. m
Joan. rii. 2, 37 ; Otho, Lex. Rab. 280 ; the treatise
Succah, in the Mishna, with Surenhusius' Notes ;
Hupfeld, De Fest. Ilebr. pt. ii. Of the monographs
on the subject the most important appear to be,
Ikenius,/)* Libatime Aquae m Fest. Tab.; Groddek,
De Ceremunia Palmanan in Fest. Tab. (in Ugolini,
vol. xviii.), with the Notes of Dacha on Succah, in
the Jerusalem Gemara. [S. C.]
TABITHA (To3iW: Tabitha), also called
Dorcas (AofMtdi) by St. Luke: a female disciple of
Joppa, " full of good works," among which that of
making clothes for the poor is specifically men-
tioned. While St. Peter was at the neighbouring
town of Lydda, Tabitha died, upon which the disci-
ples at Joppa sent an urgent message to the Apostle,
• Some Jewish authorities sod others connect with this
the fact that In the month Tier) the weather becomes
rather cold, and hence there was a degree of self-denial, at
least (or the rich. In dwelling In hots (Jos. Ant. lit. 10, y * ;
Bust Syn. Jud. p. 441 ; KeL Ant. Iv. 5). They see In
this a reason why the eonunemorauon of the Journey
through the desert should have been fixed at this season
of the year. The notion seems, however, not to be In
keeping with the general character of the feast, the time
of which appears to have heel aetermined entirely on
agricultural ground. Hence the appropriateness of the
Uraroage of the prophet, Zech. xlv. 16, IT ; oonip. Exod.
aa2L It) Dent XfL 13-U. As little worthy of mora
TABOB
begging him to come to them wit wut delay. It c,
not quite evident from the narrative whether Ukty
looked for any exercise of miraculous power on has
part, or whether they simply wished for Christina
consolation under what they regarded as the common
calamity of their Church; but the miracle recently
performed on Eneas (Acts ix. 34), and the expression
in ver. 38 (tit\0ur few iyuir), lead to the former
supposition. Upon his arrival Peter four f tie de-
ceased already prepared for burial, and laid i ut in a*
- ipper chamber, where she was surrounded by lher
recipients and the tokens of her chanty. After the
example of our Saviour in the house of Jaima
(Matt. ix. 25; Mark v. 40), " Peter put them ad
forth," prayed for the Divine assistance, and then
commanded Tabitha to arise (comp. Mark r. 41 ;
Luke viii. 54). She opened her eyes and sat np.
and then, assisted by the Apostle, rase from hn
couch. This great miracle, as we are further told,
produced an extraordinary effect in Joppa, and waa
the occasion of many conversions there (Acta ix.
36-42).
The name of " Tabitha " (KJV3Q) is t
form answering to the Hebrew fl k 3V, i"l
gazelle," the gazelle being regarded in the East.
among both Jews and Arabs, a* a standard of
beauty, — indeed, the word \JX properly means
"beauty." St. Luke gives « Dorcas " aa the
Greek equivalent of the name. Similarly we
find topxis as the LXX. rendering of '3Y in
Deut. xii. 15, 22 ; 2 Sam. ii. 18 ; Prov. vi. 5." It
has been inferred from the occurrence of the two
names, that Tabitha was a Hellenist (see Whitby
in toe.). This, however, does not follow, even if
we suppose that the two names were actually borne
by her, as it would seem to have been the prac-
tice even of the Hebrew Jews at this period to
have a Gentile name in addition to their Jewish
name. But it is by no means clear from the lan-
guage of St. Luke that Tabitha actually bore the
name of Dorcas. All he tells us is that the name
of Tabitba means " gazelle " (Sopadx), and, for the
benefit of his Gentile readers, he afterwards speak
of her by the Greek equivalent At the same time
it is very possible that she may hare been known
by both names ; and we learn from Joeephus (2?. J.
iv. 3, §5) that the name of Dorcas was not un-
known in Palestine. Among the Greeks, also, aa we
gather from Lucret. iv. 1154, it was a term of en
deannent. Other examples of the use of the nam,
will be found in Wetstein, m foe. [W. B. J.]
TA'BOK and MOUNT "TABOB ("ton "VI,
probably = height, as in Simonis' Onamattiam,
p. 300 : TaiSJUp, epos BojWp, &aMf>, but to
'lrafivpwr in Jer. and Howe, and in Josephus, who
has also 'Krapfiipior: Thabor), one of the most
interesting and remarkable of the single mouo.
than a passing notice is the connecting the fan of Jertctw
with the Festival (Godwyn, p. »; Keland, tv. 6), sad of
tie seventy bullocks offered daring the seven days being
a symbol of the seventy Gentile nations (Reland, Iv. s>;
Bochart. l'haltf, L 16). But or somewhat more Interval
is the older notion found In Onkelos, that the shade of the
branches represented the cloud by day which sbeltareel
the Israelites. He renders the words In Lev. xxili. 43—
" that 1 made the children of Israel to dwell under the
shadow of a cloud."
• The full form ocrcra In Jndg. tv. 6, IX, 14 ; thai at
Tabor only In Josh. all. ax; Jndg. vttt. II; ra. I
IX; Jet aivt U; Hoe. v. ».
TABOR.
1425
View uf Mount Tuuor from the O.W.. Iron) * sketch uksn In 1*41 bf W. Ttupnig. E«q.. and angr«*«l t>» Bi» permruion.
Willi iu Palestine. It was a Rabbinic saying (and
shows the Jewish estimate of the attractions of
the locality) that the Temple ought of right to
have been built here, but was required by an
express revelation to be erected on Mount Moriah.
It rises abruptly from the north-eastern arm of
the Plain of Esdraelon, and stands entirely insu-
lated, except on the west, where a narrow ridge
connects it with the hills of Nazareth. It pre-
sents to the eye, as seen from a distance, a
beautiful appearance, being so symmetrical in its
proportions, and rounded off like a hemisphere or
the segment of a circle, yet varying somewhat
as viewed from different directions. The body of
•he mountain consists of the peculiar limestone of
fhe counti y. It is studded with a comparatively
dense forest of oaks, pistacias, and other trees and
bushes, with the exception of an occasional opening
on the sides and a small uneven tract on the
summit. The coverts aiTord at present a shelter
for wolves, wild boars, lynxes, and various rep-
tiles. Its height is estimated at 1000 feet, but
miiy be somewhat less rather than more. Its an-
cient name, as already suggested, indicates its ele-
vation, though it does not rise much, if at all,
above some of the other summits in the vicinity.
It is now called Jebel ct-T&r. It lies about six
or eight miles almost due east from Nazare'Ji.
The writer, in returning to that village towards
the close of the day (Mny 3rd, 1852). found
the sun as it went down in the west shining
directly in his face, with hardly any deviation to
the right haud or the ieft by a single turn of the
path. The ascent is usually made on the west side,
near the little village of Deburieh, probably the
ancient Uabemth (Josh. xix. 12), though it can
be made with entire ease in other places. It
requires three-quarters of an hour or an hour to
reach the top The path is circuitous and at
times steep, but not so much so as to render it
VOL. IU
difficult to ride the entire way. The trees and
bushes are generally so thick as to intercept the
prospect; but now and then the traveller as he
ascends comes to an open spot which reveals tc
him a magnificent view of the plain. One of the
most pleasing aspects of the landscape, as seen
from snch points, in the season of the early har-
vest, is that presented in the diversified appearance
of the fields. The different plots of ground exhibit
various colours, according to the state of culti-
vation at the time. Some of them are red, where
the land has been newly ploughed np, owing t«
the natural properties of the soil ; othcis yellow
or white, where the harvest is beginning to ripen
or is already ripe ; and others green, being covered
with grass or springing grain. As they are con-
tiguous to each other, or intermixed, these parti-
coloured plots present, as looked down upon from
above, an appearance of gay checkered work which
is singularly beautiful. The top of Tabor consists
of an irregular platform, embracing a circuit of
half-an-hour's walk and commanding wide views
of the subjacent plain from end to end. A copious
dew falls here during the warm months. Travel-
lers who have spent the night there nave found
their tents as wet in the morning as if they had
been drenched with rain.
It is the universal judgment of those who hnvs
stood on the spot thnt the panorama spread before
them as they look from Tatar includes as great a
variety of objects of natural beauty and of sacred
and historic interest as any one to be seen from
any position in the Holy Land. On the east the
waters of the Sea of Tiberias, not less than fifteen
miles distant, are seen glittering through the
clear atmosphere in the deep bed where they
repose so quietly. Though but a small portion ut
the surface of the lake tan be distinguished, the
entire outline of its basin can be traced on even
side, in the same direction the eye follows the
1426
TABOU
nunc of the Jordan for many miles ; while still
further east it rests upon a boundless perspective
of hills and valleys, embracing the modern Haurin,
and further south the mountains of the ancient
Gilcad and Bashan. The dark line which skirts
the horizon on the west is the Mediterranean ;
the rich plains of Galilee fill up the intermediate
»yari as tar as the foot of Tabor. The ridge of
Cannel lifts its head in the north-west, though
the portion which lies directly on the sea is not
distinctly visible. On the north and north-east
we behold the last ranges of Lebanon as they
rise into the hills about Snfed, overtopped in the
tear by the snow-capped Hermon, and .till nearer
to us the Horns of Hattln, the reputed Mount of
the Beatitudes. On the south are Men, first the
summits of Gilbon, which David's touching elegy
on Saul and Jonathan has fixed for ever in the
memory of mankind, and further onward a con-
fused view of the mountains and valleys which
occupy the ccntial part of Palestine. Over the
heads of Duhy aud Gilboa the spectator looks into
the valley of the Jordan in the neighbourhood of
Beisan (itself not within sight), the ancient Beth B
thenn, on whose walls the Philistines hung cp
the headless truuk of Saul, after their victory over
Israel. Looking across a branch of the plaiu of
Esdraelon, we behold Endor, the abode of the
sorceress whom the king consulted on the night
before his fatal battle. Another little village
clings to the hill-side of another ridge, on which
we gaze with still deeper interest. It is Nam,
the village of that name in the New Testament,
where the Saviour touched the bier, and restored
to life the widow's son. The Saviour must have
passed often at the foot of this mount in the course
of his journeys in different parts of Galilee. It
is not surprising that the Hebrews looked np with
so much admiration to this glorious work of the
Creator's hand. The same beauty rests upon its
orow today, the same richness of verdure refreshes
the eye, in contrast with the bleaker aspect of so
many of the adjacent mountains. The Christian
traveller yields spontaneously to the impression of
wonder and devotion, and appropriates as his own
the language of the psalmist (Ixxxix. 11, 12) : —
•■ The beavens are thine, the earth also Is Iklne;
The world and the fulness thereof, thou hast founded
them.
The north and the south thon hast crested them ;
Tabor and Hermon shall rejoice In thy name."
Tabor does not occur in the New Testament, but
makes a prominent figure in the Old. The Book
of Joshua (xix. 22) mentions it as the boundary
between Issachar and Zebulon (see ver. 12). Barak,
at the command of Debomh, assembled his forces
on Tabor, and, on the arrival of the opportune
moment, descended thence with " ten thousand
men after him" into the plain, and conquered
Sisera on the banks of the Kishon (Judg. iv. 6-15).
The brothers of Gideon, each of whom " re-
sembled the jhildren of a king," were murdered
here by Zebah and Zalmunna (Judg. viii. 18, 19).
Some writers, after Heider and others, think that
Tabor is intended when it is said of Issachar and
k Professor Stanley, In his Notices of localities viiiCtd
yntk the Prince of WaUe, lis* mentioned some particulars
attached to the modem history of Tabor which appear to
have escaped former travellers, " The fortress, of which
the rains crown the summit, had evidently four gateways.
Ilka those by which lbs great Kvman camps of our own
TABOK
Zebulon in Dent, xxxiii. 19, that "they shall cat
the people unto the mountain; there they thai,
ojlfer sacrifices of righteousness." Stanley, wbe
holds this view (Sinai and Palatine, p. 351),
remarks that he was struck with the aspect of
the open glades on the summit as specially fitted
for the convocation of futive assemblies, and could
well believe that in some remote age it may ha**
been a sanctuary of the northern tribes, if not at
the whole nation. The prophet in Hos. v. 1,
reproaches the priests and royal family with having
" been a snare on Mizpah and a net spread upon
Tabor." The charge against them probably is
that they had set up idols and practised heathenish
rites on the high places which were usually
selected fur such worship. The comparison in Jer.
xlvi. 18, " As Tabor is among the mountain* and
Cannel by the sea," imports apparently that those
heights were proverbial for their conspicuoaaaess,
beauty, and strength.
Dr. Robinson (Researches, ii. 353) ha* thus
described the ruins which are to be seen at present
on the summit of Tabor. " All around the top are
the foundations of a thick wall built of large
stones, some of which are bevelled, shoving that
the entire wall was perhaps originally of that cha-
racter. In several parts are the remains of tower*
and bastions. The chief remains are upon the
ledge of rocks on the south of the little basin, and
especially towards Its eastern end ; here are— in
indiscriminate confusion — walls, and arches, and
foundations, apparently of dwelling-houses, as well
as other buildings, some of hewn, and some of
large bevelled stones. The walls and traces of a
fortress are seen here, and further west along the
southern brow, of which one tall pointed arch of a
Saracenic gateway is still standing, and bears the
name of Bab el-Haua, ' Gate of the Wind.' Con-
nected with it are loopholes, and others are seen
near by. These latter fortifications belong to the
era of the Crusades ; but the large bevelled stones
we refer to a style of architecture not later than
the times of toe Romans, before which period,
indeed, a town and fortress already existed on
Mount Tabor. In the days of the crusaders, too,
and earlier, there were here churches and monaste-
ries. The summit has many cisterns, now mostly
dry." The same writer found the thermometer
here, tO a.m. (June 18th), at 98° F.,at sunrise at
64°, and at sunset at 74°. The Latin Christiaus
have now an altar here, at which their priests from
Nazareth perform an annual mass. The Greek*
also have a chapel, where, on certain festivals, they
assemble for the celebration of religious rites. 1 *
Most travellers who hare visited Tabor in recent
times have found it utterly solitary so far as
regards the presence of human occupants. It hap-
pened to the writer on hie visit here to meet,
unexpectedly, with four men who had taken up
their abode in this retreat, so well suited to
encourage the devotion of religious devotees. One
of them was an aged priest of the Greek Church,
a native of Wallachia, named Erinna, according to
his own account more than a hundred years old,
who had come here to await the final advent oi
country were entered. By one of these gateways my
attention was called to an Arabic Inscription, said to be
the only one on the mountain." U records the baluiuaj
or rebuilding of " this blessed fortress " by the order ul
toe Saltan Abu Bear jo bis reusm from the Ear- ~..*
TABOR
Christ. His story was an interesting one. In his
early years " he received on intimation in his sleep
that he was to build a church on a mountain shown
to him in his dream. He wandered through many
countries, and found his mountain at last ii Tabor.
There he lived, and collected money from pilgrims,
which at his death, a few years ago, amounted to
a sufficient sum to raise the church, which is
npproaching completion. He was remarkable for
his long beard and for a tame panther, which, like
the ancient hermits, he made his constant com-
panion" (Stanley, Localities, 191-2). He was a
man of huge physical proportions, and stood forth
as a good witness for the efficacy of the diet of milk
and herbs, on which, according to his own account,
he subsisted. The other three men were natives
of the same province. Two of them, having been
to Jerusalem and the Jordan on a pilgrimage, had
taken Tabor is their way on their return home-
ward, where, finding unexpectedly the priest,
whom they happened to know, they resolved to
remain with him for a time. One of them was
deliberating whether he should not take up his
permanent abode there. The fourth person was
a young man, a relative of the priest, who seemed
to hare taken on himself the filial office of caring
for hi* aged friend in the last extremity. In the
monastic ages Tabor, in consequence, partly, of a
belief that it was the scene of the Saviour's trans-
figuration, was crowded with hermits. It was one
of the shrines from the earliest period which
pilgrims to the Holy Land regarded it as a sacred
duty to honour with their presence and their
prayers. Jerome, in bis Itinerary of Paula, writes,
" Scandebat montem Thabor, in quo transfiguratua
est Dominus; aspiciebat procnl Hermon et Her-
mann; at nuspos latissimos Galilaeae (Jesreel), in
quibus Sisara prostratus est. Torrent Cison qui
mediant planitiem dividebat, et oppidum juxta,
Maine, monstrabantur."
This idea that our Saviour was transfigured on
Tabor prevailed extensively among the early Chris-
tians, who adopted legends of this nature, and
reappears often still in popular religious works.
If one might choose a place which he would deem
peculiarly fitting for so sublime a transaction, there
is none certainly which would so entirely satisfy
tur feelings in thin respect .is the lofty, majestic,
beautiful Tabor. It is impossible, however, to
acquiesce in the correctness of* this opinion. It is
susceptible of proof from the Old Testament, and
trom later history, that a fortress or town existed
on Tabor from very early times down to B.C. 50
or 53 ; and, as Josephus snys {Bell. Jvd. iv. 1, §8)
that he strengthened the fortifications of a city
there, about a.d. 60, it is morally certain that
Tabor most have been inhabited during the inter-
vening period, that is, in the days of Christ.
Tabor, therefore, could not hare been the Mount
ef Transfiguration ; tor when it is auid that Jesus
took his disciples " up into a high mountain apart
and was transfigured before them " (Matt. xvii. 1, 2),
we must understand that He brought them to the
summit of the mountain, where th**y were alone
by themselves (kot' WW). It is impossible to
ascertain with certainty what place is entitled to
the glory of this marvellous scene. The evan-
gelists record the event in connexion with a journey
o( the Saviour to Caesarea Philippi, near the
sources of the Jordan. It is conjectured that the
Transfiguration may have taken place on one of the
' i of Mount Hermon in that vicinity. See
TACHK
142.
Ritter's Erdkunfe, xr. 394 sq. ; inc. ZJchluH
stein's Lebm Jem, p. 309. For the history oS
the tradition which connects Tabor rith thf
Transfiguration, consult Robinson's Retearcnn, ii
358, 9. [H. B. H.]
TA-BOItphFI: eaxx'lu; Alex. »a$mp :
Thabor) a mentioned in the lists of 1 Chr. vi. as s
city of the Merarite Levites, in the tribe of Ze-
bulun (ver. 77). The catalogue of Levities! cities
in Josh. xxi. doe* not contain any name answering
to this (comp. vers. 34, 35). But the list of the
towns of Zebulun (lb. xix.) contains the name o.
Chisloth-Tabor (ver. 12). It is therefore, pos-
sible, either that Chisloth-Tshor is abbreviated into
Tabor by the chronicler, or that by the time these
later lists were compiled, the Meraritea had esta-
blished themselves on the sacred mountain, and that
Tabor is Mount Tabor. [G.]
TA'BOB, THE PLAIN OF (1i3B ffa} :
4 ipvs Safidp: queraa Thabor). It has been
already pointed out [see Plain, p. 890 6], that
this is an incorrect translation, and should be TUB
Oak of Tabor. It is mentioned in 1 Sam. x. 3,
only as one of the points in the homeward journey
of Saul after his anointing bj Samuel. It was the
next stage in the journey after " Rachel's sepulchre
at Zelzach." But unfortunately, like so many of
the other spots named in this interesting passage,
the position of the Oak of Tabor has not yet been
fixed.
Ewald seems to consider it certain (gewitt) that
Tabor and Deborah are merely different modes of
pronouncing the same name, and he accordingly
identifies the oak of Tabor with the tree under
which Deborah, Rachel's nurse, was buried (Gen.
xxxr. 8),. and that again with the palm, under which
Deborah the prophetess delivered her oracles (Qeach.
iii. 29, i. 390, ii. 489), and this again with the
Oak of the old Prophet near Bethel (ib. iii.
444). But this, though most ingenious, can only
be received as a conjecture, and the position on
wmch it would land us — "between Kamah and
Bethel " (Judg. iv. 5), is too far from Rachel s se-
pulchre to fall in with the conditions of the nar-
rative of Saul's journey, as long as we hold that to
be the traditional sepulchre near Bethlehem. A
further opportunity for examining this most pux-
zling route will occur under ZelzaH; but the
writer is not sanguine enough to hope that any
light can be thrown on it in the present state of
our knowledge. [G.J
TABRET. [TuiBBEl.]
TAB'BBION (Ito-nt?: TofrptfiA; Alex.To-
fitvpajini : Tobremon). Properly, Tabrimmon, t. e.
" good is Kimmon," the Syrian god ; compare the
analogous forms Tobiel, Tobiah, and the Phoenician
Tab-aram fGesen. Mm. Phoen. 456 1. The father of
Benhadad I., king of Syria in the reign of Asa
(1 K. xr. 18).
TACHE-Dli?-. Kplxox: circulia, fibula). Tht
woid thus rendered occurs only in the description
of the structure of the tabernacle and it* fitting!
(Ex. xxri. 6, 11, 33, xxxv. 11, xxxvi. 13, xxxix.
33), and appears to indicate the small hooks by
which a curtain is suspended to the rings frenj
which it hangs, or connected vertically, as b th:
case of the veil of the Holy of Holies, with thi
loous of another curtail.. The history of the Lngthl
4 Y3
1428 TACHMONITE, THE
word ii philologically interesting, u presenting
point's of contact with many different languages.
The Gaelic and Untoo brandies of the Keltic family
give toe, or tack, in the sense of a nail or book.
The latter meaning appeal's in the attaccare, stac-
cart, of Italian, in the attacker, detacJter, of French.
On the other hand, in the tak of Dutch, and the
Zacke of German, ve hire a word of like sound and
kindred meaning. Our Anglo-Saxon taccan and Eng -
lish take, (to seize •» with a hook ?) are probably
connected with it In later use the word has slightly
altered both its form and meaning, and the tack is
no longer a hook, but a small flnb-headed nail (comp.
Dies, Soman. Worterb. s. v. Tacco). [E. H. 1'.]
TACHMONITE, THE OitorW: oXom-
nuot : tapicntiaimut). " Tlie Tachmonite (pro-
perly, Tmhcemonite) that sat in the seat," chief
among Davids captains (2 Sam. zziii. 8), is in
1 Chr. xi. 1 1 called * Jashobeam an Hachmonite,"
or, as the margin gives it, " son of Hachmoni."
The Geneva version has in 2 Sam. zziii. 8, " He
that sate in the Mate of wisedome, being chiefe of
the princes, was Adino of Ezoi," regarding " Tach-
monite " as an adjective derived from D3PI, chac&m,
" wise," and in this derivation following Kimchi.
Kennioott has shown, with much appearance of pro-
bability, that the words TafZ 3B*, yishtb bas-
shehtth, " he that sat in the seat," are a corruption
of Jashobeam, the true name of the hero, and that
the mistake arose from an error of the transcriber,
who carelessly inserted FOB'S from the previous
verse where it occurs. He further considers " the
Tachmonite" a corruption of the appellation in
Chronicles, "son of Hachmoni," which was the
family or local name of Jashobeam. " The name here
in Samuel was at first *0D3nn, the article fl at
the beginning having been corrupted into a fl ; for
the word p in Chronicles is regularly supplied in
Samuel by that article" (Dissert, p. 82). There-
fore he concludes " Jashobeam the Hachmonite " to
have been the true reading. Josephus (Ant. vii.
12, §4) calls him 'ItWouos- vlis 'Ax«fwiov, which
favours Kennioott 's emendation. [W. A. W.]
TADMOB ("tenn : BoeS/ios: Palmira), called
"Tadmor in the wilderness'* (2 Chr. viii. 4).
There is ro reasonable doubt that this city, said to
have been built by Solomon, is the same as the
one known to ths Greeks and Romans and to
modern Europe by the name, in some form or
other, of Palmyra (IlaX/iupd, IToAjiipd, Palmira).
The identity of the two cities results from the
following circumstances : 1st, The same city is spe-
cially mentioned by Josephus (Ant. viii. 6, §1) as
bearing fa his time the name of Tndmor among the
Syrians, tid Palmyra among the Greeks; and in
his Latin translation of the Old Testament, Jerome
translates Tadmor by Palmira (2 Chr. viii. 4).
2ndly, The modern Arabic name of Palmyra is
substantially the same as the Hebrew word, being
Tadmur or Tathmur. Srdly, The woid Tndmor
has nearly the same meaning as Palmyra, signifying
probably the " City of Palms," from Tamar, a Palm ;
and this is confirmed by the Arabic word for Palma,
a Spanish town on the Guadalquivir, which is said
to be called Tadrolr (sec Gesenins in his Thesaurus,
p. 345). 4lhly, The name Tadmor or Tadmor
actually occurs as the name of the city in Aramaic
and Greek inscriptions which have been fonnd
there. Sthly, In the Chronicles, the city is meo-
TADMOR
Ooncd as having been built by Solomon alter tin
conquest of Hamath Zobah, and it is named in con-
junction with "all the store-cities which he built
in Hamath." This accords fully with the sitoatHO
of Palmyra [Hamath]; and there is no other kzaswc
city, either in the desert or not in the desert, which
can lay claim to the name of Tadmor.
In addition to the passage in the Chronicles, these
is a passage in the Book of Kings (.1 K. ix. 18; is
which, accoiding to the marginal leading (Keri), the
statement that Solomon built Tadmor, likewise
occurs. But on referring to the original text
(Cetliib\ the word is found to be not Tadmor,
bat Tamar. New, as all the other towns men-
tioned in this passage with Tamar are in Palestine
(Gezer, Beth-boron. Baalath), as it is said of
Tamar that it was " in the wilderness in the land,"
and as, in Ezekiel's prophetical description of the
Holy Land, there is a Tamar mentioned as one of
the borders of the land on the south (Ex. xlvii.
19), where, as is notorious, there is a desert, it is
probable that the author of the Book of Kings did
not really mean to refer to Palmyra, and that the
marginal reading of" Tadmor " was founded on the
passage in the Chronicles (see Thenius, Exegetisckes
HandUuch, 1 K. iz. 18).
If this is admitted, the suspicion naturally sug-
gests itself, that the compiler of the Chronicles may
have misapprehended the original passage in the
Book of Kings, and may have incorrectly written
"Tadmor" instead of "tamar." On this hypothesis
there would have been a cuiious circle of mistakes;
and the final result woild be, that any supposed
connexion between Solomon and the foundation of
Palmyra must be regarded as purely imaginary.
This conclusion is not necessaiily inconect or un-
reasonable, but there are not sutbeient reasons tor
adopting it. In the first place, the Tadawr ol
the Chronicles is not mentioned in connexion with
the same cities as the Tamar of the Kings, so there
is nothing cogent to suggest the inference that the
statement of the Chronicles was copied from the
Kings. Secondly, admitting the historical correct-
ness of the statement that the kingdom of Solomon
extended from Gaza, near the Mediterranean Sea, to
Tiphsah or Thapsacus, on the Euphrates ( I K. iv.
24; comp. Ps. lxxii. 8, 9), it would be in the
highest degree probable that Solomon occupied and
garrisoned such a veiy important station for con-
necting different parts of his dominions as Palmyra.
And, even without reference to military and political
considerations, it would hare been a masterly po-
licy in Solomon to have secured Palmyra as a point
of commercial communication with the Euphrates,
Babylon, and the Pei-sion Gulf. It is evident that
Solomon had large views of commerce ; and as we
know that he availed himself of the nautical skill
of the Tyrians by causing some of his own sub-
jects to accompany them in distant vovages from a
port on the fad Sea (I K. ix 26, 27". 28, x. 2 -J ,
it is unlikely that he .diould have neglected trao>
by land with such a centre of wealth and civilisa-
tion as Babylon. But tluit great city, though M
nearly in the same latitude with Jerusalem that
there is not the difference of even one degree be-
tween them, was separated from Jerusalem by a
great desert, so that regular diieet communication
between the two cities was impracticable. In
a celebrated passage, indeed, of Isaiah (xl. 3), con-
nected with " the voice of him that crieih in
the wildarne*'.," imoges are introduced of a direct
return of toe Jewish exiles from Babylon through
TADMOB
ibe lesert. Such i route was kmwn to the
Dedawtn of the desert; and may have been excep-
tionally paused ot*» by others ; but evidently these
ullages are only poetical, and it may be deemed
indisputable that the successive caravans of Jews
tvno returned to their own land from Babylon
arrived from the tame quarter as Nebuchadnezzar
and the Cnaldaeans (Jer. i. 14, 15, x. 22, xxv. 9),
vix., from the North. In fact, Babylon thus be-
came so associated with the Noith in the minds of
the Jews, that in one passage of Jeremiah* (xxiii. 8)
it is called " the North country," and il is by no
means impossible that many of the Jews may have
been ignorant that Babylon was nearly due east
fi-om Jerusalem, although somewhat more than
600 miles distant. Now, the way in which Pal-
myra would have been useful to Solomon in trade
between Babylon and the west is evident from a
glance at a good map. By merely following the
road up the stream on the .right bank of the
Euphrates, the traveller goes in a north-westerly
direction, and the width of the desert becomes pro-
portionally less, till at length, from a point on the
Kuphrates, there arc only about 120 miles aenxfe
the desert to Palmyra,* and thence about the same
distance across the desert to Damascus. From
Damascus there were ultimately two roads into
Palestine, one on each side of the Jordan; and
there was an easy communication with Tyre by
Pandas, or Caesarea Philippi, now Bdnids. It is
true that the Assyrian and Chaldee armies did not
citws the desert by Palmyra, but took the more cir-
cuitous road by Hamath on the Orontes : but this
was doubtless owing to the greater facilities which
tliat mute afforded for the subsistence of the cavalry
of which those armies were mainly composed. For
mere purposes of trade, the shorter road by Pal-
myra had some decided advantages, as long as it
was thoroughly secure. See Movers, Das PhBniz-
ische AlUrthwn, 3ter Thei', p. 243, Ac.
Hence there are not sufficiently valid reasons for
denying the statement in the Chronicles that Solo-
mon built Tadmor in the wilderness, or Palmyra.
As, however, the city is nowhere else mentioned
in the whole Bible, it would be out of place to
enter into a long, detailed history of it on the
present occasion. The following leading facts, how-
ever, may be mentioned. The tint author of anti-
quity who mentions Palmyra is Pliny the Elder
(Hist. Wat. r. 26), who says, " Palmira nobilis
urbs situ, divitiis soli et aquis amoenis vasto undique
ambitu arenia includit agros ; " and then proceeds
to speak of it as placed apart, as it were between
the two empires of the Romans and the Parthians,
and as the first object of solicitude to each at the
commencement of war. Afterwards it was men-
tioned by Appian (Be Bell. CMI. v. 9), in refer-
ence to a still earlier period of time, in connection
with a design of Mark Antony to let his cavalry
plunder it. The inhabitants are said to have
withdrawn themselves and their effects to a strong
positivn on the Euphrates — and the cavalry entered
an empty city. In the second century A.D.
it seems to have been beautified by the Emperor
Hadrian, as may be inferred from a statement of
TADMOB
1429
• A misunderstanding of this passage has counte-
nanced lue Ideas of those who believe in a future second
rctarn of the Jews to Palestine- This belief may, under
pecsUsrly favourable circumstances, lead hereafter to its
own realisation. Il has not, however, been hitherto
raiSy proved that a second dispersion or a second return
af the Jean was arar contemplated by any Hebrew
Stepbanus of Byxantinm as to the name of the city
having been changed to Hadrianopolis (s. t>. IlaV
pvpd). In the beginning of the third century a.d.
It became a Roman colony undei Oaracalla (211-
217 A.D.), and received the jus Italicum. Subse-
quently, in the reign of Gallienus, the Roman
Senate invested Odenathus, a senator of 1 almyra,
with the regal dignity, on account of his services in
defeafing Sapor king of Persia. On the Assassination
of Odaiathus, his celebrated wife Zenobia seems to
have conceived the design of erecting Palmyra into
an independent monarchy; and, in prosecution of
this object, she, for a while, successfully resisted the
Roman arms. She was at length defeated and taken
captive by the Emperor Aurelian (a.d. 273), who
left a Roman garrison in Palmyra. This garrison
was massacred in a revolt • and Aurelian punished
the at/ by the execution not only of those who
were taken in arms, but likewise of common pea-
sants, of old men, women, and children. From this
blow Palmyra never recovered, though there are
proofs of its having continued to be inhabited until
the downfall of the Roman Empire. There is a
fragment of a building, with a Latin inscription,
bearing the name of Diocletian ; and there arc
existing walls of the city of the age of the Em
paror Justinian. In 1172, Benjamin of Tudet.
found 4000 Jews there; and at a Inter period
Abulfeda mentioned it as full of splendid ruins.
Subsequently its very existence had become un-
known to modem Europe, when, in 1691 A.D., it
was visited by some merchants from the English
factory in Aleppo; and an account of their dis-
coveries was published in 1695, in the Philosophical
Transactions (vol. xix. No. 217, p. 83, No. 218,
p. 129). In 1751, Robert Wood took drawings
of the ruins on a very large scale, which he
published in 1753, in a splendid folio work, under
the title of The Ruins of Palmyra, othervnst,
Tadmor in the Desert. This work still continue
to be the best on Palmyra; and its valuable en-
gravings fully justify the poweiful impression which
the ruins make on every intelligent traveller who
crosses the desert to visit them. The colonnade
and individual temples are inferior in beauty and
majesty to those which may be seen elsewhere-
such, for example, as the Parthenon, and the re-
mains of the Temple of Jupiter, at Athens : and
there is evidently no one temple equal to the Temple
of the Sun at Baalbek, which, as built both at about
the same period of time and in the same order of
architecture, suggests itself most naturally as an
object of comparison. But the long lines of
Corinthian columns at Palmyra, as seen at a dis-
tance, are peculiarly imposing ; and in their general
effect and apparent vastness, they seem to surpass
all other ruins of the same land. All the buildings
tu which these columns belonged were probably
erected in the second and thiid centuries of our
aera. Many inscriptions are of later date ; but
no inscription earlier than the second century seems
yet to have been discovered.
For further information consult the original au-
thorities for the history of Palmyra in the Scriptom
Historiae Auguttae, Triginta 7branni, xiv., Diem
prophet.
b The exact latitude and longitude of Palmyra do not
seem to have been scientifically taken. Mr. Wood men-
tions that his party bad no quadrant with them, and
there Is a disagreement between various maps and geo-
graphical works. Accord'ng to Mr. Johnston, the posltlM
Is, la*. 34° 18' N„ and long. 38° M' £.
1430 TAHAN
AuretianuM, xxvi, ; Eutropim, ix. cap. 10, 11, 12.
Id 1696 4.D., Abraham Seller published a most
instructive work entitled, The Antiquities of Pal-
myra, containing th. History of the City and its
Emperors, which contain* several Groek inscrip-
tions, with translations and explanations. The
Preface to Wood's work likewise contains a detailed
TAHPANHES
history of the city; and Gibbon, in tlie lite
chapter of the Decline and Pall, has girci a
account of Palmyra with his usual vigour sad
accuracy. For an interesting account of the pre-
sent state of the ruins see Porter's Handbook f<r
Syria and Palestine, pp. 543-549, and Beaufort'*
Egyptian Sepulchres, lie. i. [E. T.l
» of Tiowr or rauvyia.
TAHAN (jnj? Tordx. »««»• Tliehen,
Thaan). A descendant of Ephraim, but of what
fcgree is uncertain (Num. xxvi. 35). In 1 Chr.
vii. 25 be appears as the son of Telah.
TA'HANITES, THE ('jnnn: » Taya X l:
Thehenitae). The descendants of the pieceding, a
branch of the tribe of Kphraim (Num. xxvi. 35).
TA'EATH (nnn: BaiS-. Thahath). 1. A
Kohathite Levite, ancestor of Samuel and Hcmnn
(1 Chr. n. 24, 37 [9, 22]).
2. (e«u£8 j Al'». 0cM.) According to the pre-
sent text, son oi' Beied, and greatrgrandsnn of
Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 20). Burlington, however
(Qeneal. i. 273), identifies Tahath with Tahan, the
son of Ephraim.
3. (2ud$ ; Alex. No/« 4.) Grandson of the pre-
ceding, as the text now stands (1 Chr. vii. 20).
But Burlington considers him as a son of Ephraim
lii. tab. xix.). In this case Tahath was our of the
sons of Ephraim who were slain by the men of
Gath in a raid made upon their cattle.
TA'HATH (nnn : KoTaifl). The name of a
desert-station of the Israelites between Makheloth
and Tarah (Num. xxxiii. 26). The name, signifying
•' under " or " below," may relate to the level oi
the ground. The site has not been identified.
Tachta, from the same root, is the common word
employed to designate the lower one of the double
villages so common in Syria, the upper one being
Joka. Thus Beitir el-foka is the upper Beth-horon,
Beitur el-tachta the lower one. [H. H.]
TAHTANHE8, TEHAPH'NEHES, TA-
hap'anes (Dra9nn. Dmcnn, MBnn, the
■ast form in test, but Keri has first : Tipvut,
Ti<pym : Tuphnis, TapAne). A city of Egypt, oi
importance in the time of the prophets Jeremiah am)
Kzekiel. The name is evidently Egyptian, and dorfly
resembles that of the Egyptian queen Tahpenks.
The Coptic name of this place, TA.«J>rtA.C,
(Qnatremere, Mnn. Gfaj. et Hist. i. 297, 29S), ii
evidently derived from the LXX. form : the Or.
and Lat. forms, &d<prai, Hdt., Adtprrj, Steph. Ryi..
Dafno, I tin. Ant., are perhaps nearer to the Egyp-
tian original (see Parthey, Zur Erdkvnde dts Attn
Aegyptens, p. 528).
Tahpanhes was evidently a town of Lower Egypt
near or on the eastern border. When Johnnan ai»l
the other captains went into Egypt " they came t«
Tahpanhes" (Jer. xliii. 7). Here Jeremiah pro-
phesied the conquest of the country by Nebuchad
nezzar (8-13). Kzekiel foretells a battle to be
there fought apparently by the king of Babylon
just mentioned (xix. 18). The Jews in Jeremiah (
time remained here 'Jer. xliv. 1). It was an im-
portant town, being twice mentioned by the latter
prophet with Noph or Memphis (ii. 16, xlvi. M ,
as well as in the passage last previously cited. Ht-re
stood a house of Pharaoh Hophra before which
Jeremiah hid great stones, where the throne «l
Nebuchadnezzar would afterwards be set, and h»
pavilion spread (xliii. 8-10). It is mentioned
with " Ramesse and all the land of Gesen" in Jnd.
i. 9. Herodotus callx this place Daphnae of Pela-
sium (AtUprai al nnAoiwIai), and relates th.it
Psammetichus I. here had a garrison against the
Arabians and Syrians, as at Elephantine ■gains',
the Ethiopians, and at Marea against Libya, adding
that in his own time the Persians had garrisons at
Daphnae and Elephantine (ii. 30). Daphnae wss
therefore a very important post under the xxrito
dynasty. According to Stephanas it was) near
Pelusium (j. v.).
TAIlHiNES
In the Itinerary of AnUmami this town, called
Dafho, is placed 16 Roman dies to the south-west
af Pelusium (up. Parttcr, Map vi., where observe
that thj name of Pelusium is omitted). This posi-
tior seems to agi'ee with that of Tel-Defenneh,
which Sir Gardner Wilkinson supposes to mark the
site of Daphnae (Modern Egypt and Thebes, i. 447,
448). This identification favours the inland posi-
tion of the sit* of Pelusium, if we may trust to the
distance stated in the Itinerary. [SIN.] Sir G.
Wilkinson (/. c.) thinks it was an outpost of
Pelusium. It may be observed that the Camps, t«
SrparoVfoo., the fixed garrison of Ionians and
Canons vetablished by Psammetichus I., may pos-
sibly nave been at Daphnae. Can the name be
of Greek origin? If the Hanes mentioned by
Isaiah (ux. 4) be the same as Tahpanhes, as we
have suggested (s. v.), this conjecture must be dis-
missed. No satisfactory Egyptian etymology of this
name has been suggested, Jablonski'a T~A.<t>6~
eiTeg,, "the head" or "beginning of the
age" (Opusc. i. 343), being quite -untenable, nor
has any Egyptian name resembling it been dis-
covered.* The name of Queen Tahpenes throws
no light upon this matter. [R. S. P.]
TAH'PENES (D»»rW : 8««/</ra: Taphna),
a proper name of an Egyptian queen. She was wife
of the Pharaoh who received Hadad the Edomite,
and who gave him her sister in marriage (1 K. xi.
18-20). In the LXX. the latter is called the elder
sister of Thekemina, and in the addition to ch. xii.
Shishak (Susakim) is said to have given Ano, the
elder sister of Thekemina his wife, to Jeroboam.
It is obvious that this and the earlier statement
are Irreconcileable, even if the evidence from the
probable repetition of an elder sister be set aside,
and it is scarcely necessary to add that the name
of Shishak's chief or only wife, KARA AM AT, don
not support the LXX. addition. [Shishak.] There
is therefore but one Tahpenes or Thekemina. At
the time to which the narrative refers there were
probably two, if not three, lines ruling in Egypt,
the Tanites of the xxist dynasty in the lower
country, the high-priest kings at Thebes, but pos-
sibly they were of the same line, and perhaps one
of the last fainfant* of the Rameses family. To
the Tanite line, as apparently then the most power-
ful, and as holding the territory nearest Palestine,
the Pharaoh in question, as well as the father-in-
law of Solomon, probably belonged. If Manetho's
list be correct he may be conjectured to have been
Psusennes. [Pharaoh.] No name that has any
near resemblance to either Tahpenes or Thekemina
has yet been found among those of the period (see
Lepsius, K6nigsbuch). ' [R. S. I\]
TAHKE'A (jnnn : BaoA x i Alex. Sop** :
Tharaa). Son of Micah, and grandson of Mrphi-
bosheth (1 Chr. ix. 41). In the parallel list of
1 Chr. viii. 35 his name appears as Tauea.
TAHTIH HOD'SHI, THE LAND OF
PtTWl D*RfWI fTJC : «I» tV Bafiaam * irriv
Nepoffai; Alex, ynv ttomr abaaat: terra inferiora
Hodti). One of the places visited by Joab during
his census of the land of Israel. It occurs between
Gilsad and Dan-jaan (2 Sam. xxiv. 6). The name
has puxzled all the interpreters. The old versions
FALMA1
1431
* Dr. Brngsch, following Mr. Heath (Efcodu Papyri,
p. IM), Identifies the fort TeBNeT with Tabpanbes; but
B>!s name does not seem to us suffldcntlv near cither to
throw no light upon it. Fttrst (ffandtcb. i. 380)
proposes to separatt the " Land of the Tachtim
from " Hodshi," and to read the latter as Harahi—
the people of Harosheth (comp. Judg. iv. 2). The-
nius restores the text of the LXX. to read " the Lane*
of Bashan, which is Edrei." This in itself is feasible
although it is certainly very difficult to connect it
with the Hebrew. Ewald (&escA. iii. 207) proposes
to read Hermon for Hodshi ; and Gesenius ( Tket.
450 a) dismisses the passage with a vie pro nam
habendum.
There is a district called the Ard et-tahta, to the
E.N.E. of Damascus, which ivcalls the old name —
but there is nothing to show that any Israelite was
living so far from the Holy Land in the time of
David. [G.J
TALENT (133: Tt^arror: talentum), the
greatest weight of the Hebrews. Its Hebrew name
properly signifies " a circle" or "globe," and was
perhaps given to it on account of a form in which
it was anciently made. The Assyrian name of the
talent is tiktm according to Dr. Hincks.
The subject of the Hebrew talent will be fully
discussed in a later article [Weights], [R. S. P.]
*
TALITHA CUVl <T«A.eo mvtu: J*-*^
*. *
uOaX lO ). Two Synac words (Hark v. 41).
signifying " Damsel, arise."
The word NJlvD occurs in the Chaldee para-
phrase of Prov. ix. 3, where it signifies a girl ; and
Lightfoot (Horae Hcb. Mark v. 41) gives an in-
stance of its use in the same sense by a Rabbinical
writer. Gesenius ( Tliesatirm, 550) derives it from
the Hebrew flTD, a lamb. The word *D1p is both
Hebrew and Syriac (2 p. fern. Imperative, Kal, and
Peal), signifying stand, arise.
As might be expected, the last clause of this
verse, after Cumi, is not found in the Syriac ver-
sion.
Jerome (Ep. lvii. ad Pammachium, Opp. torn. i.
p. 308, ed. Vallars.) records that St. Mark was
blamed for a false translation on account of the
insertion of the words, " I say unto thee ;" but
Jerome points to this as an instance of the superi-
ority of a free over a literal translation, inasmuch
as the words inserted serve to show the emphasis of
our hord's manner in giving this command on His
own personal authority. [W. T. B.]
TALMA'I ('&ta: eeAotil, eoAopI, Bo\ui;
Alex.e«Aofi«f>',eoAua(,eou«(: Tholmat,. X. One
of the three sons of " the Anak," who were driven
out from their settlement in Kirjath-Arba, and
slain by the men of Judah, under the command
of Caleb (Num. xiii. 22; Josh. xv. 14; Judg.
i. 10).
2. (Qokid in 2 Sam., eoAjuut in 1 Chr. ; Alex.
eoAftff, eoAojuot, eoAjurf: Thotmal, Thohmai.)
Son of Ammihud, king of Geshur (2 Sam. iii. 3,
xiii. 37 ; 1 Chr. iii. 2). His daughter Maachah
was one of the wives of David and mother of Absa-
lom. He was probably a petty chieftain dependent
on David, and his wild retreat in Bashan afforded a
shelter to his grandson after the assassination oi
Amnon.
tbe Hebrew or to the Greek (Geejr. Aster. L S0O.SO1
Tat M. no. HHJt
1432 TALMON
TAL'MON ((Kho : Ttk/uir, bat T.JUuii* in
Nch. xi. 19; Alex. TcA./idV, ToAjiaV, TtKaptlr:
Telaum). The head of i> family of doorkeepers in
the Temple, M the porters for tlie camps of tlie sons
•a Levi " (1 Chr. ix. 17; Neh. xi. 19). Some of
his descendant* returned w : th Zcrnbbabel (Ezr. ii.
42 ; Neh. vii. 45), and were employed in their
hereditary office in the days of Nehemiah and Kzia
(Neh. xii. 25), for the proper names in this passage
most be considered as the names of families.
TAL'SAS (UXias: Vtabaa). Elasah (1 Esd.
•x. 22).
TA'MAH TtOJV. «niii; FA H^ofl: T.'tema.
The children of Tamah, or Thamah (Exr. ii. 53),
were among the Nethinim who returned with
ZerubUitxl (Neb. vii. 55).
TA'MAH (TOR = " palm-tree "). The name
cl three women remarkable in the history of Israel.
1. (0ipap : Thamnr). The wife successivel y of
the two sonsol Judah, Kr and Onan (Gen. xxxriii.
6-30). Her importance in the sacred narrative
depends on the great aniiety to keep up the liueiige
of Judah. It seemed as if the family were on the
point of extinction. Er and Onas had successively
perished suddenly. Judah 'a wife Bathshuah died ;
and there only remained a child Shelah, whom
Judah was unwilling to trust to the dangerous
union, as it appeared, with Tamar, K-ft Ue should
meet with the same fate as his brotherr.. That he
should, however, many her seems to have been re-
garded as part of the fixed law of the tribe, whence
its incorporation into the Mosaic Law in after times
(Dent. xxt. 5 ; Matt. xxh. 24) ; and, as such, Tamar
was determined not to let the opportunity escape
through Judah'a parental anxiety. Accordingly
•he resorted to the desperate expedient of en-
trapping the father himself into the union which
he feared for his son. He, on the first emergence
from his mourning for his wife, went to one of
the festival* often mentioned in Jewish history as
attendant on sheep-shearing. He wore on his finger
the ring of his chieftainship ; he camel his staff in
his hand ; he wore a collar or necklace round his
neck. He was encountered by a veiled woman on
the road leading to Timnath, the future birthplace
of Samson, amongst the hills of Dan. He took her
for one of the unfortunate women who were conse-
crated to the impure rites of the Canaanite worship.
[Sodomites.] He promised her, as the price of
his intercourse, a kid from the flocks to which he
was going, and left as his pledge his ornaments
and his staff. The kid he sent back by hi* shep-
herd (LXX.), Hirah of Adullnm. The woman
could nowhere be found. Months afterwards it
was discovered to be his own daughter-in-law
Tamar who had thus concealed herself under the
veil or mantle, which she cast off on her return
home, where she resumed the seclusion and dress of
a widow. Shew** sentenced to be burnt alive, and
was only saved by the discovery, through the
pledges which Judah b;A left, that her seducer
was no !<tss than the chieftau. of the tribe. He
had the magic niraity to recognise thu* she had been
driven into this crime by his own neglect of his
promise to give her in marriage to his youngest son.
" She hath been more righteous than 1 . . . . and he
knew her again no more " [G*a. xxxriii. 26). The
(hat of this intercourse were twins, Piiai.f.z and
ZaraH, and through I'hnrex tlio sacred line «'
TAMAR
continued. Hence the prominence given to Tana
in the nuptial benediction oi the tribe of Judal
(Ruth it. 12), and in the genealogy of our Lorj
(Matt. i. 3).
The story is important ( 1 .) as showing the sig-
nificance, from eirly times, attached to the coi-
tinuance of the line of Judah; (2.) as a glirnp-*
into the rough manners of the patriarchal tint-;
(3. ) as the germ of a famous Mosaic law.
2. (&i)u&p; Alex. ea,uap; Joseph. &ap.Af>a:
Tiiamar.) Daughter of David uid Ma.ich.ih tie
Geshurite princess, and thus sister of Abs.i!--r.i
(2 Sam. xiii. 1-32; I Chr. iii. 9j Joseph. Ah'.
Tit. S, §1 ). She and her brother were kJk re-
markable for their extraordinary beauty. Her name
(" Palm-tree") may have been given ber on tin
account. This fa'al beauty inspired a frantic
passion in her half-brother Atnuon, the eldest son
of Divid by Ahinoam. He wasted away from
tlie feeling that it was impossible to gratify his
desire, "for she was a viigin" — the narrative
leaves it uncertain whether from a scruple oo
his part, or from the seclusion in which in ber
unmarried state she was kept. Morning by morn-
ing, as be received the visits of his friend Josa-
dab, he is paler and thinner (Joseph. Ant. vii.
H, §1). Jonadab discovers the cause, and suggests b'
him the means of accomplishing his wkked pur-
pose. He was to feign sickness. The king, wbc
appears to have entertained a considerable anectkm,
almost awe, for him, as the eldest son (2 Sam. siii.
5, 21 : LXX.), came to visit him ; and Amnon en*
treated the presence of Tamar, on the pretext that
she alone could give him food that he would est.
What follows is curious, as showing the eimpl ; city
of the royal life, it would almost seem that Tamar
was supposed to have a peculiar art of baking pa-
latable cakes. She came to his house (for each
prince appears to have had a separate establishment),
took the dough and kneaded it, and then in his
presence (for this was to be a part of his fancy,
as though there were something exquisite in the
manner of her performing the work) kneaded it f
second time into the form of cakes. The name giver
to these cakes ( Ubibah), " heart-cakes," has been
variously explained : " hollow cakes " — " cakes with
some stimulating spices ** (like our word cardial) —
cakes in the shape of a heart Hike the Moravian
gerihrte Kertm, Thenius, ad Inc.) — cakes " the de-
light of the heart." Whatever it be, It implies
something special and peculiar. She then took ths
pan, in which they had been baked, and poured
them all out in a heap before the prince. This
operation seems to have gone on in an outer room
on which Amnon 's bedchamber opened. He cauwe
bis attendants to retire — called her to the inner room
and there accomplished his design. In her touching
remonstrance two points are remarkable. First, the
expression of the infamy of such a crime M in laratl"
implying the loftier standard of morals that prevailed,
as compared with other countries at that tine ; and.
secondly, the belief that even this standard might
be overborne lawfully by royal authority — "Speak
to the r'ng, for he will not withhold me from tlie*."
This expression has led to much needless explanation,
from its contradiction to Lev. xviii. 9, xx. 17 ; Deut.
xxrii. 22 : as, e.gr., that, her mother Maachah not
Wing a Jewess, there was no proper legal relation-
ship between her and Amnon; or that she »«*
ignorant of the law : or that the Mosaic laws wen
not t!.-n in existence (Tlienins, ad foe.). It i*
e-i.-u.-li r». . ij-i-r-se, wha« ev.d->i»»lv ber whole speeil
TAJtAK
■inp.ics, that the king had a dispelling power,
which waa conceived to cover even extreme cases.
The brutal hatred of Amnon succeeding to his
brutal passion, and the indignation of Tamar at hit
oarbarous insult, even surpassing her indignation
at his shameful outrage, are pathetically and gra-
phically told, and in the narrative another glimpse
is given us of the manners of the royal household.
The unmarried princesses, it seems, were distin-
guished by robes or gowns with sleeves (so the
LXX., Josephiis, &c., take the word translated in
the A. V. " divers colours "). Such was the
diess worn by Tamar on the present occasion, and
when the guard a> Amnon 's door had thmst her
ont and closed the door after her to prevent her re-
turn, she, in her agony, snatched handfuls of ashes
from the ground and threw them on her hair, then
tore off her royal sleeves, and clasped her bare bands
upon her head, and rushed to and fro through the
streets screaming aloud. In this state she encoun-
tered her brother Absalom, who took her to his
house, where she remained as if in a state of
widowhood. The king was afraid or unwilling to
interfere with the heir to the throne, but she was
avenged by Absalom, as Dinah had been by Simeon
and Levi, and out of that vengeance grew the series
of calamities which darkened the close of David's
reign.
The story of Tamar, revolting as it is, has the
interest of revealing to us the interior of the royal
household beyond that of acy other iucideot of
those times. (1.) The establishments of the princes.
(2.) The simplicity of the royal employments.
(3.) The dre>s of the princesses. (4.) The relation
of the king to the princes and to the law.
3. (Bripdp; Alex. Ba/iip : Thamar.) Daughter
of Absalom, called probably after her beautiful aunt,
and inheriting the beauty of both aunt and father
(2 Sam. xiv. 7). She was the sole survivor of
the house of Absalom ; and ultimately, by her
marriage with Uriah of Gibeah, became the mother
of Maachah, the future queen of Judah, or wife
of Abijah (I K. xv. 2), Maachah being called
after her great-grandmother, as Tamar after her
•unt. [A. P. S.]
TAHAB (TDFI: 8oi/iaK« in both MSS. :
Tluunar). A spot on the south-eastern frontier of
Judah, named in Exek. xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28 only,
evidently called from a palm-tree. If not Hazazon
Tamar, the old name of Engedi, it may be a place
called Thamar in the Onomattioon (" Hazaxon
Tamar "), a day's journey south of Hebron. The
l'sutinger Tables give Thamar in the same direc-
tion, and Robinson (B. R. ii. 198, 201) identifies
the place with the ruins of an old fortress at
Kiirnub. De Saulry (Narr. i. ch. 7) endeavours
to establish a connexion between Tamar and the
Kalaat embarrbeg, at the mouth of the ravine of
that name on the S.W. side of the Dead Sea, on
the ground (amongst others) that the names are
similar. But this, to say the least, is more than
•ionbtful. [A. P. S. ]
TAJTMUZ (n©nn: i eowiotSf: Adonis).
Properly "the Tammuz," the article indicating
that at some time or other the word had been re-
garded as an appellative, though at the time of its
TAMMUZ
1431
* Kb. zlvil. |S contains an Instance of the double
HsimIsIIiiii not Infrequent In the present text of the
UIi sWo Oustar ami tHnum.
occurrence and subsequently it may .lave beer
applied as a proper name. As it is found once only
in the 0. T., and then in a pa-sage of extreme ob-
scurity, it is not surprising that man} conjectures
have been formed ennrerning it ; ar J as none of tlie
opinions which have been expressed rise above the
importance of conjecture, it will 1« the object of
this article to set them forth as clearly as possiblu,
and to give at least a history of what has been said
upon the subject.
In the sixth year of the captivity of Jehoiachin,
in the sixth month and on the fifth day of the
month, the prophet Kzekiel as he sat in his house
surrounded by the elders of Judah, was transported
in spirit to the far distant Temple at Jerusalem.
The hand of the Lord God was upon him, and led
him " to the door of the gate of the house of Je-
hovah, which was towards the north ; and behold
there the women sitting, weeping for the Tam-
muz." Some translate the last clause '* causing
the Tammuz to weep," and the influence which this
rendering has upon the interpretation will be seen
heieafter. If MJ3FI be a regularly formed Hebrew
word, it must be derived either from a root TO)
or tDD (conip. the forms tflytt, |13n), which is not
known to exist To remedy this defect Ktirst ( Harvlwb.
s. v.) invents a root, to which he gives the significa-
tion " to be strong, mighty, victorious," and transi-
tively, " to overpower, annihilate." It is to be re-
gretted that this lexicographer cannot be contented te
confess his ignorance of what is unknown, ltoedigei
(in Gesen. Thes. s. v.) suggests the derivation from a
root, DDD = t JO j according to which N8J1 is a con
traction of ttTOFl, and signifies a melting away
dissolution, departure, and so the iatas-io-uor "AtaV
KiSot, or disappearance of Adonis, which waa
mourned by the Phoenician women, and after there
by the Greeks. But the etymology is unsound,
and is evidently contrived so as to conned the name
Tammuz with the general tradition regarding it.
The ancient versions supply us with no help.
The LXX., the Targum of Jonathan Ben (Jzziel, the
Peshito Syrinc, and the Arabic in Walton's Polyglot,
merely reproduce the Hebrew word. The Vulgate
alone gives Adonis as a modem equivalent, and
this rendering has been eagerly adopted by subse-
quent commentators, with but few exceptions. It
is at least as old, therefore, as Jerome, and the fact
of his having adopted it shows that it must have
embodied the most credible tradition. In his note
upon the passage he adds that since, according to
the Gentile fable, Adonis had been slain in the month
of June, the Syrians give the name of Tammuz to
this month, when they celebrate to him an anni-
versary solemnity, in which he is lamented by the
women as dead, and afterwarii ooming to life again
is celebrated with songs and praises. In another
passage {ad Paulinum, Op. i. p. 102, m. Basil.
1565) he laments that Bethfehem was oversha-
dowed by a grove of Tammuz, that is, of Adonis,
and that " in the cave where the infant Christ once
cried, the lover of Venus was bewailed." Cyril ol
Alexandria (in Oseam, Op. iii. 79, ed. Paris, lli:j8),
and Thcodoret (in Ezech.), give the same explana-
tion, and are followed by the author rf the Chro-
nicon Paschale. The only exception to this uni-
formity Is in the Syriac translation of Melito's
Apology, edited by Dr. Cureton in his Spidlegium
Syriantun. The date at the translation is unknown ;
the onguiai tf geuuine must belong to the svcoul
1434
TAMMUZ
Orniur? The following is * literal rendering of
the Syr.ao: "The sou of Phoenicia worshipped
Balthi, the queen of Cyprus. For she loved Tamuzo
the son of Cuthar, the king of the Phoenicians,
and forsook her kingdom and came and dwelt in
Gebal, a fortress of the Phoenicians. And at that
time she made all the villages * subject to Cuthar
the king. For before Tamtuo she had loved Ares,
and committed adultery with him, and Hephaestus
her husband caught her, and was jealous of her.
And he (i. i. Ares) came and slew Tamuzo on Leba-
non while he made a hunting among the wild hoars.*"
And from that time Balthi remained in Gebal, and
died in the city of Aphaca, where Tamuzo was
buried " (p. 25 of the Syviac text). We have here
very clearly the Greek legend of Adonis reproduced
with a simple change of name. Whether this
change is due to the translator, as is not impro-
bable, or whether he (bund "Tammuz" in the
original of Hdito, it is impossible to say. Be this
aa it may, the tradition embodied in the passage
quoted, is probably as valuable as that in the same
author which regains Serapis as the deification of
Joseph. The Syriac lexicographer Bar Bahlul
(10th cent), gives the legend as it had come down
to his time. " Torauzo was, as they say, a hunter
shepherd and chaser of wild beasts ; who when Be-
lathi loved him took her away from her husband.
And when her husband went forth to seek her To-
muio slew him. And with regard to Tomuzo also,
there met him in the desert a wild boar and slew
him. And his father made for him a great lamen-
tation and weeping in the month Tomuz: and Be-
lathi his wife, she too made a lamentation and
mourning over him. And this tradition was handed
down among the heathen people during her lifetime
and after her death, which same tradition the Jews
received with the rest of the evil festivals of the
people, and in that month Tomuz used to make for
him a great feast. Tomuz also is the name of one
of the months of the Syrians." • In the next cen-
tury the legend assumes for the first time a different
form in the hands of a Rabbinical commentator.
Rabbi Solomon Isaaki (Rashi) has the following
note on the passage in Ezekiel. " An image which
the women made hot in the inside, and its eyes
were of lead, and they melted by reason of the heat
of the burning and it seemed as if it wept; and
they (the women) said, He asketh for offerings.
Tammux is a word signifying burning, as '1 ?JJ
*TP$? "$- ^ Dan - '"■ 19 )> and rv T i y. HBJ M34rwt
(ibid. ver. 22)." And instead of rendering " weep-
ing for the Tammux," he gives, what appears to
be the equivalent in French, •' faisantes pleura
rechauffe." It is clear, therefore, that Rashi re-
gards Tammux as an appellative, derived from the
Chaldee root KJK, *>d, "to make hot." It is
equally clear that his etymology cannot be defended
for an instant. In the 12th century (a.d. 1161).
Solomon ben Abraham Parchon in hia lexicon, com-
piled at Salerno from the works of Jehuda Chayug,
and Abulwalid Merwan ben Gannach, has the fol-
lowing observations upon Tammuz. " It is the
likeness of a reptile which they make upon the water,
and the water is collected in it and flows through
* Not " Cyprians," as Dr. Cureton translates
• Or. Cureton 's emendation of Oils corrupt p-rflr seems
•it only one which can be adopted.
• In Una translation I hare foi:cw<* the MS. «f Ba. ax. U. 206).
TAMMUZ
Hi holes, and it seems as if it wept. Bnt fit.
month called Tammuz is Persian, and so are all n.
months ; none cf them is from the sacred tongue,
though they are -rritten in the Scripture they sic
Persian ; but in the sacre 1 tongue the first month,
the second month," &c At the close of thu o»
tury we meet for the first time with an entirelT
new tradition repeated by R. David Kimchi, bote
in his Lexicon and in his Commentary, from the
Moreh Nebuchim of Maimonidss. " In the month
Tammuz they made a feast of an idol, and tat
women came to gladden him ; and some say that by
crafty means they caused the water to come kite
the eyes of the idol which is called Tammuz, and it
wept, as if it asked them to worship it. And some
interpret Tammuz ' the burnt one,' as if from Dan.
iii. 19 (see above), t. e. they wept over him because
he was burnt ; for they used to burn their sons sud
their daughters in the Hie, and the women used to
weep over them. . . . But the Kab, the wise, the
great, our Rabbi Moshe bar Haimon, of blessed me-
mory, baa written, that it is found written in one
of the ancient idolatrous books, that there was a
man of the idolatrous prophets, and his name to
Tammuz. And be called to a certain king and can-
mnuded him to serve the seven planets and the twelve
signs. And that king put him to a violent death,
and on the night of his death there were gathereJ
together all the images from the ends of the eaith
to the temple of Babel, to the golden image which
was the image of the sun. Now this image ni
suspended between heaven and earth, and it fell
down in the midst of the temple, and the imago
likewise (fell down) round about it, and it told
them what had befallen Tammuz the prophet.
And the images all of them wept and lamented all
the night ; and, as it came to pass, in the morning
all the images flew away to their own temples is
the ends of the earth. And this was to them for
an everlasting statute; at the beginning of the 6>s
day of the month Tammuz each year they lamented
and wept over Tammuz. And some interpret Tam-
muz as the name of an animal, for they used to
worship an image which they had, and the Targum
of (the passage) D"M ]"IM D"¥ WJD1 (Is, xxtir.
14) is pbinna jniDn jnJTBW. But in most
copies J'tlDn is written with two vaws." The
book of the ancient idolaters from which Maimonides
quotes, is the now celebrated work on the Agri-
culture of the Nabatheans, to which reference will
be made hereafter. Ben Melech gives no he'p, snd
Abeuduna merely quotes the explanations given by
Rashi and Kimchi.
The tradition recorded by Jerome, which identi-
fies Tammuz with Adonis, has been followed bv
most subsequent commentators: among others by
Vatablus, Caatellio, Cornelius a Lapide, Osiander,
Caspar Sanctius, Lavater, Vilialpnndus, Sclden,
Simotiis, Calmct, and in Inter times by J. D.
Michaelis, Gesenius, Ben Zeb, Rosenmflller, llaurer,
Kwald, H&vemick, Hitzig, and Movers. l.utha
and others regarded Tammuz as a name of Bacchus.
That Tammuz was the Kg) ptian Osiris, and that
his worship was introduced to Jerusalem from
Kgrpt, was held by Calvin, Piacator, Junius,
Leusden, and PteiHer. This view depends chiefly
Bahlul in the Cambridge University Library, the rasdrasa
af which seem preferable In many respects to those ir tht
! extract fumblicd by Bernstein to fhwolsu (Pit Srmie
TAMMUZ
■poo i faLe etymology proposed by Kircher, which
aoonecta the word Tammuz with the Coptic tamut,
to hide, and so makes it signify the hidden or con-
cealed one ; and therefore Ociris, the Egyptian king
■lain by Typho, whose loss was commanded by Isis
to be yearly lamented in Egypt. The women
weeping for Tammuz are in this case, according to
Junius, the priestesses of Isis. The Egyptian origin
of the name Tammuz has also been defended by a j
reference to the god Amuz, mentioned by Plutarch
and Herodotus, who is identical with Osiris. There
ia good reason, however, to believe that Amuz is a
mistake for Amun. That something corresponding
to Tammuz ia fonnd in Egyptian proper names, as
they appear in Greek, cannot be denied. Tayuss,
an Egyptian, appears in Thucydides (viii. 31) as a
Persian officer, in Xenophon (Anab. i. 4, §2) as an
admiral. The Egyptian pilot who heard the mys-
terious voice bidding him proclaim, " Great Pan is
dead," was called Bajtoit (Plutarch, De Defect.
Orac 17). The names of the Egyptian kings,
0o4nfLw<ru, Titfimats, and 0p&o*ir, mentioned by
Manetho (Jos. c. Ap. i. 14, 15), have in turn
been compared with Tammuz; but unless some
more certain evidence be brought forward than is
found in these apparent resemblances, there is little
reason to conclude that the worship of Tammuz
was of Egyptian origin.
It seems perfectly clear, from what has been said,
that the name Tammuz affords no clue to the
identification of the deity whom it designated. The
slight hint given by the prophet of the nature of
the worship and worshippers of Tnmmuz has been
sufficient to connect them with the yearly mount-
ing for Adonis by the Syrian damseLi. Beyond this
we can attach no especial weight to the explana-
tion of Jerome. It is a conjecture and nothing more,
and does not appear to represent any tradition. All
that can be said therefore is, that it is not impos-
sible that Tammuz may be a name of Adonis the
sun-god, but that there is nothing to prove it.
The town of Byblos in Phoenicia was the head-
quarters of the Adonis-worship.' The feast in his
honour was celebrated each year in the temple of
Aphrodite on the Lebanon • (Lucian, De Dei Syri,
§6), with rites partly sorrowful, partly joyful. The
Emperor Julian was present at Antioch when the
same festival was held (Amm. Marc. xxii. 9, §13).
It lasted seven days (Aram. Marc. xz. 1), the
period of mourning among the Jews (Ecclus. zxii.
12; Gen. 1. 10; 1 Sam. zxii. 13; Jud. xvi. 24),
the Egyptians (Ueliodor. Aeth. vii. 11), and the
Syrians (Lucian, De Dei Syri, §52), and began
with the disappearance (iQauapts) of Adonis.
Then followed the search (^rtjo-u; made by the
women after him. His body was represented by a
wooden image placed in the so-called " gardens of
Adonis" ('Aovnoo j irijroi), which were earthenware
vessel* filled with mould, and planted with wheat,
harley, lettuce, and fennel. They were exposed by
the woman to the heat of the sun, at the house-
doors or in the " Porches of Adonis ;" and the
withering of the plants was regarded as symbolical
of the slaughter of the youth by the tire-god
Man. In one of these gardens Adonis was found
again, whence the fable saya he was slain by the
bear in the lettuce (a^aWa =Aphaca?), and was
then fonnd by Aphrodite. The finding again
TAMMUZ
1*3 fc
* There was a temple at Amatfaus, In Cyprus, ihsrod
0y Adonis and Aphrodite (Psus. lit. 41. $3) ; and the wur-
■ajlsof Ataus is said to have coxae from Cyprus to Athens father of Admus.
(•Oofffis) was the commencement of a wake, ac-
companied by all the usages which in the East
attend such a ceremony — prostitution, cutting of]
the hair (com p. Lev. xix. 28, 29, xz.. 5 ; Pent
zrr. 1), cutting the breast with knives (Jer. xvi. 6),
and playing on pipes (comp. Matt. ix. 23). The
image of Adonis was then washed and anointed
with spices, placed in a coffin on a bier, and tlte
wound made by the boar was shown on the figure.
The people sat on the ground round the bier, with
their clothes rent (comp. Ep. ef Jer. 31, 32), and
the women howled and cried aloud. The whole
terminated with a sacrifice for the dead, and the
burial of the figure of Adonis (see Movers, Phoc-
nizier, i. c. 7). According to Lucian, some of the
inhabitants of Bybloa maintained that the Egyp-
tian Osiris was buried among them, and that the
mourning and orgies were in honour of him, and
not of Adonis (De Dei Syri, §7). This is in ac-
cordance with the legend of Osiris as told by Plut-
arch (De It. et Ot.). Locian further relates that,
ou the same day on which the women of Byblos
every year menrned for Adonis, the inhabitants ol
Alexandria sent them a letter, enclosed in a vessel
which was wrapped iu rushes or papyrus, an-
nouncing that Adonis was found. The vessel was
cast into the sea, and carried by the current to
Byblos (Procopius on Is. xviii.). It is called by
Lucian BvBXtrqy nnfmX-fir, and is said to have
traversed the distance between Alexandria and
Byblos in seven days. Another marvel related by
the same narrator is that of the river Adonis
(Nahr Ibrahim), which flows down from the
Lebanon, and once a year was tinged with blood,
which, according to the legend, came from the
wounds of Adonis (comp. Milton, P. L. i. 460) ;
but a rationalist of Byblos gave him a different
explanation, how that the soil of the Lebanon was
naturally very red-coloured, and was carried down
into the river by violent winds, and so gave a
bloody tinge to the water ; and to this day, wye
Mr. Porter (liandb. p. 187), "after every storm
that breaks upon the brow of Lebanon, the Adonis
still ' runs purple to the sea.' The rushing wateia
tear from the banks red soil enough to give them a
ruddy tinge, which poetical tancy, aided by popular
credulity, converted into the blood of Thammuz."
The time at which these rites of Adonis were
celebrated is a subject of much dispute. It is not
so important with regard to the passage in Ezekicl,
for there does not appear to be any reason for sup-
posing that the time of the prophet's vision was
coincident with the time at which Tammuz was
worshipped. Movers, who maintained the con-
trary, endeavoured to prove that the celebration
was in the late autumn, the end of the Syrian
year, and corresponded with the time of the au-
tumnal equinox. He relies chiefly for his conclu-
sion on the account given by Ammianus Marcel-
linus (xxii. 9, §13) of the feast of Adonis, which
was being held at Antioch when the Emperor Julian
entered the city. It is clear, from a letter of thi
Emperor's (Ep. Jul. 52), that he was in Antioch
before the first of August, and his entry may there-
fore have taken place in July, the Tammuz of the
Syrian year. This time agrees moreover with the
explanation of the symbolical meaning of the rite*
given by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxii. 9, §15),
in toe time ot the Persian War.
• Sold to have been founded Sy Kluyrat, the re|«t*J
1436
TAMMOZ
that they were * token ol" the fruits cot down in
llabr prime. No» at Aleppo (Kussell, Aleppo, i.
72) the harvest is all over before tlie end of June,
and we may fairly conclude that the same was the
ease at Autioch. Add to this that in Hebrew
utronomical works TlOn TIBlpn. tikuphath Tarn-
hAz is the " summer solstice ;" and it seems more
reasonable to conclude that the Adonia feast of the
Phoenicians and Syrians was celebrated rather as
the summer solstice than as the autumnal equinox.
At this time the sun begins to descend among the
wintry signs (Kenrick, Phoenicia, 310).
The identification of Tammuz with an idolatrous
prophet, which has already been given in a quota-
tion from Maimonides, who himself quotes from
the Agriculture of the Sab-itheant, has been re-
cently revived by Prof. Chwolson of St. Peters-
burg ( Ueber Tammuz, &c 1860). An Arab writer
of the 10th century, En-Nedim, in his book called
FiMrist et-'Ulim, says (quoting from Abu Sa'id
Wahb ben Ibrahim) that in the middle of the month
Tammuz a faast is held in honour of the god TsVQz.
The women bewailed him because his lord slew
him and pound his bones in a mill, and scattered
them to Uie winds. In consequence of this the
women ate nothing during the frast that had been
ground in a mill (Chwolson, Die Ssabier, tie. ii.
27). Prof. Chwolson regards Ti-'uz as a cor-
ruption of Tammuz; but the most important pas-
sage in his eyes is from the old Babylonian book
called the Agriculture of the y<ibathwns, to which
he attributes a fabulous antiquity. It was written,
he maintains, by one Qut'amt, towards the end of
the 14th century B.C., and was translated into
Arabic by a descendant of the ancient Chaldeans,
whose name was lbn Washiyyah. As Professor
Chwolaou's theory has been strongly attacked,
and as the chief materials upon which it is founded
are not yet before the public, it would be equally
premature to take him as an authority, or to pro-
nounce positively against his hypothesis, though,
judging from present evidence, the writer of this
article is more than sceptical as to its truth.
Qut'amt then, in that dim antiquity from which
he speaks to us, tells the same story of the prophet
Tammuz as has alieady been given in the quota-
tion from Kimchi. It was read in the temples
after prayers, to an audience who wept and wailed ;
and so great was the magic influence of the tale that
Qut'&ml himself, though incredulous of its truth,
was unable to restrain his tears. A part, he
thought, might be true, but it referred to an event
so far removed by time from the age in which he
lived that he was compelled to be sceptical on many
? jints. His translator, lbn Washiyyah, adds that
ammuz belonged neither to the Chaldeans nor to
the Canaanites, nor to the Hebrews, nor tn the
Assyrians, but to the ancient people of Janban.
This last, Chwolson conjectures, may be the
Shernitic name given to the gigantic Cushite abori-
gines of Chaldea, whom the Shernitic Nabatheans
found when they first came into the country, and
from whom they adopted certain elements of their
worship. Thus Tammuz, or Tainmuzi, belongs
to a religious epoch in Babylonia which preceded
the Shernitic (Chwolson, Uebcrreste d. Attbabyl.
Lit. p. 19). lbn Washiyyah says moreovei that
all the Sabians of his time, both those of Babylonia
and of Harran, wept and wailed fin- Tammuz in the
month which was named after him, but that none
of them preserved any tradition of the origin of the
worship. This fact alone appeals to militate strongly
TAPPUAH
against the trutn of lbn Washiyyah's story at tc
the manner in which he discovered the works hi
professed to translate. It has been due to Protest*
Chwolson's reputation to give in brief the aubstma
of his explanation of Tammuz : but it must be
confessed that he throws little light upon the obscu-
rity of the subject.
In the Targum of Jonathan en Gen. viiL 5, " tbt
tenth month " is translated " the month Tammuz."
According to Castell (Lex. Bept.), tam&z is use.1
in Arabic to denote " the heat of summer ;" and
Tamuzi is the name given to the Pharaoh whe
cruelly treated the Israelites. [W. A. W.]
TA'NACH Ci]3Jffl : * tarix 1 Alex, i, %t**i x :
Thanach). A slight variation, in the vowel- points
alone, of the name Taahach. It occurs in Josh,
xzi. 25 only. [C]
TANHU"METH(nDrun: earatu(t>, earne-
rs ; Alex. Baretuu' in 2 K. : Thanchvneth). The
father of Seraiah in the time of Gedaliah (2 K. m.
23 ; Jer. xl. 8). In the former passage he is calM
" the Netophathite," but a reference to the parallel
narrative of Jeremiah will show that some wonu
have dropped out of the text.
TANI8 (Taw), Jud. i. 10. [Zoan.]
TA'PHATH (flBO; Tc«*<*; Alex. Tasters':
Tapheth). The daughter of Solomon, who »a»
married to Ben-Abinadab, one of the lung's twelrr
commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 11).
TATHON (v TeeVs; Joseph. Tox««or«T»-
X*o» : Thopo : Syr. Tcfot). One of the cities in
Judaea fortified by Bacchides (1 Mace iz. 50). It
is probably the Bkth-Tapmjah of the Old Test
which lay near Hebron. The form given by
Josephus suggests Tekoa, but Grimm (Exea.
Handbuch) has pointed out that his equivalent for
that name is 8cawe ; and there is besides too much
unanimity among the Versions to allow of its being
accepted. [G.]
TAPPU'AHfrfiBB: LXX. omits in both MSS. :
Taphphua). 1. Acityof Judah.in the district ofthl
Shefelah, or lowland (Josh. xv. 34). It is <
member of the group which contains Zoreoh
Zaiioah, and Jarmuth ; and was therefore no doubt
situated on the lower slopes of the mountains of the
N.W. portion of Judah, about 12 miles W. of Jeru-
salem, where these places have all been identified
with tolerable probability. It is remarkable that
the name should be omitted in both MSS. of the
LXX. The Syrian Peshito has Pathuch, which,
when connected with the Enam that follows it in
the list, recals the Pottucneniyrm of Gen. zuriii.
14, long a vexed place with the commentators.
[See Enam, 549 6.] Neither Tappuah nor Pathuch
have however been encountered. This Tappuah
must not be confounded either with the lWth-
Tappuah near Hrbron, or with the Land of Tap-
puah in the territory of Ephraim. It is uncertain
which of the three* is named in the list of the
thirty-one kings in Josh. xii.
2. (Tcupou, &ap(9; Alex. r.<M>ov, BcnptmS:
Taphphua). A plm-eon the boundary of ^"chil-
dren of Joseph" (Josh, xvi.8, xvii."8). Its mil
name was probably En-tappuah (xvii. 7), and it
had attached to it a district called the Land oj
■ It U proband that Ibe w to the sign of the tcssalM
case. Jerfc'jo, Kmmans, and Deuel, la tne same rem
gnum. are uruun'.y tn the accusative
TAPPUAIT
Tappnah (xvh. 8). TIii» ducuiuent u evidently in
su imperfect or confused a state that it i* impossible
to ascertain from it the situation of the places it
names, especially as comparatively few of them
have been yet met with on the ground. But from
the apparent connexion between Tappnah and the
Nnchal Kanah, it teems natural to look for the
former somewhere to the S.W. of Ndblus, in the
neighbourhood of the Wady /Watt, the most likely
rlaimant for the Kanah. We must await further
inveittigitinn in this hitherto unexplored region
before attempting to form any conclusion. [G.]
TAPPU'AH (nan: eenroii ; Alex. eaatyov:
Thaphphu). One of the sons of Hebron, of the tribe
of .lutlah ( 1 Chr. ii. 43). It is doubtless the same
as Betu-Tappuah, now TeffiA, near • Hebron ; and
the meaning of the record is that Tappuah was
colonized by the men of Hebion. [G.]
TAPPU'AH, THE LAND OF (TOBR T^K :
Tat. omits; Alex.i)7Tiea0«>»>8: terra Taphphnae).
A district named in the specification of the boundary
between Ephiaim and Mauasseh (Josh. xvii. 8). It
aprcu-entiv lay near the torrent Kanah (piobably the
W'lJy fiilailt), but the name has not yet been met
with at all in the central district of Palestine. [G.]
TATtAH (fTTH: TapdB: Num. xxxiii. 27).
A desert-station of the Israelites between Tahath
and Mithcah, not yet identified with any known
site. [H. H.]
TAB'ALAH (nVtOn: ©ope«Ao; Alex. 8«-
paXa: "fharala). One of the towns in the allot-
ment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 27 only). It is
named between Irpeel and Zelah ; but nothing
certain is known of the position of either of those
places, and no name at all resembling Taralah has
yet been discovered. Schwaiz's identification (with
" Thaniel " Danlyal), near Lydd, is far-fetched in
etymology, and unsuitable as to position ; for there
is nothing to lead to the conclusion that the Ben-
jamites had extended themselves so fai to the west
when the lists of Joshua were drawn up. [G.j
TABE'A (£*n: eopdx ; Alex. »apt4:
7 haraa). The same as Tahrea, the son of Micah
( 1 Chr. viii. 35), the Hebrew letters K and fl being
interchanged, a phenomenon of rare occuriencc
(Uesen. Thee, p. 2).
TARES '&&>>■<*■■ zi'ama). There can be little
loubt that the fifdVia of the parable (Matt. xiii.
•25) denote the weed called "darnel" (Lolium
temulentwn), a widely distributed grass, and the
only species of the order that has deleterious pro-
perties. The word used by the Evangelist is an
Oriental, and not a Greek term. It is the Arabic
%a«*» ((Aj). * ai the xMn (r?^) of ^
Talmud (Buxtorf, Lex. Talin. s. v.). The deri-
vation of the Arabic word, from tin ( M \\)>
TABPELITJ3S
I43'5
" nausea," is well suited to the character of the
plant, the grains of which produce vomiting and
purging, convulsions, and even death. Volney
(Trav. ii. 306) experienced the ill effects of eating
its seeds ; and " the whole of the inmates of the
• The principal valley of the town of Hebron Is called
Wady TuffSh (Map to Rosen's paper In XetUek. t>. Jt. (J.
dL son p. 4tl)
Sheffield workhouse were attacked sjme yeare ago
with symptoms supposed to be produced by theit
oatmeal having been accidentally adulterated witii
loliwn" (Engl. Cyc. s. v. Lolium). The darnel
before it comes into ear is very similar in ap-
pearance to wheat ; hence the command that the
zizania should be left to the harvest, lest while
men plucked up the tares " they should root up
also the wheat with them." Prof. Stanley, how-
ever (8. and P. p. 426), speaks of women anc
children picking out from the wheat in the corn-
fields of Samaria the tall green stalks, still called bj-
the Arabs zutcdn. "These stalke." he continues,
" if sown designedly throughout the fields, would
be inseparable from the wheat, from which, even
when giowine naturally and by chaiire, they are at
first sight hardlv distinguishable." t*e also Thom-
son (The Land and the Hook, p. 420) :— « The
grain is just in the proper stage to illustrate the
parable. Iu those parts where the grain has headed
oxt, the tares have done the same, and then a child
cannot mistake them for wheat or barley ; but
where both are less developed, the closest scrutiny
will ollen fail to detect them. Even the farmers,
who in this country generally weed their fields, do
not attempt to separate the one from the other.'
The grain-growers in Palestine believe that the
nitron is merely a degenerate wheat ; that in wet
seasons the wheat turns to tares. Dr. Thomson
asserts that this is their fixed opinion. It is carious
to observe the retention of the fallacy through many
ajjes. " Wheat and zunin," says Lightfoot (/lor.
Heb. on Matt. xiii. 25), quoting from the Talmud,
•' are not seeds of different kinds." See also Buxton
{Lex. Talm. s. v. rOft) :— " Zixania, species tritici
ilcgeneris, tic dicti, quod scortando cum bono tritico,
iu pejorcm natumm degeneiat." The Roman writer*
appear to have entertained a similar opinion with
respect to some of the ccienls : thus Pliny (N. H.
xviii. 17), borrowing probably from Theophrattus,
asserts that " barley will degenerate into the oat."
The notion that the zizania of the parable are
merely diseased or degenerate wheat has been de-
fended by Y. Brederod (see hit letter to Schultetus
in Exercit. Evang. ii. cap. 65), and ttrangely
adopted by Trench, who (Note* on the Parable*,
p. 91, 4th ed.) regards the dittinctiun of these two
plants to be " a falsely assumed fact." If the
zizania of the parable denote the Lolium temu-
lentwn, and there cannot be any reasonable doubt
about it, the plants are certainly distinct, and the
L. temulentutn has as much right to specific dis-
tinction as any other kind of grass. [W. H.j
TABGUMS. [Versions, Ciialdee.]
TABPE'LITrS. THE fS^BTO: Too*a-
Aoubi ; Alex. Tap<pa\\a?ot : Tharphalaei). A race
of colonists who were planted in the cities of Sa-
maria after the captivity of the northern kingdom
of Israel (Exr. iv. 9). They have not been iden-
tified with any certainty. Junius and others have
found a kind of resemblance in name to the Tar-
pelites in the Tapyri (TcnrovpoO of Ptolemy (vi. 2,
§15), a tribe of Media who dwelt eastward of Ely-
innis, but the resemblance it scaifely more than
apparent. They are called by Stiabo TdVvpoi (xi.
514, 515, 520, 523). Others, with as little proba
bility, have sought to recognise the Tarrslites in the
Tarpetes (Tapvqres, Strab. xi. 495), a Maeotic race.
In the Peshito-Svrinc the resemblance ir greater, for
thev are there called Tarpiyt. FHrst {ffandak.)
1438
TAR8HI8H
savs in no aw can Taipei, the country of the Tar- '
pe'lites, be the Phoenician Tripolis. [W. A. W.l '
TAB'SHISH (B^BHR: Bifnts: Tharsis;\
Gen.z.4). 1. Probably Tartessus; Gr.Taprntrvis.
A city and emporium of the Phoenicians in the
south of Spain. In Psalm lzzii. 10, it seems
applied to a large district of country ; perhaps, to
that portion of Spain which was known to the
Hebrews when that Psalm was written. And the
word may have been likewise used in this sense in
Gen. z. 4, where Knobel ( VbVtertafel der Genesis,
Giessen, 1850, ad loc.) applies it to the Tuscans,
though he agrees with nearly all biblical critics in
regarding it elsewhere as synonymous with Tar-
tessus. The etymology is uncertain.
With three exceptions in the Book of Chronicles,
which will be noticed separately (see below, No. 2),
the following are references to all the passages in
the Old Testament, in which the word " Tarshish "
occurs ; commencing with the passage in the Book
of Jonah, which shows that it was accessible from
Yapho, Tata, or Joppa, a city of Palestine with a
well-known harbour on the Mediterranean Sea (Jon.
i. 3, itr. 2 ; Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 7 ; Is. ii. 16, xziii.
1, 6, 10, 14, lz. 9, lzvi. 19 ; Jer. z. 9 ; Ez. zzvii. 12,
25, zzzinii. 13 ; 1 K. z. 22, xzii. 48 [49] ; Ps. zlviii.
8, lzvii. 10). On a review of these passages, it
will be seen that not one of them furnishes direct
proof that Tarshish and Tartessus were the same
cities. But their identity is rendered highly pro-
bable by the following circumstances. 1st. There
is a very close similarity of name between them,
Tartessus being merely Tarshiah in the Aramaic
form, as was first pointed out by Bochart (Phaleg,
lib. iii. cap. 7). Thus the Hebrew word Ashslt&r
= Assyria, is in the Aramaic form Athir, Attur
*nd in Greek "Arovpfa (Strabo, xvi. 1, 2), and
'Krvpla (Dion Cass., lxviii. 26) — though, as is well
Known, the ordinary Greek form was 'Avtrupla.
Again, the Hebiew word Bashan, translated in the
some tbnn in the A. V. of the Old Testament, is
Bathan or Buthn-m in Aramaic, and Bartunda in
Greek ; whence also BaUnaea in Latin (see Bux-
torfii Lexicon C/vildaicum Talmudicum et Rabbinic
own, s. yv.). Moreover, there are numerous changes
of the same kind in common words ; such as the
Aramaic numeral 8. tamnei, which corresponds
with the Hebrew word shemmeh ; and telag, the
Aramaic word for " snow,*' which is the same word
as the Hebrew sltcleg (see Gesenius, Thesaurus,
p. 1344). Ami it is likely that in some way which
cannot now be explained, the Greeks received the
word " Tarsh ish " from the Phoenicians in a partly
Aramaic form, just as they received in that form
many Hebrew letters of the alphabet. The last
sh of Tai-shish* would naturally be represented by
the double $ in the Greek ending, as the sound and
letter ah was unknown to the Greek language.
[Shibboleth.] 2ndly. There seems to have been
a special relation between Tarsh ish and Tyre, as
there was at one time between Tartessus and the
Phoenicians. In the 23rd chapter of Isaiah, there
is something like an appeal to Tarshish to assert its
independence (see the notes of RosenmUUer, (Gese-
nius, and Ewald, on verse 18). And Arrian {De
Exped. Atexandri, ii. 16, §5) expressly states tli.it
Tirtessus was founded or colonized by the Phoeni-
TARSHISn
dans, saying — OoirUvr K-rhrpa t) Taprnrats. I
ha* been suggested that this is a mistake on Ike
part of Arrian, because Diodorus (xrr. 14) 1«»
presents Hamilcar as defeating the Iberian* asad
Tartessians, which has been thought to imply that
the latter wen» not Phoenicians. But it is to be
remembered that there was a river in Hsspauia
Baetica called Tartessns, as well as a city of that
name (Strabo, iii. p. 148), and it may easily haw*
been the case that tribes which dwelt on its banks
may have been called Tartessians, and may haw*
been mentioned under this name, as defeated by
Hamilcar. Still, this would be perfectly compatible
with the fact, that the Phoenicians established the**
a factory or settlement called Tartessus, which had
dominion for a while over the adjacent territory.
It is to be borne in mind likewise, that Arrian,
who must be pronounced on the whole to be a judi-
cious writer, had access to the writings of **f«-
nander of Ephesus, who translated some of the
Tyrian archives into Greek (Joseph. Ant. ix. 14,
§2), and it may be presumed Arrian concoJted
those writings, when he undertook to give some
account of Tyre, in reference to its celebrated siege
by Alexander, in connexion with which he makes
his statement respecting Tartessus.
3rdly. The articles which Tarshish is stated by
the prophet Ezekiel to have supplied to Tyre, are
precisely such as we know through classical writers
to have been productions of the Spanish Peninsula.
Ezekiel specifies silver, iron, lead, and tin (Ex. zzvii.
1 2 ), and .n regard to each of these metals as connected
with Spain, there are the following authorities. As
to silver, Diodorus says (v. 35), speaking of Spain
possessing this metal in the greatest abundanos
and of the greatest beauty (trx&Ar ti wAele-rsw
iral «dAA«rTO»), and he particularly mentions
that the Phoenicians made a great profit by this
metal, and established colonies in Spain on its ac-
count, at a time when the mode of working it was
unknown to the natives (comp. Aristot. de Jftraoif.
c. 135, 87). This is confirmed by Pliny, who any*
(Sat. Hist, zzziii. 31), - Argentum reperitnr— in
Hispania piilcherrimum ; id quoque in sterili solo,
atque etiam montibus;" and he proceeds to any
that wherever one vein has been found, another
vein is found not far off. With regard to iron and
lead, Pliny says, " metallis ptumoi, ferri, eeris,
argenrj, auri tota ferme Hispania scatet" (Aid*.
Hist, iii. 4). And as to lead, more especially, this
is so true even at present, that a writer on Mines
and Mining in the last edition of the Eneyc. Bri-
tannica, p. 242, states as follows: — "Spain pos-
sesses numerous and valuable lead-mines. The
most impoitant are those of Linares, which are si-
tuated to the east of Bailen near the Sierra Moreno.
They hare been long celebrated, and perhaps no
known mineral field is naturally so rich ii. lead as
this." And, lastly, in regard to tin, the trade of
Tarshish in this metal is peculiarly significant, and
taken in conjunction with similarity of name and
other circumstances already mentioned, is leasuu-
ably conclusive as to its identity with Tartessus.
For even now the countries in Europe, or on the
shoies of the Mediterranean Sea where tin Is found
are very few ; and in reference to ancient times, u
would be difficult to name any such countries
except Iberia or Spain. I.usitania, which was aoro*>
• It Is unsafe to lay any stress on Taiselnm (Tap- PolyMns, Hi. »4. The Topinjuj* of PotyMas osilV
oijio*). which Stephanos of Byzantium says (a r.) was a i scarcely have been very far from the Pofchnm Pin
dty near lie Columns of Heresies. Stephanos was ' montortmn ofCsnhage.
•ratably misled by a pa s eap u which be rrfcre in
TAB8HI8H
what leu In extent than Portugal, and Cornwall In
Great Britain. Now if the Phoenicians, for pur-
poses of trade, really made coasting Toyagei on the
Atlantic Ocean as far as to Great Britain, no
emporium was more favourably situated for such
voyages than Tartessus. If, however, in accord-
ance with the views of Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, it
is deemed unlikely that Phoenician ships made
such distant voyages (Historical Survey of the
Astronomy of the Ancients, p. 455), it may be
added, that it is improbable, and not to bt admitted
as a fact without distinct proof, that nearly 600
years before Christ, when Ezekiel wrote his pro-
phecy against Tyre, they should have supplied the
nations on the shores of the Mediterranean with
British Tin obtained by the mouths of the Rhone.
Lhodorus indeed mentions, (v. 38), that in his
time tin was imported into Gaul from Britain,
and was then conveyed on horseback by traders
across Gaul to Massilia, and the Roman colony
of Narbo. But it would be a very different thing
to assume that this was the case so many centu-
ries earlier, when Rome, at that time a small and
insignificant town, did not possess a foot of land
ia Gaul ; and when, according to the received sys-
tems of chronology, the settlement of Massilia had
only just been founded by the Phocaeans. As
countries then from which Tarshish was likely to
obtain its tin, there remain only Lusitania and
Spain. And in regard to both of these, the evi-
dence of Pliny the Elder at a time when they
were flourishing provinces of the Roman empire,
remain* on record to show that tin was found in
each of them (/fist. Nat. xxxiv. 47). After men
tinning that there were two kinds of lead, viz.
black lead, and white lead, the latter of which was
called "Cassiteros" by the Greeks, and was fabu-
lously reported to be obtained in islands of the At-
lantic Sat, Pliny proceeds to say, " Nunc certum
at ■'» Lusitanut gijni, et in Gallaecii ;" and he
goes on to describe where it is found, a'.d the mode
of extracting it (compare Pliny himself, iv. 34,
and Diodorus, /. c, as to tin in Spain). It may be
added that Strata, on the authority of Poseidonius,
bad made previously a similar statement \m. 147),
though fully aware that in his time tin was like-
wise brought to the Mediterranean, through Gaul
oy Massilia, from the supposed Cnssiterides or
Tin Islands. Moreover, as confirming the state-
ment of Strata and Pliny, tin-mines now actually
exist in Portugal; both in parts, which belonged
to ancient Lusitania, and in a district which
formed part of ancient GaUicia> And it is to
be tame in mind that Seville on the Guadalquivir,
which has free communication with the sea, is
only about 80 miles distant from the Portuguese
frontier.
Subsequently when Tyre lost its independence,
the relation between it and Tarshish was probably
altered, and for a while, the exhortation of Isaiah
iSiii. 10, may have been realised by the inhabitants
passing through their land, free as a river. This
independence of Tarshish, combined with the over-
shadowing growth of the Carthaginian power,
would explain why in after times the learned Jews
do not seem to have known where Tarshish was.
Than, although in the Septuagint translation of the
Pentaieucn, the Hebrew word was as closely fol-
lowed as it could be in Greek (Bdpatis, in which
TABSHISH
143*
► Vis. In the provinces of Porto, Detra, and Bragansa.
^ecuaaus were ia ibe Interactional Exhibition of Intl.
to* $ is mercy J"l without a point, and « is equi-
valent to I, according to the pronunciation in mo-
dern Greek), the Septuagint translators of Isaiah
and Ezekiel translate the word by •' Carthage " and
"the Carthaginians" (la. zziii. 1, 10, 14; Ex.
zzvii. 12, ixxriii. 13); and in the Tnrgam of the
Book of Kings and of Jeremiah, it is translated
" Africa," as is pointed out by Uesenius (IK. xxii.
48; Jer. x. 9). In one passage of the Septuagint
(Is. ii. 16), and in others of the Targum, the word
is translated tea; which receives apparently some
countenance from Jerome, in a note on Is. ii. 16,
wherein he states that the Hebrews believe that
Tharsis is the name of the sea in their own lan-
guage. And Josephus, misled, apparently, by the
Septuagint translation of the Pentateuch, which he
misinterpreted, regarded Tharsis as Tarsus in Cilicia
( Ant. i. 6, §1), in which he was followed by other
Jews, and (using Tarsus in the sense of all Cilicia)
by one learned writer in modem times. See Hart-
mann's Aufkl&ntngm Bber Asien, vol. i. p. 69, as
quoted by Winer, s. r.
It tallies with the ignorance of the Jews respect-
ing Tarshish, and helps to account for it, that in
Strata's time the emporium of Tartessus had long
ceased to exist, and its precise site had become a
subjec. of dispute. In the absence of positive proof,
we may acquiesce in the statement of Strata (iii.
p. 148), that the river Baetis (now the Guadal-
quivir) was formerly called Tartessus, that the city
Tartessus was situated between the two aims by
vhich the river flowed into the sea, and that the
adjoining country was called Tartessia. But there
were two other cities which some deemed to have
been Tartessus; one, Gadir, or Gadiia (Cadiz)
(Still tut, Fragm. lib. ii. ; Pliny, Nat. If at. iv. 36,
and Avienus, Descript. Orb. Terr. 614) ; and the
other, Carteia, in the Bay of Gibraltar i Strata, iii.
p. 151 ; Ptolem., ii. 4 ; Pliny, iii. 3 ; Mela, ii. 6).
Of the three, Carteia, which has found a learnea
supporter at the present day (Ersch and Gruber's
EncijclopHJie, s. v.), seems to have the weakest
claims, for in the earliest Greek prose work extant,
Tartessus is placed beyond the columns of Hercules
(Herodotus, iv. 152) ; and in a still earlier (ragmen*
of Stesichorus (Strata, iii. p. 148), mention is made
of the rirer Tartessus, whereat there is no stream
near Carteia (•» El Roccadillo) which deserves to be
called more than a rivulet. Strictly (peaking, the
same objection would apply to Gadir; but, for
poetical uses, the Guadalquivir, which is only 20
miles distant, would be sufficiently near. It was,
perhaps, in reference to the claim of Gadir that
Cicero, in a letter to Atticut (vii. 8), jocosely calls
Balbus, a native of that town, " Tartessium istuni
tuuru." But Taitessius was, likewise, used by
poets to express the extreme west where the sun
set (Ovid, Mttam. xiv. 416 ; Silius Italicus, x. 358 ;
compare Sil. Ital., iii. 399).
Literature. — For Tarshish, see Bocbart, Phateg,
lib. iii. cap. 7 ; Winer, Bibluclia RealwOrterbvch,
s. v. ; and Gesenius, TArtaui-us Ling, Bebr. et
Chald. s. v. For Tartessus, see a learned Paper of
Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, Notes and Queries, 2nd
Series, vol. vii. p. 189-191.
2. If the Book of Chronicles it to be followed,
there would seem to have been a Tarshish, acces-
sible from the Red Sea, in addition to the Tarshish
of the south of Spain. Thus, with regard to lbs
ships of Tarshish, which Jehoshaphat caused to b»
constructed at Ezion Geber on the Aelcnitic Gulf 1 1
the Red Sea (1 K. xxii. 48), It is sail in tr*
1440
TAKSHISH
Chronicles i2 Ohr. xx. 36) that they were made to
go to Tarshish; and in like manner the navy of
ships which Solomon had previously made in Ezion
Geber (1 K. ix. 26., in said in the Chronicles
(2 Chr. ix. 21) to have gone to Tarshish witl the
Mivauu of Hiram. It is not to be supposed hat
the author of these passages in the Chronicles con-
tern plated a voyage to tarshish in the sooth of
Spain by going round what has since been called
the Cape of Good Hope. Sir G. Cornewall Lewis
[Antes and Queries, 2nd series, vol. vi. 61-64,
81-83} has shown reasons to doubt whether the
circumnavigation of Africa was ever effected by the
Phoenicians, even in the celebrated voyage which
Herodotus says (iv. 42) they made by Neco'sordeis ;
but at any rate it cannot be seriously supposed
that, actord>ng to the Chronicles, this great voyage
was regularly accomplished once in three years in
the reign of Solomon. Keil supposes that the
vessels built at Ezion Geber, as mentioned in 1 K.
zxii. 49, 50, were really destined for the trade to
Tarnhish in Spain, but that they were intended to
be transported across the isthmus of Sues, and to be
launched in one of the havens of Palestine on the
Mediterranean Sea. (See his Notes ad locum.
Engl. Transl.) But this seems improbable ; and
the two alternatives from which selection should be
made seem to be, 1st. That there were (too emporia
or districts called Tarshish, viz. one in the south of
Spain, and one in the Indian Ocean; or, 2ndly,
That the compiler of the Chronicles, misappre-
hending the expression " ships of Tarshish,"
supposed that they meant ships destined to go to
Tarshish ; whereas, although this was the origiual
meaning, the words had come to signify large'
Phoenician ships, of a particular size and descrip-
tion, destined for long voyages, just as in English
" East Indiaman " was a general name given to
vessels, some of which were not intended to go to
India stall. The first alternative was adopted by
Bochart, Phaleg, lib. iii. c. 7, and has probably
been the ordinary view of those who have per-
ceived a difficulty in the passages of the Chronicles;
but the second, which was first suggested by Vi-
tringa, has been adopted by the acutest Biblical
critics of our own time, such as De Wette, Intro-
duction to the Old Testament, Parker's translation,
Boston, 1843, p. 267, vol. ii. ; Winer, Biblisches
XealicSrterbuch, s.v. ; Gesenius, Thesaurus Linguae
Jfeb. et Chald. s. v., and Ewald, Gesckichte des
Yolkes Israel, vol. iii. 1st edit. p. 76 ; and is
acknowledged by Movers, U;ber die Chronikeln,
18:!4, 254, and Hiveinick, Spezielle Etnleitung in
die ASe Testament, 18:S9, vol. ii. p. 237. This
alternative is in itself by far the most probable, and
ought not to occasion any surprise. The compiler
of the Chronicles, who probably lived in the time
of Alexander's successors, hail the Book of Kings
before him, and in copying its accounts, occasionally
used later and mora common words for words older
and more unusual (De Wette, I.e. p. 266). it is
probable that during the Persian domination Tartes-
sus was independent (Herodotus i. 163, ; at any
rate, when lint visited by the Greeks, it appears to
• 8Sr Kmerson Tennent has pointed out and translated
s very instructive passage in Xenopbon, Seonem. cap.
vfctt, lit which there is a detailed description of a large
Pnoen'.cuui vessel, to peya irAoior to tcxruror. This scents
to have struck Xenophon with the esme kind of admira-
tion which every one feels who becomes acquainted for
the first tune with the arrangement* of an English man
in 8r) KncycL BriUmnico, 8th ed « v. " Tarshish '
TARSHISH
have nad its own kings. It at not, there* i*. t)
any means unnatural that the old trad; of the
Phoenicians with Tarshish had ceased to be unde-
stood ; and the compiler of the Chronicles, when he
read of " ships of Tarshish," presuming, as a mattes
of course, that they were destined for Tarshish, con-
sulted, as he thought, the convenience of his readers
by inserting the explanation as part of the text.
Although, however, the point to which the fleet
of Solomou and Hiram went once in three years did
not bear the name of Tarshish, the question here
arises of what that point was, however it wax
called? And the reasonable answer seems to be
India, or the Indian Islands. This is shown by the
nature of the imports with which the fleet returned,
which are specified as " gold, silver, ivory, apes,
and peacocks" (1 K. x. 22). The gold mhrht
possibly have been obtained from Africa, or from
Ophir in Arabia [Ophik], and tlie ivory and th*
apes might likewise have been imported from
Africa ; but the peacocks point conclusively, not to
Africa, but to India. One of the English transla-
tors of Curier's Animal Kingdom, London, 1829,
vol. viii. p. 136, says, in reference to this bird :
" It has long since been decided that India was the
cradle of the peacock. It is in the countries of
Southern Asia, and the vast Archipelago of the
Eastern Ocean, that this bird appears to have fixed
its dwelling, and to live in a state of freedom. All
travellers who have visited these countries make
mention of these birds. Thevenot encountered
great numbers of them in the province ot Guzxerat ;
Tarernier throughout all India, and Payrard in the
neighbourhood of Calcutta. Labillardiere teUs us
that peacocks are summon in the island of Java."
To this may be added the statement of Sir William
Jardine, Naturalises Library, voL xx. p. 147.
There are only two species " known ; both inhabit
the continent and islands of India" — so that the
mention of the peacock seems to exclude the possi-
bility of the voyage having been to Africa. Mr
Crswfurd, indeed, in his excellent Descriptita Dic-
tionary of the Indian Islands, p. 310, expresses an
opinion that the birds are more likely to hare been
parrots than peacocks ; and be objects to the pea-
cock, that, independent of its great size, it is U
delicate constitution, which would make it nearly
impossible to convey it in small vessels and by a
long sea voyage. It is proper, however, to meotaoe,
on the authority of Mr. Gould, whose splendid
works on birds are so well known, that the peacock
is by no means a bird of delicate constitution, and
that it would bear a sea voyage very well. Mr.
Gould observes that it might be easily fed during a
long voyage, as it lives on grain ; and that it would
merely have been necessary, in older to keep it in
a cage, to have cut off its train ; wltich, it is to be
observed, falls off of itself and is naturally renewed
once a year.
The inference to be drawn from the importation
of peacocks is confirmed by the Hebiew name for
the ape and the peacock. Neither of these names
is of Hebrew, or even Shemitic, origin ; and each
points to India.* Thus the Hebrew word for ape is
•> The word "shrnhabblm " = ivory, Is likewise nsoallj
regarded as of Indian origin, " Ibha " being in Sanscrit.
•• elephant." But ■• shenlwbbim." or " sbenhavtm," aw
the word would be without points, Is nowhere used fat
Ivory except in connection with this vojase, the tutu,
word for Ivory bring tKcn by Itself. The conjecture o.
RJMIger lo Oesenms's notour**, a. v. Is very probable)
Out the correct reading U C|*J3n 3B 8 - " 0,T ' , " t ' " , ** ,
TA11SH1SU
AWpA, while the Sanscrit wonl it kapi (set Qesenius
«*i FOrst, ». e., imd Max Mailer, On the Science
of Language, p. 190). Again, the Hebrew word
for peacock is Uikki, which cannot be explained
in Hebrew, but is akin to tika in the Tamil lan-
guage, in which t is likewise capable of explanation.
Thu», the Rev. Dr. K. Caldwell, than whom there ia
no greater authority on the Tamil language, writes
as follows from Filamcottah, Madras, June 12,
1862. — " Tika' is a well recognized Tamil word
for peacock, though now used only in poetry. The
Sanscrit eikki refers to the peculiar crest of the pea-
cock, and mean* (avitj erittata; the Tamil tika
refer* to the other and still more marked peculiarity
of the peacock, its tail (i. e. its train), and means
{avitj caudata. The Tamil tika signifies, accord-
ing to the dictionaries, ' plumage, the peacock's tail,
the peacock, the end of a skirt, a flag, and, lastly, a
woman ' (a comparison of gaily-dressed women with
peacocks being implied). The explanation of all
these meanings is, that tika literally rdeans that
which hangs — a hanging. Hence tikhai, another
form of the same word in provincial use in Tamil
(see also the Ugai of Rodiger in Gesenius's The-
wttnu, p. 1502), means ' skirt,' and in Telugu,
tika means a tail." It ia to be observed, however,
that, if there was any positive evidence of the
voyage having been to Africa, the Indian origin of
the Hebrew name for ape and peacock would not be
of much weight, as it cannot be proved that the
Hebrews first became acquainted with the name of
these animal* through Solomon's naval expeditions
from Euon Geber. Still, this Indian origin of those
names most be regarded a* important in the ab- i
aence of any evidence in favour of Africa, and in
conjunction with the fact that the peacock if an
Indian and not an African bird.
It is only to be added, that there are not suffi-
cient data for determining what were the port* in
India or the Indian Islands which were reached by
the fleet of Hiram and Solomon. Sir Emerson
Tennent ha* made a suggestion of Point de Guilt,
in Ceylon, on the ground that from three centuries
before the Christian era there is one unbroken chain
of evidence down to the present time, to prove that
it was the grand emporium for the commerce of
all nations east of the Red Sea. [Sea article Tar-
siuait, above.] But however reasonable this sugges-
tion may be, it can only be received at a pure
conjecture, inasmuch a* there ia no evidence that
any emporium at all was in existence at the Point
de Galle 700 years earlier. It can scarcely be
doubted that there will always henceforth be an
emporium at Singapore ; and it might seem a spot
marked out by nature for the commerce of nations ;
yet we know how fallacious it would be, under any
circumstances, to argue 2000 years hence that it
must hare been a great emporium in the twelfth
century, or even previous to the nineteenth century,
of the Christian era. [E. T.J
TAB'8U8(Tapo-o'»). The chief town of CrLICIA,
" no mean city " in other respect*, but illustrious
to all tine a* the birthplace and early residence of
the Apostle Paul (Act* ix. 11, xa. 39, xxii. 3).
It is simply in this point of view that the place s
TARSUS
1441
meatiuned in the three passage* just referred to
And the only other passages in which the name oc-
cur* arc Acta ix. 30 and xi. 25, which give tin
limit* of that residence in his native town which
succeeded tne first visit to Jerusalem after his con-
version, and preceded his active ministerial work
at Antioch and elsewhere (compare Acts xxli. 21
and GaL i. 21). Though Tarsus, however, if not
actually mentioned elsewhere, there is little doubt
that St. Paul waa there at the beginning of his
second and third missionary journey* (Act* xv. 41,
xviii. 23).
Even in the flourishing period of Greek history
it was a city of some considerable consequence
(Xen. Anab. i. 2, §23). After Alexander's con-
quests had swept this way (Q. Curt. iii. 5), and
the Seleucid kingdom was established at Antioch,
Tarsus usually belonged to that kingdom, though
for a time it was under the Ptolemies. In the Civil
Wars of Rome it took Caesar's side, and on the
occasion of a visit from him had its name changed
to Juliopolis (Cats. Bell. Alex. 68; Dion Cats.
xlvii. 26). Augustus made it a " free city." We
are not to suppose that St. Paul had, or could
have, his Roman citizenship from this circum-
stance, nor would it be necessary to mention this,
but that many respectable commentators have
fallen into this enor. We ought to note, on
the other hand, the circumstances in the social
state of Tarsus, which had, or may be conceived
to have had, an influence on the Apostle's train-
ing and character. It was renowned as a plact
of education under the early Roman emperors
Strabo compares it in this respect to Athens and
Alexandria, giving, as regards the zeal for learning
showed by the residents, the preference to Tarsus
(xiv. 673). Some eminent Stoics resided here,
among others Athenodorus, the tutor of Augustus,
and Nestor, the tutor of Tiberius. Tarsus also was
a place of much commerce, and St. Basil describes
it as a point of union for Syrians, Cilicians, Isau-
rians, and Cappadocians (Basil, Ep. Evaeb. 8amoe.
Episc.).
Tarsus was situated in a wide and fertile plain
on the banks of the Cydnus, the waters of which
are famous for the dangerous fever caught by Alex-
ander when bathing, and for the meeting of Antony
and Cleopatra. This part of Cilicia was intersected
in Roman times by good roads, especially one cross-
ing the Taurus northwards by the " Cilician Gates"
to the neighbourhood of Lystra and Iconium, the
other joining Tarsus with Antioch, and passing
eastwards by the " Amanian " and " Syrian Gates.
No ruins of any importance remain. The following
Colo of Taima.
a- aba tubulin, which is remarkably ounfinneil by a pat- wblcb h nearly Identical with the Persian name tat*,
•tft in Eieklel (xxvIL 16), where be speaks oi the men or | i» Tlie dk* U»t the peacook U mentioned tui
Deftta having brought to Tyre boms uf Itory and ebony, j Cr*^"-* 3 '
O'Um Igr. the first time In Aristophanes. >«w, 102, 3M (bs!nj
• The Ure-ks receive the peacock through the Per- 1 unknown to the Homeric r\wne) tgrtes with IMs Partial
tlans, as la mown t r the Greek name tat*, ruin, orsjka,
vou III. I * «>
1442
TABTAK
anxboritia nay be consulted: — Belley hi vol. xxviU
of the AoatUmie da Itucript. ; Beaufort's Kara-
mania, p. 275 ; Leake's Asia Minor, p. 214 ; Barker's
Lara and Pmata, pp. 31, 173, 187. [J. S. H.]
TABTAK (pmn: 9aft<U: TkarOae). One
•* the gods of the Avite, or Awite, colonists who
were planted in the cities of Samaria after the re-
moval of the tribes by Shalmaneser (2 K. xvii. 31).
According to Kabbinical tradition, Tartak is said to
have been worshipped under the form of an ass
(Talm. Babl. Sanludrm, fol. 636). From this it
has been conjectured that this idol was the Egyptian
Typho, but though in the hieroglyphics the ass is
the symbol of Typho, it was so far from being re-
girded as an object of worship, that it was consid-
ered absolutely unclean (Plut. ft. tt 0$. c 14).
A Persian or Pehlvi origin has been suggested for
Tartak, according to which it signifies either " in-
tense darkness," or " hero of darkness," or the
underworld, and so perhaps some planet of ill-luck
as Saturn or Mars (Genu. Thes. ; Furst, Handicb.).
The Carmanians, a warlike race on the Persian
Gulf, worshipped Mars alone of all the gods, and
sacrificed an ass in his honour (Strabo, it. p. 727).
Perhaps some trace of this worship may have given
rise to the Jewish tradition. [W. A W.]
TABTAN C|Jrjn : Buptir, TanUar, or Top-
atir : Tharthan), which occurs only in 2 K. zriii.
17, and Is. zz. 1, has been generally regarded as a
proper name. (Gesen. Lex. Heb. a. v. ; Winer,
BmlvcSrtmbuch ; Kitto, Bibl. Cyclopaed., 4c.)
Winer assumes, on account of the identity of name,
that the same person is intended in the two places.
Kitto, with more caution, notes that this is uncer-
tain. Recent discoveries make it probable that in
Tartan, as in Rabsaris and Kabshakeh, we hare not
a proper name at all, but a title or official designa-
tion, like Pharaoh or Surena.* The Assyrian Tar-
tan is a general, or commander-in-chief. It seems
as if the Greek translator of 2 Kings had an inkling
of the truth, and therefore prefixed the article to all
three names (oWorsiAe fWiAtbi 'Affm/pW rbr
torfor iral to* 'Pae)ls (?) cat r or 'Pa^dmjr
wpit rir fWiAea. 'Efuclav), which he very rarely
prefixes to the names of persons where they are first
mentioned.
If this be the true account of the term Tartan,
we must understand in 2 K. zriii. 17, that Senna-
cherib sent " a general," together with his " chief
eunuch " and " chief cup-bearer," on an embassy
to Hesekiah, and in Is. zz. 1 that *' a general " —
probably a different person — was employed by
Sxrgon against Ashdod, and succeeded in taking the
eity. [G. R.]
TATNAI (»3JW : eWtforot; Aha. eoManst:
Tttathanai; Simonis, Geseuias, Furst), Satrap
CiriB) of the proTince west of the Euphrates in the
time of Darius Hystaspis and Zerubbabd (Ezr. v.
.1, 6, Ti. 6, 13). ("Shethar-Bozxai.1 The name
is thought to be Persian. \\. C. H.]
TAVEBN8, THE THREE. [Thbeb
Taverns.]
TAXES. In the history of Israel, as of other
sitions, the student who desires to form a just
estimate of the sordid condition of the people most
* tocos, the Parthian term for" sgeoeril." was often
nMakaa tor a proper name by the danjeal writers.
(Mrab. zvL 1 ,23; Appiao. Ml /•«<*. p. MO; Ulan (.Ma.vl.4l).
TAXES
take into account the tazes which they had tk
pay. According as these are light or heavy tcay
vary the happiness and prosperity of a natkre.
To them, though lying in the background cf his-
tory, may often be traced, as to the true rootirs-
power, many political revolutions. Within the
limits of the present article, it will not be possible
to do more than indicate the extent and form of
taxation in the several periods of Jewish history
and its influence on the lite of the puj W.
I. Under the Judges, according to the theocratic
government contemplated by the law, the only pay-
ments obligatory upon the people as of permanent
obligation were the Tithes, the First Fruits, the
Redemption-money of the first-bom. sod other
offerings as belonging to special occasions [Priests].
The payment by each Israelite of the half-shekel
as "atonement-money," for the service of the
tabernacle, on taking the census of the people
(Ez. zzz. 13), does not appear to have laid the
character' of a recurring tax, but to have been
supplementary to the free-will offerings of Ez.
zzv. 1-7, levied for the one purport of the con-
etiuction of the sacred tent. In later tune*,
indeed, after the return from Babylon, there wa»
an annual payment for maintaining the fabric and
services of the Temple; but the fact that this
begins by the voluntary compact to pay one-thin,
of a shekel (Neh. z. 32) shows that till then
there was no such payment recognised a* neces-
sary. A little later the third became a half, and
under the name of the didracama (Matt. zvii. 84)
was paid by every Jew, in whatever part of the
world he might be living (Jos. Ant. xviii. 9, f 1 ).
Large sums were thus collected in Babylon and
other eastern cities, and were sent to Jerusalem
under a special escort (Jos. Ant. L c. ; Gc pro
Mm. c 28). We have no trace of any further
taxation than this during the period of the Judge*.
It was not in itself heavy: it was lightened by
the feeling that it was paid as a religious act.
In return for it the people secured the celebration
of their worship, and the presence among them of
a body of men acting moie or less efficiently at
priests, judges, teachers, perhaps also as physicians.
[Priests.] We cannot wonder that the people
should afterwards look back to the good old days
when they had been so lightly burdened.
II. The kingdom, with its centralised govern-
ment and greater magnificence, involved, of coarse,
a larger expenditure, and therefore a heavier taxa-
tion. This may have come, during the soar his-
tory of the monarchy, in many different forma,
according to the financial nece ss iti es of the times.
The chief burdens appear to have been: (1) A
tithe of the produce both of the soil and of lire
stock, making, together with the ecclesiastical
tithe, 20 per cent, on incomes of this nature v T
Sam. viii. 15, 17). (2) Forced military service
for a month every year (1 Sam. viii. 13; IK.
iz. 22; 1 Chr. zzvii. 1). (3) Gifts to the king,
theoretically free, like the old Benevolences of
English taxation, but expected as a thing of course.
at the commencement of a reign (1 Sam. x. 27
or in time of war (oomp. the gifts of Jesse, 1 Sam
xvi. 20, zvii. 18). In the case of subject princes
the gifts, still made in kind, armour, horses, gold,
silver, lie., appear to have been regularly assessed
Oeas. si IS; Pint. Oass. p. Ml. E. to.) Tscftas Is
Um first author who seams to be swan that tt Is a tilir
TAXES
(1 If. X. 16; 9 Chr. a. 24) Whether th.s
was era- the cue with the present* from bnelitc
snbjecu must remain uncertain. (4) Import
duties, chiefly on the produce of the spice districts
of Arabia (1 K. x. 15). (5) The monopoly of
certain branches of commerce, as, for example,
that of gold (1 K. ix. 28, xxii. 48), hue linen or
byssus from Egypt (1 K. x. 28), and horses (ib.
ver. 29). (6) The npproprintion to the king's use
of the early crop of hay (Am. t{i. 1). This may,
howerer, hare been peculiar to the northern king-
dom or occasioned by a special emergency (Ewald,
Prop*, in loc.).»
It is obvious that burdens such ss these, coming
apon a people previously unaccustomed to them,
most have been almost intolerable. Even under
Saul exemption from taxes is looked on ss a
sufficient reward for great military services (1
Sam. xvii. 25). Under the outward splendour
and prosperity of the reign of Solomon there lay
the deep discontent of an over-taxed people, and
it contributed largely to the revolution that fol-
lowed. The people complain not of Solomon's
idolatry but of their taxes (1 K. xii. 4). Of all
the king's officers he whom they hate most is
Adoram or Adoniram, who was " over the tri-
bute " (1 K. xii. 18). At times, too, in the history
at* both the kingdoms there were special burdens.
A tribute of 50 shekels a head had to be paid by
Menahem to the Assyrian king (2 K. xv. 20), and
under his successor Hoshea, this assumed the form
of an annual tribute (2 K. xvii. 4 ; amount not
stated). After the defeat of Josish by Pharaoh-
Kecbo, in like manner a heavy income-tax had to
be imposed on the kingdom of Judah to pay the
tribute demanded by Egypt (2 K. xxiii. 35)*, and
the change of masters consequent on the battle of
Carchemish brought in this respect no improve-
ment (Jos. Ant. x. 9, §1-3).
ID. Under the Persian empire, the taxes paid
r>y the Jews were, m their broad outline*, the
same in kind as those of other subject races. The
financial system which gained for Darius Hystaspis
the name of the " shopkeeper king " (xaVnAar,
Herod, iii. 89), involved the payment by each
satrap of a fixed sum as the tribute due from his
province (ibid.), and placed Mm accordingly in the
position of a jmblkama, or farmer of the revenue,
exposed to all the temptation to extortion and
tyranny inseparable from such a system. Here,
accordingly, we get glimpses of taxes of many
kinds. In Judaea, as in other provinces, the
inhabitants had to provide in kind for the main-
tenance of the governor's household (comp. the
caw of Themistocles, Thue. i. 138, and Herod, i.
192, ii. 98), besides a money-payment of 40 shekel*
» day (Neh. v. 14, 15). In Ezr. iv, 18, 20,
»ii. 24, wa get a formal enumeration of the
three great branches of the revenue. (1) The
TWO, fixed, measured 1 payment, probably direct
tan&aa (Grsiius). (2) "6a, the excise or octroi
an articles of oons»np<wfi(Ge8en.».r.). (3) *l]7n,
probably the toll payable at bridges, fords, or
certain stations on the high road. The influence
of Ezra secured for the whole ecclesiastical order,
from the priests down to the Nethinim, an immu-
nity from all three (Ezr. vii. 24) ; but the burden
TAXES
1443
• The Ustoiy of lbs drought In the reign of Absb
(I K. ZTttt. t) snows mat In socb esses a power like wis
oiuu haw been estenual to tk» support or lac cavalry of
pressed heavily on the great body of the ]wo|>le,
end (hey complained bitterly both of this and o!
the iyyofrtiloy, or forced service, to whxJi they and
their cattle were liable (Neh. ix. 37). They were
compelled to mortgage their vinevards and fields,
borrowing money at 12 per cent., the interest being
payable apparently either in money or in kind (Neh.
v. 1-11). Failing payment, the creditors exercised
the power (with or without the mitigation of the
year of Jubilee) of seizing the persons of the
debtors and treating them as slaves (Neh. v. 5;
comp. 2 K. iv. 1). Taxation was leading at
Jerusalem to precisely the same evils a* those
which appeared from like causes in the early
history of Rome. To this cause may probably
be ascribed the incomplete payment of tithes or
offerings at this period (Neh. xiii. 10, 12; Mai.
iii. 8), and the consequent necessity of a speci.il
poll-tax of the third part of s shekel for the ser-
vices of the Temple (Neh. z. 32). What could be
done to mitigate the evil was doue by Nehemiah,
but the taxes continued, and oppression and injus-
tice marked the government of the province accord
ingly (Eccl. v. 8)>
IT. Under the Egyptian and Syrian kings th
taxes paid by the Jews became yet heavier. Tht
" fanning " system of finance was adopted in its
worst form. The Persian governors had had to
pay a fixed sum into the tieasury. Now the taxes
were put up to auction. The contract sum for
those of Phoenicia, Judnea, Samaria, had been
estimated at about 8000 talents. An unscrupulous
adventurer (e. g. Joseph, under Ptolemy Euergetes)
would bid double that sum, sud would then go
down to the province, and by violence and cruelty,
like that of Turkish or Hindoo collectors, squeeze
out a large margin of profit for himself (Jos. Ant.
xii. 4, $1-5).
Under the Syrian kings we meet with an inge-
nious variety of taxation. Direct tribute (fipot),
an excise duty on alt, crown-taxes (artfarot,
golden crowns, or their value, sent yearly to the
king), one-half the produce of fruit trees, one- third
that of coin land, a tax of some kind on cattle:
these, as the heaviest burdens, are ostentatiously
enumerated in the decrees of the two Demctriuses
remitting them (1 Mace. x. 29, 30 ; xi. 35). Even
after this, however, the golden crown and scarlet
robe continue to be sent (1 Mace. xiii. 39). The
proposal of the apostate Jason to farm the revenues
at a rate above the average (460 talents, whik
Jonathan — 1 Mace xi. 28— pays 300 only), and
to pay 150 talents more for a licence to open a
circus (2 Mace iv. 9), gives us a glimpse oi
another source of revenue. The exemption given
by Antiochus to the priests and other ministers,
with the deduction of one-third for all the residents
in Jerusalem, was apparently only temporary (Jos,
AM. xii. 3, §3).
V. The pressure of Roman taxation, if not
absolutely heavier, was probably mora galling, as
being more thorough snd systematic, more dis-
tinctively a mark of bondage. The capture of
Jerusalem by Pompey was followed immediately
by the imposition of a tribute, and within a short
time the sum thus taken from the resources of the
country amounted to 10,000 talents (Jos. Ant.
xiv.4, J4, 5). The decrees of Julius Caesar showed
the royal army,
s The later date of the book is 1
Oomp. BccLsaiAsna,
ImtklsnCt-
<lt
1444
TAXES
> characteristic desire to tighten the burden* that
p i t mid upon the subjects of the republic. The
tribute m not to be farmed. It was not to he
levied at all in the Sabbatic fear. One-fourth
only ma demanded in the year that followed (Jos.
Ant. it. tO, $5, 6). The people, still under the
government of Hyrcantis, were thus protected
against their own rulers. Die struggle of the
republican party after the death of the Dictator
brought fresh burdens upon the whole of Syria,
and Cassias levied not leas than 700 talents from
Judaea alone. Under Herod, as mignt be expected
from his lavlsn expenditure in public buildings,
the taxation became heavier. Even in yean of
famine a portion of the produce of the soil was
seized for the royal revenue (Jos. Ant. xt. 9, §1),
and it was not till the discontent of the people
became formidable that he ostentatiously dimin-
ished this by onc-tliiid (Jos. Ant. xr. 10, §4). It
was no wonder that when Herod wished to found a
new city in Trachonitis, and to attract a population
of residents, he found that the most effective bait
was to promise immunity from taxes (Jos. Ant.
vii. 8, §1), or that on his death the people should
.4 loud in their demands that Archelaus should
release them from their burdens, complaining
specially of the duty levied on dl sales (Jos. Ant.
xvii. 8, §4).
When Judaea became formally a Human pro-
vince, the whole financial system of the Empire
came as a natural consequence. The taxes were
systematically farmed, and the publicans appeared
as a new curse to tlie country. [Publicans.]
The Portoria were levied at harbours, piers, and
the gates of cities. These were the rikn of Matt,
xvii. 24 ; Rom. xiii. 7. In addition to this there
was the Jtijwoi or poll-tax (Cod. D. gives i-ri-
Kf<p4\*ioy in Mark xii. 15) paid by every Jew,
and looked upon, for that reason, as the special
badge of servitude. It was about the lawfulness
of this payment that the rabbis disputed, while
they were content to acquiesce in the payment of
the customs (Matt. xxii. 17; Mark xii. 13; Luke
xx. 20). It was against this apparently that the
straggles of Judas of Galilee and his follower
were chiefly directed (Jos. Ant. xviii. 1, §6;
B. J. ii. 8, §1). United with this, as part of the
tame system, there was also, in all probability, a
property-tax of some kind. Quirinus, after the
deposition of Archelaus, was sent to Syria to
complete the work — begun, probably, at the time
•f our Lord's birth— of valuing and registering
property [Cvrenius, Taxing], and this would
hardly have been necessary for a mere poll-tax.
The influence of Joaxar the high-priest led the
people generally (the followers of Judas and the
Pharisee Sadduc were the only marked exceptions)
to acquiesce in this measure and to make the
required retoras (Jos. Ant. xviii. 1, §1 ) ; but their
discontent still continued, and, under Tiberius,
they applied for some alleviation (Tac. Ann. ii.
42 ). In addition to the** general taxes, the inha-
bitant* of Jerusalem were subject to a special
house-drty about this period; Agrippa, in bis
desire to reward the good-will of the people, re-
mitted it (Jos. Ant. xix. 6, §3).
1; can hardly be doubted that in this, as in
aorst other owes, an oppieasive taxation tended
greatly to demoralise the people. Many of the
TAXING
jaest glaring faults of the Jewish character am
di'Unctiy traceable to it. The fierce, vindiotivs
a ielt y of the Galilaans, the Zealot*, the Sicarii,
wit its natural fruit. It was not the lend
si riking proof that the teaching of our Lord and
His disciples was more than the natural outrnsh of
popular feeling, that it sought to raise men to the
higher region in which all such matters were regarded
ts things indifferent ; and, instead of expressing th»
popular impatience of taxation, gave, us the true
counsel, the precept " Render unto Caesar the things
that are Caesar's," " tribute to whom tribute is due,
custom to whom custom." f_E. H. P.J
TAXING. I. (i) axoypafH: daenptin. Lake
ii. 2 ; profeseb. Acts v. 37). The cognate verb
&iroypAe>to4ai <n like manner is rendered by " to
be taxed " in the A. V.,* while the Vulgate emptors
" ut describeretur universus orhis " in Luke ii. 1 ,
and " ut profiteientur singuli " in rer. 3. Both the
Lntiu words thus used are found in classical writers
with the meaning of a registration or formal return
of population or property (Cic. Virr. ii. 8, §47 ;
de Off. i. 7 ; Sueton Tiber. 30). The English word
conveys to us more distinctly the notion of a tax
or tribute actually levied, but it appears to have
been used in the 16th centuiy for the simple assess-
ment of a subsidy upon the property of a given
county (Bacon, Hen. VII. p. 67), or the registia-
tion of the people for the purpose of a poll-tax
(Camden, Hist, of £tiz.). This may account for
the choice of the word by Tindal in lieu of " de-
■ scription " and " profession," which Wyclif, fol-
| lowing the Vulgate, had given. Since then " taxing"
. has kept its ground in most English version* with
I the exception of " tribute " in the Geneva, and
" enrolment" in the Rhemish of Acts V. 37. The
word ifwoypa^ by itself leaves the question whe-
ther the returns made were of population or pio-
1 perty undetermined. Josephus, using the word*
I ii axort/inrit raw oitriir (Ant. xviii. I, §1 ) aa
an equivalent, shows that " the taxing " of which
Gamaliel speaks included both. That connected
with the Nativity, the first step towards the com-
plete statistical returns, was probably limited to the
' former (Greswell, Hurmon;/, i. 542). In either case
j " Census " would have seemed the most natural
| Latin equivalent, but in the Greek of the N. T..
, and therefore probably in the familiar Latin of the
' period, as afterwards in the Vulg., that word slides
! off into the sense of the tribute actually paid (Matt,
xxii. 17, xvii. 24).
| II. Two distinct registrations, or taxings, aie
mentioned in the N. T., both of them by St. Luke.
I The first is said to have been the result of an edict
of the emperor Augustus, that ** all the v.*u .d ( i. e.
| the Roman empire) should be taxed" (kwoypd-
Qtaiat Taffeur rhr olxou^ynr) (Luke ii. 1), and
, is connected by the Evangelist with the name i>i
i Cyrenius, or Quirinus. The second, and mere im-
portant (if iMOffutfi, Acta v. 37 J, i* referred to in
the report of Gamaliel's speech, and is there dis-
tinctly associated, in point of time, with the revolt
of Judas of Galilee. The account of Josephus (Ant.
xviii. 1, §1 ; B. J. ii. 8, §1) brings together the
I two names which St. Luke keeps distinct, with 'in
I interval of several years between them. Cyrenim
, comes as governor of Syria after the deposition ol
Archelaus, ai-companied by Copouma as pioruintoi
of Judaea. He is sent to make an assessment of thi
• In H<b. xiii. 31 (i l Mimni> iwoyrypewcr** bt urn-born ss rliisrns of the heavenly Jorassleni. the a. V
Mswoi't). where lie Idea i> ihat of la* refMntlun of the has simply • * rittco," the Vnlf. * qui ooaserlpti sunt "
TAA1SG
value of ( njwrty in Syria (no intimation being
giveu of it* extension to the •iKovuVvn), and it is
thU which roves Jijas aid his followers to their
rebellion. The chronologic^ questions pi-esented
by these apparent discrepancies have been discussed,
so tar as they are connected with the name of the
governor of Syria, under Cvrenius. An account
of the tumults caused by the taxing will be found
under Judas of Galilee.
III. There are, however, some other questions
connected with the statemeutof Luke ii. 1-3, which
call for some notice.
(1.) The truth of the statement ha* been ques-
tioned by Strauss (Zeben Jem, i. 28) and De Wette
(Comm. in foe.), and others, on the ground that
neither Josephus nor any other contemporary writer
mentions a census extending over the whole empire
at this period (A.u.o. 750). An edict like this,
causing a general movement from the cities where
men resided to those in which, for some reason or
other, they were to be registered, must, it is said,
have been a conspicuous tact, such as no historian
would pass over. (2.) Palestine, it is urged further,
was, at this time, an independent kingdom under
Herod, and therefore would not have come under
the operation of an imperial edict. (.1.) If such a
measure, involving the recognition of Roman so-
vereignty, had been attempted under Heiod, it would
have roused the same resistance as the undisputed
census under Quirinue did at a later period. (4.)
The statement of St Luke that " all went to be
taxed, every one into his own city," is said to be
inconsistent with the rules of the Roman census,
which took cognisance of the plnce of residence only,
not of the place of birth. (5.) Neither in the
Jewish nor the Roman census would it have been
necessary for the wife to travel with her husband
in order to appear personally before the registrar
(censlior). TTie conclusions from nil these objec-
tions are, that this statement belongs to legend, not
lo history ; that it was a contrivance, more or less
ingenious, to account for the birth at Bethlehem
(that being assumed in popular tradition as a pre-
conceived necessity for the Messiah) of one whose
kindred lived, and who himself had growu up at
Narareth ; that the whole narrative of the Infancy
of our Lord, in St. Luke's Gospel, is to be looked
on as mythical. A sufficient defence of that narra-
tive may, it is believed, be presented within com-
paratively narrow limits.
(1.) It must be remembered that our history of
this portion of the reign of Augustus is defective.
Tacitus begins his Annals with the emperor's death.
Suetonius is gossiping, inaccurate, and ill-arranged.
Dion Cassius leaves a gap from A.U.C. 748 to 756,
with hardly any incidents. Josephus does not pro-
fess to give a history of the empire. It might easily
be that a general census, circ. A.U.C. 749-750,
should remain unrecorded by them. If the measure
was one of frequent occurrence, it would be all
the more likely to be passed over. The testimony
of a writer, like St. Luke, obviously educated and
well informed, giving many casual indications of a
study of chronological data (Luke i. 5, iii. ; Acts
tziv. 27), and of acquaintance with the Herodian
tueily (Luke viii. 3, xxiii. 8 ; Acts iii. 20, xid. 1)
and other official people (Acts xxiii.-xxvi.), recog.
oising distinctly the later and more conspicuous
bwoypatfi, must be admitted as fair presumptive
evidence, hardly to be set aside in the absence of
any evidence to the contrary. How hazardous such
an iu/errnxe from the silence wi Historians wvuid be,
TAXING
144a
we may judge from the tact tint there was un-
doubtedly a geometrical survey of the empire at
some period in the reign of Augustus, o:' which
none of the above writers take any notice (oonip.
the extracts from the Rei Agrariae Scriptores in
Greswell, Harmony, i. p. 537). It has beeu argued
further that the whole poliey of Augustus rested on
a perpetual communication to the central govern-
ment of the statistics of all parts of the empire. The
inscription on the monument of Ancyra (Gruttr,
Corpus Intcript. i. 230) names three general cen-
suses in the years A.U.C. 726, 746, 767 (camp.
Sueton. Octao. c. 28; Greswell, Harm. i. p. 535).
Dion Cass. (lv. 13) mentions another in Italy il
A.U.C. 757. Others in Gaul are assigned to A.? c.
727, 741, 767. Strabo (vi. 4, §2) writing early in
the reign of Tiberius speaks of ula ray KalF i/uas
rifftiatav, as if they were common things. In
A.U.C. 726, when Augustus offered to resign his
power, he laid before the senate a " rationnrium
imperii " (Sueton. Octet), c 28). After bis death,
in like manner, a " breviarium totius imperii " was
produced, containing full returns of the population,
wealth, resources of all parts of the empire, a care-
ful digest apparently of facts collected during the
labours of many years (Sueton. Octav. c. 101 ; Dion
Cass. lv. ; Tacit. j4nn. i. 11). It will hardly seem
strange that one of the routine official steps in this
process should only be mentioned by a writer who.
like St. Luke, had a special reason for noticing it.
A census, involving property-returns, and the direct
taxation consequent on them, might excite atten-
tion. A mere i-woyptufrfi would have little in it
to disturb men's minds, or force itself upon a
writer of history.
There is, however, some evidence, mora or less
circumstantial, in confirmation of St. Luke's state-
ment. (1.) The inference drawn from the silence of
historians may be legitimately met by an inference
drawn from the silence of objectors. It never oc-
curred to Celsus, or Lucian, or Porphyry, questioning
all that they could in the Gospel histoiy, to question
this. (2.) A remarkable passage in Suidas ((. v.
asroTpatp^) mentions a census, obviously diiiering
from the three of the Ancyran monument, and
agreeing, in some respects, with that of St. Luke.
It was made by Augustus not as censor, but by hit
own imperial authority ( !6(ay (rirre? ; oomp. iJijASe
tiffux, Luke ii. 1). The returns were collected
by twenty commissioners of high rank. They in-
cluded property as well as population, and extended
over the whole empire. (3.) Tei tullian, incident-
ally, writing controversially, not against a hmthen,
but against Marcion, appeals to the returns of the
census for Syria under Sentius Saturninus as acces-
sible to all who cared to seaich them, and proving
the birth of Jesus in the city of David (Tert. adv.
Marc. iv. 19). Whatever difficulty the diflerence
of names may present [comp. Cyrekius], here is,
at any rate, a strong indication of the fact of a
census of population, circ A.U.C. 749, and there-
fore in harmony with St. Luke's narrative. (4.)
Greswell {Harm. i. 476, iv. 6) has pointed to tome
circumstances mentioned by Josephus in the lost
year of Herod'* life, and therefore coinciding with
the time of the Nativity, which imply some special
action of the Roman government in Syria, the nature
of which the historian caieles*>lv or deliberately sup-
pie»es. b When Herod attends the council at !!*•
» The -Joess with which Josephus dwells on the history
c' r>rktV census aid Ike lone in which he rprabs i>*«
144ft
TAXING
rytus there art mentioned as present, besides Satur-
ninus and the Procarator, ol »«pl IleoaVior vp*>
r/9«i, as though the officer thus named had come,
accompanied by other commissioners, for some par-
pose which gave him for the time almost co-ordinate
Influence with the governor of Syria himself (B. J.
I. 27, §2). Just after this again, Herod, for some
unexplained reason, found it necessary to administer
to the whole people an oath, not of allegiance to
himself, but of goodwill to the emperor; and this
oath 6000 of the Pharisees refused to take (Joseph.
Ant. xrii. 2, §4 ; B. J. i. 29, §2). This statement
implies, it is urged, some disturbing cause affecting
the public tranquillity, a formal appearance of all
citizens before the king's officers, and lastly, some
measure specially distasteful to the Pharisees. The
narratire of St Luke offers an undesigned explana-
tion of these phenomena.
(2.) The second objection admits of aa satisfac-
tory an answer. The statistical document already
referred to included subject-kingdoms and allies,
no less than the provinces (Sueton. (. c). If
Augustas had any desire to know the resources of
Judaea, the position of Herod made him neither
willing nor able to resist. From first to last ws
meet with repeated instances of subservience. He
does not dare to try or punish his sons, but refers
their cause to the emperor's cognizance (Joseph.
Ant. xvi. 4, §1, xvii. 5, £8). He holds his king-
dom on condition of paying a fixed tribute. Per-
mission k ostentatiously given him to dispose of
the succession to his throne ss he likes best (Joseph.
Ant. xvi. 4, §5). He binds his people, as we have
seen, by an oath of allegiance to the emperor (Joseph.
Ant. xvii. 2, §4). The threat of Augustus that he
would treat Herod no longer as an ally but as a
subject (Joseph. Ant. xvi. 9, §3), would be fol-
lowed naturally enough by some such step as this,
and the desire of Herod to regain bis favour would
lead him to acquiesce in it.
(3.) We need not wonder that the measure should
have been carried into effect without any popular
outbreak. It was a return of the population only,
not a valuation of property ; there was no imme-
diate taxation as the consequence. It might offend
a party like the Pharisees. It was not likely to
excite the multitude. Even if it seemed to some
the prognostication of a coming change, and of
direct government by the Roman emperor, we know
that there was a large and influential party ready
to welcome that change as the best thing that
could happen for their country (Joseph. Ant. xvii.
II, §2).
(4.) The alleged inconsistency of what St. Luke
narrates is precisely what might be expected under
the known circumstances of the case. The census,
though Roman in origin, was effected by Jewish
instrumentality, and in harmony therefore with
Jewish customs. The alleged practice is, however,
doubtful, and it has been maintained (Huschke,
ion- dm Cemus, be in Winer "Schatxung")
that the inhabitants of the provinces were, as far
as possible, registered in their form origina — not
in the plan in which they were only residents. It
may be noticed incidentally that the journey from
\'aaareth to Bethlehem belongs to a time when
Galilee and Judaea were under the same ruler, and
would therefore have been out ot the question (as
the subject of one prince would certainly not be
(JHL vtt. 13* make it probable that there may have
bom a superstitious unwullngnwa to speak of this popu.
TEKOA
registered as belonging to another) after the dostt
of Herod the Great. The circumstances of the Nati-
vity indicate, if they do not prove, that Joseph went
there only for personal enrolment, not because be
was the possessor of house or land.
(5.) The last objection as to the presence of the
Virgin, where neither Jewish nor Roman practice
would have required it, is perhaps the moat frivolous
and vexatious of all. If Mary were herself of the
house and lineage of David, there may have bees
special reasons tor her appearance at Bethlehem.
In any case the Scripture narrative ie consistent
with itself. Nothing could be more natural, look-
ing to the unsettled state of Palestine at this period,
than that Joseph should keep his wife under his
own protection, instead of leaving her by herself
in an obscure village, exposed to danger and re-
proach. In proportion to the hopes he had been
taught to cherish of the birth of a Son of David,
in proportion also to his acceptance of the popular
belief that the Christ was to be born in the citv of
David (Matt. ii. 5 ; John vii. 42), would be" has
desire to guard against the accident of birth in the)
despised Nazareth out of which " no good thing' *
could come (John i. 46).
The literature connected with this subject is, an
might be expected, very extensive. Every com-
mentary contains something on it, Meyer, Words-
worth, and Alford may be consulted as giving the
latest summaries. Good articles will be found under
" Schatxung " in Winer, Rmhcb. ; and Henog'e Bial-
Eneyclop. A very full and exhaustive discussion
of all points connected with the subject is given by
Spanheim, Dubia Evang. ii. 3-9; and Rfchardua.
Din. it Cent* August i, in Heathen's Tkamnu,
ii. 428; comp. also Ellicott, Hvluta* Lectin*,
p. 57. [E. H. P.]
TETBAH(rnO: To/Sea: 7biw). Eldest of tha
sons of Nahor, by his concubine Reumah (Gen. xxiu
24). Josephus calls him Ta0wer {Ant. i. 6, J5).
TEBALJ'AH (IJV^aO: Ta$kal; Alex. Tn-
flfA/at : Tabelka). Third son of Hossh of the
children of Merari (I Chr. xxvi. 11).
TErTETH. [Mouth.]
TEHIN'NAH (WrW: eoiautV; Alex. OeW:
Te/unna). The father or founder of Ir-Nshash, tha
city of Nahsah, and son of Eshton (1 Chr. iv. 12).
His name only occurs in an obscure genealogy of the
tribe of Judah, among those who are called " the
men of Rschah."
TEIL-TBEE. [Oak.]
TEKO'A and TEKO'AH (jflpn, but in
2 Sam. xiv. 2 only, njtfpFI : ©«xoW and Ofxsse';
Joseph. SsKvt*, BtKva: Theeut), a town in the
tribe of Judah (2 Chr. xi. 6, ss the associated places
show), on the range of hills which rise near Hebron,
and stretch eastward towards the Dead Sea. These
hills bound the view of the spectator as he looks to
the south from the summit of the Mount of Olives.
Jerome (at Amot, Prooem.) says that Tekoa was
six Roman miles from Bethlehem, and that aa ha
wrote (in Jerem. vi. 1) ha had that village daily
before his eyes ( Tfultoam qwtidie ocu/ti cemima).
In his Onomastiam (art. Eethti, 'EavVvW) >( re-
presents Tekoa «s nine miles only from Jeruaklra ;
Isuon census, which would dot spplv to UM
sair— mat ot 'latrines.
TKKOA
hot elsewhere he agrees with Eu«~loins j making
D« distance twelve miles. In the latur ease he
reckons by the way of Bethlehem, the usual course
in going from the one place to the other ; but there
may have been also another aud shorter way, to
which he has reference in the other computation.
Some suggest (Bachiene, Paldstina, ii. p. 60) that
an error may nave crept into Jerorae'b text, and
that we should read twelve there instead of nine.
is 2 Chr. xx. 20 (see alio 1 Mace. ix. 33), mention
ia made of " the wilderness of Tekoa," which most
be understood of the adjacent region on the east of
the town (see atfra), which in its physical cha-
lacter answers so entirely to that designation. It
■ evident from the) name (derived from tf£R, " to
strike," said of driving the stakes or pins into the
ground for securing the tent), as well as from the
manifest adaptation of the region to pastoral pur-
suit*, that the people who lived here must have
been occupied mainly as shepherds, and that Tekoa
in it* best days could have been little more than a
cluster of tents, to which the men returned at in-
terval* from the neighbouring pastures, and in which
their families dwelt during their absence.
The biblical interest of Tekoa arises, not so much
from any events which are related as having occurred
there, as from its connexion with various person*
who are mentioned in Scripture. It is not enu-
merated in the Hebrew catalogue of towns in Judah
(Josh. xv. 49), but is inserted in that passage of
the Septuagint. The " wise woman " whom Joab
employed to effect a reconciliation between David
and Absalom was obtained from this place (2 Sam.
sir, 2). Here also, Ira, the son of Ikkeah, one of
David's thirty " mighty men " (D^iSJ) was born,
and was called on that account "the Tekoite"
(2 Sam. xxiii. 26). It was one of the places which
Rehoboam fortified, at the beginning of bis reign,
as a defence against invasion from the south (2 Chr.
xi. 6). Some of the people from Tekoa took part
id building the walls of Jerusalem, after the return
from the Captivity (Neh. iii. 5, 27). In Jer. vi.
1, the prophet exclaims, "Blow the trumpet in
Tekoa and set up a sign of fire in Beth-Haccerem " —
the latter probably the " Frank Mountain," the cone-
•haped hill ao conspicuous from Bethlehem. It is
the sound of the trumpet as a warning of the ap-
proach of enemies, and a signal-fire kindled at night
for the same purpose, which are described here as
so appropriately heard and seen, in the hour of
danger, among the mountains of Judah. But Tekoa
ia chiefly memorable as the birthplace of the prophet
Amos, who was here called by ii special voice from
heaven to leave his occupation as " a herdman "
and " a gatherer of wild figs," and was sent forth
thence to testily against the sins of the kingdom of
Israel (Amos vii. 14). Accustomed to such pur-
suit*, be must have been familiar with the solitude
of the desert, aud with the dangers there incident
to a shepherd's life. Some effect of his peculiar
training amid such scene* mav be traced, as critics
think (De Wette, EM. aw Atte Ted. p. 356), in
tha content* and style of his prophecy. Jerome
(ad Am. i. 2) says, " . . . . etiam Amos prophetam
qui pastor de pastoribus fuit et pastor nou in loci*
eulti* et arboribu* ac vinei* ennritis, ant carte inter
sylvas et prata virentia, sed m lata eremi vastitate,
in qua versator leonum ferita* et interfectio pecorum,
trtU toot umm est* termmUno." Compare Am.
ii. Ill, iii. 4, 12. iv. 1, vi. Ii, vii. 1 ; and Me the
striking- lemnrks of Dr. 1'm.ev ItUrod. tt Amu*.
TEKOA
1447
In the genealogiu. of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 24, and
iv. 5) A»hur, a posthumous son of Hezron and a
brother of Caleb, is there mentioned as the fathei
of Tekoa, which appears to mean thtt he was the
founder of Tekoa, or at least the owner of th it vil-
lage. See Roediger in Gtsen. Theaaur. iii. p. 1518
Tekoa is known still as TtkSa, and, though it
lies somewhat aside from the ordinary route, hat
been visited and described by several recent tra-
vellers. The writer was there on the 21st of April,
1852, during an excursion from Jerusalem by the
way of Bethlehem and Urtia. Its distance from
Beit La/an agrees precisely with that assigned by
the early writers as the distance between Tekoa
and Bethlehem. It is within sight also of the
" Frank Mountain," beyond question the famous
Herodium, or site of Herod's Castle, which Joaephu*
(B. J. iv. 9, §5) represents as near the ancient
Tekoa, It lies on an elevated hill, which spread*
itself out into an irregular plain of moderate ex-
tent. It* "high position" (Robinson, Bib. if*.
i. 486) "gives it a wide prospect. Toward the
north-east the land slopes down towards Waiy
JTAsVet'rdn ; on the other sides the hill is surrounded
by a belt of level table land ; beyond which are
valleys, and then other higher hill*. On the south,
at some distance, another deep valley run* off south-
east towards the Dead Sea. The view in this direc-
tion is bounded only by the level mountains of
Moab, with frequent hunts of the Dead Sea, seen
through openings among the rugged and desolate
intervening mountain*.' The scene, on the occa-
sion of the writer's journey above referred to, was
eminently a pastoral one, and gave back no doubt a
faithful image of the olden times. There were two
encampments of shepherds there, consisting of tents
covered with the black goat-skin* ao commonly used
for that purpose ; they were supported on poles and
tamed up in part on on* side, ao a* to enabl* a
person without to look into the interior. Flock*
were at pasture near the tents and on the remoter
hill-sides in every direction. There were horses and
cattle and camel* also, though these were not so
numerous as the sheep and goat*. A well of living
water, on the outskirts of the village, was a centre
of great interest and activity ; women were coming
ana going with their pitchers, and men were filling
the troughs to water the animals which they had
driven thither for that purpose. The general aspect
of the region was sterile and unattractive ; though
here and there were patches of verdure, and some
of the fields, which had yielded an early crop, had
been recently ploughed up, as if for some new species
of cultivation. Fleecy clouds, white as the driven
snow, were floating towards the Dead Sea, and their
shadows, as they chased each other over the land-
scape, seemed to be fit emblem* of the changes m
the destiny of men and nations, of which there *u
so much to remind one at such a time and in such
a place. Various ruins exist at Tekoa, such as the
wall* of houses, cisterns, broken columns, and heaps
of building stones. Some of these stones have the
so-called "bevelled" edges which are supposed to
•how a Hebrew origin. There was a convent here
at the beginning of the 6th century, and a Chris-
tian settlement in the time of the Crusaders; and
undoubtedly most of these remains belong to modem
times rather than ancient. Among these should be
mentioned a baptismal font, sculptured out of a
li!ut»cone block, thr«e feet and nine inches deep,
with an internal din eter at the top of four feet,
and dcugncd ewdeuu ■ tor baptism as adiniiiistertc'
1448
TEKOA
m the Greek Church. It stands in the opei air,
like a similar one which the writer saw at Jvfna,
near Beitin, the ancient Bethel. See more fully in
the Christian Review (New York, 1853, p. 519).
Near Tek&'a, among the same mountains, on
the brink of a frightful precipice, are the rains of
Khircitun, possibly a corruption of Kerioth (Josh,
xv. 25), and in that case perhaps the birthplace of
Judas the traitor, who was thence called lscariot,
i. 0. " man of Kerioth." it is impossible to
survey the scenery of the place, and not feel that a
dark spirit would find itself in its own element
amid the seclusion and wilduess of such a spot.
High up from the bottom of the ravine is an open-
ing in the face of the rocks which leads into an
immense subterranean labyrinth, which many sup-
pose may have been the Cave of Adutlam, in which
David and his followers sought refuge from the
pursuit of Saul. It is large enough to contain
hundreds of men, and is capable of defence against
almost any attack that could be made upon it from
without. When a party of the Turks fell upon Tek&'a
and sacked it, a.d. 1138, most of the inhabitants,
anticipating the danger, fled to this cavern, and thus
saved their lives. It may be questioned (Robin-
ton, i. 481) whether this was the actual place of
David's retreat, but it illustrates, at all events, that
peculiar geological formation of the country, which
accounts for such frequent allusions to " dens and
caves " in the narrations of the Bible. The writer
was told, as a common opinion of the natives, that
some of the passages of this particular excavation
extended as far as to Hebron, several miles distant,
and that all the cord at Jerusalem would not be
sufficient to serve as clue for traversing its wind-
ings. [Odollam.]
One of the gates of Jerusalem in Christian times
seems to have borne the name of Tekoa. Arculf, at
any rate, mentions the " gate called Tecuitis " in
his enumeration of the gates of the city (a.d. 700).
It appears to hare led down into the valley of the
Kedron, probably near the southern end of the
East wall. But his description is not very clear.
Can it be to this that St. Jerome alludes in the
singular expression in the Epit. Paula* (§12),
reoertar Jerasolymam et per Thecuam atqve
Amoa, rutilantem montis Oliveti Crucem aspic-
iam. The Church of the Ascension on the summit
of Olivet would be just opposite a gate in the East
wall, and the " glittering cross" would be particu-
larly conspicuous if seen from beneath its shadow.
There is no more primi facie improbability in a
Tekoa gate than in a Bethlehem, Jaffa, or Da-
mascus gate, all which still exist at Jerusalem.
But it is strange that the allusions to it should be
so rare, and that the circumstances which made
Tekoa prominent enough at that period to cause a
gate to be named after It should have escaped
preservation. [H. B. H.]
TBKO'A (tfpn: e«te»<f: Tktcut). A name
occurring in Die genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 24,
iv. 5), as the son of Ashur. There is little doubt
that the town of Tekoa is meant, and that the
notice implies that the town was colonized or
fcuniei by a man or a town of the name of
Ash jr. [G.]
TEKO ITE, XKE (^Ril ; in Chron. "yipRH :
i BsaWrnt, o 8<im, i Btxtm frjjr : de Theqaa,
• In this hwtancr his rcndrrlng Is mure worthy of notiop,
a*vau» It would have own eo»y for him to have Inter-
TELAIH
T/waates). Ira ben-Ikkesh, one of David's war-
riors, is thus designated (2 Sam. xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr.
xi. 28, xxvii. 9). The common people among thk
Tekoites displayed great activity in the repairs ol
the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah. Tbey
undertook two lengths of the rebuilding (Neh. lii.
5,27). It is however specially mentkcea that theit
•* lords " (DrVlhtt) took no part in the work. [C]
TEL-A'BIB (3'3trbn: nerimpot: ad aca-
vum novanan frugum) was probably a city of
Chaldaea or Babylonia, not of Upper Mesof otamia,
as generally imagined. (See Calmet on Ex. iii. 15,
and Winer, ad ma.) The whole scene of EseMei's
preaching and visions seems to have been C-oddae*
Proper ; and the river Chebar, as already ojsemd
[see Chebak], was not the Khabour, but • branch
of the Euphrates. Ptolemy has in this rtgion a
Thel-bencane and a Thal-atha {Geograph. v. SO);
but neither name can be identified with Tel-*bib,
unless »e suppose a serious corruption. The de-
ment "Tel" in Tel-abib, is undoubtedly "hill.**
It is applied in modern times by the Arab* espe-
cially to the mounds or heaps which mark the site
of ruined cities all over the Mesopotamian plain, an
application not very remote from the Hebrew use,
according to which " Tel " is " especially a heap of
stones " (Gesen. ad voc.). It thus forms the first
syllable in many modem, as in many ancient names,
throughout Babylonia, Assyria, and Syria. (See
Assemann, Bibl. Orient, iii. pt. ii. p. 784.)
The LXX. have given a translation of the term,
by which we can see that they did not regard it as
a proper name, but which is quite inexplicable.
The Vulgate likewise translates, and correctly
enough, so far as Hebrew scholarship is concerned ;
but there seems to be no reason to doubt that the
word is really a proper name, and therefore ought
not to be translated at all. [O.K.]
TETAH^n: eaA«f»; Alex.»oA«: ThaU).
A descendant of Ephraim, and ancestor of Joshua
(1 Chr. vii. 25).
TEL'AIM (D't&tan, with the article : cV ToX-
y&hoit in both MSS., and so also Joeephns : quam
agnos). The place at which Saul collected and num-
bered his forces before his attack on Amalek (I Stun,
xv. 4, only). It may be identical with Telex, the
southern position of which would be suitable for an
expedition against Amalek ; and a certain support is
given to this by the mention of the name (ThaiUm
or Thelam) in the LXX. of 2 Sam. iii. 12. On the
other hand the reading of the LXX. in 1 Sam. «
4 (not only in the Vatican MS., but also in the
Alex., usually so close an adherent of the Hebrew
text), and ol Josephus (Ant. vi. 7, §2), who is not
given to follow* the LXX. slavishly — vii. Gilga)
is remarkable ; and when the frequent connexion <>l
that sanctuary with Saul's history is recollerted.
it is almost sufficient to induce the belief that in
this case the LXX. and Josephus have preserved the
right name, and that instead of Telaim we should,
with them, read Gilgal. It should be obserrtwl,
however, that the Hebrew MSS. exhibit no vai La-
don m the name, and that, excepting the LXX.
and the Targum, the Versions all agree with the
Hebrew. The Tgrgum renders it " lambs of the
Passover," according to a curious fancy, mentioned
elsewhere in the Jewish books ( Yalkut on I Sam.
preted the name ss the Rabbis do, wllh whose ■""Mm
he was well arqusliital
TELABSAR
Xv. 4, 4>.), that the army met at the Passover,
lad that the census was taken by counting the
' lambs. This is partly endorsed by Jerome in the
Vulgatt. [G.]
TELAS'SAB (IB^F): BmMv, Vttfiad :
Thehatar, Tltahmar) is mentioned in 2 K. xix. 12,
aid in Is. xxxvii. 12 as a city inhabited by " the
children of Eden," which had been conquered, and
Was held in the time of Sennacherib by the Assy-
rians. Id the former passage the name is rather
differently given both in Hebrew and English.
[Tuklasab.] In both it is connected with Gozan
'Gauxauitis), Haran (Carrhae, now Harran), and
tteaeph (the Razappa of the Assyrian Inscriptions),
all of which belong to the lull country above the
Upper Mesopotamian plain, the district from which
rise the JTAoMr and Btlik riven. [See Mesopo-
tamia, Gozan, and Hasan.] It is quite in
accordance with the indications of locality which
arise from this connection, to find Eden joined in
another passage (Ex. xxvii. 23) with Haran and
Asshur. Telassar, the chief city of a tribe known
as the Bern Edett, most have been in Western Me-
sopotamia, in the neighbourhood of Harran and
Orfk It would be uncritical to attempt to 6x the
locality more exactly. The name is one which
might have been given by the Assyrians to any
place where they had built a temple to Asshur, c
and hence perhaps its application by the Targums to
the Kesen of Gen. x. 12, which must have been on the
Tigris, near Nineveh and Calah. [Kesen.] [G. K.]
TEL'EM (DJ5D: Hautin*; Alex. T<Af/t: Te-
lem). One of the cities in the extreme south of
Judah (Josh. xv. 24). It occurs between ZiPH
(not the Ziph of David's escape) and Bealoth :
but has not been identified. The name Dhullam a
found in Van de Velde's map, attached to a district
immediately to the north of the Kubbet el-Baul, south
of el MUh and Ar'arali — a position very suitable ;
but whether the coincidence of the name is merely
accidental or not, is not at present ascertainable.
Telem is identified by some with Telaim, which is
found in the Hebrew text of 1 Sam. xv. 4 ; bnt
there is nothing to say either for or against this.
The LXX. of 2 Sam. iii. 12, in both MSS., ex-
hibits a singular variation from the Hebrew text,
instead of "on the spot" (Winn, A. V. incor-
rectly, " on his behalf") they read' " to Thailam (or
Thelam) where he was." If this variation should
be substantiated, there is some probability that
Telem or Telaim is intended. David was at the
time king, and quartered in Hebron, but there is
do reason to suppose that he had relinquished his
marauding habits ; and the south country, where
Telem lay, had formerly been a favourite field for
his expeditions (I Sam. xxvii. 8-11).
The Vat. LXX. in Josh. xix. 7, add* the name
♦JoXxd, between Itemmon and Ether, to the towns
of Simeon. This is said by Eusebius (Onomcut.)
and Jerome to have been then existing as a very
large village called Thella, 16 miles south of Eleu-
theropoUs. It is however claimed as equivalent to
Tochkn. [G.]
b a similar fancy In reference to the name Bazas
.1 8am. xL B) is found In the Mldraah. It Is taken lite-
rally as meaning " broken pieces of pottery," by which,
as by counters, (he numbering was effected. Bcaek and
Telaim are considered by the Talmodists as two uf the
ten mvnberlngs of Israel, past and rater*
« (t would signify simply "the H!U of Asshur."
TEMA 144i)
TEL'EM {tbo: TsA/ufr; Alex. T«AA*> :
Telem). A porter or doorkeeper of the Temple in
the time of Ezra, who had married a foreign wife
(Ear. x. 24). He is probably the same as Talmon
in Neh. xii. 25, the name being that of a family
rather than of an individual. In 1 Esd. ix. 25 he
is called Tolbanes.
TEL-HAK'8A, or TEL-HAB'ESHA (^>B
KtShn : ecAaptprrf : Tkelharta) was one of the
Babylonian towns, or villages, from which some
Jews, who " could not show their father's house,
nor their seed, whether they were uf Israel," re-
turned to Judaea with Zerubbabel (Ex. ii. 59 ; Neh.
vii. 61). Gesenins renders the term " Hill of the
Wood " [Lex. ad voc.). It was probably in the
low country near tbe sea, in the neighbourhood of
Tel-Melah and Cherub; but we cannot identify it
with any known site. [G. R.]
TEL-ME*LAH (rb&hn : 0t\fu\/ X t »«*-
fu\48: Thchnala) is joined with Tel-Harsa and
Cherub in the two passages already cited under
Tel-Harsa. It is perhaps the Thelme of Ptolemy
(v. 20), which some wrongly read as Theame
(6EAMH for 6EAMH), a city of the low salt tract
near the Persian Gulf, whence probably the name,
which means "Hill of Salt" (Geaen. Lex. Heb.
tub voc.). Cherub, which may be pretty surely
identified with Ptolemy's Chiripha (Xipupi), was
in the same region. [G. K.]
TEMA (KIWI: Soi/utr: Thema). The ninth
son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15; 1 Chr. i. 30);
whence tbe tribe called after him, mentioned in Job
vi. 19, " The troops of Tenia looked, the companies
of Sheba waited for them," and by Jeremiah (xxv.
23), " Dedan, Tema, and Bux ;" and also the land
occupied by this tribe: " The burden upon Arabia.
In the forest in Arabia shall ye lodge, ye tra-
velling companies of Dedanim. Tbe inhabitants of
the land of Tema brought water to him that whs
thirsty, they prevented with their bread him that
fled " (is. xxi. 13, 14).
The name is identified satisfactorily with Teytrnl,
«-o -
A*AJ, a small town on the confines of Syria,
between it and Wadi-1-Kura, on the road of the
Damascus pilgrim-caravan (Mardtid, s. v.). It is
in the neighbourhood of Doomat-el-Jendel, which
asrrees etvmologically and by tradition with the
Ishmaelite Ddmah, and the country of Keydar, or
Kedab. Teyma is a well-known town and district,
and is appropriate in every point of view as the
chief settlement of Ishmael's son Tema. It is com-
manded by the castle called El-AbUk (or El-Atlak
el-Fard), of Es-Sernaw-al (Samuel) Ibn-'Adiya the
Jew, a contemporary of Imra-el-Keys (a.d. 550
cir.) ; but according to a tradition it was built by
Solomon, which points at any rate to its antiquity
(comp. El-Bekree, in Mararid, iv. 23) ; now in ruins,
described as being built of rubble and crude bricks,
and said to be named El-Ablak from having white-
ness and redness in its structure (ifarisul, s. v.
Compare Tei-ane, "the Hill of Ana," a name which
seems 10 have been applied In later times to the diy
called by the Assyrians " Asshnr," and marked by tbe
rains at ATIes shrrghat. (Sieph. Bys. ad voc. TtAar*.)
* The passage Is In such eor.rai>lon In the Vatican MS.
that It la difficult rightly to assign the wcnls, and uupus
sible to later anything from the xrntraleota.
14W)
TEMAN
Ablak). ThU fcrtress Menu, like that of Doonurt-
■i-Jeodel, to be one of Um strongholds that moat
have protected the caravan route aloof; the northern
frontier of Arabia ; and they recall the passage fol-
lowing the enumeration of the sons of Ishmaeli
** These [are] the sons of lahmael, and these [are]
their names, by their (owns, and by their catties;
twdve princes according to their nation*" (Gen.
or. 16).
Teynui signifies ■ a desert," " an untiUed dis-
trict, be. Freytag (». v.) writes the name with-
out a long final alif, but not so the Maritid.
Ptolemy (xix. 6) mentions fMttuw in Arabia De-
sert*, which may be the same place as the existing
Teymi. The LXX. nading seems to hare a refer-
ence to Tkmam, which ate. [E. & P.]
TETIAN (P'H: Bated* ■• Thenum). 1. A
son of Eliphax, son of Esau by Adah (Gen, xxxvi.
1 1 ; 1 Chr. L 36, 53), afterwards named as a duke
(phylarch) of Edom (ver. IS), and mentioned again
in the separate list (vv. 40-43) of " the names of
the rulers [that came] of Esau, according to their
ftmili«« after their places, by their names ;" end-
ing, "these be the dukes of Edom, according to
their habitations in the land of their possession : he
[is] Esau the father of the Edomites.
3. A country, and probably a city, named after
the Edomite phylarch, or from which the phylarch
took his name, as may be perhaps inferred from the
rerses of Gen. xxxri. just quoted. The Hebrew
signifies "south," &c (see Job ix. 9; Is. xliii. 6;
besides the use of it to mean the south side of the
Tabernacle in Ex. xxri. and xxrii., etc) ; and it is
probable that the land of Tauten was a southern
portion of the land of Edom, or, in a wider sense,
that of the sons of the East, the Beni-kedem. Te-
man is mentioned in five places by the Prophets,
in (bur of which it is connected with Edom,
showing it to be the same place as that indicated in
the list of the dukes ; twice it is named with Dedan
— " Concerning Edom, thus saith the Lord of hosts:
[Is] wisdom no more in Teman ? is counsel perished
from the prudent ? is their wisdom vanished ? Flee
ye, tum back, dwell deep, O inhabitants of Dedan "
f Jer. xlix. 7, 8) ; and " 1 will make it [Edom]
desolate from Teman ; and they of Dedan shall fall
by the sword" (Ex. xxv. 13). This connection with
the great Keturahite tribe of Dedan give* addi-
tional importance to Teman, and helps to fix it*
geographical position. This is farther defined by a
passage in the chapter of Jer. already cited, verses
20, 21, where it is said of Edom and Teman, "The
earth is moved at the noise of their fall ; at the cry
the noise thereof was beard in the Red Sea (yam
Suf):' In the sublime prayer of Habakkuk, it is
written, " God came from Teman, and the Holy
One from mount Paran " (iii. 3). Jeremiah, it has
been seen, sneaks of the wisdom of Teman ; and
the prophecy of Obadiah implies the same (8, 9),
" ."-ball I not in that day, saith the Lord, even
destroy the wise (men) out of Edom, and under-
standing out of the mount of Esau? And thy
[mighty] men, Teman. shall be dismayed." In
wisdom, the descendants of Esau, and especially the
inhabitants of Teman, teem to have been pre-eminent
among the sons of the East.
In common with most Edomite names, Teman
appears to have been lost. The occupation of the
country by the Nabathaeans seams to have oblite-
rated almost all of the traces (always obscure) of the
■Moratory tribes of the desert. It is not likely that
TEMPLE
much caa rver hi done by modem rewardi to « leas'
up toe eariy hi*tory of this part of the " east coun-
try." Tree, Eusebius and Jerome mention Teman
as a town in their day distant 15 miles (according
to Eusebius) from Petra, and a Roman post. Th»
identification of the existing Maan (see Burckhnnlt
with this Teman may be geographically correct,
bnt it cannot rest on etymological grounds.
The gentilic noon of Teman is '30<lt (Job ri. 1 1 ;
xxii. 1), and Eliphaz the Temanite was one of the
wise men of Edom. The gen. n. ocenrs also in
Gen. xxxri. 34, where the land of Temani (so in the
A. V.) is mentioned. [E. S. I*.]
TETiANL [Teji*n.]
TETMAJHITE. [Teman.]
TETttEM (»3D«n: tVupaV. Thtmamt). Son
of Ashur, the father of Tekoa, by bis wife Naarab
(1 Chr. iv. 6).
TEMPLE. There is perhaps no building of the
ancient world which has excited so much attent**
since the time of its destruction as the Tqnpk
which Solomon built at Jerusalem, and its suuauuu i
as rebuilt by Herod. Its spoils were considered
worthy of forming the principal illnstration of one
of the most beautiful of Roman triumphal arches,
and Justinian's highest architectural ambition was
that he might surpass it. Throughout the middle
ages it influenced to a considerable degree the forma
of Christian churches, and its peculiarities were the
watchwords and rallying points of all associations
of builders. Since the revival of learning in the
16th century its arrangements have employed the
pens of numberless learned antiquarians, and archi-
tects of every country have wasted their science in
trying to reproduce its forms.
But it is not only to Christians that the Temple
of Solomon is so interesting ; the whole Mahotnedan
world look to it as the foundation of all architec-
tural knowledge, and the Jews still recall its glories
and sigh over their loss with a constant tenacity,
unmatched by that of any other people to any other
building of the ancient world.
With all this interest and attention it might
fairly be assumed that there was nothing more to
be said on such a subject— that every source of in-
formation had been ransacked, and every form of
restoration long ago exhausted, and some settlement
of the disputed points arrived at which had been
generally accepted. This is, however, far from being
the case, and few things would be more curious
than a collection of the various restorations that
have been proposed, as showing what different
meanings may be applied to the same set of simple
architectural terms.
The most important work on this subject, and
that which was principally followed by restomw
j in the 17th and 18th centuries, was that of the
1 brothers Prodi, Spanish Jesuits, better known an
| Villalpandi. Their work was published in folio at
Rome, 1 596-1604, superbly illustrated. Their idea
of Solomon's Temple was, that both in dimensions
and arrangement it was very like the Eacurial in
Spain. But it is by no means dear whether the
Eacurial was being built while their book was in
the press, in order to look like the Temple, or whe-
ther its authors took their idea of the Temple from
the palace. At all event* thdr design is so much the
more bautifnl and commodious of the two, that w«.
I cannot but ifret that Herrcra was not employed on
I the beak, ana the Jesuits set to build the pilac*.
TEMPLE
vvBea the French expedition la Egypt, in the first
j Mt* of thin century, bad made the world familiar
with the wonderful architectural remains of that
country, every one jumped to the conclusion that
Solomon's Temple must hare been designed after an
Egyptian model, forgetting entirely how hateful
that land of bondage wsa to the Israelites, and how
completely all the ordinances of their religion were
opposed to the idolatries they hid escaped from —
forgetting, too, the centuries which had elapsed
since the Eiode before the Temple was erected, and
how little communication of any sort there had
been between the two countries in the interval.
The Assyrian discoveries of Botta and Layarc
have within the but twenty years given an entirely
new direction to the researches of the restorers, and
this time with a very conxiderable prospect of suc-
cess, for the analogies are now true, and whatever
can be brought to bear on the subject is in the right
direction. The original seats of the progenitors of
the Jewish races were in Mesopotamia. Their lan-
guage was practically the same as that spoken on
the hanks of the Tigris. Their historical traditions
were consentaneous, and, so far as we can judge,
almost all the outward symbolism of their religions
was the same, or nearly so. Unfortunately, how-
ever, no Assyrian temple has yet been exhumed of
a nature to throw much light on this subject, and
we are still forced to have recourse to the later
buildings at Persepolis, or to general deductions from
the style of the nearly contemporary secular build-
ings at Kineveh and elsewhere, for such illustrations
as are available. These, however, nearly suffice for
all that is required for Solomon's Temple. For the
details of that erected by Herod we must look to
Kome.
Of the intermediate Temple erected by Zerubbsbel
we know very little, but, from the circumstance of
its having been erected under Persian influences
contemporaneously with the buildings at Persepolis,
it is perhaps the one of which it would be most easy
to restore the details with anything like certainty.
Before proceeding, however, to investigate the
arrangements of the Temple, it is indispensable firat
carefully to determine those of the Tabernacle which
Moses caused to be erected in the Desert of Sinai
immediately after the promulgation of the Law
from that mountain. For, as we shall presently
see, the Temple of Solomon was nothing more nor
less than an exact repetition of that earlier Temple,
differing only in being erected of more durable
p aterisls, and with exactly double the dimensions of
its prototype, but still in every essential respect so
identical that a knowledge of the one is indispen-
sable in order to understand the other.
Tabernacle.
The written authorities for the restoration of the
Tabernacle are, first, the detailed account to be
found in the 28th chapter of Exodus, and repented
• The cubit used throughout this article Is sssnmed to
be the ordinary cubu, of the length of a man's fore-arm
from the elbow-Joint to the tip of the middle finger, or
18 Greek Inches, equal to 1st English indies. There
seems to be little doubt bnt tost the Jews also used oc-
casiousUy a shorter eobtt of i handbresths, or 16 inches,
bat only (In so fsr as can be ascertained) lo speaking of
vessels or of metsl work, snd never applied ft to buildings.
After the Bsbrlonlsb Captivity they seem also oonskm-
wly lo have euq»oyed the Babylonian euMt or J hsnd-
brndths, or St Inches. This, however, can evidently
bate no application lo lb* Tabernacle or Solomon's
Vssnple, which was ereetrd before the CkplMiy; bus
TEMPLE
1461
hi the 36th, verses 8 to 38, without any raiiatta
beyrod the slightest possible abridgement. Secondly,
the account given of the building by Josephus
(Ant. iii. 6), which is so nearly a repetition of the
account found in the Bible that we may fed
assured that he had no really Important authority
before him except the one which is equally accessible
to us. Indeed we might almost put his account on
one side, if it were not that, being a Jew, and so
much nearer the time, be may have had access to
some traditional accounts which may have enabled
him to realize its appearance more readily than we
can do, and his knowledge of Hebrew technical
terms may have enabled him to understand what
we might otherwise be unable to explain.
The additional indications contained in (he Tal-
mud and in Philo are so few and indistinct, and are
besides of such doubtful authenticity, that they
practically add nothing to our knowledge, and may
safely be disregarded.
For a complicated architectural building these
written authorities probably would not suffice
without some remains or other indications to sup-
plement them ; but the arrangements of the Taber-
nacle were so simple that they are really all that
are required. Every important dimension was either
5 cubits or a multiple of 5 cubits, and all the ar-
rangements in plan were either squares or double
squares, so that there really is no difficulty in
putting the whole together, and none would ever
have occurred were it not that the dimensions of
the sanctuary, as obtained from the " boards " that
formed its walls, appear at first sight to be one
thing, while those obtained from the dimensions of
the curtains which covered it appear to give another,
and no one has yet succeeded in reconciling these
with one another or with the text of Scripture. The
apparent discrepancy is, however, easily explained,
as we shall presently see, end never would hare
occurred to any one who had lived long under
canvas or was familiar with the exigencies of tent
architecture.
Outer Etufosun. — The court of the Tabernacle
was surrounded by canvas screens— in the East
called Konnaute — and still universally need to en-
close the private apartments of important person-
sges. Those of the Tabernacle were 5 cubits in
height, and supported by pillars of brass 5 cubits
apart, to which the curtains were attached by hooks
and fillets of silver (Ex. xxvii. 9, Ate,). Tnis en-
closure was only broken on the eastern side by the
entrance, which was 20 cubits wide, and closed by
curtains of fine twined linen wrought with needle-
work, and of the most gorgeous colours.
The space enclosed within these screens was a
double square, 50 cubits, or 75 feet north* and
south, and 100 cubits or 150 ft. east snd west. Id
the outer or eastern half was placed the altar of
burnt-offerings, described in Ex. xxv'i. 1-8, and be-
an It be svsilable to explsln the peculiarities of Herod's
Temple, ss Josephus, who Is our principal authority
regarding it, most certainly did always employ the Orrek
cubit of 18 inches, or 400 to 1 stadium of 600 Greek feet ;
and the Talmud, which Is the only other sutbority,
alwuyg gives the same number of cubits where we can I e
certain they are speaking ol the same thing ; so that we
may feel perfectly sure tbey both were using the same
measure. Thus, whatever other cubits the Jews may
have used lor other purposes, we may rest assured that
for the buildings referred to In this article the cubit of Ui
Incase, and -.hat only, was the ens employed.
1462
TEMPLE
tween it and the Tabernacle the laver (/lit. m. 6,
|2), at which the priests washed their hand* and
ieet en entering the Temple.
Tb
V
■vv3
lavta
©
Hlf
4* MA.
-rH
■♦. I— Ham of <■» Outer Court of Ha Ttixmuh.
In the square towards the west was situated the
Temple or Tabernacle it«lf. The dimensions in
plan of this structure are easily ascertained. Jo-
sephus states them ( Ant. iii. 6, §3) as 30 cubits long
by 10 broad, or 45 feet by 15, and the Bible is
scarcely less distinct, as it says that the north and
•oath walls were each composed of twenty upright
boards (Ex. xxvi. 15, &c.), each board one cubit
and a half in width, and at the west end there
were six board- equal to 9 cubits, which, with
the angle boards or posts, made np the 10 cubits
of Joseph us.
Each of these boards was furnished with two
tenons at its lower extremity, which fitted mto
silver sockets placed on the ground. At the top at
least they were jointed and fastened together by
bars of shittim or acacia wood run through rings
of gold (Ex. xxri. 26). Both authorities agree that
there were fire bars for each aide, but a little diffi-
culty arises from the Bible describing (ver. 28) a
middle bar which reached from end to end. As
we Khali presently see this bar was probably
£ plied to a totally different purpose, and we imv
■refore assume tor the present that Josephus'
TEMPLE
description cf the mode in which they were aj>) J j»
is the correct one : — " Every one," be says {Ant. iii
6, §3), " of the pillars or boards had a ring of gold
affixed to its front outwards, into which were inserted
bars gilt with gold, each of them 5 cubits long, .tud
these bound tocether the boards ; the head of mi*
bar running into another after the manner of or*
tenon inserted into another. But for the wall be-
hind there was only one bar that went through ah
the boards, into which one of the ends of the bars oc
both sides was inserted."
So &r, therefore, everything seems certain and
easily understood. The Tabernacle was an oblong
rectangular structure, JO cubits long by 10 brand,
open at the eastern end, and divided internally into
two apartments. The Holy of Holies, into which
no one entered — not even the priest, except on rery
extraordinary occasions — was a cube, 10 cubits
square in plan, and 10 cubits high to the top of the
wall. In this was placed the Mercy-seat, sur-
mounted by the cherubim, and on it was placed
the Ark, containing the tables of the law. In front
of these was an outer chamber, called the Holy
Place — 20 cubits long by 10 broad, and 10 high,
appropriated to the use of the priests. In it were
placed the golden candlestick on one side, the table
of shew-bread opposite, and between them in the
centre the altar of incense.
The roof of the Tabernacle was formed by 3,
or rather 4, sets of curtains, the dimensions of two
of which are given with great minuteness both in the
Bible and by Josephus. Tbe innermost ( Ex. xxvi. I ,
Ac.), of fine twined linen according to our trans-
lation (Josephus calls them wool: ipiwr, AM. iii.
6,§ 4), were ten in number, each 4 cubits wide nnd
28 cubits long. These were of various colours, and
ornamented with cherubim of "cunning work."
Fire of these were sewr togetner so as to form large]
TEMPLE
surtains. each 20 cubits by 28, and these two again
vpre jniued together, wheu used, by fifty gold Duckies
»r clasps,
A bore those were placed curtains of goats' hair,
e*J> 4 citbra wide hy 30 cubits long, but eleven
in number; these were also sewn together, six into
or.; curtain, and fire into the other, and, when
used, were likewise joined together by fifty gold
heckles.
C ver these again was thrown a curtain of rams*
skins with the wool on, dyed red, and a fourth cover-
ing is also specified as being of badgers'skins, so named
in the A. V., but which probably really consisted of
seal-skins. [Badger-Skins in Appendix A.] This
did not of course cover the rams' skins, but most
probably was only used as a coping or ridge piece
to protect the junction of the two curtains of rami*
skins which were laid on each slope of the roof, and
probably only laced together at the top.
The question which has hitherto proved a stum-
bling block to restorers is, to know now these cur-
tains were applied as a covering to the Tabernacle.
Strange to say, this has appeared so difficult that,
with hardly an exception, they have been content
to assume that they were thrown over its walls as
a pall is thrown over a coffin, and they have thus
cut the Gordian knot in defiance of all probabi-
lities, as well as of the distinct specification of the
Pentateuch. To this view of the matter there are
several important objections.
First. If the inner or ornamental curtain was so
ised, only about one-third of it would be seen;
d cubits on each side would be entirely hidden be-
tween the walls of the Tabernacle and the goats'-
hair curtain. It is true that Bahr (Symbolik da
Atasaitchm Cultus), Neumann (Ver StiftshOttt,
1MH1), and others, try to avoid this difficulty by
hanging this curtain so as to drape the walls inside ;
but fur this there is not a shadow of authority, and
the form of the curtain would be singularly awk-
ward and unsuitable for this purpose. If such a
thing were intended, it is evident that one curtain
would have been used as wall-hangings and another
as a ceiling, not one great range of curtains all
joined the same way to hang the walls all round
and form the ceiling at the same time.
A second and more cogent objection will strike
anyone who has ever lived in a tent. It is, that
every drop of rain that fell on the Tabernacle would
fall through ; for, however tightly the curtains might
be stretched, the water could never run OTer the
edge, and the sheep skins would only make the
matter worse, as when wetted their weight would
depress the centre, and probably tear any curtain
th.it could be made, while snow lying on such a
roof would certainly tear the curtains to pieces.
But a third and fatal objection is, that this ar-
rangement is in direct contradiction to Scripture.
We are there told (Ex. xxvi. 9) that half of one of
the goats'-hair curtains shall be doubled back in
front of the Tabernacle, and only the half of another
(ver. 12) hang down behind; and (ver. 13), that
on* cubit shall hang down on each side — whereas
this arrangement makes 10 cubits hang down all
round, except in front.
The solution of the difficulty appears singularly
obvious. It is simply, that the tent had a ridge,
as all tents have had from the days of Moses down
to the present day; and we have also very little
difficulty in predicating that the angle formed by
»he two skies of the roof at the ridge was a right
snj^e — not only becauso it is a reasonable and usual
TEMPLE U5JI
angle for such a roof, and one that would most
likely be adopted iu so regular a buikLng, but be-
cause its adoption reduces to harmony the only ab-
normal measurement in the whole building. As
mentioned above, the principal curtains were only
28 cubits in length, and consequently not a mul-
tiple of 5 ; but if we assume a right angle at tint
ridge, each side of the slope was 14 cubits, ani
142 + 14* = 392, „,,! 20* =400, two number*
which am practically identical in tent-building.
*r
3 V
•>. XV
y
s «
/ t
/ 2
«
■
a
u
St
«x
3 X
i 5
5 s
3
."scubits
20 CUBITS •» n
2 3
10 CUBITS : "a CUBITS,
Ho. a.— IHsftam ot U» Dtmeonoiu of Um Tabvnaela In Ssedu*.
The base of the tiiangle, therefore, formed by the
roof was 20 cubits, or in other words, the roof of
the Tabernacle extended ft cubits beyond the walls,
not only in front and rear, but on both sides ; and
it may be added, that the width of the Tabernacle
thus became identical with the width of the entrance
to the enclosure ; which but for this circumstance
would appear to hare been disproportionately large.
With these data it is easy to explain all the other
difficulties which have met previous restorers.
First. The Holy of Holies was divided from the
Holy Place by a screen of four pillars supporting
curtains which no one was allowed to pass. But,
strange to say, in the entrance there were Jive
pillars in a similar space. Now, no one would put
a pillar in the centre of an entrance without a
motive; but the moment a ridge is assumed it
becomes indispensable.
It may be assumed that all the fire pillars were
spaced within the limits of the 10 cubits of the
breadth of the Tabernacle, viz. one in the centre,
two opposite the two ends of the walls, and the
other two between them ; but the probabilities are
so infinitely greater that those two last were beyond
those at the angles of the tent, that it is hardly
worth while considering the first hypothesis. By
the one here adopted the pillars in front would, like
every thing else, be spaced exactly 5 cubits aparu
Secondly. Josephus twice asserts (Ant. iii. 6,
§4) that the Tabernacle was divide! into live*
parts, though he specifies only two — the Adytum
and the Pronaos. The third was of course the
porch, 5 cubits deep, which stretched across '.In
width of the house.
Thirdly. In speaking of the western end, the
Bible always uses the plural, as if there weie two
sides there. There was, of course, at least one pillar
in the centre beyond the wall, — there may have
been five, — so that there practically were two sides
there. It may also be remarked that the Penta-
teuch, in speaking (Ex. xxvi. 12) of this after part
calls it Mithcan, or the dwelling, as contradistin-
guished from Ohti, or the tent, which applies tc
the whole structure covered by the curtain..
Fourthly. We now unlcrsuuid why there are 10
1454 TEMPLE
breodthc m the under curtains, and 11 in the
•ipper. It was that they might break joint — in
jtbar words, that the team of the one, and espe-
cially the great joining of the two divisions, might
oe over the centre of the lower curtain, so as to
Prevent tie rain penetrating through the joints. It
My also be remarked that, as the two cubits which
were in exc«a at the west hung at an angle, the
tepth of fringe would be practically about the same
as on the sides.
With these suggestions, the whole description in
the Book of Hioius is so easily understood that it
m not necessary to dilate further upon it ; there are,
however, two points which remain to be noticed, but
more with reference to the Temple which succeeded
it than with regard to the Tabernacle itself.
The first is the disposition of the side bars of
shittim-wood that joined the boards together. At
first sight it would appear that there were 4 short
and one long bar on each side, hut it seems impos-
sible to see how these could be arranged to accord
with the usual interpretation of the text, and very
improbable that the Israelites would have carried
ibout a bar 45 feet long, wheu 5 or 6 bars would
have answeied the purpose equally well, and 5
rows of bars are quite unnecessary, besides being in
opposition to the words of the text.
The explanation hinted at above seems the most
reasonable one — that the five bars named (vers. 26
and 27) were joined end to end, as Josephus asserts,
and the bar mentioned (ver. 28) was the ridge-pole
of the roof. The words of the Hebrew text will
equally well bear the translation — " and the middle
bar which is betuxen," instead of " m tin midst of
the boards, shall reach from end to end." This
would appear a perfectly reasonable solution but for
the mechanical difficulty that no pole could be made
stiff enough to bear its own weight and that of the
curtains over an extent of 45 feet, without inter-
mediate supports. A ridge-rope could easily be
sti etched to twice that distance, if required for the
purpose, though it too would droop in the centre.
A pole would be a much more appropriate and likely
architectural arrangement — so much so, that it
seems more than probable that one was employed
with supports. One pillar in the centre where the
curtains were joined would be amply sufficient for all
practical purposes : and if the centre board at the
TEMPLE
tack of the Holy of Holies was 15 ah™ h%»
(which there is nothing to contradict), the was*
would be easily constructed. Still, as no intern
supports are mentioned either by the Kbit or Jo-
sephus, the question of how the ridge was fonnri
and supported must remain an open oae, incspabk
of proof with our present knowledge, bnt it is oae
to which we shall have to revert presently.
The other question is— were the sides of tM
Verandah which surrounded the Sanctuary closed or
left open ? The only hint we have that this was
done, is the mention of the western tides slwan
in the plural, and the employment of Jfiaina
and Ohel throughout this chapter, apparently in
opposition to one another, Mithcan always seem-
ing to apply to an enclosed space, which was or
might be dwelt in, Ohel to the tent as a whok a
to the covering only ; though here again the point
is by no means so clear as to be decisive.
The only really tangible reason for supposing the
•ides were enclosed is, that the Temple of Solomon
was surrounded on all sides but the front, by a
range of small cells 5 cubits wide, in which the
priests resided who were specially attached to the
service of the Temple.
It would have been so easy to have done this
in the Tabernacle, and its convenience — at night at
least — so great, that I cannot help suspecting it was
the case.
It is not easy to ascertain, with anything like
certainty, at what distance from the tent the tent-
pegs were fixed. It could not be less on the sidw
than 7 cubits, it may as probably have been 10.
In front and rear the central peg could hardly hare
been at a less distance than 20 cubits ; so that it
is by no means improbable that from the front to
rear the whole distance may have been 80 cubits.
and from side to side 40 cjbits, measured from peg
to peg ; and it is this dimension that seems to hare
governed the pegs of the enclosures, as it would
just allow luom for the fastenings of the enclosure
on either side, and for the altar and lavar in front.
It is scarcely worth while, however, insisting
strongly on these and some other minor points.
Enough has been said to explain with the wood-
cuts all the main points of the proposed restoration,
and to show that it is possible to reconstruct the
Tabernacle in strict coLJunnity witL eve-y won!
■^ 4. — An«t*-KM1 Vk» »t th* ItmMii m» MMn4
TEMrLE
and avary indication jf the sacitd text, and at the
•.une time to show that the Tabernacle was a rea-
sonable tent-like structure, admirably adapted to
the purpose) to which it was applied.
Solomon's; Temple.
The Tabernacle accompanied the Israelites in all
their wanderings, and remained their only Holy
Place or Temple till David obtained possession of
lerusnlem, and erected an altar in the threshing-
floor cf Arauuah, on the spot where the altar of
the Temple always afterwards stood. He also
»i ought the Ark out of Kirjath-jearim (2 Sam. vi.
I ; 1 Chr. xiii. 6) and prepared a tabernacle for it
in the new city which he called after his own name.
Both these were brought up thence by Solomon
(2 Chr. v. 5); the Ark placed in the Holy of
Holies, but the Tabernacle seems to hare been put
on one sid* as a relic (1 Chr. xziii. 32). We hare
no account, howerer, of the removal of the original
Tabernacle of Moses from tiibeon, nor anything
that would enable us to connect it with that one
which Solomon removed ont of the City of David
'2 Chr. v. 5). In fact, from the time of the build-
ing of the Temple, we lose sight of the Tabernacle
altogether. It was David who first proposed to re-
place the Tabernacle by a more permanent building,
but was forbidden for the reasons assigned by the
prophet Nathan (2 Sam. vii. 5, &c.), and though
he collected materials and made arrangements, the
execution of the task was left for his son Solomon.
He, witn the assistance of Hiram king of Tyre,
commenced this great undertaking in the fourth year
of his reign, and completed it in seven years, about
1005 B.C. according to the received chronology.
On comparing the Temple, as described in 1 Kings
vi. and 2 Chronicles ii. and by Josephus vii. 3, with
the Tabernacle, as just exphiined, the first thing
that strikes us is that all the arrangements were
identical, and the dimensions of every part were
exactly double those of the preceding structure.
Thus the Holy of Holies in the Tabernacle was a
cube, 10 cubits each way; in the Temple it was
20 cubits. The Holy Place oi outer hall was 10
cubits wide by 20 long and 10 high in the Tabet-
iui<'le. In the Temple all these dimensions were
exactly double. The porch in the Tabernacle was
.") cubits deep, in the Temple 10 : its width in both
instances being the width of the house. The chambers
round the House and the Tabernacle were each 5
cubits wide on the ground-floor, the difference being
that in the Temple the' two walls taken together
made up a thickness of 5 cubits, thus making 10
cubits for the chambers.
Taking all these parts together, the ground-plan
of the Temple measured 80 cubits by 40 ; that of
the Tabernacle, as we have just seen, was 40 by 20 ;
and what is more striking than even this, is that
though the walls were 10 cubits high in the one
and 20 cubits in the other, the whole height of the
Tabernacle was 15, that of the Temple 30 cubits;
the one roof rising 5, the other 10 cubits above the
height of the internal walls.' So exact indeed is this
coincidence, that it not only confirms to the fullest
extrnit the restoration of the Tabernacle which has
just been explainsd, bnt it is a singular confirmation
► In the Apocrypha there la a psassge witch bears
curiously and distinctly on this subject, In Wlsd. Iz. 9 It
h said. " Thou hast commanded me (i, e. Solomon) to baud
s Temple In Thy Holy mourn, sad an altar in the dry
whrrein Thou dwelleat, a resemblance of the Holy Tsber-
Ktcw which Tbou list! prepared from the beginning."
TEMPLE 1466
ot the minute accuracy which chaiacterised the
writers of the Pentateuch and the Books of Kings
and Chronicles in this matter ; for not only are wa
able to check the one by the other at this distance
of time with perfect certainty, but, now that we
know the system on which they were constructed
we might almost restore both edifices from Josephus*
account of the Temple as re-erected by Herod, oi
which more hereafter.
| fff*tv
Ho. ft.— Plan ot Solomon "» Temple, ahowlnr the
chamber* In two atoitee.
The proof that the Temple, as built by Solomon,
wis only an enlarged copy of the Tabernacle, goes
tar also to change the form of another important
question which has been long agitated by the stu»
dents of Jewish antiquities, inasmuch as the in-
quiry as to whence the Jews derived the plan and
design of the Temple must now be transferred to the
earlier type, and the question thus stands. Whence
did they derive the scheme of the Tabernacle?
From Egypt?
There is not a shadow of proof that the Egyptians
ever used a moveable or tent-like temple, neither the
pictures in their temples nor any historical records
point to such a form, nor has any one hitherto ven-
tured to suggest such an origin for that structure.
From Assyria ?
Here too we are equally devoid of any authority
or tangible data, for though the probabilities cer-
tainly are that the Jews would rather adopt a form
from the kindred Assyrians than from the hated
strangers whose land they had just left, we have
nothing further to justify us in such an assumption.
Krox Arabia ?
It is possible that the Arabs may have used
moveable tent-like temples. They were a people
nearly allied in race with the Jews. Moses' father-
in-law was an Arab, and something he may have
seen there may have suggested the form he adopted.
But beyond this we cannot at present go.*
* The only thing resembling K we know of Is the
Holy Tent of the Carthaginians, mentioned by Diodorus
Sicolos, xx. SB. which. In consequence of a sodden change
or wind at night blowing the Iran from the altar ot
wr.lch victims were being sacrificed, towards rlyv itoia
o-«nn»V, it took fire, a chvumstancs which spread sue*
1456
TEMPLE
teS5r^ aS
trr ■
HO. a.— Tcmb of Danoa «*ar raaespoa i
For the present, at least, it mutt suffice to know
that the form of the Temple ra copied from the
Tabernacle, and that any architectural ornaments
that may hare been added were such as were usu-
ally employed at that time in Palestine, and more
especially at Tyre, whence most of the artificers were
obUtiued who assisted in its erection.
So far as the dimensions above quoted are con-
cerned, everything is as clear and as certain as any-
thing that can be predicated of any building of
which no remains exist, bnt beyond this there are
certain minor problems by no means to easy to re-
solve, but fortunately they are of much less im-
portance. The first is the
Height.— That given in 1 K. vi. 2— of 30 cubits
— is so reasonable in proportion to the other dimen-
sions, that the matter might be allowed to rest
there were it iiot for the assertion (it Chr. iii. 4i
that the Height, though apparently only of the
porch, was 120 cubits= 180 lieet (as yearly as may
I be the height ot the steeple of Su Martin'* in tin
Fields). This is so unlike anything we know of in
ancient architecture, that having no counterpart in
the Tabernacle, we might at first sight feel almost
justified in rejecting it as a mistake or interpolation,
but for the assertion (2 Chr. iii. 9) that Solomon
overlaid the upper chamber* with gold, and 2 K.
xxiii. 12, where the altars on the top of the *PP"
chambers, apparently of the Temple, are mentioned.
In addition to this, both Josephus and the Talmud
persistently assert that there was a superstructure
on the Temple equal in height to the lower part,
and the total height they, in accordance with the
Book of Chronicles, call 120 cubits or 180 feet
{Ant. viii. 3, §2). It is evident, however, that he
obtains tlese dimensions first by doubling the
height of the lower Temple, making it 60 instead
of 30 cubits, and in like manner exaggerating
every other dimension to make up this quantity.
Were it not for these authorities, it would salary
eonstematlon throughout the army as to lead to its
destruction.
The Carthaginians were a Shernttle people, and seem to
■•« carrkd their Holv Tut about with their armies.
and to have performed sacrifice* In front of It, precisely
as was done by the Jews asorptfr.g, of course, the natore
of the victims.
TEHFLE
all the real exigencies of the cue if we assumed
that the upper chamber occupied the space between
thj roof of the Holy Place and the root ot the
Temple. Ten cubits or 15 feet, even after deduct-
ing the thickness of the two roofs, is sufficient to
constitute such sn apartment as history would lead
us to suppose existed there. Bat the evidence that
there was something beyond this is so strong that
it cannot be rejected.
In looking through the monuments of antiquity
for something to suggest what this might be, the
only thing that occurs is the platform or Talar that
existed on the roofs of the Palace Temples at Perse-
polis — as shown in Woodcut No. 6, which represents
the Tomb of Darius, and is an exact reproduction of
the facade of the Palace shown in plan, Woodcut
No. 9. It is true these were erected fire centuries
after the building of Solomon's Temple; but they are
avowedly copies in stone of older Assyrian forms, and
as such may represent, with more or less exactness,
contemporary buildings. Nothing in fact could re-
present more correctly " the altars on the top of the
upper chambers " which Josiah beat down (2 K.
nm. 12) than this, nor could anything moie fully
meet all the architectural or devotional exigencies of
the case ; but its height never could have been 60
cubits, or even 30, but it might very probably be
the 20 cubits which incidentally Joseph us (xv. 11,
§3) mentions as " sinking down in the failure of the
foundations, but was so left till the days of Nero."
There can be little doubt bnt that the part referred
to in this paragraph was some such superstructure
as that shown in the last woodcut ; and the incidental
mention of 20 cubit* is much more to be trusted
than Josephus' heights generally are, which he seems
systematically to hare exaggerated when he was
thinking about them.
Jackal and Boat. — There are no features con-
nected with the Temple of Solomon which have
given rise to so much controversy, or been so diffi-
cult to explain, as the form of the two pillars of
brats which were set up in the porch of the house.
It has even been supposed that thev were not pillars
in the ordinary sense of the term, but obelisks ; for
this, however, there does not appear to be any
authority. The porch was 30 feet in width,
sad a roof of that extent, even if composed of a
TEMPLE
145,
©@©@@@®
m m
©
i
Hi!
Ui.
*<v 7.~Comlo« of lUj-work u
»«.. Ill,
wooden beam, would not only look painfully weak
without some support, but, in fact, almost impos-
sible to construct with the imperfect science of these
days. Another difficulty arises from the {act that
the Book of Chronicles nearly doubles the dimensions
given in Kings ; but this arises from the systematic
reduplication of the height which misled Josephus ;
and if we assume the Temple to have been 60 cubits
high, the height of the pillars, as given in the Book
of Chronicles, would be appropriate to support the
roof of its porch, as those in Kings are the proper
height for a temple 30 cubits high, which there is
every reason to believe
was the true dimension.
According to 1 K. vii. 15
et teq., the pillars were
18 cubits high and 12 in
circumference, with capi-
tals five cubits in height.
Above this was (ver. 19,
another member, called also
chapiter of lily-work, four
cubits in height, but which
from the second mention
of it in ver. 22 seems more
probably to have been an
entablature, which is neces-
sary to complete the order.
As these members make
out 27 cubits, leaving 3
cubits or 4} feet for the
slope of the roof, the whole
design seems reasonable and
proper.
If this conjecture is cor-
rect, we have no great diffi-
culty in suggesting that the
lily-work must have been
something like the Perse-
politan cornice (Woodcut
No. 7), which Is probably
nearer in style to that of
the buildings at Jerusalem
than anything else we
know of.
It seems almost in vain
to try and speculate on
what was the exact form
of the decoration of these
celebrated pillars. The
nets of checker-work and
wreaths of chain-work,
and the pomegranates, be.,
are all features applicable
to metal architecture; and
though we know that the
old Tartar races did use
metal architecture every-
where, and especially in
bronze, from the very na-
ture of the material every
specimen has perished, and
we have now no representations from which we can
restore them. The styles wears familiar with were
all derived more or less from wood, or from stone
with wooden ornaments repeated in the harder
material. Even at Pcsepolis, though we may feel
certain that everything we see there had a wooden
prototype, and may suspect that much of their
wooden ornamentation was derived from ihe earliei
metal forms, still it it so far removed frcm thi
original source that in the present aV!e of otu
S A
tar*«t
Ho. a-FUlu of North*.
Fortko si PenepoU*.
1458
TEMPLE
Knowledge, it is dangerous to insist too closely on
any point. Notwithstanding this, the pillars at
Persepolia, of which Woodcut No. 8 is a typo, are
probably mora lilts Jachin and Baas than any other
pillars which hart reached us from antiquity, and
give a better idea of the immense capitals of these
columns than we obtain from any other examples ;
bat being in stone, they are far more simple and
less ornamental than they would have been in wood,
and infinitely less bo than their metal prototypes.
Internal Support*. — The existence of these two
pillars in the porch suggests an inquiry which has
hitherto been entirely overlooked : Were there any
pillars in the interior of the Temple ? Considering
that the clear space of the roof was 20 cubits, or
SO feet, it may safely be asserted that no cedar
beam could be laid across this without sinking in
the centre by its own weight, unless trussed or
supported from below. There is no reason what-
ever to suppose that the Tyrians in those days were
acquainted with the scientific forms of carpentry
implied in the first suggestion, and there is no
reason why they should have resorted to them even
if they knew how ; as it cannot be doubted but
that architecturally the introduction of pillars in the
interior would have increased the apparent size and
improved the artistic effect of the building to a very
considerable degree.
If they were introduced at all, there must have
been four in the sanctuary and ten in the hall, not
necessarily equally spaced, in a transverse direction.
but probably standing 6 cubits from the walls,
leaving a centre aisle of 8 cubits.
The only bnilding at Jerusalem whose construc-
tion throws any light on this subject is the House
of the Forest of Lebanon. [Palace.] There the
pillars were an inconvenience, as the purposes of the
hall were state and festivity ; but though the pillars
in the palace had nothing to support above the roof,
they were spaced probably 10, certainly not more
than 12}, cubits apart. If Solomon had been able
to roof a claar space of 20 cubits, he certainly
would not have neglected to do it there.
At Penepolia there is a small building, called
the Palace or Temple of Darius (Woodcut No. 9),
which more closely resembles the Jewish Temple
than any other building we are acquainted with.
It has a porch, a central hall, an adytum — the plan
of which cannot now be made out — and a range of
small chambers on either side. The principal dif-
■«.»— ralsa> o< nsitu >l Panapolk BsatoafUtan
TEMPLE
ference is that It has four pillars in its porch insteaa
of two, and consequently fun. - rows in its interim
hall instead of half that number, as suggested aeon
All the buildings at Penepolis have their floor*
equally crowded with pillars, and, as there is k
doubt but that they borrowed this peculiarity from
Nineveh, there seems no d priori reason why Solo
mon should not have adopted this expedient to get
over what otherwise would seem an insuperable
constructive difficulty.
The question, in fact, is very much the same that
met us in discussing the construction of the Taber-
nacle. No internal supports to the roofs of either
of these buildings are mentioned anywhere. But
the difficulties of construction without them would
hare been so enormous, and their introduction so
usual and so entirely unobjectionable, that we can
hardly understand their not being employed. Either
building was possible without them, but certainly
neither in the least degree probable.
It may perhaps add something to the probability
of their arrangement to mention that the ten bases
for the lavers which Solomon nude would stand
one within each inter-column on either hand,
wheie they would be' beautiful and appropriate
ornaments. Without some such accentuation of
the space, it seems difficult to understand what they
were, and why ten.
Chamber*. — The only other feature which re-
mains to be noticed is the application of three tiers
of small chambers to the walls of the Temple exter-
nally on all sides, except that of the entrance.
Though not expressly so stated, these were a sort of
monastery, appropriated to the residence of the
priests who were either permanently or in turn
devoted to the service of the Temple. The lowest
storey was only 5 cubits in width, the next 6,
and the upper 7, allowing an offset of 1 cubit on
the side of the Temple, or of 9 inches on each side,
on which the flooring joists rested, so as not to
cut into the walls of the Temple. Assuming the
wall of the Temple at the level of the upper cham-
bers to have been 2 cubits thick, and the outer
wall one — it could not well have been lest — this
would exactly make up the duplication of the
dimension found as before mentioned for the verandah
of the Tabernacle.
It is, again, only at Pereepolis that we find any-
thing at all analogous to this ; but in the plan last
quoted as that of the Palace of Darius, we find s
similar range on either hand. The
palace of Xerxes possesses this feature
-1 also ; but in the great hall there, ami
"* its counterpart at Susa, the plan of
these chambers is supphnted by lateral
porticoes outside the malls that sur-
rounded the central phal;<nx of pillars.
Unfortunately our knowledge of Assy-
rian Temple architecture is too limited
to enable us to any whether this feature
was common eUewheie, and though
something very like it occurs in Bud-
dhist Viharas in India, these latter sre
comparatively so modem that their dis-
position hardly bears on the inquiry.
Outer Court.— The enclosure of the
Temple consisted, according to the Bible
(1 K. ri. 36), of a low wall of thiw
courses of stones and a row of cedar
beams, both prtbably highly orna-
mented. As it is more than probable
tnat the same duplication of dill
TEMPLR
took place ia Ihii u in all the other features of the
Tabernacle, we may safely assume that it waa 10
cubits, or IS feet, in height, and almost certainly
100 cubit* north and south, and 200 east and west.
There ia no mention in the Biol: of any porti-
coea or gateways or any architectural ornaments of
this tfrclusme, for though names which were after-
wards transferred to the gates of the Temple do occur
in 1 Chr. ix., ixiv., and ixvi., this was before the
Temple itself was built; and although Josephus
does mention such, it must be recollected that he was
writing five centuries after its total destruction, and
he waa too apt to confound the past and the pre-
sent in his descriptions of buildings which did not
then exist. There was an eastern porch to Herod's
Temple, which was called Solomon's Porch, and
Josephus tells us that it was built by that monarch ;
but of this there is absolutely no proof, and as neither
in the account of Solomon's building nor in any
subsequent repairs or incidents is any mention made
'of such buildings, we may safely conclude that they
<iid not exist before the time of the great~reboilding
immediately preceding the Christian era.
Temple of Zerubbabel.
We hare very few particulars regarding the
Temple which the Jews erected after their return
from the Captivity (cir. 520 B.C.), and no descrip-
tion that would enable us to realize its appearance.
But there are some dimensions given in the Bible
and elsewhere which are extremely interesting as
affording points of comparison between it and the
Temples which preceded it, or were erected after it
The first and moat authentic are those given in
the Book of Earn (vi. 3 ), when quoting the decree of
Cyrus, wherein it is said, " Let the house be builded,
the place where they offered sacrifices, and Jet the
foundations thereof be strongly laid; the height
thereof threescore cubits, and the breadth thereof
threescore cubits, with three rows of great stones
and a row of new timber." Josephus quotes this
passage almost literally (xi. 4, §6), but in doing so
enables us with certainty to translate the word here
called Baa as '• Storey " (&o>o») — as indeed the
eaue would lead us to infer — for it could only apply
to the three storeys of chambers that surrounded
Solomon's, and afterwards Herod's Temple, and
with this again we conn to the wooden Talar which
surmounted the Temple and formed a fourth storey.
It may be remarked in passing, that this dimension
of 130 cubits in height accords perfectly with the
words which Josephus puts into the mouth of
Herod (xv. 11, $1) when he makes him aay that
the Temple built after the Captivity wanted 60
cubits of the height of that of Solomon. For as he
had adopted, aa we have seen above, the height of
1 20 cubits, as written in the Chronicles, for that
Temple, this one remained only 60.
The other dimension of 60 cubits in breadth, is
20 cubits in excess of that of Solomon's Temple,
but there is no reason to doubt its correctness, for
wo find both from Josephus and the Talmud that
it was the dimension adopted for the Temple when
rebuilt, or rather repaired by Herod. At the same
time we have no authority for assuming that any
increase was made in the dimensions of either the
a la recounting the events namied by Ezra (x. »).
Josephs* ears (Ant. xi. I, ft) that the aa*mbljr there
referred to took place In the upper room, iv rf vmpft
rev Mpov, which would be a very curious lUnstration
el" the one or that apartment If It could be depend*!
TEMPLE
1459
Hely Place or the Holy of Holies, aims we find thai
these were retained in Ezekiel's description of an
ideal Temple— and were afterwards those of Herod's.
And as this Temple of Zerubbabel was still standing
in Herod's time, and was more strictly speaking re-
paired than rebuilt by him, we cannot conceive that
any of its dimensions were then diminished. We
are left therefore with the alternative of assuming
that the porch and the ohambers all round were 20
cubits in width, including the thickness of the
walls, instead of 10 cubits, as in the earlier build-
ing. This may perhaps to some extent be accounted
for by the introduction of a passage between the
Temple and the rooms of the priest's lodgings in-
stead of each being a thoroughfare, as must cer-
tainly hare been the ease in Solomon's Temple.
This alteration in the width of the Pteromata
made the Temple 100 cubits in length by 60 in
breadth, with a height, it is said, of 60 cubits, in-
cluding the upper room or Talar, though we cannot
help suspecting that this last dimension is some-
what in excess of the truth. 4
The only other description of this Temple is found
in Hecataeus the Abderite, who wrote shortly after
the death of Alexander the Great. As quoted by Jo-
sephus {cont. Ap. i. 22), he says, that " In Jerusalem
towards the middle of the city is a stone wailed en-
closure about 500 feet in length (is werrdVXeOpos),
and 100 cubits in width, with donble gates," in
which he describes the Temple ss being situated.
The last dimension is exactly what we obtained
above by doubling the width of the Tabernacle en-
closure as applied to Solomon's Temple, and may
therefore be accepted as tolerably certain, but the
500 feet in length exceeds anything we have yet
reached by 200 feet It may be that at this age it
was found necessary to add a court for the women or
the Gentiles, a aort of Karthex or Galilee for those
who could not enter the Tempi*. If this or these
together were 1 00 cubits square, it would make up
the " nearly 5 plethra " of our author. Hecataeus
also mentions that the altar was 20 cubits square
and 10 high. And although he mentions tin
Temple itself, he unfortunately does not supply us
with any dimensions.
From these dimensions we gather, that if " the
Priests and Levites and Elders of families were dis-
consolate at seeing how much more sumptuous the old
Temple wns than the one which on account of their
poverty tbey had Just been able to erect" (Ezr. iii.
12 ; Joseph. Ant. xi. 4, §2), it certainly was not be-
cause it was smaller, as almost every dimension had
been increased one-third ; but it may have been that
the carving and the gold, and other ornaments of
Solomon's Temple far surpassed this, and the pillars
of the portico and the veils may all havs been far
more splendid, so also probably were the vessels ;
and all this is what a Jew would mourn over •ar
more than mere architectural splendour. In speak-
ing of these Temples we must always bear in mind
that their dimensions weie practically very far in-
ferior to those of the Heathen. Even that of Ezia
is not larger than an average parish church of tht
last century — Solomon's was smaller. It was the
lavish display of the precious metals, the elaboration
of carved ornament, and the beauty of the textile
upon, but both the Hebrew and I.XJC si* so dear Ual
It waa In the " street," or " place M of the Temple, that
we cannot base any argument upon it, though H u
curious as Indicating what was pasting In the mlLd oi
Jusrpbus.
5 A 2
1460
TBMW.F
fabric*, which made up their splendour and rendered
(hem so precious in the eyes of the people, and
there can consequently be no greater mistake than
to judge of them by the number of cubits they
measured. They were Temples of a Shemitic, not
of a Celtic people.
Temile of EzeriEL.
The vision of a Temple which the prophet Exekiel
saw while residing on the banks of the Chebar in
Babylonia in the 25th year of the Captivity, does
not add much to our knowledge of the subject. It
is not a description of a Temple that ever was built
or ever could be erected at Jerusalem, and can con-
sequently only be considered as the beau ideal of
what a Shemitic Temple ought to be. As such it
would certainly be interesting if it could be correctly
restored, but unfortunately the difficulties of making
out a complicated plan from a mere verbal descrip-
tion are very gnat indeed, and are enhanced in this
instance by our imperfect knowledge of the exact
meaning of the Hebrew architectural terms, and it
may also be from the prophet describing not what
he actually knew, but only what he saw in a vision.
Be this as it may, we find that the Temple itself
was of the exact dimensions of that built by Solo-
mon, vis. an adytum (Ex. xl. 1-4), 20 cubits square,
a naos, 20 X 40, and surrounded by cells of 1 cubits'
width including the thickness of the walls, the
whole, with the porch, making np 40 cubits by 80,
or very little more than one four-thousandth part
of the whole area of the Temple: the height un-
fortunately is not given. Beyond this weie various
courts and residences for the prints, and places for
sacrifice and other ceremonies of the Temple, till
he comes to the outer court, which measured 500
reeds on each of its sides ; each reed (Ex. xl. 5) was
6 Babylonian cubits long, vix. of cubits each of one
trdiuryenbitandahandbrandth, or 21 inches. The
TEMPLE
reed was therefore 10 feet 6 inches, and the side con-
sequently 5250 Greek feet, or within a few feet of
an English mile, considerably more than the wholr
area of the city of Jerusalem, Temple included 1
It has been attempted to get over this difficulty
by saying that the prophet meant cubits, not reeds;
but this is quite untenable. Nothing can be more
clear than the specification of the length of the
reed, and nothing more careful than the mode m
which reeds are distinguished frcm cubits through-
out ; as for instance in the two next verse* (6 and 7
where a chamber and a gateway are mentioned, each
of one reed. If cubit ware substituted, it wouli
be nonsense.
Notwithstanding its ideal character, the whole u
extremely curious, as showing what were the aspira-
tions of the Jews in this direction, and how different
they were from those of other nations ; and it is
interesting here, inasmuch as there can be little
doubt but that the arrangement* of Herod's Temple
ware in a groat measure influenced by the descrip-
tion here given. The outer court, for instance, with
its porticoes measuring 400 cubits each way, is ss
exact counterpart on a smaller scale of the outer
court of EzekjeTs Temple, and is not found in either
Solomon's or Zerubbabel's ; and so too, evideotlt,
are several of the internal i
Temple or Herod.
For our knowledge of the last and greatest of tat
Jewish Temples we are indebted almost wholly t«
the works of Josephus, with an occasional hint from
the Talmud.
The Bible unfortunately contains nothing to assist
the researches of the antiquary in this respect
With true Shemitic indifference to such objects, tbt
writers of the New Testament do not furnish •
single hint which would enable us to asoartsii
either what the situation or the dimensions of las
Urn, :a - T— i* «f Utno i ismis*. steak of no few to I
TEMPLE
Temple were, nor any characteristic Tenure of ita
architecture. But Joseph™ knew the (pot per-
sonally, and his horizontal dimensions are so mi-
nutely accurate that we almost suspect he had
before his eyes, when writing, some ground-plan of
the building prepared in the quartermaster-general's
department of Titus's army. They form a strange
contrast with his dimensions in height, which,
with scarcely an exception, can be shown to be
exaggerated, generally doubled. As the buildings
were all thrown down during the siege, it was im-
possible to convict him of error in respect to eleva-
tions, but as regards plan he teems always to have
had a wholesome dread of the knowledge of those
among whom he was living and writing.
The Temple or naos itself was in dimensions and
arrangement very similar to that of Solomon, or
rather that of Zerubbabal — more like the latter ;
but this was surrounded by an inner enclosure of
great strength and magnificence, measuring as nearly
as can be made out 180 cubits by 240, and adorned
by porches and ten gateways of great magnificence ;
and beyond this again was an outer enclosure mea-
suring externally 400 cubits each way, which was
adorned with porticoes of greater splendour than any
we know of attached to any temple o( the ancient
world: all showing bow strongly Roman influence
was at work in enveloping with Heathen magni-
ficence the simple templar arrangements of a Shemitic
people, which, however, remained nearly unchanged
amidst all this external incrustation.
It has already been pointed out [Jeedsaleh,
vol. i. pp. 1019-20] that the Temple was certainly
situated in the S.W. angle of the area now known as
the Haram area at Jerusalem, and it is hardly neces-
sary to repeat here the arguments there adduced to
prove that its dimensions were what Josephus states
them to be, 400 cubits, or one stadium, each way.
At the time when Herod rebuilt it he enclosed a
space " twice as large" as that before occupied by the
Temple and its courts (B. J. i. 21, §1), an expres-
sion that probably must not be taken too literally,
a) least if we are to depend on the measurements of
Hrattaeus. According to them the whole area of
Herod's Temple was between four and fire times
greater than that which preceded it. What Herod
did apparently was to take in the whole space between
the Temple and the city wall on its eastern side, and
to add a considerable space on the north and south
to support the porticoes which he added there.
As the Temple terrace thus became the principal
defence of the city on the east side, there were no
gates or openings in that direction,* and being situ-
ated on a sort of rocky brow — as evidenced from
its appearance in the vaults that bound it on this
side — it was at all future times considered unattack-
able from the eastward. The north side, too, where
not covered by the fortress Antonia, became part
of the defences of the city, and was likewise with-
out external gates. But it may also have been that,
as the tombs of the kings, and indeed the general
cemetery of Jerusalem, were situated immediately
to the northward of the Temple, there was
some religious feeling in preventing too ready access
TEMPLE
14(31
• The Talmud, it Is troo, does mention a gate ss exist-
ing In the eastern wall, but Its testimony on this point is
so unsatisfactory and In •nch direct opposition to Jose-
pbas am) the probabilities of the case, thst It may safely
be disregarded.
' Owing; to the darkness of the place, blocked up as it
aow fa, and the mined state of the capital, it Is not easy
» ijtt » correct deUueaUw of It, This is to be regretted.
the Temple to the burjing-pU» (Kz, xhu
7-9).
On the south side, which was enclosed by tht
wall of Ophel, there were double gates nearly in
the centre (Ant. xv. 11, §5). These gates still
exist at a distance of about 365 feet from the
south-western angle, and are perhaps the onlj
architectural features of the Temple of Herod which
remain in siru. This entrance consists of a double
archway of Cyclopean architecture on the level of
the ground, opening into a square vestibule mea-
suring 40 feet each way. In tip centre of this is a
pillar crowned by a capital of the Qreek — rather
than Koman— Corinthian order (Woodcut No. 11);
the acanthus alternating with the water-leaf, as in
the Tower of the Winds at Athens, and other Greek
examples, but which was an arrangement abandoned
by the Romans as early as the time of Augustus, and
never afterwards employed.' From this pillar spring
four fiat segmental arches, and the space between thets
So. ll."Cs|4tat of t-insr In YeKlbuW o! miasm
is roofed by flat domes, constructed apparently on
the horizontal principle. The walls of this vestibule
are of the same bevelled masonry as the exterior ;
but either at the time of erection or subsequently
the projections seem to have been chiselled off in
some parts so as to form pilasters. From this a
double tunnel, nearly 2u0 feet in length, lends to a
flight of stejs which rise to the surface In tht
court of the Temple, exactly at that gateway
of the inner Temple which led to the altar, and it
the one of the four gateways on this side by which
anyone arriving from Ophel would naturally wish
to enter the inner enclosure. It seems to have been
this necessity that led to the external gateway being
placed a little more to the eastward than the exact
centre of the enclosure, where naturally we should
otherwise have looked for it.
We learn from the Talmud (Mid. ii. 6), that tht
gate of the inner Temple to which this passage led
was called the " Water Gate;" and it is interesting
to be able to identify a spot so prominent in the de-
scription of Nehemiah (xii. 37). The Water Gate is
more often mentioned in the mediaeval references to
the Temple than any other, especially by Mahomedan
authors, though by them frequently confounded
witn the outer gate at the other end of this passage.
ss a considerable controversy has srlsen as to its exact
character. It may therefore be Interesting to mention
that the drawing made by the architectural draughtsman
wbo accompanied M. Return In his late scientific expadi-
tlou u> Syria confirms to the fullest extent the charaotss
of the architecture, as shown In the view given i
from Mr. Arundele'e drawing.
1462
TEMPLE
Toward< the westward there were fonr gateways
to the external enclosure of the Temple (Ant. xv. 11,
§5), and the positions of three of these can still be
traced with certainty. The first or moat southern led
ever the bridge the remains of which ware identified by
Dr. Robinson (of which a view is given in art Jeru-
salem, toI. i. p. 1019), and joined the Stoa Basi-
lica of the Temple with the royal palace (Ant. ib.).
The second was that discovered by Dr. Barclay, 270
feet from the S.W. angle, at a level of 17 feet below
that of the southern gates just described. The site
of the third is so completely covered by the build-
ings of the Meckme' that it has not yet been seen,
bat it will be found between 200 and 250 feet from
the N.W. angle of the Temple area ; for, owing to
the greater width of the southern portico beyond
that on the northern, the Temple itself was not in
the centre of its enclosure, but situated more
towards the north. The tourth was that which
led over the causeway which still exists at a dis-
tance of 600 feet from the south-western angle.
In the time of Solomon, and until the area was
enlarged by Herod, the ascent from the western
valley to the Temple seems to have been by an
external flight of stairs (Neh. xii. 37 ; IK. x. 5,
&c), similar to those at Persepolis, and like them
probably placed laterally so as to form a part of the
architectural design. When, however, the Temple
came to be fortified •' modo arcis " (Tacit. H. v. 12),
the causeway and the bridge were established to
afford communication with the upper city, and the
two intermediate lower entrances to lead to the
lower city, or, ss H r.as originally called, " the city
of David."
Cloisters* — The most magnificent part of the
Temple, in an architectural point of view, seems
certainly to have been the cloisters which were
added to the outer court when it was enlarged by
Herod. It is not quite clear if there was not an
eastern porch before this time, and if so, it may have
been nearly on the site of that subsequently erected ;
but on the three other sides the Temple area was so
extended at the last rebuilding that there can be no
doubt but that from the very foundations the terrace
walls and cloisters belonged wholly to the last period.
The cloisters in the west, north, and east side were
composed of double rows of Corinthian columns, 25
cubits or 37 feet 6 inches in height (B. J. v. 5, §2)
with flat roofs, and resting against the outer wall
of the Temple. These, however, were immeasurably
surpassed in magnificence by the royal porch or Stoa
Basilica which overhung the southern wall. This
is so minutely described by Jowphus (Ant. xv. 11,
§5) that there is no difficulty in understanding its
arrangement or ascertaining its dimensions. It con-
sisted (in the language of Gothic architecture) of a
nave and two aisles, that towards the Temple being
open, that towards the country closed by a wall
The breadth of the centre aisle was 45 feet; of the
side aisles 30 from centre to centre of the pillars;
their height 50 feet, and that of the centre aisle
100 feet. Its section was thus something in excess
of that of Tork Cathedral, while its total length
was one stndinm or 600 Greek feet, or 100 feet in
excess of York, or our -argeit Gothic cathedrals.
i It doss not appear diffleilt to account lor this extra-
ordinary excess The Rabbis adopted the sacred number
sf Esekfel of 500 for their external dimensions of the
Temple, without earing much whether It meant reedi or
cubits, and though the cotnmenutora say that they our/
meant the smaller cubit of I* inches, or sat feet In all.
this explanation will not hold good, as all their other
TEMPLE x
Thb magnificent structure was supported bjf 1(9
Corinthian columns, arranged in fonr rows, forty is
each row— the two odd pillars forming apparently
> screen at the end of the bridge leading to the
palace, whose axis was coincident with that of the
Stoa, which thus formed the principal entrance
from the city and palace to the Temple.
At a short distance from the front of these
cloisters was a marble screen or enclosure, 3 cobtta
in height, beautifully ornamented with earring, he
bearing inscriptions in Greek and Roman characters
forbidding any Gentile to pass within its boundaries.
Again, at a short distance within thia was a Sight
•f steps supporting the terrace or platform on which
the Temple itself stood. According to Josephns
(B. J. v. 5, §2) this terrace was 15 cubits or 23)
feet high, and was approached first by fourteen steps,
each we may assume about one foot in height, at
the top of which was a berm or platform, 10 cubits
wide, called the Chel ; and there were again in the
depth of the gateways five or six steps, more leading
to the inner court of the Temple, thus making 20
or 2 1 steps in the whole height of 22) feet. To the
eastward, where the court of the women was situated,
this arrangement was reversed ; five steps led to
the Chel, and fifteen from that to the court of the
Temple.
The court of the Temple, as mentioned above,
was very nearly a square. It may have been
exactly so, for we have not all the details to enable
us to feel quite certain about it. The MidMk says
it was 187 cubits E. and W., and 137 N. and S.
(ii. 6). But on the two last sides there were the
gateways with their exhedrae and chambers, which
may have made up 25 cubits each way, thong*:,
with such measurements as we have, it appeal*
they were something less.
To the eastward of this was the court of the
women, the dimensions of which are not given by
Josephns, but are in the MiddotA, as 137 cubits
square — a dimension we may safely reject, first,
from the extreme improbability of the Jews allotting
to the women a space more than ten times greater
than that allotted to the men of Israel or to the
Levites, whose courts, according to the same au-
thority, were respectively 137 by 11 cubits; bat,
more than this, from the impossibility of finding
room for such a court while adhering to the other
dimensions given.! If we assume that the enclosure
of the court of the Gentiles, or the Chel, was nearly
equidistant on all four sides from the cloisters, its
dimension must have been about 37 or 40 cubits
east and west, most probably the former.
The great ornament of these inner courts scan
to have been their gateways, the three especial]}
on the north and south leading to the Temple court
These, according to Josephns, were of great height,
strongly fortified and ornamented with gnat ela-
boration. But the wonder of all was the great
eastern gate leading from the court of the women
to the upper court. This seems to have been thr
pride of the Temple area — covered with carving
richly gilt, having apartments over it (Ant. xv
1 1, §7), more like the Gopura k of an Indian temple
than anything else we are acquainted with in archi*
nwasnrementa agree so closely with those or Josepbu
that they evidently were using the same oabft of H
Inches. The fact seenui to be. that bavins; erroneous!/
adopted 600 cubits Instead of 400 fi>r the exleraal dissen-
sions, they bad 100 cubits to spare, snd Introduced Urn
where no aothortty existed to show they were wrong
» Wsn dboo* qf Ardutidm. p. S3 et sea.
TEMPLE
It was also in all probability the odd called
the « Beautiful Gate " in the New Testament.
Immediately within this gateway stood the altar
of burnt-offerings, according to Josephus (B. J, V.
b, §6), SO cubits square and IS cubits high, with
an ascent to it by an inclined plane. The Talmud
reduces this dimension to 32 cubits {MidJoth, iii.
1 \ ami adds a number of particulars, which make
it appear that it must have been like a model of the
Babylonian or other Assyrian temples. On the
north side were the rings and stakes to which the
victims were attached which were brought In to
be sacrificed ; and to the south an inclined plane led
down, as before mentioned, to the Water Gate — so
called because immediately in front of it was the
great cistern excavated in the rock, first explored
and described by Or. Barclay {City of the Great
King, p. 526), from which water was supplied to
the Altar and the Temple. And a little beyond
this, at the S.W. angle of the Altar was an open-
ing (MUdutk, iii. 3\ through which the blood of
the victims flowed' westward and southward to
tie king's garden at Siloam.
Both the Altar and the Temple were enclosed by
a> low parapet one cubit in height, placed so as to
keep the people separate from the priests while
the latter were performing their functions.
Within this last enclosure towards the westward
stood the Temple itself. As before mentioned, its
internal dimensions were the same as those of the
Temple of Solomon, or of that seen by the Prophet
in a vision, viz. 20 cubits or 30 feet, by 60 cubits
or 90 feet, divided into a cubical Holy of Holies, and
a holy place of 2 cubes ; and there is no reason
whatever for doubting but that the Sanctuary
always stood on the identically same spot in which
it had been placed by Solomon a thousand years
before it was rebuilt by Herod.
Although the internal dimensions remained the
same, there seems no reason to doubt but that the
whole plan was augmented by the Pteromata or
surrounding parts being increased from 10 to 20
cubits, so that the third Temple like the second,
measured 60 cubits across, and 100 cubits east and
west. The width of the facade was also augmented
by wings or shoulders (jB. /. v. 5, §4) projecting
20 cubits each way, making the whole breadth
100 cubits, or equal to the length. So far all
teems certain, but when we come to the height,
every measurement seems doubtful. Both Josephus
and the Talmud seem delighted with the truly
Jewish idea of a building which, without being a
cube, was 100 cubits long, 100 broad, and 100
high — and everything seems to be made to bend to
this simple ratio of proportion. It may also be
partly owing to the difficulty of ascertaining heights
as compared with horizontal dimensions, and the
tendency that always exists to exaggerate these
latter, that may have led to some confusion, but
from whatever cause it arose, it is almost impossible
to believe that the dimensions of the Temple as
I x channel exactly corresponding to that described In
the Talmud baa been discovered by Slgnor Plerottl,
rousing towards toe soutt-mit. In his published ac-
counts be mistakes It for one flowing nortA-easf, In direct
contradiction to the Talmud, which Is our only authority
on the subject.
a As It Is not easy always to realize figured dimensions,
It may assist those who are not in the babH ot doing so
to elate that the western facade and nave of Lincoln Ca-
thedral are nearly the same as those of Herod's Temple.
TLuj the facade with Its shoulders Is about 1 00 cubit* wide.
TEMPLE
1463
regards height, were what they were asserted to be
by Josephus, and specified with such minute detail
in the Middoth (iv. 6). This authority makes
the height of the floor 6, of the hall 40 cubits ;
the roofing 5 cubits in thickuess ; then the coena-
culum or upper room 40, and the roof, parapet,
&c., 9 ! — all the parts being named with the most
detailed particularity.
As the Adytum was certainly not more than 20
cubits high, the firet 40 looks very like a duplica-
tion, and so does the second ; for a room 20 cubits
wide and 40 high is so absurd a proportion that
it is impossible to accept it In fact, we cannot
help suspecting that in this instance Josephus was
guilty of systematically doubling the altitude of the
building he was describing, as it can be proved he
did in some other instances*
From the above it would appear, that in so far
as the horizontal dimensions of the various parts of
this celebrated building, or their arrangement in
plan is concerned, we can restore every part with
very tolerable certainty ; and there does not appear
either to be very much doubt as to their real height.
But when we turn from actual measurement and
try to realize its appearance or the details of its
architecture, we launch into a sea of conjecture with
very Utile indeed to guide us, at least in regard to
the appearance of the Templa itself.
We know, however, that the cloisters of the
outer court were of the Corinthian order, and from
the appearance of nearly contemporary cloisters at
Palmyra and Baalbec we can judge of their effect.
There are also in the Haram area at Jerusalem a
number of pillars which once belonged to these colon-
nades, and so soon as any one will take the trouble to
measure and draw them, we may restore the cloisters
at all events with almost absolute certainty.
We may also realize very nearly the general ap-
pearance of the inner fortified enclosure with its
gates and their accompaniments, and we can also
restore the Altar, but when we turn to the Temple
itself, all Is guess work. Still the speculation is so
interesting, that it may not be out of place to say
a few words regarding it.
In the first piece we are told (Ant. xv. 11, §5)
that the priests built the Temple itself in eighteen
months, while it took Herod eight yean to com-
plete his part, and as only priests apparently were
employed, we may fairly assume that it was not a
rebuilding, but only a repair — it may be with ad-
ditions—which they undertook. We know also from
Maccabees, and from the unwillingness of the priestr
to allow Herod to undertake the rebuilding at all
that the Temple, though at one time desecrated
was never destroyed ; so we may fairly assume that
a great part of the Temple of Zerubbabel was sUll
standing, and was incorporated in the new.
Whatever may have been the case with the Temple
of Solomon, it is nearly certain that the style of the
second Temple must have been identical with that of
the buildings we are so familiar with at Persepolis
The nave Is (0 cubits wide and N high, and If you divide
the aisle Into three storeys you can have a correct Idea
of the chambers; and If the nave with Its clerestory were
divided by a Boor, they would correctly represent the
dimensions of the Temple and Its upper rooms. The
nave, however, to the transept. Is considerably more than
100 cubits long, while the ftysde Is only between 60 and
*0 cubits high. Thaw, therefore, who adhere to the written
text, must double Us height In Imagination to realise Its
appearance, but my own conviction Is that the Tempts war
nn higher In reality than the facade of the cathedral.
1464
TEMPLB
and Suae. In fact the Woodcut No. 6 correctly re-
present! the second Temple in so fix aa its details axe
concerned ; for we must not be led away with the
modern idea that different people built in different
styles, which they kept distinct and practised only
within their own narrow limits. The Jews were
too closely connected with the Persians and Baby-
lonians at this period to know of any other style,
and in (act their Temple was built under the super-
intendence of the very parties who were erecting
the contemporary edifices at Persepolis and Suss.
The question still remains how much of this
building or of its details were retained, or how
much of Roman feeling added. We may at once
dismiss the idea that anything was borrowed from
Egypt. That country had no influence at this
period beyond the limits of her own narrow valley,
and we cannot trace one vestige of her taste or feeling
in anything found in Syria at or about this epoch.
Turning to the building itself; we find that the
only things that were added at this period were the
wings to the facade, and it may consequently be
■mrmiaed that the facade was entirely remodelled
at this time, especially as we nnd ic the centre a
great arch, which was a very Roman feature, and
very unlike anything we know of as existing before.
This, Josephus says, was 25 cubits wide and 70
high, which is so monstrous in proportion, and,
being wider than the Temple itself, so unlikely,
that it may safely be rejected, and we may adopt
in its stead the more moderate dimensions of the
Middoth fiii. 7), which makes it 20 cubits wide
by 40 high, which is not only more in accordance
with the dimensions of the building, but also with
the proportions of Roman architecture. This arch
occupied the centre, and may easily be restored ; but
what is to be done with the 37 cubits on either
hand ? Were they plain like an unfinished Egyptian
propylon, or covered with ornament like an Indian
Gopura ? My own impression is that the facade on
either hand was covered with a series of small
arches and panels four storeys in height, and more
like the Tik Kesra at Ctenyhon ■ than any other
building now existing. It is true that nearly five
centuries elapsed between the destruction of the one
building and the erection of the other. But Herod's
Temple was not the last of its race, nor was
Nushirvas'a the first of its class, and its pointed
arches and clumsy details show just such a degrada-
tion of style a* we should expect from. the interval
which had elapsed between them. We know so little
of the architecture of this part of Asia that it is im-
possible to speak with certainty on such a subject,
but we may yet recover many of the lost links which
connect the one with the other, and so restore the
earlier examples with at least proximate certainty.
Whatever the exact appearance of its details may
have been, it may safely be asserted that the triple
Temple of Jerusalem — -the lower court, standing on
its magnificent terraces — the inner court, raised on
its platform in the centre of this — and the Temple
itself, rising out of this group and crowning the
whole — must have formed, when combined with the
• Bmtibttk s/ Arckittthm, p. 816.
• Ewald Is disposed to think that even In the form In
■Ueh we have the Commandments there are some addt-
fkws made at a later period, and that the second and the
fourth connnanaments were originally as briefly impe-
rative as the stub or seventh (Gtsa*. /«r. It Me). The
d lB steuce between the reason given In Ex. xx. It for the
fourth anmundment, and that staled to have been given
eg Dent v. It. makes, eerhaos, inch s oonjectara posslt'a
TEN COMMANDMENTS
beauty of its situation, one of the most splendid srekr
tectural combinations of the ancient world. [J. F.j
TEN COMMANDMENTS. (1.) The pa-
pular name in this, ss in so many instances, it
not that of Scripture. There we hare the ** tea
words" (Cu^n m&3? ; t * •*«■■ Mm«t«; <****
decern), not the Ten Commandments ( Ex. xxxhr. 28 ;
Deut. iv. 13, x. 4, Heb.). The difference is not
altogether an unmeaning one. The word of God,
the " word of the Lord," the constantly recarriec
term for the fullest revelation, was higher than an
phrase expressing merely a command, and carried
with it more the idea of a self-fulfilling power. Ifoa
the one side there was the special contrast to which
our Lord refers between the commandments of Gel
and the traditions of men (Matt. xv. 3), the a r r o ga n ce
of the Rabbis showed itself, on the other, in pjacrog
the -cords' of the Scribes on the same level ss the worth
of God. [Comp. Scribes.] Nowhere is the huer
books of the 0. T. is any direct r ef er ence made ts
their number. The treatise of Pnilo, however, weal
rav Sent Koyimp, shows that it had fixed itself ea
the Jewish mind, and later still, it gave occasaoa I*
the formation of a new word (" The Decalogue " {
ttt&Koyot, first in Clem. AL Pari. iii. 12), which
has perpetuated itself in modern languages. Otbs*
names are even more significant. These, and thaw
alone, are " the words of the covenant,'' the on-
changing ground of the union between Jehovah and
His people, all else being as a superstructure, acces-
sory and subordinate (Ex. xxxiv. 28). They arc
also the Tables of Testimony, sometimes simply
" the testimony,*' the witness to men of the Divine
will, righteous itself, demanding righteousness is
man (Ex. xxv. 16, nxi. 18, ic.). It is by virtue
of their presence in it that the Ark becomes, in its
turn, the Ark of the Covenant (Num. x. 33,
ess.), that the sacred tent became the Tabernacle
of Witness, of Testimony (Ex. xxxviii. 21, fa.).
[Tabkbnaclb.] They remain there, throughout
the glory of the kingdom, the primeval relics of s
hoar antiquity (IK. viii. 9), their material, ths
writing on them, the sharp incisive character of the
laws themselves presenting* a striking contrast ts
the more expanded teaching of a later time. Not
less did the commandments themselves speak of ths
earlier" age when not the silver and the gold, bat
the ox and the ass were the great representatives of
wealth * (comp. 1 Sam. xii. 3).
(2.) The circumstances in which the Ten great
Wordi were first given to the people, surrounded
them with an awe which attached to no other
precept. In the midst of the cloud, and the dark
neas, and the flashing lightning, and the fiery
smoke, and the thunder, like the voice of a trumpet,
Moses was called to receive the Law without which
the people would cease to b- a holy nation. Here,
as elsewhere. Scripture unites two facts which men
separate. God, and not man, was speaking to ths
Israelites in those terrors, and yet in the language of
later inspired teachers, other instrumentality was not
excluded.* The law was " ordained by angels" (Gal.
flbaotia which modem snnouiuns put Into the i
In the exirtiug state of the O. T. ffioorporated Into ths
text. Obviously both forms could not have appeared
written on the Two Tables of Stone, yet Dent. v. 14, a
not only states a different reason, but affirms that "all
these words" were thus written. Kell (Osssav ea A.
xx.) seems on this point disposed to sans with Ewald.
s Bnxtorf, It Is true, asserts that Jewish Interpreters
Trttb iiardly an exception, maintain thai '
TSOt COMMANDMENTS
Kl. 19), "spoken by angels" (Heb. h. 2,, received
is the ordinance of angel* (Acts vii. 53). The
agency of those whom he thoughts of the Psalmist
connected with the winds and the flaming Are (Pa,
civ. 4; Heb. i. T> was present also on Sinai. And
the part of Moses himself was, as the language of
.■H. Paul (Gal. iii. 19) affirms, that of " a mediator."
Me stood " between " the people and the Lord, " to
■how them the word of the Lord" (Deut. v. 5),
while they stood afar off, to give form and distinct-
ness to what would else have been terrible and
overwhelming. The " note* of the Lord " which
they heard in the thundcrings and the sound of the
trumpet, " full of majesty," " dividing the flames
of lire" (Pa. xxix. 3-9), was for him a Divine
icord, the testimony of an Eternal will, just as in the
parallel instance of John xii. 29, a like testimony led
soma to say, " it thundered," while others received
the witness. No other words were proclaimed in
like manner. The people shrank even from this
nearness to the awful presence, even from the very
echoes of the Divine voice. And the record was
aa exceptional as the original revelation. Of no
other words could it be said that they were written
as these were written, engraved on the Tables of
Stone, cot as originating in man's contrivance or
sagacity, but by the power of the Eternal Spirit, by
the ••finger of God" (Ex. xxxi. 18, xxxii. 16;
oomp. not* on Tabekhacle).
(3.) The number Ten was, we can hardly doubt,
itself significant to Moses and the Israelites. The
received symbol, then and at all times, of com-
pleteness (B«hr, Symbolik, i. 175-183), it taught
the people that the Law of Jehovah was perfect
(Pa. six. 7). The fact that they were written not
on one, but on two tables, probably in two groups
of five each {infra), taught men (though with some
variations from the classification of later ethics) the
great division of duties towards God, and duties
towards our neighbour, which we recognise as the
groundwork of every true Moral system. It taught
them also, five being the symbol of imperfection
(BJUir.i. 183-187), how incomplete each set of duties
would be when divorced from its companion. The
recurrence of these numbers in the Pentateuch is at
once frequent and striking. Ewald (Getch. Itr. ii.
212-217) has shown by a large induction how con-
tinually laws and precepts meet us in groups of
five or tan. The numbers, it will b» remembered,
meet us again as the basis of all the proportions of
the Tabernacle. [Temple.] It would show an
Ignorance of all modes of Hebrew thought to ex-
clude this symbolic aspect. We need not, however,
shot out altogether that which some writers (e. g.
Grotiut, De Dtoal. p. 36) have substituted for it,
the connexion of the Ten Words with a decimal
system of numeration, with the ten fingers on which
a man counts. Words whirii were to be the rule of
life for the poor as well as the learned, the ground-
work of education for all children, might well be
connected with the simplest facts and processes in
nan's mental growth, and thus stamped more in-
delibly on the memory.*
(4.) In what way the Ten Commandments were
to be divided has, however, been a matter of much
*KN COMMANDMENTS 1465
controversy. At least four distinct arrangement!
present themselves.
(a.) In the received teaching of the Latin Church
resting on :hat of St. Augustine (Q*. in Ex. 71,
Ep. ad Jamtar. c. xi., De Decal. Aw:., ix.) the first
Table confined three commandments, the second
the other seven. Partly ou mystical grounds, be-
cause the Tables thus symbolized the Trinity ol
Divine Persons, and the Eternal Sabbath, partly as
seeing in it a true ethical division, he adopted this
classification. It involved, however, and in part
proceeded from an alteration in the received ar-
rangement. What we know as the first and second
were united, and consequently the Sabbath law
appeared at the close of the First Table as the
third, not as the fourth commandment. The com-
pleteness of the number was restored in the Second
Table by making a separate (the ninth) command
of the precept, " Thou shalt not covet thy neigh-
bour's wife, which with us forms part of the
tenth. It is an almost fatal objection to this
order that in the First Table it confounds, where it
ought to distinguish, the two sins of polytheism
and idolatry ; and that in the Second it introduces
an arbitrary and meaningless distinction. The
later theology of the Church of Rome apparently
adopted it as seeming to prohibit image-worship
only so far as it accompanied the acknowledgment
of another God {Cattch. Trident, iii. 2, 20).
(4.) The familiar division, referring the first four
to our duty towards God, and the six remaining to
our duty towards man, is, on ethical grounds, simple
and natural enough. If it is not altogether satisfying,
it is because it fails to recognise the symmetry which
gives to the number five so great a prominence,
and, perhaps also, because it looks on the duty of
the fifth commandment from the point of view of
modern ethics rather than from that of the ancient
Israelites, and the first disciples of Christ {infra).
(c.) A modification of (d.) has been adopted by
later Jewish writers (Jonathan ben Uxziel, Aben
Ezra, Moses ben Nachman, in Suicer, This. s. v.
SoroAoyos). Retaining the combination of the first
and second commauuments of the common order,
they have made a new " word " of the opening de-
claration, "I am the Lord thy God which brought
thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of
bondage," and so have avoided the necessity of the
subdivision of the tenth. The objection to this
division is, ( ] ) that it rests on no adequate authority,
and (2) that it turns into a single precept what it
evidently given aa the groundwork ot the whole
body of laws.
(<f.) Rejecting these three, there remains that
recognised by the older Jewish writers, Josephus
(iii. 6, §0) and Philo {De Decal. i.), and sup-
ported ably and thoughtiully by Ewald (Oetoh.
Itr. ii. 208), which placer five commandments in
each Table; and thus preserves the pentad and
decad grouping which pervades the whole code.
A modern jurist would perhaps object that this
places the fifth commandment in a wrong position,
that a duty to parents is a duty towards our neigh-
bour. From the Jewish point of view, it is Be-
lieved, the place thus given to that commandment
Deoslegt per se Immediate tomtom esse" (Die*, de
Ami.). The language of Josephns, however (Ant. zv. 6,
1% Dot lets than that of the N.T., shows that at one tune
UKtmmttooaof the Jewish schools pointed to the opposite
•fiifli absorbed In symbolism, bat nothing for this
natural suggestion bnt two notes of admiration (! I). The
analogy or Ten Great Commandments In the moral law
of Buddhism might have shown him bow naturallj mec
crave for a number that thus helps them. A true svsVns
was as Utile likely to ignore ihe natural craving as a ialse.
(Gomp nolo In Ewald, (Jack. Itr. ii. an}.)
1466 TEN COMMANDMENTS
ru essentially the right one. Intend of daties
towards G««-i, and duties towardi our neighbours,
we must tbns of the First Table as containing all
that belonged to the Eio-«/3«ia of the Greeks, to
the V'tetVis of the Romans, duties i. e. with no cor-
responding rights, while the Second deals with duties
which involve rights, and come therefore under
the bead of Jvititia. The duty of honouring, i. t.
supporting, parents came under the former head.
As soon as the son was capable of it, and the
parents required it, it was an absolute, uncon-
ditional duty. His right to any maintenance from
them had ceased. He owed them reverence, as
be owed it to his Father in heaven (Heb. xii. 9).
He was to show piety (fwrt&*7r) to them (1 Tim.
v. 4). What mnde the " Corban " casuistry of the
Scribes so specially evil was, that it was, in this
way, a sin against the piety of the First Table,
not merely against the lower obligations of the
second (Hark vii. 11 ; com p. Piety). It at least
harmonises with this division that the second, third,
fourth, and fifth commandments, all stand on the
same footing as having special sanctions attaching to
them, while the others that follow are left in their
simplicity by themselves, as though the reciprocity of
rights were in itself a sufficient ground for obedience.*
(5.) To these Ten Commandments we find in
the Samaritan Pentateuch an eleventh added: —
" But when the Lord thy God shall have brought
thee into the land of Canaan, whither thon goest to
possess it, thon shalt set thee up two great stones,
and shalt plaister them with plsister, and shalt
write upon these stones all the words of this Law.
Moreover, after thou shalt have passed over Jordan,
thou shalt set up those stones which I command
thee this day, on Mount Gerizim, and thou shalt
build there an altar to the Lord thy God, an altar
of stones : thou shalt not lift up any iron thereon.
Of unhewn stones shalt thou build that altar to the
Lord thy God, and thou shalt offer on it burnt-
offerings to the Lord thy God, and thou shalt sacri-
fice peace-offerings, and shalt eat them there, and
thou shalt rejoice before the Lord thy God in that
mountain beyond Jordan, by the way where the
sun goeth down, in the land of the Canaanite that
dweUeth in the plain country over against Gilgal,
by the oak of Moreh, towards Sichem " (Walton,
{BibL Polyglott.). In the absence of any direct
evidence we can only guess as to the history of
this remarkable addition. (I.) It will be seen that
the whole passage is made up of two which are
found in the Hebrew test of Deut. xzvii. 2-7, and
si. 30, with the substitution, in the former, of
Gerizim for Etui. (2.) In the absence of con-
firmation from any other version, Ebal must, as
far as textual criticism is concerned, be looked upon
as the true reading, Gerizim as a falsification,
casual or deliberate, of the test. (3.) Probably the
choice of Gerizim as the site of the Samaritan
temple was determined by the fact that it had been
the Mount of Blessings, Kbal that of Curses. Pos-
sibly, as Walton suggests (Prolegom. c xt), the
difficulty of understanding how the latter should
have been chosen instead of the former, as a place
* A taruwr conflrmattan of the truth of uus dirkBon ■
found In Bom. xiU. 9. St. Paul. — "Ti'ng up tbe duties
■briefly comprehended" in the one great 1st, "Thou
shalt love thy neighbour as thyself emmierates the last
five commsodtnents, bat makes no mentka of the Attn.
■ 1. ?ntt; doi, nar*;
tfUntsA V. taberoacW."
TENT
tor sacrifice and offering, may have led them to last
on the reading Ebal as erroneous. They were un-
willing to expose themselves to the taunts of then
Judsxan enemies by building a temple on the HiU
of Curses. They would claim the inheritance rt
the blessings. They would set the authority oJ
their text against that of the scribes of the Great
Synagogue. One was as likely to be accepted as
the other. The « Hebrew verity " was not thca
acknowledged as it has been since. (4.) la othe-
repetitions or transfers in the Samaritan Pentateuch
we may perhaps admit the plea which Walton
makes in its behalf (/. c), that in the first fuma-
tion of the Pentateuch as a Codex, the transc ri bers
had a large number of separate documents to copy,
and that comequently much was left to the dis-
cretion of the individual scribe. Here, however,
that excuse is hardly admissible. Tbe interpolation
has every mark of being a bold attempt to daixc
for the schismatic worship on Gerizim the solenta
sanction of the voice on Sinai, to place it on the
same footing as the Ten great Words of God. The
guilt of the interpolation belonged of course only t*
the first contrivers of it. The later Samaritans
might easily come to look on their text as tbe trot
one, on that of the Jews as corrupted by a fraudu-
lent omission. It is to the credit of the Jewfci
scribes that they were not tempted to retaliate, and
that their reverence for tbe sacred records preventrd
them from suppressing the history which connected
the rival sanctuary with the blessings of Gerizim.
(6.) Tbe treatment of the Ten Commandments
in the Targum of Jonathan ben Uzriel is not with-
out interest. There, as noticed above, tbe first and
second commandments are united, to make up the
second, and the words " I am the Lord thy God,"
&c t are given as the first. More remarkable is the
addition of a distinct reason for the last five on-
mandments no less than for the first five. " Thou
shalt commit no murder, for because of tbe sins oi
murderers the sword goeth forth upon the world."
So in like manner, and with the same formuTx,
"death goeth forth upon the world " as the puniau-
ment of adultery, famine as that of theft, drought :
as that of false witness, invasion, plunder, captivity
as that of oovetousneas (Walton, Bibl. Pofaktt.).
(7.) Tbe absence of any distinct reference to tiu
Ten Commandments as such in the Poire Abotk
( = Msxims of the Fathers) is both strange and
significant. One chapter (ch. v.) is expressly given
to an enumeration of all the Scriptural facts which
may be grouped in decades, the ten words of Cre-
ation, the ten generations from Adam to Noah, and
from Noah to Abraham, the ten trials of Abraham,
the ten plagues of Egypt, and the like, but the ten
divine words find no place in the list. With all their
ostentation of profound reverence for the Law, the
teaching of the Rabbis turned on other points than
the great laws of duty. In this way, as in others,
they made void the commandments of God that
they might keep their own tradition*. — Compare
Stanley, Jewish Church, Lrct. vii., in illustrabon of
many of the points here noticed. [E. H. P.]
TENT.* Among the leading characteristics o!
]3CD; mars; iwlrri oi I opposed to JVX
asej' "
X D30 (maasa), only once - taut" (1 Sam. at, U>.
» = -
4. i"I3P; as>uot; iqwur; Arab. JjJ whence
with srt. prefixed, comes alaba (Span.) and * at w* *
(Baatell, aauev. L 30) : only ones used (Stun. tn. n.
TENT.
1467
jie nomsde races, thane two bare «lw»y« been num-
ben<l, whose origin ha* been ascribed to Jabal the
•on of Lantech (Gen. iv. 20), Til., to be tent-
dwellers and keepers of cattle. The tame may be
•aid of the forefathers of the Hebrew race ; nor was
it until the return into Canaan from Egypt that
the Hebrews became inhabitants of cities, aud it
may be remarked that the tradition of tent-usage
survived for many years later in the Tabernacle of
Shiloh, which consisted, as many Arab tents still
consist, of a walled enclosure covered with curtains
CMishna, Zebachm, xiv. 6 ; Stanley, S. and P. p.
233). Among tent-dwellers of the present day must
be reckoned, (1.) the great Mongol and Tartar hordes
of central Asia, whose tent-dwellings are sometimes
of gigantic dimensions, and who exhibit more con-
trivance both in the dwellings themselves and in
their method of transporting them from plnce to
place than is the case with the Arab races (Marco
Polo, Trm. p. 128, 135, 211, ed. Bohn; Hor. 3
Od. xxiv. 10 ; Gibbon, c. xxvi., vol. iii. p. 298,
ed. Smith). (2.) The Bedouin Arab tribes, who
inhabit tents which are probably constructed on the
same plan as those which were the dwelling-places
»f Abraham and of Jacob (Heb. xi. 9). A tent or
paWlion on a magnificent scale, constructed for
Itolemy Philadelphia at Alexandria, is described
by Athenaeos, v. 196 foil.
An Arab tent b minutely described by Burckhardt.
)t is called beit, " house ;" its covering consists of
stuff, about three-quarters of a yard broad, made of
Mack goats'-hair (Cant. i. 5 ; Sbaw, Trm. p. 220),
kid parallel with the tent's length. This is sufficient
to resist the heaviest rain. The tent-poles, called
snuVi, or columns, are usually nine in number,
placed in t 1 .t» groups, but many tents have only
one pole, others two or three. The ropes which
mold the tent in its place are fastened, not to the
tent-cover itself, but to loops consisting of a leathern
thong tied to the ends of a stick, round which is
twisted a piece of old cloth, which is itself sewed to
the tent-cover. The ends of the tent-ropes are
fastened to short sticks or pins, called toed or aoutad,
which are driven into the ground with a mallet
(Judg. iv. 21). [Pin.] Round the back and sides
of the tents runs a piece of stuff removable at
pleasure to admit air. The tent is divided into
two apartments, separated by a carpet partition
drawn aaoss the middle of the tent and fastened to
the three middle posts. The men's apartment is
usually on the right side on entering, and the wo-
men's on the left ; but this usage varies in different
tribes, and in the Mesopotamia!) tribes the contrary
is the rule. Of the three side posts on the men s
iide, the first and third are called yed (hand) ; and
the one in the middle is rather higher than the
other two. Hooks are attached to these posts for
hanging various articles (Gen. xviii. 10; Jud. xiii.
6 ; Kiebuhr, Voy. i. 187 ; Layard, iVin. and Boo.
p. 261). [Pillar.] Few Arabs have more than
one tent, unless the family be augmented by the
families of a son or a deceased brother, or in case
the wives disagree, when the master pitches a tent
for one of them adjoining his own. The separate
tents of Sarah, Leah, Rachel, Zilpah, and Bilh: h,
may thus have been either separate tents or apart-
ments in the principal tent in each case (Gen. xxiv.
67, xxxi. 33). When the pasture near an encamp-
ment is exhausted, the tents are taken down, packed
on camels and removed (Is. xxxviii. 12 ; Gen.
xxvi. 17, 22, 25). The beauty of an Arab encamp-
ment is noticed by Shaw (ZVoe. p. 221 ; see Num.
xxiv. 5). Those who cannot afford more complete
tents, are content to hang a cloth from a tree by
way of shelter. In choosing places for encamp-
ment, Arabs prefer the neighbourhood of trees, for
the sake of the shade and coolness which they afford
(Gen. xviii. 4, 8; Kiebuhr, I. c). In observing
the directions of the Law respecting the feast of
Tabernacles, the Rabbinical writers laid down as a
distinction between the ordinary tent and the booth,
succah, that the latter must in no cose he covered
by a cloth, but be restricted to boughs of trees as
its shelter (Sucaah, >. 3). In hot weather the Aral*-,
of Mesopotamia often strike their tents and betake
themselves to sheds of reeds and grass on the bank
of the river (Layard, Ninereh, i. 123; Burckhardt
Notes on Bed. i. 37, 46 ; Volncy, Trot. i. 398
1468 fEBAH
Uyard, *«. and Bab. p. 171, 175 ; Nietrahr, Vox).
'• <• «•)• [H. W. P.]
TETIAH Cmn : 6<<#a, Saps in Josh. ; Alex.
Qipa, exc Gen. ii. 28: Than). The hither of
Abram, Nahor, and Hanui, and through them the
ancestor of the great families of the Israelites, Ish-
irwelitet, Midianites, Moabites, and Ammonites
t^Gen. ii. 24-32). The account given of him in
the 0. T. narrative is verj brief. We learn from
it simply that he was an idolater (Josh. xxiv. 2),
that he dwelt beyond the Euphrates in Or of the
Chaldees (Gen. xi. 28), and that in the south-
westerly migration, which from some unexplained
cause he undertook in his old age, he went with his
son Abram, his daughter-in-law Sarai, and his
grandson Lot, " to go into the land of Canaan, and
they came unto Haran, and dwelt there " (Gen. xi.
31). And finally, " the days of Terah were two
hundred and five years: and Terah died in Haran "
(Gen. xi. 32). In connexion with this last-men-
tioned event a chronological difficulty has arisen
which may be noticed here. In the speech of
Stephen (Acta ni. 4) it is said that the further
migration of Abram from Haran to the land of
Canaan did not take place till after bis father's
death. Now as Terah was 205 years* old when he
died, and Abram was 75 when he left Haran (Gen.
xii. 4), it follows that, if the speech of Stephen be
correct, at Abram 's birth Terah must have been
130 years old ; and therefore that the order of his
sons — Abram, Nahor, Haran — given in Gen. xi. 26,
27, is not their order in point of age. [See Lot,
1436.] Lord Arthur Hervey says {Qeneal. pp. 82,
83), "The difficulty is easily got over by supposing
that Abram, though named first on account of his
dignity, was not the eldest son, but probably the
youngest of the three, bora when his fether was 130
years old — a supposition with which the marriage
of Nahor with his elder brother Haran's daughter,
Hilcah, and the apparent nearness of age between
Abram and Lot, and the three generations from
Nahor to Rebecca corresponding to only two, from
Abraham to Isaac, are in perfect harmony." From
the simple fects of Tenth's life recorded in the O. T.
has been constructed the entire legend of Abram
which is current in Jewish and Arabian traditions.
Terah the idolater is turned into a maker of images,
and "Ur of the Chaldees " is the original of the " fur-
lace" into which Abram was cast (oomp. Ex. v. 2).
Rashi's note on Gen. xi. 28 is as fellows:—" * In
the presence of Terah his father :' in the lifetime of
his hither. And the Midrash Hagada says that he
died beside his lather, for Terah had complained of
Abram his sou, before Nimrod, that he had broken
his images, and he cast him into a furnace of (int.
And Haran was sitting and saying in his hmit, If
Abram overcome I am on his aide, and if Nimrod
overcome I am on his side. And when Abram was
saved they said to Haran, On whose side art thou?
He said to tbem, I am on Abram's side. So they
cast him into the furnace of fire and he was burnt ;
and this is [what is meant byl Ur Caadim (Cr of
the ChaMees)." In Berahith'Rabba (Par. 17) the
story is told of Abraham being left to sell idols in
hh father's stead, which is repeated in Weil's
Biblical Legends, p. 49. The whole legend de-
pends upon the ambiguity of the word "135, which
signifies " to make " and " jt serve or worship,"
lbs Bam. tm „& YtT ^ a)
Ikes dlfllcultv.
make nun its. and so I
I
TEBAJHIM
so that Terah, who in the Biblical narrative as cast)
a worshipper of idols, is in the Jewish tradxtsaa sat
image-makei ; and about this single point the whole
story has grown. It certainly was unknown tc
Josephts, who tells nothing of Terah, except thai
it was grief tor the death of his son Haran that
induced him to quit Ur of the Cheilites (Ant. i.
9, § «)•
In the Jewish traditions Terah is a prince emd ■
great man in the palace of Nimrod ( Jellinek, Bet haw*
Midrash, p. 27), the captain of his army (Srn&er
Hayyashar), bis son-in-law according to the Arabs
(Beer, Lebm Abrahams, p. 97). His wife is called
in the Talmud (Baba Bathra, fol. 91a) Amtelai.
or Emtelai, the daughter of Carnebo. In the Book
of the Jubilees she is called Edna, the daughter
of Arem, or Aram ; and by the Arabs Adna
(D'Herbelot, art Abraham; Beer, p. 97). Ac-
cording to D'Herbelot, the name of Abraham'!
father was Azar in the Arabic traditions, and
Terah was his grandfather. Elmakin, quoted by
Hottinger (Smegma Orientate, p. 281), says that,
after the death of Yuna, Abraham's mother, Terah
took another wife, who bare him Sarah. He adds
that in the days of Terah the king of Babylon made
war upon the country in which he dwelt, and that
Hazrun, the brother of Terah, went out ftgainrt
him and slew him ; and the kingdom of Babylon
was transferred to Nineveh and Mosul. For all
these traditions, see the Book of Jashar, and the
works of Hottinger, D'Herbelot, Weil, and Beer
above quoted. Philo (fie Sosaane) indulges it
some strange speculations with regard to Terah's
name and his migration. [W. A. W.]
TEB'APHDI (D'sVW : eVoaf lV, to fcsaetatV.
to Btpaiplr, Ktrordupia, ctStAa, yXvwri, SZ)Xm,
laroQBtyyiium: theraphim, stattut, tdoia, an*
iacra, figurae idolorum, idoUatria), only in plural,
images connected with magical rites. The subject
of teraphim has been fully discussed in art. Magic
(ii. 195-197)> and it is therefore unnecessary her*
to do more than repeat the results there stated.
The derivation of the name is obscure. In one
case a single statue seems to be intended by the
plural (1 Sam. xii. 13, 16). The teraphim carried
away from Laban by Rachel do not seem to have
been very small ; and the image (if one be in-
tended), hidden in David's bed by Michal to deceive
Saul's messengers, was probably of the site of
a man, and perhaps in the bead and shoulders,
if not lower, of human or like form ; but David's
sleeping-room may have been a mere cell without a
window, opening from a large apartment, which
would render it necessary to do no more than nil
the bed. Laban regarded his teraphim as gods;
and, as be was not ignorant of the true God, it
would therefore appear that they were used by
those who added corrupt practices to the patri-
archal religion. Teraphim again are inel uded snuog
Micah's images, which were idolatrous objects con-
nected with heretical corruptions rather than with
heathen worship (Judg. xvii. 3-5, tviii. 17, 18. 20\
Teraphim were consulted for oracular answers or
the Israelites (Zech. x. 2 ; ramp. Judg. xvih. 5. 6 ;
1 Sam. xv. 22, 23, xix. 13, 16, LXX.; ana 2 K.
xxiii. 24), and by the Babylonians, in the esse at
Nebuchadnezzar (Ex. xxi. 19-22). There is no evi-
dence that they were ever worshipped. Tfiouga
not frequently mentioned, we find they were used by
tna Israelites in the time of the Judges and of Ssu;
and until tht reign of Josiah, who put litem awei
TEBESH
'9 E. xxiii. 34 . and apparently again after the
Captivity (Zeeo. ». i). [It. S. P.]
TEB'ESH (Bnn : on>. in Vat. and Alex. ; FA.
third hand has 0<p« , Bifpas : Hares). One of
th* two eunuchs who kept tho door of the palace
of Ahasuerus, and whow plot to assassinate the king
was discovered by Mordecai (Esth. ii. 21, yi. 2).
He war hanged. Josephus calk him Theodestes
(Ant. xi. 6, §4), and says that the conspiracy was
detected by Barnabazus, a servant of one of the
ennuchi, who waa a Jew by birth, and who revealed
it to Mordecai. According to Josephus, the conspi-
rators were crucified.
TEBTITJS (Tspriox: Teriiwi) was the amanu-
ensis of Paul in writing the Epistle to the Romans
(Rom. XT). 22). He was at Corinth, therefore, and
Conchreae, the port of Corinth, at the time when
the Apostle wrote to the Church at Rome. It is
noticeable that Tertius intercepts the message which
Paul tends to the Roman Christians, and inserts a
greeting of his own in the first person singular
(b<rri{i>fuu tyit Teprtoi). Both that circumstance
and . be frequency of the name among the Romans
may indicate that Tertius was a Roman, and was
known to those whom Paul salutes at the close of
the letter. Secuodus (Acta xx. 4) is another in-
stance of the familiar usage of the Latin ordinals
employed as proper names. The idle pedantry
which would make him and Silas the same person
because tertiuM and Vtfoff mean the same in Latin
• • t
and Hebrew, hardly deserves to be mentioned (see
Wolf, Curae Philologicae, torn. iii. p. 295). lit
regard to the ancient practice of writing letters
fiom dictation, see Becker's Qallus, p. 180.
Nothing certain is known of Tertius apart from this
passage in the Romans. No credit is due to the
.writers who speak of him as bishop of Iconium (see
Kabricius, Lux Etxmgelica, p. 117). [H. B. H.]
TETA (Vat. omits; Alex.Arwra: Topa). The
form under which the name Hatita, one of the
doorkeepers of the Temple, appears in the lists of
1 Esd. v. 28.
TEBTUI/LUS (TtorvAAos, a diminutive
form from the Roman name Teritus, analogous to
IaksuIIhi from Lucius, Fabullus from Fabius, Are.),
"a certain orator'' (Acta ixiv. 1) who was re-
tained by the High Priest and Sanhedrim to accuse
foe Apostle Paul at Caesarea before the Roman
Procurator Antonhu Felix. [Paci»] He evi-
dently belonged to the class of professional orators,
multitudes of whom were to be found not only in
Rome, but in other parts of the empire, to which
they had betaken themselves in the hope of rinding
occupation at the tribunals of the provincial magis-
trate*. Both from his name, and from the great
potability that the proceedings were conducted in
Latin (aee especially Milman, Bampton Lecture! for
1827, p. 185, note), we may infer that Tertullus
waa of Roman, or at all events of Italian origin.
The Sanhedrim would naturally desire to secure his
services on account of their own ignorance both of
the Latin language and of the ordinary procedure of
i Roman law-court.
The exordium of hi* speech is designed to con-
ciliate the good will of the Procurator, and is ac-
cordingly overcharged with flattery. There is a
strange contrast between the opening clause —
TETBABCH
14«9
roWrjs eip^njj rvyxivorrts ZA mv — Mid the
brief summary of the Procurator's administration
given by Tacitus (Hist. v. 9) : — " Aitonius Felix
per omnem saevitiam ac libidinem, jus regiura
servili ingenio exercuit " (comp. Tac. Am. xii. 54).
But the commendations of Tertullus were not
altogether unfounded, as Felix had really suc-
ceeded in putting down several seditious move-
ments. [Kelix.J It is not very easy to deter-
mine whether St. Luke has preserved the oration
of Tertullus entire. On the one hand we hare the
elaborate and artificial opening, which can hardly
be other than an accurate report of that part of
the speech ; and on the other band we have a nar-
rative which is so very dry and colics, that, if
there were nothing more, it is not easy to see why
the orator should have been called in at all. The
difficulty is increased if, in accordance with the
greatly preponderating weight of external authority,
we omit the word* in vers. 6-8, aal Kara to»
riuirtpov . , , tpxtattu M tri. On the whole
it seems most natural to conclude that the histo-
rian, who was almost certainly an ear-witness,
merely gives an abstract of the speech, giving how-
ever in full the most salient points, and those which
had the most forcibly impressed themselves upon
him, such a* the exordium, and the character
ascribed to St Paul (ver. 5).
The doubtful reading in vers. 6-8, to which re-
ference has already been made, seems likely to re-
main an unsolved difficulty. Against the external
evidence there would be nothing to urge in favom
of the disputed passage, were it not that the state-
ment which remains after its removal is not merely
extremely brief (its brevity may be accounted for
iu the manner already suggested), but abrupt and
awkward in point of construction. It may be added
that it is easier to refer rap' o! (ver. 8} to the
Tribune Lysias than to Paul. For arguments
founded on the words xul Kara . . . Kptvttr
(ver. 6) — arguments which are dependent on the
genuineness of the disputed words — see Lardner,
Credihility of the Gospel History, b. i. eh. 2;
Biscoe, On the Acts, ch. vi. §16.
We ought not to pass over without notice ■
strange etymology for the name Tertullus proposed
by Calmet, in the place of which another has been
suggested by his English editor (ed. 1830), who
takes credit for having rejected " fanciful and im-
probable" etymologies, and substituted improve-
ments of his own. Whether the suggestion is an
improvement in this case the reader will judge: —
14 Tertullus, TeprvAAes, liar, impostor, from rtpa-
roKtyos, a teller of stories, a cheat. [Qv. was his
true appellation Ter-Tullius, ' thrice Tully," that
is, extremely eloquent, varied by Jewish wit into
Tertullus?]" [W. B. J.]
TESTAMENT, NEW. [New Testament.]
TESTAMENT, OLD. [Old Testameht.]
TETBABCH (rtrpipxi*)- Properly the sove-
reign or governor of the fourth part of a country.
On the use of the title in Thessalv, Galatia, and
Syria, consult the Dictionary of Greek and Roman
Antiquities, " Tetrarcha," and the authorities
there referred to. " In the later period of the re-
public and under the empire, the Romans seem to
have nsed the title (as also those of ethnarch and
phylarck) to designate those tributary princes who
were not of sufficient importance to be sailed
1470
TETBABCB
king*." In the New Testament we inert v th
the desgnation, either actually or in the form
of its derivative Trrpafx*"* *PP i >* d to *•"*•
persons: —
(1.) Herod Antipa* (Matt xhr. 1 ; Luke ui. 1,
19, ix. 7 ; Acta xiii. 1), who is commonly distin-
guished as " Herod the tetrarch," although the title
of "Icing" is also assigned to him both by St.
Matthew (xiv. 9) and by St. Hark (vi. 14,
22 aqq.). St. Luke, as might be expected, inva-
riably adheres to the formal title, which would
be recognized by Gentile readers. Herod is de-
scribed by the last-named Evangelist (ch. Ui. 1) as
" tetrarch of Galilee ; " but his dominions, which
were bequeathed to him by his father Herod the
Glint, embraced the district of Peraea beyond the
Jordan (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 8, §1): this bequest
was confirmed by Augustus (Joseph. B. J. ii.
6, §3). After the disgrace and banishment of An-
tipas, his tetrarchy was added by Caligula to the
kingdom of Herod Agrippa L {Ant. xviii. 7, §2).
[Herod Antipas.]
(2.) Herod Philip (the ion of Herod the Great
and Cleopatra, not the husband of Herodias), who
if said by St, Luke (iii. 1} to bare been " tetrarch
of Ituraea, and of the region of Trachonitis." Jo-
tephits tells us that hi* father bequeathed to him
Gaulonitis, Trachonitis. and Panes* {Ant. xrii. 8,
§1), and that his father's bequest was confirmed
by Augustus, who assigned to him Batanaea, Tra-
chonitis, and Auranitis, with certain parts about
Jamais belonging to the " house of Zenodorus "
(B. J. ii. 6, §H). Accordingly the territories of
Philip extended eastward from the Jordan to the
wilderness, and from the borders of Peraea north-
wards to Lebanon and the neighbourhood of Da-
mascus. After the death of Philip his tetrarchy
was added to the province of Syria by Tiberius
( Ant. xviu. 4, §6), and subsequently conferred by
Caligula on Herod Agrippa I., with the title of
king {Ant. xviii. 6, § 10> [Herod Philip I. ;
Herod Agrippa I.]
(3.) Lysanias, who is said (Luke iii. 1) to have
been " tetrarch of Abilene," a small district sur-
rounding the town of Abila, in the fertile valley of
the Barada or Chryaorrhoas, between Damascus and
the mountain-range of Antilibanua. [Abilene.]
There is eome difficulty in fixing the limit* of this
tetrarchy, and in identifying the person of the
tetrarch. [Lyiahias.] Wc learn, however, from
Josephus {Ant. xviii. 6, §10, xix. 5, $1) that a
Lysanias had been tetrarch of Abila before the time
of Caligula, who added this tetrarchy to the domi-
nions of Herod Agrippa I. — an addition which was
confirmed by the emperor Claudius.
It remains to inquire whether the title of tetrarch,
as' applied to these princes, had any reference to it*
etymological signification. We hare seen that it
was at this time probably applied to petty princes
without any such determinate meaning. But it
apjiears from Josephus {Ant. xvii. 11, §4; B.J.
ii. 6, $3) that the tetrarchies of Antipas and Philip
were regarded a* constituting each a fourth part of
tlieir father's kingdom. For we are told that Au-
gustus gave one-half of Herod's kingdom to hi* son
Arcbelsua, with the appellation of ethnarch, and
with a promise of the regal title; and that he
divided the remainder into the two tetrarchies.
Moreover, the revenue* of Archelaua, drawn from
bis territory, which included Judaea, Samaria, and
amounted to 400 talents, the tetrarchies
THANK OFFEB1NG
of Philip and Antipas producing 200 talent* each
We conclude that in these two cases, at least, the trth
was used in it* strict and literal sense. [W. B. J .]
THADDAETJ8 {SotSoUs: TnoUaaa,, *
name in St. Mark's catalogue of the twelve Apast-n
(Mark iii. 18) in the great majority of M&-.
In St. Matthew's catalogue (Matt. x. 3) the cor-
responding place is assigned to BanonTsi by the
Vatican MS. (B), and to Ae£0our by the Coi-i
Bexae (D). The Received Text, following the tint
correction oi the Codex Ephraemi (C) — where the
original reading is doubtful — as well a* aevenl
cursive MSS., reads Aeftjtuos i ta-ucAsiVls Q»l
taws. We are probably to infer that Ae/30aZ*t,
alone, is the original reading of Matt. x. 3. nod
eoSoawr of Mark iii. 18. By these two Evangelist*
the tenth place among the Apostles is given te
Lebbwua or Thadilaeus, the eleventh plan bents,
given to Simon the Canaanite. St. Lake, in both
his catalogue* (Luke vi. 15; Acta i 13), plan*
Simon Zelotes tenth among th* Apostles, and aniens
the eleventh place to 'Ioooor 'lax»&a\i. As the
other name* recorded by St. Luke are identical
with those which appear (though in a dideraat
order) in th* tirst two Gospels, it seems scarcely
possible to doubt that the three names of Judas,
Lebbaeus, and Thaddaeas were borne by one and the
same penon. [Junfc; LSBBAEUS.J [W.B.J.]
THA'HASH (BTin : Togo's: Thokos). Son of
Nahor by his concubine Reunion (Gen. xiii. 24).
He is called Tavaoi by Jjsephus {Ant. i. 6, §5).
THA-MAH(nOB: ecud: nana). "The
children of 1'hamah " were a family of Xethinka
who returned with Zerubbabd (Ear. ii. 53). Thai
name elsewhere appeal-* in the A. V. a* Tajuh.
THAICAB («d>»e : Tnwnor). TnsUUt 1
(Matt i. 3).
THAM HATHA (* 9aianM. : Tkawmata).
One cf the cities of Judaea t'oitibed by Bacchidei*
after he had driven the Maccabees over the Jordan
(1 Mace ix. 50). Thamnatha no doubt represents
an ancient Tzmnath, possibly the present none*,
half-way between Jerusalem and the Mediterranean.
Whether the name should be joined to Pnaratboni,
which follows it, or whether they should be inde-
pendent, is matter of doubt [Phaeathos.] [G.]
THANK-OFFEBING, or PKAOK-OF-
FEBING CDfthff rat, or simply Dt&P, and
in Amos v. 22, dW : Bvala ffsrrnefov, O w i f i s w,
occasionally •isavurf) : hostia padficortan,paeifoaj
the properly eocharistic offering among the Jews,
in ita theory resembling the Meat-opferimo, anal
therefore indicating that the offerer was already re-
conciled to, and in covenant with, God. Ita cere-
monial is described in Lev. iii. The nature of the
victim was left to the sacrificer; it might be male
or female, of the flock or of the herd, provided that
it was unblemished ; the hand of the sarrifinrr was
bud on ita head, the fat burnt, and the blood
sprinkled, as in the burnt-offering ; of th* Hash,
the breast and right shoulder were given to th*
priest ; the rest belonged to the sacrificer, to be
eaten, either on the day of sacrifice, or on the next
day (Lev. vii. 11-18, 29-34), except in toe esse >.l
the firstlings, which belonged to th* priest aloor
TUABA
Brio. SO). The eating of the Hash a the meat-
offering was considered a partaking of the " table
of the Lord r" and on solemn occasion*, as at the
dedication of the Temple or Solomon, it was con-
ducted on an enormous seals, and became a great
national feast.
The peace-offerings, unlike other sacrifices, were
net ordained to be offered in fixed and regular
course. Tin meat-offering was regularly ordained
as the racharistic sacrifice ; and the only constantly
recurring peace-offering appeal's to haTe been that
of the two firstling lambs at Pentecost (Ler. xxiii.
19). The general principle of the peace-offering
seems to bare been, that it should be entirely spon-
taneous, offered ss occasion should arise, from the
feeling of the sacrificer himself. " If ye offer a
sacrifice of peace-offerings to the Lord, ye shall offer
it at you- own wilt " (Ler. zix. 5). On the first
institution (Ler. vii. 11-17), peace-offerings are
divided into "offerings of thanksgiving, and
" Town or free-will offerings ;" of which latter class
the offering by a Nazarite, on the completion of
his tow, is the most remarkable (Num. vi. 14).
The very names of both divisions imply complete
freedom, and show that this sacrifice differed from
others, in bring considered not a duty, but a
privilege.
We find accordingly peace-offerings offered for
the people on a great scale at periods of unusual
solemnity or rejoicing; as at the first inaugura-
tion of the covenant (Ex. xxiv. 5), at the first con-
secration of Aaron and of the Tabernacle (Lev. ix.
18), at the solemn reading of the Law in Canaan
by Joshua (Josh. viii. 31), at the accession of Saul
',1 Ham. o. 15), at the bringing of the ark to
Mount Hon by David (2 Sam. vi. 17), at the con-
secration of the Temple, and thrice every year after-
wards, by Solomon (1 K. viii. 63, ix. 25), and at
the great passover of Hewkiah (2 Chr. xxx. 22).
In two cases only (Judg. xx. 2rj ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 25)
prune-offerings are mentioned as offered with burnt-
uilering* at a time of national sorrow and fasting.
Here their force seems to have been precatory rather
than eucharisuc. [See Sacriticb.J [A. B.]
TUVRA(64m: Than). Tiaun the father of
Abraham (Luke iii. 34).
THAB'RA (Thara), Esth. xii. 1. A corrupt
form of the name Terjssh.
THAB'SHISH (B^BhR : Saos-etr : Thartis).
1. In this more accurate form the translators of the
A. V. have given in two passages (1 K. x. 22, xxii.
48) the name elsewhere presented as Tarshish.
In the second passage the name is omitted in both
MSS. of the LXX., while the Vulgati has in man.
2. ('PsuMO-o-oi ; Alex. 8ap<r«it: Tliarsis.) A
Benjamite, one of the family of Bilhan and the house
of Jediael (1 Chr. vii. 10 only). The variation in
the Vatican LXX. (Mai) is very remarkable. [0.]
THAS'BI (Botro-t, Boiro-fr : Than, ffassii: Syr.
whCOtL). The surname of Simon the son of Mat ta-
thru (1 Macs. ii. 31. [MACCABEES, vol.iip.lfi6.]
The derivation of the word is uncertain. Mishaol is
suggrsts , BHH, Chald. "the fresh grass springs
up," i. «. " the spring is come," in reference to the
tranquillity first secured during the supremacy of
Simon (Grimm, ad 1 Mace ii. 3). This seems very
far-fetched. Winer (Bealub. " Simon ") suggests a
connexion with OQR fervere, a* Grotiur {ad toe.)
THEBES
1471
'/> have done before him. In fosephua {Ant.
xii. 6, §1) the surname is written Hariris, with
various readings BaMit, eoWjj. [B. F. W.l
THEATRE (tiarpm: Oeatron). For the
general subject, see Diet, of Ant. pp. 995-998.
Kor the explanation of the biblical allusions, two or
three points only require notice. The Greek term,
li'xe the corresponding English term, denotes the
ptaoe where dramatic performances are exhibited,
and also the scene itself or spectacle which is wit-
nessed there. It occurs in the first or local sense
in Acta xix. 29, where it is said that the multitude
at Ephesus rushed to the theatre, on the occasion
of the excitement stirred up against Paul and his
associates by Demetrius, in order to consider what
should be done in reference to the charges against
them. It may be remarked also (although the
word does not occur in the original text or in our
English version) that it was in the theatre at Cae-
sarea that Herod Agrippa I. gave audience to the
Tyrian deputies, and was himself struck with death,
because be heard so gladly the impious acclamations
of the people (Acts xii. 21-23). See the remark-
ably confirmatory account of this event in Josephus
{Ant. rix. 8, §2). Such a use of the theatre for
public assemblies and the transaction of public bu-
siness, though it was hardly known among the
Romans, was s common practice among the Greeks.
Thus Valer. Max. ii. 2: Legati in theatrum, at est
consuetudo Oraeciae, mtroducti. Justin xxii. 2:
Veluti reipublicae station formatuna in theatrum
ad contionem vocari jussit. Com. Nep. Tiinol. 4,
§2 : Veniebat m theatrum, cum Hit concilium plebis
hakeretur. The other sense of the term " theatre "
occurs in 1 Cor. iv. 9, where the Common Version
renders: "God hath set forth as the -apostles last,
as it were appointed to death; for we are made
(rather, tear* made, Biarpor iyty^Briuir) a spec-
tacle unto the world, and to angels, and to men."
Instead of " spectacle " (so also Wiclif and the
Rhemish translators after the Vulgate), some might
prefer the more energetic Saxon, " gazing-stock,"
as in Tyndale, Cranmer, and the Genera version.
But the latter would be now inappropriate, if il
includes the idea of scorn or exultation, since the
angels look down upon the sufferings of the martyrs
with a very different interest. Whether " theatre "
denotes more here than to be an object of earnest
attention {tia/ta), or refers at the same time to the
theatre as the place where criminals were some-
times brought forward for punishment, is not agreed
among interpreters. In Heb. xii. 1, where the writer
speaks of our having around us " so great a cloud of
witnesses" (roewror tx orrt * »«picc(ueKe* jjuii
r4pes anpripm), lie has in mind no doubt the ago-
nistic scene, in which Christians are viewed as running
a race, and not the theatre or stage where the eyes
of the spectators are fixed on them. [H. B. H.]
THEBES (jtotOtj: BijPai, AioVroAJi,
peals 'A/i/uiy; in Jer. row 'Au/iiv rov ulbs
o4rijr: Alexandria, Al. //oputorum. tumi&us Alex-
andriae, No-Amon : A.V., No, the multitude of
No, populous No). — A chief city of ancient
Egypt, long the capital of the Jpper country, and
the seat of the Diospolitan dynasties, that ruled
over all Egypt at the era of its highest splendour.
Upon the monuments this city bears three distinct
names— that of the Nome, a sacred none, and the
name by whiuh it is commonly known in profane
history. Of the twentv Noroes or districts into
which Opjwr Egypt was divided, the fourth ii
1472
Order,
THEBES
proceeding northward from Nubia, was da-
rn the hieroglyphics as Za'm — the PL»
thyrite of the Greeks — and Thebes appear* as the
" Za'm^&tj," the principal city or metropolis of
the Za'm Nome, In later times the name Za'm
was applied in common speech to a particular
locality on the western side of Thebes.
The sacred name of Thebes was JP-amm, " the
abode of Amon," which the Greeks reproduced in
their Diospolis (Aio* irifAii), especially with the
addition tie Great (j) jieydXjj), denoting that this
was the chief seat of Jupiter-Ammon, and distin-
guishing it from Diospolis the Lets (^ fuxpd).
No-Amon is the name of Thebes in the Hebrew
Scriptures (Jer. xlvi. 25; Nah. iii. 8). Exe-
kiel uses So simply to designate the Egyptian
seat of Amnion, which the Septuagint translates
by Diospolis (Ex. zxx. 14, 16). Gesenius defines
this name by the phrase " portion of Amnion,"
i. e. the possession of the god Ammon, as the chief
seat of his worship.
The name of Thebes in the hieroglyphics is
explained under No-Amon.
The origin of the city is lost in antiquity.
Niebuhr is of opinion that Thebes was much older
than Memphis, and that " after the centre of Egyp-
tian life was transferred to Lower Egypt, Memphis
acquired its greatness through the ruin of Thebes "
{Lectures on Ancient History, Lect. vii.). Other
authorities assign priority to Memphis. But both
cities date from our earliest authentic knowledge of
Egyptian history. The first allusion to Thebes in
classical literature is the familial' passage of the Iliad
(ix. 38 1-385) :— " Egyptian Thebes, where are vast
treasures laid up in the houses; where are a hun-
dred gates, and from each two hundred men go
forth with horses and chariots." Homer — speaking
with a poet's licence, and not with the accuracy of
a statistician — no doubt incorporated into his verse
the glowing accounts of the Egyptian capital cur-
rant in his time. Wilkinson thinks it conclusive
against a literal understanding of Homer, that no
traces of an ancient city-wall can be found at Thebes,
and accepts as probable the suggestion of Diodonis
Siculus that the "gates" of Homer may have
been the propylaea of the temples: — " Non centum
portas haouiase urbem, sed multa et ingentia tenv
plorum vestibula" (i. 45, 7). In the time of
Diodonis, the city-wall, if any there was, had already
disappeared, and the question of its existence in
Homer's time was in dispute. But, on the other
hand, to regard the " gates " of Homer as temple-
porches is to make these the barracks of the army,
since from these gates the horsemen and chariots
issue forth to war. The almost universal custom
of walling the cities of antiquity, and the poet's
reference to the gates as pouring forth troops, point
strongly to the supposition that the vast area of
Thebes was surrounded with a wall having many
Homer's allusion to the treasures of the city, and
to the size of its standing army, numbering 20,000
chariots, shows the early repute of Thebes for
wealth and power. Its fame as a great capital had
crossed the sea when Gieece was yet in its infancy
as a nation. It has been questioned whether Her>
d:t33 visited Upper Kgypt. (see Did. of Greek
and Horn. Qeog. art. "Thebes"), but he says,
44 I went to Heliopolis and to Thebes, expressly to
try whether the priests of those places would agree
in their accounts with the priests at Memphis"
fierori. ii. Xi. Afterwards he describes the features
THEBES
of the Nile valley, and the chief points xad <
upon the river, as only an eye-witness would si
likely to record them. He informs us that " free
Heliopolis to Thebes is nine days' sail op the river.
the distance 4800 stadia and the distance frost
the sea inland to Thebes 6120 stadia " (Hero! i.
8,9). In chap. 28 of the same book ne states that
he ascended the Nile as high as Elephantine. Hat-
iotus, however, gives no particular account ef the
city, which in his time had lost much of its ssks&i
grandeur. He alludes to the temple of Jupiter
there, with its ram-headed image, and to the ict
that goats, never sheep, were offered in sacrifice.
In the 1st century before Christ, Diodoruv Tinted
Thebes, and he devotes several sections of his general
work to its history and appearance. Though he
saw the city when it had sunk to quite secondary
importance, he preserves Ok tradition of its early
grandeur — its circuit of 140 stadia, the size of H»
public edifices, the magnificence of its temples, thi
number of its monuments, the dimensions of Hi
private houses, some of them four or five stones
high — all giving it an air of grandeur and beauty
surpassing not only all other cities of Egypt, but
of the world. Diodonis deplores the spoiling of its
buildings and monuments by Cambyaea (Died. i. 45,
46). Strabo, who visited Egypt a little later— at
about the beginning of the Christian era — thus de-
scribes (xvii. p. 816) the city under the name Diss-
polis:— " Vestiges of its magnitude still exist which
extend 80 stadia in length. There are a great number
of temples, many of which Cambyses mutilated. The
spot is at present occupied by villages. One part si
it, in which is the city, lies in Arabia ; another is ia
the country on the other side of the river, vhere is
the Memnonium." Strabo here makes the Nile tat
dividing line between Libya and Arabia. Tat
temples of Kamak and Luxor are on tne eastern
side of the river, where waa probably tb>! trait
part of the city. Strabo gives the follow 'ng de-
scription of the twin colossi still standing ujno the
western plain : — " Here are two colossal rigor as near
one another, each consisting of a single stone. Oat
is entire; the upper parts of the other, frjm tht
chair, are fallen down — the effect, it is tail, of aa
earthquake. It is believed that once a day a noise,
as of a slight blow, issues from the part of tht
statue which remains in the seat, and on its base.
When I was at those places, with Actios Gallus.
and numerous friends and soldiers about him, I
heard a noiee at the first hour of the day, but whe-
ther proceeding from the hate, or from the colossus,
or produced on purpose by some of those attiring
around the base, 1 cannot confidently mm i t . For,
from the uncertainty of the cause, I am inclined t»
believe anything rather than that stones disposed
in that manner could send forth sound" (xvii.
§46). Simple, honest, sceptical Strabo I Eighteen
centuries later, the present writer interrogated tbew
tame stones as to the ancient mystery of sound ;
and not at sunrise, but in the glaring noon, the
status emitted a sharp, clear sound like the rintrra?
of a disc of brass under a sudden concussion. This
was produced by a ragged urchin, who, tor a few
piastres, clambered up the knees of the " vocal
Memnon," and there effectually concealing himself
from observation, struck with a hammer a sonorous
stone in the lap of the statue. Wilkinson, who was
one of the first to describe this sounding tMae,
conjectures that the priests had a secret chamber a
the body of the statue, from which they onid
strike it anobserved at the instant of scans*: thej
THEBES
producing in the credulous multitude the notion
of a supernatural phenomenon. It it difficult to
concern, however, that such a trick, performed in
open day, mold have escaped detection, and vrs are
therefore left to share the mingled wonder and
scepticism of Strabo (see Wilkinson ; also Thomp-
son s Phttagraphio Finos 0/ Egypt, Pott and Pn-
Ment, p. 166).
Pliny speaks of Thebes in Egypt as known to
fame as " a hanging city," •'. t. built upon arches,
so that an army could be led forth from beneath
the city while the inhabitants shore were wholly
unconscious of it- He mentions also that the river
Hows through the middle of the city. But he
questions the story of the arches, because, " if this
had really been the esse, there is no doobt that
Homer would hare mentioned it, seeing thst he
hoi celebrated the hundred gates of Thebes.'* Do
not the two stories possibly explain each other?
May there not hare been near the river-line arched
buildings used as barracks, from whose gateways
Issued forth 20,000 chariots of war?
But, in the uncertainty of these historical allu-
sions, the monuments of Thebes are the most reli-
able witnesses for the ancient grandeur of the city.
These are found in almost equal proportions npon
both sides of the rirer. The parallel ridges which
ikirt the narrow Nile valley upon the east and west
from the northern limit of Upper Egypt, here sweep
outward upon either side, forming a circular plain
whose diameter is nearly ten miles. Through the
centre of this plain flows the rirer, usually at this
point about half a mile in width, but at the inun-
dation overflowing the plain, especially upon the
western bank, for a breadth of two or more miles.
Thus the two colossal statues, which are several
hundred yards from the bed of the low Nile, have
accumulated about their bases alluvial deposit to
the depth of seven feet.
The plan of the city, as indicated by the principal
monuments, was nearly quadrangular, measuring
two miles from north to south, and four from east
to west. Its four great landmarks were, Kamak
and Luxor upon the eastern or Arabian side, and
Qoomah and Medeenet Haboo upon the western or
Libyan side. There are indications that each of
the* temples may have been connected with those
facing it upon two sides by grand dromoi, lined
with sphinxes and other colossal figures. Upon the
western bank there was almost a continuous line
of temples and public edifices for a distance of two
miles, from (joornah to Medeenet Haboo ; and Wil-
kinson conjectures that from a point near the latter,
perhaps in the line of the colossi, th<r r Royal
Street" ran down to the river, which was crossed
by a ferry terminating at Luxor on the eastern
tide. The recent excavations and discoveries of
M. Mariette, now in course of publication (1863),
may enable us to restore the ground-plan of the
city and its principal edifices with at least proxi-
mate accuracy.
it does not enter into the design, nor would it
fall within the limits of this article, to give a
minute description of these stupendous monuments.
Not only are verbal descriptions everywhere ac-
sssMbie through the pag.ee of Wilkinson, Kenrick,
and other standard writers upon Egypt, but the
magnificently illustrated work of Lepsius, already
completed, the companion work of M. Mariette,
just referred to, and multiplied photographs of the
principal ruins, are within easy reach of the schnlar
ibrough the munificence of public libraries. A mere
vol. a 1
TUEBKS
1473
outline of the groups of ruins must hero suffice.
Beginning at the northern extremity on the western
bank, the first conspicuous ruins are .hose of ■
palace-temple of the nineteenth dynasty, and there-
fore belonging to the middle style of Egyptian
architecture. It bears the name MtnepitMoH,
suggested by Champollion because it appears to
bare been founded by Menephthah (the Usirei M
Wilkinson), though built principally by his son
the great Barneses. The plan of the building is
much obscured by mounds of rubbish, but some
of the bas-reliefs are in a fine state of preservation.
There are traces of a dromos, 128 feet in length,
with sphinxes, whose fragments here and there
remain. This building stands upon a slight ele-
vation, nearly a mile from the river, in the now
deserted village of old Qoornnh.
Nearly a mile southward from the Menephtheioa
are the remains of the combined palace and temple
known since the days of Strabo as the Memnonium.
An examination of its sculptures shows that this
name was inaccurately applied, since the building
was clearly erected by Kamesea II. Wilkinson
suggests that the title Miamun attached to the
name of this king misled Strabo in bis designation
of the building. The general form of the Mem-
nonium is that of a parallelogram in three mail
sections, the interior areas being successively nar-
rower than the first court, and the whole ter-
minating in a aeries of sacred chambers beautifully
sculptured and ornamented. The proportions U
this building are remarkably fine, and its remains
are in a sufficient state of preservation to enable
one to reconstruct its plan. From the first court
or area, nearly 180 feet square, there is an ascent
by steps to the second court, 140 feet by 170.
Upon three sides of this area is a double colonnade,
and on the south side a single row of Oairide
pillars, facing a row of like pillars on the north,
the other columns being circular. Another ascent
leads to the hall, 100 X 133, which originally
had forty-eight huge columns to support its solid
roof. Beyond the hall are the sacred chambers.
The historical sculptures npon the walls and
columns of the Memnonium are among the most
finished and legible of the Egyptian monuments.
But the most remarkable feature of these ruin
is the gigantic statue of Rameses II., once ■ single
block of syenite carved to represent the king upon
bis throne, but now scattered in fragments upon the
floor of the first hall. The weight of this statue
has been computed at 887 tons, and its height at
75 feet. By measurement of the fragments, the
writer found the body 51 feet around the shoulders,
the arm 1 1 feet 6 inches from shoulder to elbow,
and the foot 10 feet 10 inches in length, by 4 feet
8 inches in breadth. This stupendous monolith
most have been transported at least a hundred
miles from the quarries of Assouan. About a
third of a mile farther to the south are the two
oolossal statues already la f e i red to, one of which
is familiarly known as " the vocal Mutnon." The
height of each figure is about 53 feet above the
plain.
Proceeding again toward the south for about the
same distance, we find at Medeenet Haboo ruins
upon a more stupendous scale than at any otha
point upon the western bank of Thebes. These
consist of a temple founded by Thothmes I., but
which also exhibits traces of the Ptolemaic archi-
tecture in the shape of pyramidal towers, gate-
ways, colonnades, and vestibules, inscribed w 1th (hi
SB
1474
THEBES
memorials ol the Roman era in Egypt. This
tempts, even with til its additions, is compara-
tivc'y small ; but adjacent to it if the magnificent
ruin known as the *juthern Rameseion, the aalace-
temple of Rameses III. The general plan at this
building corresponds with those above described ;
a series of grand courts or halls adorned with
columns, conducting to the inner pavilion of the
king or sanctuary of the god. The second court
Is one of the most remarkable in Egypt for the
maxiireneas of its columns, which measure 24 feet
in height by a circumference of nearly 23. Within
this area are the fallen columns of a Christian
church, which once established the worship of the
true God in the very sanctuary of idols and amid
their sculptured images and symbols. This temple
presents tome of the grandest effects of the old
Egyptian architecture, and its battle-scenes are a
valuable contribution to the history of Rameses III.
Behind this long range of temples and palaces
are the Libyan hills, which, for a distance of five
miles, are excavated to the depth of several hun-
dred feet for sepulchral chambers. Some of these
are of vast extent — one tomb, for instance, having
a total area of 22,21 7 square feet. A retired valley
in the mountains, now known as Beeban-el-Melook,
seems to have been appropriated to the sepulchres
of kings. Some of these, in the number and variety
of their chambers, the finish of their sculptures,
and the beauty and freshness of their frescoes, are
among the most remarkable monuments of Egyptian
grandeur and skill. It is from the tombs especially
that we Itum the manners and customs of domestic
life, as from the temples we gather the record of
dynasties and the history of battles. The preserva-
tion of these sculptured and pictorial records is due
mainly to the dryness of the climate. The sacred-
ness with which the Egyptians regarded their dead
preserved these mountain catacombs from molesta-
tion during the long succession of native dynasties,
and the sealing up of the entrance to the tomb for
the concealment of the sarcophagus from human
observation until its mummied occupant should re-
sume his long-suspended life, has largely secured
the city of the dead from the violence of invaders
and the ravages of time. It is from the adornments
of these subterranean tombs, often distinct and fresh
as when prepared by the hand of the artist, that
we derive our principal knowledge of the manners
and customs ot the Egyptians. Herodotus himself
is not mora minute and graphic than these silent
but most descriptive walls. The illustration and
confirmation which they bring to the sacred nar-
rative, so well discussed by Hengstenberg, Osborn,
Poole, and others, is capable of much ampler
treatment than it has yet received. Every inci-
dent in the pastoral and agricultural life of the
Israelites in Egypt and in the exactions of their
servitude, every art employed in the fabrication
of the tabernacle in the wilderness, every allusion
to Egyptian rites, customs, laws, fiuds some
counterpart or illustration in this pictora-history
of Egypt; and whenever the Theban cemetery
shall be thoroughly explored, and its symbols
and hieroglyphics fully interpreted by science,
we shall have a commentary of unrivalled interest
and value opon the books of Exodus and Leviticus,
as well a* the later historical books of the Hebrew
scriptures. The art of photography is already con-
tributing to this result by furnishing scho'ars with
materials for the leisurely study of the Tictorial
and monumental records of Egypt.
THEBES
The eastern aide of the river is <l»tinj.uished ey
the remains of Luxor and Kamaa, the latter ie-ci
of itself a city of temples. The main oMonnara* . I
Luxor faces the river, but its principal entrance
looks northward towards Kamak, »ith which it
was originally connected by a dromos 6000 feet in
length, lined on either side with sphinxes. At this
entrance are two gigantic statues of Rameses U-, one
upon each side of the grand gateway; and in front
of these formerly stood a pair of beautifully wrought
obelisks of red granite, one of which new grace* the
Place de la Concorde at hurts.
The approach to Karnak from the south is marked
by a series of majestic gateways and towers, whkn
were the appendages of later times to the original
structure. The temple properly faces the river.
1. 1. toward the north-west. The courts and pro-
pylaea connected with this structure occupy a sps>i
nearly 1800 feet square, and the buildings represent
almost every dynasty of Egypt, from Seaortasen I.
to Ptolemy Euergetes I. Courts, pylons, obeLsks,
statues, pillars, everything pertaining to Kamak,
are on the grandest scale. Nearest the river in an
area measuring 275 feet by 329, which once had a
covered corridor on either side, and a double row
of columns through the centre, leading to the
entrance of the hypostyle hall, the most wonderfi.I
monument of Egyptian architecture. This grand
hall is a forest of sculptured columns; in the cen-
tral avenue are twelve, measuring each 66 feet in
height by 12 in diameter, which formerly supported
the most elevated portion of the roof, answering to
the clerestory in Gothic architecture ; on either s •«•
of these are seven rows, each column nearly 42 fee:
high by 9 in diameter, making a total of 134 pillars
in an area measuring 170 feet by 330. Most of
the pillars are ret standing in their original arte,
though in many places the roof has fallen in- A
moonlight view of this hall is the most weird and
impressive scene to be witnessed among all the ruins
of antiquity — the Coliseum of Rome not excepted.
With our imperfect knowledge of mechanic arts
among the Egyptians, it is impossible to conceive
how tiie outer wall of Karnak — forty feet in thick-
ness at the base, and nearly a hundred feet high —
was built ; how single blocks weighing several hun-
dred tons were lifted into their place in the wall,
or hewn into obelisks and statues to adorn its gates ;
how the majestic columns of the Grand Hail were
quarried, sculptured, and set up in mathematical
order; and how the whole stupendous structure
was reared as a fortress in which the most ancient
civilization of the world, as it were petrified or
fossilized in the very flower of its stiength and
beauty, might defy the desolations of war, and the
decay of centuries. The grandeur of Egypt is here
in its architecture, and almost every pillar, obelisk,
and stone tells its historic legend of her greatest
monarchs.
We have alluded, in the opening of this article,
to the debated question of the priority of Thebes to
Memphis. As yet the data are not sufficient for
its satisfactory solution, and Egyptologists are no4
agreed. Upon the whole we may conclude thai
before the time of Menes there was a local sove-
reignty in the Theboid, bnt the historical nationality
of Egypt dates from the founding of Memphis.
" It is prohahle that the priests of Memphis and
Thebes differed in their representations of early his-
tory, and that each sought to extol the glory ol
their own aty. The history of Herodotus turc*.
about Memphis a: a centre; he mentions Thebr-
•l'HKBES
jrjy incidentally, ind dots not describe or allude to
an* of its monuments. Diodorus, on the contrary.
;» full in hit description of Thebes, and Bays little
of Memphis. But the distinction of Upper and
Lower Egypt exists in geological structure, in lan-
guage, in religion, and in historical tradition " (Ken-
rick). A careful digest of the Egyptian and Greek
authorities, the Turin papyrus, and the monumental
tablets ot Abydos and Kamak, gives this general
outline of the early history of Egypt : — That before
Memphis was built, the nation was mainly confined
to the valley of the Nile, and subdivided politically
into several sovereignties, of which Thebes was one ;
that Menes, who was a native of This in the The-
baid, centralised the government at Memphis, and
united the upper and lower countries ; that Mem-
phis retained its pre-eminence, even in the hereditary
succession of sovereigns, until the twelfth and thir-
teenth dynasties of Manetho, when Diospolitan kings
appear in his lists, who brought Thebes into pro-
mi uenoa as a royal city ; that when the Shepherds
or Hykaos, a nomadic race from the east, invaded
Egypt and fixed their capital at Memphis, a native
Egyptian dynasty was maintained at Thebes, at
times tributary to the Hykaos, and at times in
military alliance with Ethiopia against the invaders ;
until at length, by a general uprising of the The-
rnid, the Hykios were expelled, and Thebes became
the capital of all Egypt under the resplendent
eighteenth dynasty, this was the golden era of
the city as we have already described it from its
monuments. The names and deeds of the Thothmes
and the Kameees then figure upon its temples and
palaces, representing its wealth and grandeur in
architecture, and its prowess in arms. Then it was
that Thebes extended her sceptre over Libya and
Ethiopia on the one hand, and on the other over
Syria, Media, and Persia; so that the walls of her
palaces and temples are crowded with battle-scenes
in which all contiguous nations appear as captives
or aa suppliants. This supremacy continued until
the close of the nineteenth dynasty, or for a period
of more than five hundred years; but under the
twentieth dynasty — the Diospolitan house of Ka-
rnesea numbering ten kings of that name — the glory
of Thebes began to decline, and after- the close of
that dynasty her name no more appears in the lists
of kings. Stall the city was retained as the capital,
in whole or in part, and the achievements of Shi-
ahonk the Bubastite, of Tirhakah the Ethiopian,
and other monarch* of celebrity, are recorded upon
its walls. The invasion of Palestine by Shishonk
is graphically depicted upon the outer wall of the
grand hall of Kamak, and the names of several
towns in Palestine, as well as the general name of
«« the land of the king of Judah, have been de-
ciphered from the hieroglyphics. At the later in-
vasion of Judea by Sennacherib, we find Tirhakah,
the Ethiopian monarch of the Thebaid, a powerful
ally of the Jewish king. But a century later,
Exatriel proclaims the destruction of Thebes by the
arm of Babylon: — "1 will execute judgments in
No ;" "I will cut off the multitude of No ;" " No
shall be rant asunder, and Noph [Memphis] shall
have distresses daily" (Ex. xxx. 14-16) ; and Jere-
miah, predicting the same overthrow, aays, " The
Lord of Hosts, the God of Israel saith, Behold, I
frill punish the multitude of No, and Pharaoh, and
Egypt, with their gods and their kings.'' The Per-
*Un iovad:; completed the destruction that the
Babylonian had begun ; the hammer of Cambyses
(svsued t.« r Toud statue of Barneses, and his torch
THEMAN
K7F
consumed the temples and pake's of the city of the
hundred gates. No-Ammon, the shrine of lbs
Egyptian Jupiter, " that was situate among the
rivers, and whose rampart was the sea," sank frorc
its metropolitan splendour to the position of a mere
provincial town ; and, notwithstanding the spasmodic
effort* of the Ptolemies to revive its ancient glory,
became at last only the desolate and ruined sepulchre
of the empire it had once embodied. It lies to-ds}
a next of Arab hovels amid crumbling columns and
drifting sands. [J. P. T.]
THE'BEZ (yan : eflfJni, eojtoo-f ; Alex. e<u-
ficus, BafuuTu: Thibet). A place memorable for the
death of the bravo Abimelech (Judg. ix. 50 »\ After
suffocating a thousand of the Shechemites in the
hold of Baal-berith by the smoke of green wood—
an exploit which recals the notorious teat of a
modem French general in Algeria (Eccl. i. 9, 10)
— he went off with his band to Thebex. The town
was soon taken, all but one tower, iuto which the
people of the place crowded, and which was strong
enough to hold out. To this he forced his way, and
was about to repeat the barbarous stratagem which
had sucneeded so well at Shechem, when the frag-
ment of millstone descended and put an end to his
turbulent caieer. The story was well known in
Israel, and gave the poiut to a familiar maxim in
the camp (2 Sam. xi. 21).
Thebex is not mentioned again in the Bible. But
it was known to Eueebiua and Jerome. In their
day the village still bore its old name, and waa
situated "in the district of Ncepolis," 13 Roman
miles therefrom, on the road to Scytbopolie (Onom.
e40ip). There it still is; its name — Tvbia —
hardly changed ; the village on a rising ground to
the left of the road, a thriving, compact, and strong-
looking place, surrounded by immense woods of
olives, and by perhaps the beat cultivated land in
all Palestine. It was known to hap-Parchi in the
13th century (Zulu's Benjamin, ii. 426), and is
mentioned occasionally by later travellers. But
Dr. Robinson appears to have been the first to recog-
nise its identity with Thebex (B. B. iii. 305). [G.]
THECO'E, THE WILDERNESS OF (*V
l/mnw e«K*< : de—rtum Thecuae). The wild un-
cultivated pastoral tract lying around the town of
Tckoa, more especially to the east of it (1 Mace. ix.
S3). In the Old Test. (2 Chr. xx. 20) it is men
tioned by the term Midlar, which answers to the
Greek foifpo*.
Theooe is merely the Greek form of the name
Tekoa. [G.]
THEL'ASAB OBl6n : BosrtiV ; Alex. Bo-
Xaaaap : Thelauar). Another form of the name
examined under TEL-AMAH. It occurs 2 K. xix.
12. The A. V. is unfortunate in respect of this
name, for it has contrived to give the contracted
Hebrew form in the longest English shape, and
vice tent. [0-]
THELEB'SAB (e«Af<*rS»: Thelhona), 1 Esd.
v. 36. The Greek equivalent of the name Tel-
harsas.
THEVA^eaiitaV: Theman), Bar. ii 22, 23.
[Tkmah.]
■ In the Hebrew text Thebes occurs twice In the vera
but in the I JCX. It standi thus, - And Abhaelech went mit
of Bethelberlth (Vole>tind«) and Ml upon Thebes," Au
5 B 8
1476
THEOCANUS
THEOOA'NUS (e.«wco»<(» ; Atat. emcamft:
Thecam). Tikvah the father of Jahukh (1 Esd.
u. in
THEOIVOTTJS (eeooVrrat : Theodotha, Thto-
Amu). Ad envny sent by Nieuar to Judas Mace
0. B.C. 162 (2 M«c. xiT. 19). [B. F. W.]
THE0PHTLTJ8 (»«o>«A»»). 1. The person
to whom St. Luke inscribes his Gospel and the Acts
Of the Apostles (Luke i. 3 ; Acts i. 1). The im-
portant part played by Theophilus, aa having imme-
diately occasioned the composition of these two
books, together with the silence of Scripture con-
cerning him, has at once stimulated conjecture, and
left the field clear {far it. Accordingly we meet
with a considerable number and variety of theories
concerning him.
(1.) Several commentators, especially among the
Fathers, have been disposed to doubt the personality
of Theophilus, regarding the name either aa thai of
a fictitious person, or as applicable to every Chris-
tian reader. Thus Origen (flow. i. in Luc.) raises
the question, but does not discuss it, his object being
merely practical. He says that all who are beloved
of God are Theophili, and may therefore appropriate
to themselves the Gospel which was addressed to
Theophilus. Epiphanius (ffaeres. li. p. 429) speaks
doubtfully: err oJV riM 0eoa)(Aa> ToVe ypdpar
IXtyr, t) srosrrl Ju»6psra-ei 0«*r byturmm. Salvi-
anas (Eptit. iz. ad Saioniian) apparently assumes
that Theophilus had no historical existence. He
justifies the composition of a work addressed " Ad
Ecclesiam Catholicam," under the name of Tiroo-
tbeus, by the example of the Evangelist St. Luke,
who addressed his Gospel nominally to a particular
man, but really to " the love of God :" " nam aicut
Theophili vocebulo amor, sic Timothei honor diviui-
tatis exprimitur." Even Theophylact, who believes
in the existence of Theophilus, takes the opportunity
of moralizing upon his name: col arat Si iyOpmwos
A • o e> i X ^ f , cal k fir os Kara rir raBmy int-
Sttfiiurot, 9tift\it iari Kodriar oi, ht
col ifioi ts7 eWi iarhr OKofaur tou Etmyyt\Uw
(Argum. at Xuc.). Among modern commentators
Hammond and Lfclerc accept the allegorical view :
tiasmus is doubtful, but oo the whole believes
Tl eophilus to have had a real existence.
(2.) From the honourable epithet caaViare, ap-
plied to Theophilus in Luke i. 3, compared with
the use of the same epithet as applied by Claudius
Lysias and Tertullus severally to Felix, and by
St. Paul to Festus (Acta xxiii. 36, xxiv. 3, xxvi.
25), it has been argued with much probability, but
not quite conclusively, that be was a person in high
official position. Thus Theophylact (Argvn. in
Luc.) conjectures that he was a Roman governor,
ar a person of senatorial rank, grounding his con-
jecture expressly on the use of a-carrier*. Oecu-
menius (ad Act. Apott. i. 1) tells as that he was a
governor, but gives no authority for the assertion.
The tradition*, connexion of St. Lake with Antioch
has disposed some to look upon Antioch aa the
abode of Theophilus, and possibly aa the seat of his
government. Bengel believes him to have been an
inhabitant of Antioch, " ut veteres testantur." The
belief max' partly have grown out of a story in the
so-called BtoognXims of St. Clcoumt (lib- x.), which
represents a oarUin nobleman of Antioch of that
■ante to have been converted by the preaching of
8». Petar, and to have dedicated his own house aa a
church, in which, as we are told, the Armtle fixed
bis episcopal seat. Bengel thinks that the
THEOPH1LDB
of aedrtart in Acta i. 1 proves that St. lake t*>
on more familiar terms with Tbeophilus than a asa
he composed bis Gospel.
(3.) In the Syriac Lexicon extracted from •.»
Lexicon Beptaglotton of Castdl, and edited In
Michaelis (p. 948), the following descrrptws at
Tbeophilus is quoted from Bar Bahiul. a Syrias
lexicographer of the 10th century: — " Tbeephiln*
primus credentium et celeberrimus apud Alexsa
driensee, qui cum aliis Aegyptiis Lncam rogaba*
ut eia ' Erangelium e uib e i e t . In the imcriptax
of the Gospel according to St. Luke in the Syriac
version we are told that it was published at Alei-
andria. Hence it is inferred by Jacob Hase {BiH.
Brcmauu Clam. fv. Fasc ffi. Diss. 4, quoted if
Michaelis, Introd. to the N. T., vol. iii. ch. vi. §4,
ed. Harsh) and by Bengel (Ordo Tmporam, p. Iti,
ed. 2), that Theophilus was, as asserted by Ear
Bahiul, a convert of Alexandria. This writer na-
tures to advance the startling opinion that TW
philua, if an Alexandrian, was no other than tbt
celebrated Philo, who b said to have borne tbt
Hebrew name of Jedkhah (flTT, •*■ »■ t W f i Xw-
It hardly seems necessary to refute this theory, ss
Michaelis baa refuted it, by chronological argu-
ments.
(4.) Alexander Moras (Ad quaedam loot See.
food. Sotae: ad Luc. i. 1) makes the rather ha-
zardous conjecture that the Theophilus of St. Luke
ia identical with the parson who is recorded by
Tacitus (Asm. ii. 55) to have been condemned for
fraud at Athens by the court of the Areopagus.
Grotius also conjectures that be was a magistrals
of Achaia baptized by St. Luke. The conjecture of
Grotius must rest upon the assertion of Jerome
fan assertion which, if it ia received, renders tost
of Alex. Moras possible, though certainly most im-
probable), namely, that Luke published his Gospel
in the parts of Achaia and Boeotia (Jerome, Oasis,
m Matt. Prooem.).
(5.) It ia obvious to suppose that TbsephilBS
was a Christian. But a different view has btes
entertained. In a series of Dissertations ia the
BibHothtoa Brtmentu, of which Michaelis gives s
return* in the section already referred to, the notice
that he was not a Christian is maintained by different
writers, and on different grounds. Henmann, as* et
the contributors, assuming that he waa a Roman
governor, argues that he could not be a Christian,
because no Christian would be likely to have sack
a charge entrusted to him. Another writer, Theo-
dore Hase, behaves that the Theophilus of Lake
was no other than the deposed High Priest Theo-
philus the son of Ananus, of whom more will be
said presently. Michaelis himself ia inclined ta
adopt this theory. He thinks that the use of lbs
word aa vi s flrf cat in Luke i. 4, proves that Thee-
philus bad an imperfect acquaintance with the beta
of the Gospel (an argument of which Bishop Marsh
very properly disposes in his note upon the passage
of Michaelis), and further contends, from tbt e>
t)mr of Luke i. 1, that he was not a member of the
Christian community. He thinks it probnble that
the Evangelait wrote his Gospel, during the impii-
sonment of St. Paul at Caesaiea, snd additattil it to
Theophilus as one of the beads of the Jewish nation.
According to this view, it would be regarded as a
sort of histories! apology for the Christian faith.
In surveying this series of conjectures, and ot
traditions which are nothing more than conjectnrn
we find it otaier to determine what is ta be re
THEBA8
Jseted than what we are to accept. la the first
place, we may safely reject the Patristic notion that
Theophilus ni either a fictitious person, or a mere
personification of Christian lore. Such a personifi-
cation is alien from the spirit of the New Testa-
ment writers, and the epithet KodYurrs is a sufficient
evidence of the historical existence of Theophilus. It
does not, indeed, prove that be was a governor, but it
make* it moat probable that he was a person of high
rank. His supposed connexion with Antioch, Alex-
andria, or Achaia, rests on too slender evidence
either to claim acceptance or to need refutation ;
and the view of Theodore Hase, although endorsed
by Michaelis, appears to be incontestably negatived
by the Gentile complexion of the Third Gospel.
The grounds alleged by Heumann for his hypo-
thesis that Theophilus was not a Christian are not at
all trustworthy, as consisting of two very disputable
premises. For, in the first place, it is not at all
evident that Theophilus was a Roman governor; and
in the second place, even if we assume that at that
time no Christian would be appelated to such an office
(an assumption which we can scarcely venture to
make), it does not at all follow that no person in
that position would become a-Christiaa. In fact, we
have an example of such a conversion in the case of
Sergius Paul us (Acts xiii. 12). In the article on
the Gospel of Luke [vol. ii. p. 155 a], reasons
are given for believing that Theophilus was " not a
native of Palestine ... not a Macedonian, nor an
Athenian, nor a Cretan. But that he was a native of
Italy, and perhaps an inhabitant of Rome, is probable
from similar data." All that can be conjectured with
uiy degree of safety concerning him, comes to this,
that he was a Gentile of rank and consideration,
who csme under the influence of St. Luke, or (not
improbably) under that of St. Paul, at Rome, and
was converted to the Christian faith. It has been
observed that the Greek of St. Luke, which else-
where approaches more nearly to the classical type
than that of the other Evangel >«ts, is purer and
more elegant in the dedication to Theophilus than
in any other part of his Gospel.
2. A Jewish High-Priest, the son of Annas or
Ananus, brother-in-law to Caiaphas [Annas ; Caia-
PftAll, and brother and immediate successor of
Jonathan. The Roman Prefect VHellius came to
Jerusalem at the Passover (a.d. 37), and deposed
Caiaphas, appointing Jonathan in his place. In the
same year, at the feast of Pentecost, he came to
Jerusalem, and deprived Jonathan of the High
Priesthood, which he gave to Theophilus (Joseph.
Ant. xviii. 4, §3, xviii. 5, §3). Theophilus was
removed from his post by Herod Agrippa I., after
the accession of that prince to the government of
Judaea in A.D. 41, so that he most have continued
in office about five years (Joseph. Ant. xix. 6, §2).
Theophilus is not mentioned by name in the New
Testament ; but it is most probable that he was the
High Priest who granted a commission to Saul to
p r oceed to Damascus, and to take into custody any
believers whom he might find there. [W. B. J.]
THE'BA8(e«>a: Thia: Syr. Thanm). The
equivalent in 1 Ead. viii. 41, 61, for the Ahava
•f the parallel passage in Ezra. Nothing whatever
•ppeaia to be known of it.
THE1VMELKTH (e.o*«xA.- Ththntla),
1 Esd. v. 36. The Greek equivalent of the name
Tel-melah.
THE68ALONIANS, FIRST EPISTLE
TO THE. 1. The dose of the Epistle is made out
THE8BALONIAN8
1477
approximately in the following w.iy. During the
course of his second missionary journey, prokibly
in the your 52, St. Paul founded the Church of
Thessalonica. Leaving Thessalonics, be passed oi
to Beroea. From Beroea he went to Athens, and
from Athens to Corinth (Acts xvii. 1-xviii. 18).
With this visit to Corinth, which extends over a
period of two years or thereabouts, his second mis-
sions i y journey closed, for from Corinth he returned
to Jerusalem, paying only a brief visit to Ephesus on
the way (xviii. 20, 21). Now it appears .hat, whea
this Epistle was written, Silranus and Timotheui
were in the Apostle's company (1 These, i. 1 ; comp.
2 Theas. i. 1) — a circumstance which confines the
date to the second missionary journey, for though
Timotheus was with bim on several occasions after'
wards, the name of Silvanus appears for the last
time in connexion with St. Paul during this visit
to Corinth (Acts xviii. 5; 2 Cor. i. 19). The
Epistle then must have been written in the in-
terval between St Paul's leaving Thessalonica and
the close of his residence at Corinth, i. «. according
to the received chronology within the years 52-54.
The following considerations however narrow the
limits of the possible date still more closely. (1.)
When St, Paul wrote, he bad already visited, and
probably left Athens (1 Thess. Hi. 1). (2.) Having
made two unsuccessful attempts to revisit Thessa-
lonica, he had despatched Timothy to obtain tidings
of his converts there. Timothy had returned befbie
the Apostle wrote (iii. 2, 6). (3.) St Paul speaks
of the Thessalonians as " enaampku to ill that
believe in Macedonia and Achaia," adding that " in
every place their faith to Godward was spread
abroad" (i. 7, 8) — language prompted indeed by
the overflowing of a grateful heart, and therefore
not to be rigorously pressed, but still implying
some lapse of time at least (4.) There are several
traces of a growth and p i ugiess in the condition
and circumstances of the Thesoilonian Church. Per-
haps the mention of - rulers " in the Church (v.
12; ought not to be adduced as proving this, since
some organisation would be necessary from the very
beginning. But there is other evidence besides.
Questions had arisen relating to the state of those
who had fallen asleep in Christ, so that one or more
of the Theesalonian converts must have died in the
interval (iv. 13-18). The storm of persecution
which the Apostle had discerned gathering on the
horizon had already burst upon the Christians of
Thessalonica (iii. 4, 7). Irregularities had crept in
and sullied the infant purity of the Church (iv. 4,
v. 14). The lapse of a few months however would
account for these changes, and a much longer time
cannot well be allowed. For (5) the letter was
evidently written by St Paul immediately on the
return of Timothy, in the fulness of his gratitude
for the joyful tidings (iii. 6). Moreover, (6) the
Second Epistle also was written before he left Cv
rinth, and there must have been a sufficient interval
between the two to allow of the growth of fresh
difficulties, and of such communication between the
Apostle and his converts ss the case supposes. We
shall not be far wrong therefore in placing the
writing of this Epistle early in St Paul's residence
at Corinth, a few months after he had (bunded the
Church at Thessalonica, at the dose of the year 52
or the beginning of 53. The statement in the sub-
scription appearing in sereral MSS. and versions,
that it was written "from Atbent * is a superficial
mlerenoe from I Thess. iii. 1, to which no weight
should be attached. The views of critics who have
1478
THE8SAL0NIAN8, FIBST EPISTLE TO THE
assigned to thia Epistle a later date than the second
missionary journey are stated and refuted in the
Introductions of Koch (p. 23, tic.), and LCuiemann,
(§3)-
2. The Epistle* to the Thessalonians then (for
the second followed the first after no long interval)
are the earliest of St. Paul's writings — -perhaps the
earliest written records of Christianity. They belong
to that period which St. Paul elsewhere styles " the
beginning of the Gospel" (Phil. It. 15). They
present the disciples in the first flush of love and
devotion, yearning for the day of deliverance, and
straining their eyes to catch the first glimpse of
their Lord descending amidst the clouds of heaven,
till in their feverish anxiety they forget the sober
business of life, absorbed in this one engrossing
thought. It will be remembered that a period of
about five years intervenes before the second group
of Epistles— those to the Corinthians, Galatians, and
Romans — were written, and about twice that period
to the date of the Epistles of the Roman Captivity.
It is interesting therefore to compare the Thessa-
lonian Epistles with the later letters, and to note
the points of difference. These differences are mainly
threefold. (1.) In the general style of these earlier
letters there is greater simplicity and less exuberance
of language. The brevity of the opening salutation
is an instance of this. " PanI to the Church
of the Thessalonians in God the Father and the
Lord Jesus Christ, grace and peace to you" (1
These, i. 1 ; comp. 2 Thess. i. 1). The closing bene-
diction is correspondingly brief: — "The grace of
our Lord Jesus Christ be with you" (1 Thess. v.
28; comp. 2 Theas. iii. 18). And throughout the
Epistles there is much more evenness of style,
words are not accumulated in the same way, the
syntax is less involved, parentheses are not so fre-
quent, the turns of thought and feeling are less
sudden and abrupt, and altogether there is lew
intensity and variety than we find in St. Paul's
later Epistles. (2.) The antagonism to St. Paul
is not the same. The direction of the attack has
changed in the interval between the writing of
these Epistles and those of the next group. Here
the opposition comes from Jew*. The admission
of the Gentiles to the hopes and privileges of Mes-
siah's kingdom on any condition is repulsive to
them. Thev "forbad the Apostle to speak to the
Gentiles that tbey might be eared" (ii. 16). A
period of five years changes the aspect of the contro-
versy. The opponents of St. Paul ar« now no longer
./res, so much as Jvdaizing Christian* (Ewald,
Jahrb. iii. 248 ; Satdichr., p. 14). The question
of the admission of the Gentiles has been solved
by time, for they have "taken the kingdom of
heaven by storm." But the antagonism to the
Apostle of the Gentiles, having been driven from
its first position, entrenched itself behind a second
barrier. It was now urged that though the Gen-
tiles may be admitted to the Church of Christ, the
only door of admission is the Mosaic covenant-rite
of circumcision. The language of St. Paul speaking
el ths Jewish Christians in this Epistle shows that
the opposition to his teaching had not at this time
assumed this second phase. He does not yet regard
them as the disturbers of the pesos of the Church,
the false teachers who by imposing a bondage of
ceremonial observances frustrate the free grave of
God. He can still point to them as examples to
his converts at Thessalonica (ii. 14). The change
hired was imminent, the signs ot Hit gathering
;ti.im had already appeared (Gal. ii 11), but
hitherto they were faint and indistinct, and ha!
scarcely darkened the horizon of the Geibi
Churches. (3.) It will be no surprise that the
doctrinal teaching of the Apostle does not tea
quite the same aspect in these as in the later
Epistles. Many of the distinctive doctrines a
Christianity, which are inseparably connected wits
St. Paul's name, though implicitly cxtained in tot
teaching of these earlier letters— as indeed they fel-
low directly from the true conception of the Perns
of Christ — were yet not evolved and distinrtlr
enunciated till the needs of the Church drew them
out into prominence at a later date. It has oftea
been observed for instance, that there is in tot
Epistles to the Thessalonians no mention of the
characteristic contrast of " faith and works ;" that
the word "justification " does not once occur ; that
the idea of dying with Christ and living wit*
Christ, so frequent in St. Paul's later writings, is
absent in these. It was in fact the opposition of
Judaizing Christians, insisting on a strict ritualism,
which led the Apostle somewhat later to dwell at
greater length on the true doctrine of a saving
faith, and the true conception of a godly life. Bat
the time had not yet come, and in the Epistles to
the Thessalonians, as has been truly observed, tit
Gospel preached is that of the coming of Christ,
rather than of the cross of Christ. Theie are tout
reasons why the subject of the second advent about]
occupy a larger space in the earliest stage of the
Apostolical teaching than afterwards. It was death
bound up with the fundamental fact of the Gospel,
the resurrection of Christ, and thus it formed a
natural starting-point of Christian doctrine. It
afforded the true satisfaction to those Meenank
hopes which had drawn the Jewish converts to the
fold of Christ. It was the best consolation sad
support of the infant Church under persecution,
which must hare been most keenly felt in the first
abandonment of worldly pleasures and interests
More especially, as telling of a righteous Judge whs
would not overlook iniquity, it was essential t»
that call to repentance which must ererywheie pre-
cede the direct and positive teaching of the Gospel.
" Now He commandeth all men everywhere to re-
pent, for He hath appointed a day in the which He
will judge the world in righteousness by that maa
whom He hath ordained, whereof He lath gives
assurance unto all men in that He raised him frosa
the dead" (Acts xvii. 30, 31).
3. The occasion of this Epistle was as follows
St. Paul had twice attempted to revisit Tbesas-
lonica, and both times had been disappointed. Thai
prevented from seeing them in person, he had sent
Timothy to inquire and report to him as to their
condition (iii. 1-5). Timothy returned with most
favourable tidings, reporting not only their pro-
gress in Christian faith and practice, but al» their
strong attachment to their old teacher (iii. 6-10..
The First Epistle to the Thessaloniana is the out-
pouring of the Apostle's gratitude on receiving this
welcome news. At the same time the report cf
Timothy was not unmixed with alloy. There wen
certain features in the condition of the Thessalonua
Church which called for St Paul's interference, and
to which he addresses himself in his letter (1.)
The very intensity of their Christian faith, dwelling
too exclusively on the day of the Lord's coming,
had been attended with evil consequences. On the
one hand a practical inconvenience had arisen. Is
their feverish expectation of this great crisis, saw
hwi l»>cn led to neglect their ordinary business, t
THESSALONIAN8. K1BST KP1STLE TO THB
1479
though tiw daily concerns of life were of no account
■11 the immediate pretence of so vast a change (iv. 1 1 j
coop. 2 These, u. l.iii. 6, 11, 12). Ou the other
hand a theoretical difficulty had been felt. Certain
memben of the Church hud died, and there was
great anxiety lest they should he excluded from any
•hare in the glories of the Lord's advent (iv. 13-18).
St. Paul rebukes the irregularities of the former,
and dissipate* the fears of the latter. (2.) The
flame of persecution had broken out, and the Thes-
salonians needed consolation and encouragement
under their sore trial (ii. 14, iii. 2-4). (3.) An
unliealthy state of feeling with regard to spiritual
gifts was manifesting itself. Like the Corinthians
at a later day, they needed to be reminded of the
superior value of " prophesying," compared with
other gifts of the Spirit which they exalted at its
expense (v. 19, 20). (4.) There was the danger,
which tney shared in common with most Gentile
Churches, of relapsing into their old heathen profli-
gacy. Against this the Apostle offers a word in
season (iv. 4-8). We need not suppose however
that Thessalonica was worse in this respect than
other Greek cities.
4. Yet notwithstanding all these drawbacks, the
condition of the Theasalonian Church was highly
satisfactory, and the most cordial relations existed
between St. Paul and his converts there. This
honourable distinction it shares with the other great
Church of Macedonia, that of Philippi. At all
times, and amidst every change of circumstance, it
is to his Macedonian Churches that the Apostle
tarns tor sympathy and support. A period of about
ten yean is interposed between the First Epistle to
the Thessalonlans and the Epistle to the Philippians,
and yet no two of his letters more closely resemble
each other in this respect. In both he drops his
official title of Apostle in the opening salutation,
thus appealing rather to their affection than to his
own authority ; in both he commences the body of
his letter with hearty and unqualified commendation
of his convert*; and in both the same spirit of con-
fidence and warm affection breathes throughout.
5. A comparison of the narrative in the Acts
with the allusions in this and the Second Epistle to
the Thessalonlans is instructive. With some striking
coincidences, there is just that degree of divergence
which might be expected between a writer who
had borne the principal part in the scenes referred
to, and a narrator who derives his information from
others, between the casual half-expressed allusions
of a familiar letter and the direct account of the
professed historian.
Passing over patent coincidences, we may single
out on* of a more subtle and delicate kind. It
arises out of the form which the accusation brought
against St Paul and his companions at Thessalonica
take* in the Acts: " All these do contrary to the
decrees of Ca esa r , saying that there is another king,
one Jesus" (xvii. 7). The allusions in the Epistles
to the Thassalonians enable us to understand the
ground of this accusation. It appears that the king-
dom of Christ had entered largely into his oral teach-
ing in this city, as it does into that of the Epistles
themselves. He had charged his new converts to
await the coming of the Son of God from heaven, as
their deliverer (i. 10). He had dwelt long and
earnestly (waMbratwr «•'. tieiiaoTvpsVftfa) on the
terrors of the judgment which would overtake the
wicked (iv. 6). He had even explained at length the
sign* which would usher in the last day (2 Tlmw.
>i> ft). Either from cilice or in ignorance such
! language had been misrepresented, and ho arse ac-
' cosed of setting up a rival sovereign to thj Bvmaa
Emperor.
On the other hand, the language of these Epistles
diverges from the narrative of St. Luke on two or
three points in such a way as to establish the inde-
pendence of the two accounts, and even to require
some explanation. (1.) The first of these relates to
the composition of the Church of Thessalonica. In
the First Epistle St. Paul addresses his readers dis-
tinctly as Gentiles, who h.id been converted from
idolatry to the Gospel (i. 9, 10). In the Acts we art
told that "some (of the Jews) believed . . . and of
the devout Greeks (s*. «. proselytes) a great multi-
tude, and of the chief women not a few " (xvii. 4).
If for (Tf&onirmr 'EWiivar we read fft/So/iiyay
col 'EWinw, " proselytes and Greeks," the diffi-
culty vanishes; but though internal probabilities
are somewhat in favour of this reading, the array
of direct evidence (now reinforced by the Cod. Si-
naiticus) is against it. But even if we retain the
common reading, the account of St. Luke does not
exclude a number of believers converted directly
from heathendom — indeed, if we may argue from
the parallel cast at Beroea (xvii. 12), the " women "
were chiefly of this class: and, if any divergence re-
mains, it is not greater than might be expected
in two independent writers, one of whom, not
being an eye-witness, possessed only a partial ninl
indirect knowledge. Both accounts alike convey
the impression that the Gospel made but little pro-
gress with the Jews themselves. (2.) In the Epistle
the persecutors of the Theasalonian Christians are
represented as their fellow-countrymen, i". «. as
heathens (frs-o rw IZlmv 0-v/i^uA.rray, ii. 14),
whereas in the Acta the Jews are regarded as the
bitterest opponents of the faith (xvii. 5). This is
fairly met by Paley {Harm Paul. ix. No: 5), who
point! out that the Jews were the instigators of the
persecution, which however they were powerless
of themselves to carry out without aid from the
heathen, as may be gathered even from the nar-
rative of St. Luke. We may add also, that the
expression Wioi avfupvXirai need not be restricted
to the heathen population, but might include many
Hellenist Jews who must have been citizens of the
free town of Thessalonica. (3.) The narrative ol
St. Luke appears to state that St. Paul remained
only three weeks at Thessalonica (xvii. 2), whereas
in the Epistle, though there is no direct mention of
the length of his residence among them, the whole
language (i. 4, ii. 4-11) points to a much longer
period. The latter part of the assertion seems quite
correct ; the former needs to be modified. In the
Acts it is stated simply that for three Sabbath days
(three weeks) St. Paul taught in the synagogue.
The silence of the writer does not exclude subsequent
labour among the Gentile population, and indeed
as much seems to be implied in the success of his
preaching, which exasperated the Jew* against him.
(4.) The notices of the movements of Silas and
Timotheus in the two documents do not accord at
first sight. In the Acts St- Paul is convt \ ed away
secretly from Beroea to escape the Jews. Arrived at
Athens, he sends to Silas and Timothy, wnom he
had left behind at Beroea, urging them to join him
as soon as possible (xvii. 14-18). It is evider.'
from the language of St. Luke that the Apostle
expects them to join him at Athens. Yet we bear
nothing more of them for some time, when at kngtl
after St. Paul had passed on to Corinth, and severa
{ incidents had occui red since his arrival there, w
■480
THB88ALONIAN8, WEST EPIBTLE TO THE
u< cold that S3t$ and Timotheus ana from Mace-
Ionia (xrili. 6). From the First Epistle, on the
rtber hand, we gather the following facta. St. Paul
Jiere tells ua that they Ijuuit, i. ». himself, and pro-
bably Silas), no longer able to endure the suspense,
'consented to be left alone at Athens, and sent
fimothy their brother" to Thesaalonica (in. 1, 2).
Timothy returned with good news (iii. 6) (whether
U> Athens or Corinth does not appear), and when the
two Epistles to the Thesselonians were written, both
Timothy and Silas were with St. Paul (1 Thess. i.
1 ; 2 These, i. 1 ; oomp. 2 Cor. i. 19V Now, though
we may not be prepared with Paley to construct
an undesigned coincidence out of these materials,
7et on the other hand there is no insoluble diffi-
culty ; (or the (rents may be arranged in two different
ways, either of which will bring the narrative of the
Acts into accordance with the allusions ot the Epistle,
(i.) Timotheus was despatched to Thessalonica, not
from Athens, but from Beroea, a supposition quite
consistent with the Apostle's expression of "con-
senting to be left alone at Athens." In this case
Timotheus would take up Silas somewhere in Ma-
cedonia on his return, and the two would join St.
Paul in company ; not howerer at Athens, where
he was expecting them, but later on at Corinth,
some delay having arisen. This explanation bow-
ever supposes that the plurals " t» consented, to*
sent" (cvo<Mr4<rcuur, <Vep T -a*wi>), can refer to St.
Paul alone. The alternative mode of reconciling
the accounts is as follows: — (ii.) Timotheus and
Silas did join the Apostle at Athens, where we learn
from the Acts that he was expecting them. From
Athens he despatched Timotheus to T hes salo n ica, so
that he and Silas (^mcm) had to forego the services
of their fellow-labourer for a time. This mission
■s mentioned in the Epistle, but not in the Acts.
Subsequently he sends Silas on some other mission,
not recorded either in the history or the Epistle ;
probably to another Macedonian Church, Philippi
for instance, from which he is known to have re-
ceived contributions shout this time, and with which
therefore he was in communication (2 Cor. xi. 9 ;
comp, Phil. iv. 14-16 ; see Koch, p. 15). Silas and
Timotheus returned together from Macedonia and
joined the Apostle at Corinth. This latter solu-
tion, if it assumes more than the former, has the
advantage that it preserves the proper sense of the
plural " w* consented, we sent," for it is at least
doubtful whether St. Paul ever uses the plural of
himself alone. The silence of St. Luke may in this
esse be explained either by his possessing only a
partial knowledge of the circumstances, or by his
passing over incidents of which he was aware, as
unimportant.
6. This Epistle is rather practical than doc-
trinal. It was suggested rather by personal feeling,
than by any urgent need, which might have formed
a centre of unity, and impressed a distinct character
on the whole. Under these circumstances we need
not expect to trace unity of purpose, or a continuous
argument, and any analysis must be more or less
artificial. The body of the Epistle, however, may
mveniently be divided into two parts, the former
of which, extending over the first three chapters, is
chiefly taken up with a retrospect of the Apostle's
relation to bis Thessalonian converts, and an expla-
nation of his present circumstances and feelings,
while the latter, comprising the 4th and 5th chap-
tan, contains some seasonable exhortations. At the
close of each of then divisions is a prayer, com-
mencing with the sum* words, "May G.-d Him-
self," etc, and expressed in somewhat {injur I
goage.
The following ia a table of contents: —
Salutation (i. 1).
1. Narrative portion (i. 2-ifl. 13).
(1.) 1. 2-10. The Apostle gratefully
their conversion to the Gospel and fsra*
grass in the faith.
(2.) H. 1-12. He reminds them how i
blameless his life and ministry
them had been.
(3.) ii. 13-16. He repeats his thanksgiving
for their conversion, dwelling especially
on the persecutions which thrr had en-
dured.
(4.) ii. 17— iii. 10. He describes his own sus-
pense sad anxiety, the consequent mi s s i on
of Timothy to Thessalonica, and the est-
couraging report which he brought back.
(5.) iii. 11-13. The Apostle's n-aysr for tie
2. Hortatory portion (iv. 1-v. 24).
!1.) iv. 1-8. Warning against imparity.
2.) iv. 9-12. Exhortation to biuthes' ly lorn
and sobriety of conduct.
'3.) iv. 13-v. 11. Touching the Advent of
the Lord.
(a.) The dead shall have their place a the
re surr ection, iv. 13-18.
!b.) The time however is uncertain, r. 1-3. .
c.) Therefore all must be watchful, v. »
4-11.
(4.) v. 12-15. Exhortation to orderly living
and the due performance of social duties. *
(5.) v. 16-22. Injunctions relating to payer \
and spiritual matters generally.
(6.) v. 23, 24. The Apostle's prayer far the
Tbasselonians.
The Epistle closes with persona] injunctions and
a benediction (v. 25-28).
7. The external evidence in favour of the osnaasav
Mess of the First Epistle to the Theasalonians is
chiefly negative, but this ia important enough.
There is no trace that it was ever disputed at any
age or in any section of the Church, or even by
any individual, till the present century. On the
other hand, the allusions to it in writers before the
close of the 2nd century are confes s ed ly faint and
uncertain — a circumstancs easily explained, when
we remember the character of the Epistle itseu, its
comparatively simple diction, its silence on the meet
important doctrinal questions, and, generally speak,
ing, the absence of any salient points to arrrst the
attention and provoke reference. In Clement ot
Rome there are some slight coincidences of language,
perhaps not purely accidental (c. 38, mtra wslrra
fi X ap,<rTu> «Vnp, comp. 1 These, v. 18; ib.ovfs'ofW
dr jj/uv IXor t» <rm/ia eV X., I., comp. 1 Then, v.
23). Ignatius in two passages (Polyc. 1, and
Ephet. 10) seems to be reminded of St. Paul's ex-
pression MioAcfwrtM wposrevxfvtV (1 Tbess. v.
17), but in both passages of Ignatius the word
oSiaAciVretT, in which the similarity mainly con-
sists, is absent in the Syriac, and is therefore pro-
bably spurious. The supposed refer e n ce s in Polv.
carp (c iv. to 1 Then. v. 17, and c ii. to 1 Tbess.
v. 22) are also unsatisfactory. It is more impor-
tant to observe that the Epistle was included in the
Old Latin and Syriac Versions, that it ia found ia
the Canon of the Muratorian fragment, and that b
was aim contained ii that of Maroon. Toward)
THESSALONIANS, SECOND EPISTLE TO THE
148J
the dost of toe 2nd century from Irenaeus down-
wards, we find this Epistle directly quoted and
ascribed to St. D «il.
The evidence derived from the character of the
Epistle itself is so strong that it may fairly be
cilled irresistible. It would be impossible to enter
into the question of style here, but the reader may
be referred to the Introduction of Jowett, who has
handled this subject very fully and satisfactorily.
An equally strong argument may be drawn also
from the matter contained in the Epistle. Two in-
stances of this must suffice. In the first place, the
fineness and delicacy of touch with which the
Apostle's relations towards his Thessalonian converts
are drawn — liis yearning to see them, his anxiety
in the absence of Timothy, and his heartfelt re-
joicing at the good new* — are quite beyond the reach
of the clumsy forgeries of the early Church. In
the second place, the writer uses language which,
however it may be explained, is certainly coloured
by the anticipation of the speedy advent of the
Lord— language natural enough on the Apostle's
own lips, but quite inconceivable in a forgery
written after bis death, when time had disappointed
these anticipations, and when the revival or mention
of them would serve no purpose, and might seem to
discredit the Apostle. Such a position would be
an anachronism in a writer of the 2nd century.
The genuineness of this Epistle was first ques-
tioned by Schrader {Apostel Paulus), who was fol-
lowed by Baur (Paulus, p. 480). The latter
writer has elaborated and systematized the attack.
The arguments which he alleges in favour of his
view hare already been anticipated to a great extent.
They are briefly controverted by Lunemann, and
more at length and with great fairness by Jowett.
The following is a summary of Blur's arguments,
(i.) He attributes great weight to the general cha-
racter of the epistle, the difference of style, and espe-
cially the absence of distinctive Pauline doctrines —
a peculiarity which has already been remarked upon
and explained, §2. (ii.) In the mention of the
" wrath " overtaking the Jewish people (ii. 16),
Baur sees an allusion to the destruction of Jeru-
salem, and therefore a proof of the later date of the
Epistle. The real significance of these words will
be considered below in discussing the apocalyptic
twasage in the Second Epistle, (iii.) He urges the
contradictions to the account in the Acta — a strange
argument surely to be brought forward by Baur,
who postdates and discredits the authority of that
narrative. The real extent and bearing of these
divergences has been already considered, (iv.) He
discovers references to the Acts, which show that
the Epistle was written later. It has been seen
however that the coincidences an subtle and inci-
dental, and the points of divergence and prima
e aat contradictions, which Baur himself allows, and
nrleed insist* upon, are so numerous as to preclude
the supposition of copying. Schleiermacher {End. nu
H. T. p. 150) rightly infers the independence of
the Epistle on these grounds, (v.) He supposes
passages in this Epistle to have been borrowed from
the acknowledged letters of St. Paul. The resem-
blaoces however which he points out are not
greater than, or indeed so great as, those in other
Epistles, and bear no traces of imitation.
8. A list of the Patristic commentaries com-
prising the whole of St. Paul's Epistles, will be
found in the article on the Epistle to the Ro-
MANB. To this list should be added the work of
Tbsodore of Mopsucstia, a portion of which con-
taining the shorter Epistles from ilativjs onwards is *
preserved in a Latin translation. The part relating
to the Thessalonians is at present only accessible in
the compilation of Rabanus Maurus (where it is
quoted under the name of Ambrose), which ought
to be read with the corrections and additions given
by Dom Pitra (Spicil. Solem. i. p. 133). This
commentary is attributed by Pitra to Hilary of
Poitiers, but its true authorship was pointed out by
Hort {Journal of Clan, and Soar. Phil. iv. p.
302). The portion of Cramer's Catena relating to
this Epistle seems to be made up of extracts from
Chrysostom, Severianus, and Theodore of Mop-
suestia.
For the more important recent works on the
whole of St. Paul's Epistles the reader may again
be referred to the article on the Epistle to the Ro-
mans. The notes on the Thessalonians in Meyer's
Commentary are executed by Lunemann. Of
special annotators on the Thessalonian Epistles, the
chief are, in Germany, Flatt (1829), Pelt (1830),
Schott (1834), and Koch (2nd ed. 1855, the First
Epistle alone), and in England Jowett (2nd ed.
1859) and Ellicott (2nd ed. 1862). [J. B. L.]
THESSALONIANS, SECOND EPISTLE
TO THE. 1. This Epistle appeals to have been
written from Corinth not very long after the Pint,
for Silvanus and Timotheua were still with St.
Paul (i. 1). In the former letter we saw chiefly
the outpouring of strong personal affection, occa-
sioned by the renewal of the Apostle's intercourse
with the Thessalonians, and the doctrinal and
hortatory portions are there subordinate. In the
Second Epistle, on the other hand, his leading
motive seems to have been the desire of correcting
errors in the Church of Thessalonica. We notice
two points especially which call forth his rebuke.
First, it seems that the anxious expectation of the
Lord's advent, instead of subsiding, had gained
ground since the writing of the First Epistle. They
now looked upon this great crisis as imminent, and
their daily avocations were neglected in consequence.
There were expressions in the First Epistle which,
taken by themselves, might seem to favour this
view ; and at all events such was falsely represented
to be the Apostle's doctrine. He now writes to
soothe this restless spirit and quell their apprehen-
sions by showing that many things must happen
first, and that the end was not yet, referring to
his oral teaching at Theasalonica in confirmation of
this statement (ii. 1-12, iii. 6-12). Secondly, the
Apostle had also a perianal ground of complaint.
His authority was not denied by any, but it ir
tampered with, and an unauthorised use was mads
of his name. It is difficult to ascertain the exac*.
circumstances of the case from casual and indirect
allusions, and indeed we may perhaps infer from
the vagueness of the Apostle's own language that
be himself was not in possession of definite informa-
tion; but at all events his suspicions were aroused.
Designing men might misrepresent his teaching in
two ways, either by suppressing what he actually
had written or said, or by forging letters and in
other ways representing him as teaching what ht
had not taught. St. Paul's language hints in dif-
ferent places at both these modes of false dealing.
He seems to have entertained suspicions of this dis-
honesty even when he wrote the First Epistle. At
the close of that Epistle he binds the Thessaloniani
by a solemn oath, " in the name of the Lord," tc
see that the Epistle is read "to all the holy
brethren" (v. 27) — a charge unintelligible in itself.
2482 THESSALOJHANS SECOND EPISTLE TO THE
end only to be explained by supposing some
misgivings in the Apostle's mind. Before the
Second Epistle is written, his suspicions seem to
U-7e been confirmed, for there axe two passages
which allude to these misrepresentations of his
teaching. In the first of these he tells them in
7&gue language, which may rater equally well to a
false interpretation put upon his own words in the
First Epistle, or to a supplemental letter forged in
his name, u not to be troubled either by spirit or
by word or by letter, as coming from us, as if the
day of the Lord were at hand." They are not to
be deceived, he adds, by any one, whatever means
he employs ; nrra faflira rpoVer, ii. 2, 3). In the
second passage at the close of the Epistle he says,
" The salutation of Paul with mine own hand,
which is a token in every Epistle: so 1 write"
(iii. 17; — evidently a precaution against forgery.
With these two passages should be combined the
expression m iii. 14, from which we infer that he
now entertained a fear of direct opposition : — " If
any man obey not our word conveyed by our
Epistle, note that man."
It will be seen then that the teaching of the
Second Epistle is corrective of, or rather supple-
mental to, that of the First, and therefore presup-
poses it. Moreover, the First Epistle bears on its
lace evidence that it is the first outpouring of his
affectionate yearnings towards his converts after his
departure from Thessalonica ; while on the other
hand the Second Epistle contains a direct allusion
to a previous letter, which may suitably be referred
to the First :— " Hold fast the tradition which ye
were taught either by word or by letter from us"
(ii. IS). We can scarcely be wrong therefore in
maintaining the received order of the two Epistles.
It is doe however to the great names of Urotiu.
and of Ewald (Jahrb. iii. p. 250 ; Sembc/u-. p. 16)
to mention that they reverse the order, placing the
Second Epistle before the First in point of time —
on different grounds indeed, bat both equally in-
sufficient to disturb the traditional order, supported
a* it is by the considerations already alleged.
2. This Epistle, in the range of subject as well
as in style and general character, closely resembles
the First ; and the remarks made on that Epistle
apply for the most part equally well to this. The
structure also is somewhat similar, the main body
of the Epistle being divided iuto two parts in the
same way, and each part closing with a prayer
(ii. 16, 17, iii. 16; both commencing with ovtoj
8J i Kiptos). The following is a table of con-
tents:—
The opening talutatian (i. 1, 2).
1. A general expression of thankfulness and inte-
iwt. leading up to the difficulty about the Lord's
Advent (i. 3— ii. 17).
(1.) The Apostle pours forth his thanksgiving
for their progress in the faith ; he encou-
rages them to be patient ander persecu-
tion, reminding them of the judgment to
come, and prays that they may be pre-
pared to meet it (i. 3-12).
(2.) He is thus led to correct the
idea that the judgment is imminent,
pointing out that much must happen
first (ii. 1-12).
(3 ) He repeats his thanksgiving and exhorta-
tion, and concludes this portion with a
prayer (ii. 13-17).
2. Direct exhortatiaa (Hi. 1-18).
(1.) He urges them to prar for him, ass) -at*
fidently anticipates their progress a tht
fiuth (in. 1-5).
(2.) He reproves the idle, disorderly, sad jit-
obedient, and charge* the faithful ts
withdraw from such (iii. 6-15).
This portion again closes with a prayer (in. 16V
The Epistle ends with a special direction and bens-
diction (iii. 17, 18).
3. The external evidence in favour of the Second
Epistle is somewhat more definite than that which
can be brought in favour of the First. It seems ts
be referred to in one or two passages of Polycaip
(iii. 15, in Polyc c. 11, and possibly i. 4 in thi
same chapter; cf. Polyc. c. 3, and see Lardaer,
pt. ii. c 6) ; and the language in which Justin
Martyr (Dial. p. 336 D) speaks of the Man of Sia
is so similar that it can scarcely be independent at
this Epistle. The Second Epistle, like the Kiist. s>
found in the canons of the Syriac and Old l-at-o
Versions, and In those of the Muratorian fragiw.t
and of the heretic Marcion ; is quoted expressly . nd
by name by Irenaeus and others at the close nf tin
second century, and was universally received by the
Church. The internal character of the Epistle too,
as in the former case, bears the strongest totimony
to its Pauline origin. (See Jowett, i. 143.)
Its genuineness in fact was never question*!
until the beginning of the present century. Obj-c-
tions were first started by Christ. Schmidt lost
ins N. T. 1804). He has been followed by Schiader
{Apostel Pauhu), Kern ( Tubing. Zeitscir. /. Thel
1839, ii. p. 145), and Baur (Paul** der Aptutti .
De Wette at first condemned this Epistle, but after-
wards withdrew his condemnation and frankly ac-
cepted it as genuine.
It will thus be seen that this Epistle has ben
rejected by some modern critics who acknowledge
the First to be genuine. Such critics of course
attribute no weight to arguments brought against
the First, such as we have considered already. The
apocalyptic passage (ii. 1-12) is the great stumbling •
block to them. It bat been objected to, either ss
alluding to events subsequent to St. Paul's death,
the Neronian persecution for instance ; or as betray-
ing religious views derived from the Moatauism
of the second century ; or lastly, as contradicting
St. Paul's anticipations expressed elsewhere, espe-
cially in the First Epistle, of the near approach at
the Lord's advent. That there is no reference t»
Nero, we shall endeavour to show presently. Thai
the doctrine of an Antichrist did not start into
being with Hontsniam, is shown from the allusions
ot Jewish writers even before the Christian en
(see Bertholdt, Christ, p. 69 ; Gfrorer, Jakrk. in
Heils, pt ii. p. 257) ; and appears still more deail;
from the passage of Justin Martyr referred to in a
former paragraph. That the language used of the
Lord's coming in the Second Epistle does not con-
tradict, but rather supplement the teaching of the
First — postponing the day indeed, bat still enuVt-
peting its approach as probable within the Apostles
lifetime— may be gathered both from expressions
in the passage itself («. g. ver. 7, " is already
working '), and from other parts of the Epistli
(i. 7, 8). Other special objections to the Epistli
will scarcely command a hearing, and must neces-
sarily be passed over here.
4. The most striWag feature m the Epistle a
this apocalyptic passage, annouuung the rerelatae
THE88ALONIAHB. SECOND EPISTLE TO THE
1483
Of the « Man of Sin" (ii. 1-12); and it will not be
Irrelevant to investigate its meaning, bearing aa it
dot* on the circumstances under which the Epistle
was written, and illustrating this aspect of the
.Apostle's teaching. He had dwelt much on the sub-
ject ; for he appeals to the Theasolonians as knowing
this truth, and reminds them that he had told them
these things when he was yet with them.
(I.) The passage speaks of a great Apostasy which
is to usher in the advent of Christ, the great judg-
ment. There are three prominent 6gures in the
picture, Christ, Antichrist, and the Restrainer. An-
tichrist is described as the Man of Sin, the Son of
Perdition, as the Adversary who exalteth himself
abora all that is called God, as making himself out
to be God. Later on (for apparently the reference
is the same) he is styled the " mystery of lawlessness,"
" the lawless one." The Restrainer is in one place
spoken of in the masculine as a person (4 nrrexaw),
in another in the neuter as a power, an influence
(to itarixov). The " mystery of lawlessness " is
already at work. At present it is checked by the
Restrainer ; but the check will be removed, and then
it will break out in all its violence. Then Christ
will appear, and the enemy shall be consumed by
the breath of His mouth, shall be brought to naught
by the splendour of His presence.
(II.) Many different explanations have been of-
fered of this passage. By one class of interpreters
it has been referred to circumstances which passed
within the circle of the Apostle's own experience,
the events of his own lifetime, or the period im-
mediately following. Others again have seen in
it the prediction of a crisis yet to be realized, the
end of all things. The former of these, the Prae-
terists, have identified the "Man of Sin" with
divert historical characters — with Caligula, Nero,
Titus, Simon Magus, Simon son of Giora, the
high-priest Ananias, &c., and have sought for a
historical counterpart to the Restrainer in like man-
ner. The latter, the Futurists, hare also given
vnrious accounts of the Antichrist, the mysterious
power of evil which is already working. To Pro-
testants for instance it is the Papacy ; to the Greek
Church, Mohammedanism. And in the same way
each generation and each section in the Church has
regarded it as a prophecy of that particular power
which seemed to them and in their own time to be
most fraught with evil to the true faith. A good
account of these manifold interpretations will be
found in I.ttnemann's Commentary on the Epistle,
n. 204 ; ScMtmbem. m ii. 1-12. See also Alford,
ProUg.
(III.) Now in arbitrating between the Praeterists
and the Futurists, we are led by the analogy of
other prophetic announcements, as well as by the
language of the passage itself, to take a middle
course. Neither is wholly right, and yet both are
to a certain extent right. It is the special charac-
teristic of prophecy to speak of the distant future
through the present and immediate. The persons
and events falling within the horizon of the pro-
phet s awn view, are the types and representatives
of greater figures and crises far off, and as yet but
dimly discerned. Thus the older prophets, while
speaking of a delivery from the temporary oppres-
sion of Egypt or Babylon, spoke also of Messiah's
kingdom. Thus our Lord himself, foretelling the
doom which was even then hanging orer the holy
city, glances at the future judgment of the world as
typified and. portrayed in this ; and the two are so
Interwoven that it is impossible to disentangle
them. Following this ar.alogy, we may agree wit*
the Praeterists that St. Ponl is referring to events
which fell under his own cognizance ; for indeed the
Restrainer is said to be restraining now, and the
mystery of iniquity to be already working : while
at the same time we may accept the Futurist view,
that the Apostle is describing the erd of all things,
and that therefore the prophecy has not yet re-
ceived its most striking and complete fulfilment.
This commingling of the immediate and ]«u tial with
the final and universal manifestation of God's judg-
ments, characteristic of all prophecy, is rendered
more easy in St. Paul's case, because he seems to
have contemplated the end of all things as possibly,
or even probably, near at hand ; and therefore the
particular manifestation of Antichrist, which he
witnessed with his own eyes, would naturally be
merged in and identified with the final Antichrist
in which the opposition to the Gospel will cul-
minate.
(IV.) If this view be correct, it remains to inquire
what particular adversary of the Gospel, and what
particular restraining influence, St. Paul may have
had in view. But, before attempting to approximate
to an explanation, we may clear the way tv laying
down two rules, first. The imagery of the passage
must be interpreted mainly by itself, and by tha
circumstances of the time. The symbols may be
borrowed in some cases from the Old Testament;
they may reappear in other parts of the New. But
we cannot be sure that the same image denote!
exactly the same thing in both cases. The lsn»
guage describing the Man of Sin is borrowed to some
extent from the representation of Antiochus Epi-
phanes in the Book of Daniel, but Antiochus cannot be
meant there. The great adversary in the Revelation
seems to be the Roman power ; but it may be widely
different here. There were even in the Apostolic
age "many Antichrists;" and we cannot be sure
that the Antichrist present to the mind of St. Paul
was the same with the Antichrist contemplated
by St. John. Secondly. In all figurative passages
it is arbitrary to assume that a person is denoted
where we find a personification. Thus the " Man
of Sin " here need not be an individual man ; it
may be a body of men, or a power, a spiritual in-
fluence. In the case of the Restrainer we seem to
have positive ground for so interpreting it, since in
one passage the neuter gender is used, " the thing
which restraineth " (to kot^x"'). as if syno-
nymous. (See Jowett's Euay On the Mem ij
Sin, i. p. 178, rather for suggestions as to the
mode of interpretation, than for the conclusion he
arrives at.)
(V.) When we inquire then, what St. Pan!
had in view when he spoke of the " Man of Sin "
and the Restrainer, we can only hope to get even
an approximate answer bv investigating the cir-
cumstances of the Apostle's life at this epoch.
Now we find that the chief opposition to the Gospel,
and especially to St. Paul's preaching at this time
arose from the Jews. The Jews had conspired
against the Apostle and his companions at Thessa*
lonica, and he only saved himself by secret flight.
Thence they followed him to Beroea, which he
hurriedly left in the same way. At Corinth,
whence the letters to the Theasaloniaus wen
written, they persecuted him still further, raising ■
cry of treason against him, and bringing him before
the Roman proconsul. These incidents exixin the
strong expressions he uses of them in these Epistles,
" They slew the Lord Jesus and the prophets, and pel.
1484
TUES8ALONIOA
sacuted the A ponies ; they are hateful to God ; they
are the oommon enemies of mankind, whom the
Divine wrath (4 ipyV) at length overtakes" (1
Tbess. ii. 15, 16). With these facts in Tiew, it
seems on the whole probable that the Antichrist is
represented especially by Judaism. With a pro-
phetic insight the Apostle foresaw, as he contem-
plated the moral and political condition of the race,
tne approach of a great and overwhelming cata-
strophe. And it is not improbable that oar Lord's
predictions of the vengeance which threatened
Jerusalem blended with the Apostle's vision, and
gave a colonr to this passage. If it seem strange
that "lawlessness" should be mentioned as the
distinguishing feature of those whose very seal for
" the Law " stimulated their opposition to the
Gospel, we may appeal to our Lord's own words
(Matt, xxiii. 28), describing the Jewish teachers:
" within they are full of hypocrisy and lawlessness
(iro/iSas)." Corresponding to this view of the
Antichrist, we sliall probably be correct in regard-
ing the Soman Empire as the restraining power, for
so it was taken by many of the Fathers, (hough
without altogether understanding its bearing. It
was to Roman justice and Roman magistrates that
the Apostle had recourse at this time to shield him
from the enmity of the Jews, and to check their
violence. At Philippi, his Roman citisenship ex-
torted an ample apology for ill-treatment. At
Thessalonica, Roman law secured him lair play.
At Corinth, a Roman proconsul acquitted him of
frivolous charges brought by the Jews. It was
ooly at a later date under Nero, that Rome became
the antagonist of Christendom, and then she also
in torn was fitly portrayed by St. John as the
type of Antichrist. Whether the Jewish opposition
to the Gospel entirely exhausted St. Paul's con-
ception of the " mystery of lawlessness " as he saw
it " already working " in his own day, or whether
other elements did not also combine with this to
complete the idea, it is impossible to say. More-
over at this distance of time and with our imper-
fect information, we cannot hope to explain the
exact bearing of all the details in the picture. But
following the guidance of history, we seem justified
in adopting this as a probable, though only a
partial, explanation of a very difficult passage.
5. A list of commentaries has been given in the
article on the First Epistle. [J. B. L.]
THESaAXONI'CA (e.o-0-oXorfn,). Theori-
ginal name of this city was Therms ; and that part
of the Macedonian shore on which it was situated
(" Medio flexu litoris sinus Thermaici," Plin. H. N.
iv. 10) retained through the Roman period the de-
signation of the Thermaic Gulf. The history of
the city under its earlier name was of no great note
;see Herod, vii. 128 seqq. ; Thuoyd. i. 61, ii. 29 ;
Aesch. Defal*. Leg. p. 31). It rose into importance
with the decay of Gieek nationality. Cossander
the son of Antipater rebuilt and enlarged it, and
named it after his wife Theasalonica, the sister of
Alexander the Great. The first author in which the
new appellation occurs is Polybius (xziii. 4). The
name ever since, under various slight modifications,
has been continuous, and the city itself has never
erased to be eminent. Salontki (though Adrian-
* Timothy la not mentioned In any part of the direct
narrative of what harneoed at Ttimslisilia. though he
tppca.-* ss ft. Paul's companion before at PbUlppI (Acts
sJrt. I-1JX and afterwards at Beroea (xvii. 14, tl); bat
van bis subsequent mission to Tbcssslonto* (1 Tbus fli.
fHESSALONICA
ople may possibly be larger ) is still the most in»
portant town of European Turkey, next after Ct»
stantinople.
Under the Romans, when Macedonia was divissi
into four governments, ThessalonJea was made tii
capital of the second (Liv. xhr. 29); afterwards,
when the whole was consolidated into one province
this city became practically the metropolis. K<4ka
of the place now become frequent. Cicero was am
in his exile (pro Plane. 41), and some of his letten
were written from hence during his journeys s>
and from his own province of Cittern. Darinf
the first Civil War it was the head-quarters of tat
Pompeian party and the Senate (Dion Cass. xti. 20V
During the second it took the sxxe oi Octariat
(Plut. Brut. 46 ; Applan, B. C. iv. 118), whoa
apparently it reaped the honour and advantage et
being made a "free city" (libera dvitaa, Ka
/. c.y, a privilege which is commemorated on fane
of its coins. Strabo in the first century speaks et
Thessalonica as the most populous city in Macedonia
(jiiXurra T«tr tkXmr efrarSpt i), similar hngnaf*
to which is used bv Lucion in the second centurr
(Atin. 46).
Thus we are brought to St. Paul's visit (wtik
Silas and Timothy) * during his second missionary
journey, and to the introduction of Christianity
into Thessalonica. Three circumstances must beie
be mentioned, which illustrate in an important man-
ner this visit and this journey, as well as the tn
Epistles to the Thessalonians, which the Apostle
wrote from Corinth very soon after his departare
from his new Macedonian converts. (1.) This vat
the chief station on the great Roman Road, called the
ViaEgnatia, which connected Rome with the whole
region to the north of the Aegean Sea. St Paul was
on this road at Nkapolis (Acts xvi. tl) and Phi-
lippi (xvi. 12-40), and hia route from the latter
place (xvii. 1) had brought him through two of the
well-known minor stations mentioned in the Itine-
raries. [AKPIIIPOLI8 ; APOLLOWIA.] (2.) Placid
as it was on this great Road, and in connexion wit!,
other important Roman ways ("posita in gremis
imperii Romani," to use Cicero's words), Thessa-
lonica was an invaluable centre for the spread of
the Gospel. And it must be remembered that,
besides its inland communication with the rich
plains of Macedonia and with far more remote
regions, its maritime position made it a great empo-
rium of trade by sea. In fact It was nearly, if not
quite, on a level with Corinth and Ephesus in its
share of the commerce of the Levant. Thus we see
the force of what St. Paul says in his First Epistle,
shortly after leaving Thessalonica — Ad>' ipir i(if-
Xtfro< o A070* cov Kvplov oi urfrer eV rf Maxt-
8oWa sral iv TJJ 'AxaAj , AAA' «V worrl T»»V (i. 8).
(3.) The circumstance noted in Acta xvii. 1, that
here was the synagogue of the Jews in this part of
Macedonia, had evidently much to do with the
Apostle's plans, and also doubtless with hia success.
Trade would inevitably bring Jews to Thessato-
nira: and it is remarkable that, ever since, they
have had a prominent place in the annals of the
city. They are mentioned in the seventh century
during the Sclavonic wars ; and again in «he twelfth
by Eustathiua and Benjamin of Tudela. In the
1-7 ; see Acts arlli. 6). «nd the mention of bis nam hi
the opening eamtatroB of both Epistles to the Tbeevsl*
ntsns, we can hardly doubt that be bad teas with it*
Apostle tbnagbouL
THESSALONICA.
1489
fifteenth century there was a gnat influx of Spanish
Jews. At the present day the numbers of residents '
in the Jewish quarter (in the south-east part of the
town) are estimated at 10,000 or 20,00", out of an
aggregate population of 60,000 or 70,000.
The first scene of the Apostle's work at Thessa-
lonica was the Synagogue. According to his custom
he began there, arguing from the Ancient Scrip-
tures (Acta itu. 2,3): and the same general results
followed, as in other places. Some believed, botn
Jews and proselyte*, and it is particularly added,
that among these were many influential women
(ver. 4) ; on which the general body of the Jews,
stirred up with jealousy, excited the Gentile nopn-
Istwo to persecute Paul and Silas (vers. 5-10 It
i» stated that the ministrations among the Jews
continued for three weeks (ver. 2). Not that we
are obliged to limit to this time the whole stay of
the Apostles at Thesmlonica. A flourishing Church
wa* certainly formed there : and the Epistles show
that its elements weie much more Gentile than
Jewish. St. Paul speaks of the Thessalonians as
baring tamed " from idols ;" and he does not here,
a* is other Epistles, quote the Jewish Scriptures.
la ell respects it is important to compare these two
letters with the narrative in the Acts ; and such
rwfcrenoai have the greater freshness from the short
sBterval which elapsed between visiting the Thessa-
lu Mssue sod writing to them. Such expressions as
eV «***)« weAAy (1 Thess. i. 6), and «V wo\K$
aVye W s (ii. 2), sum up the suffering and conflict
which Paul and Silas and their converts went through
at Til i—l mica. (See also 1 Thess. ii. 14, 15, ii). 3,4;
•/ Thess. i. 4-7.) The persecution took place through
the ixwtrmnentalHy of worthless idlers (tAv aVyo-
faLmw aw9*e> Ttrai Tornpoit, Acts xvii. 5), who,
suctgssed by the Jews, raised a tumult. The house
af Jaxea, with whom the Apostles seem to have been
nawiing. was attacked ; they themselves were not
Jstratt, bat Jssoa was brought before the authorities
on tie armeation that the Christians were trying
to set up a new King in opposition to the Emperor;
a guarantee (to broyoV) was taken from Jason and
others for the maintenance of the peace, and Paul
and Silas were sent away by night southwards to
Bkroea (Acts xvii. 5-10). The particular charge
brought against the Apostles receives an illustra-
tion from the Epistles, where the kingdom of Christ
is prominently mentioned (1 Thess. ii. 12 ; 2 Thess.
i. 5). So again, the doctrine of the Resurrection is
conspicuous both in St. Luke's narrative (xvii. 3,,
and in the first letter (1. 10, iv. 14, 16). If we pass
from these points to such as are personal, we are
enabled from the Epistles to complete the picture of
St. Paul's conduct and attitude at Thessalonica, as
regards his love, tenderness, and zeal, his care of
individual souls, and his disinterestedness (see 1
Thess. i. 5, ii. 1-10). As to this last point, St.
Paul was partly supported here by contributions
from Philippi (Phil iv. 15, 16), partly by Uv
labour of his own hands, which he diligently prao
Used for the sake of the better success of the Gospel,
and that he might set an example to the idle and
selfish. (He refers very expressly to what he had
said and done at Thessalonica in regard to this
point. See 1 Thess. ii. 9, iv. 1 1 ; comparing 2 Thess.
iii. 8-12.) [Thessaloniahs, Epistles to.] To
complete the account of St. Paul's connexion with
Thessalonica, it must be noticed that he was cer-
tainly there again, though the name of the city
is not specified, on his third missionary journey,
both in going and returning (Acts xx. 1-3). Pos-
sibly he was also there again, after his libera-
tion from his first imprUonment. See Phil. i. 25,
26, ii. 24, for the hope of revisiting Macedonia,
entertained by the Apostle at Rome, and 1 Tim.
i. 3 ; 2 Tim. iv. 13 ; Tit. iii. 12, for subsequent
journeys in the neighbourhood of Thessalonica.
Of the first Christians of Thessalonica, we are able
to specify by name the above-mentioned Jason (who
may be the dame as the Apostle's own kinsman men-
tioned in Rom. xvi. 21;, Demas (at least coujeo
1486'
THE8SALONI0A
turnLv; see !l Tim. iv. 10), Gain*, wuo skated
aonM ol St. Paul's peril* at k-phesu* (Acts xix. 29),
Secundus ,who accompanied him from Macedonia
to Ada on the eastward route of his third missionary
journey, and was probably concerned ii. the business
of the collection ; see Acts zx. 4), and especially
Ariatarchus (who, besides being mentioned here
with Secund us, accompanied St. I'aul on his Toyage
to Home, and had therefore probably been with him
during the whole interval, and is also specially re-
ferred to in two of the Epistles written during the
first Roman imprisonment. See Acts xxvii. 2 ;
Col. ir. 10; Phiiem. 24; also Acta xu. 29, for his
association with the Apostle at Epheaus in the ear-
lier port of the third journey).
We roust recur, however, to the narrative in the
Acta, for the purpose of noticing a singularly accu-
rate illustration which it affords of the political
constitution of Thessalonica. Mot only is the dermis
mentioned (toy oqpor, Acts xvii. 5) in harmony
with what has been above said of its being a " ftie
city," but the peculiar title, ptlitarchs (**ArrdfX a *>
lb. 6), of the chief magistrates. This term occurs
in no other writing ; but it may be reed to this
day conspicuously on an arch of the early Imperial
times, which spans the main street of the city.
From this inscription it would appear that the
number of politarchs was seven. The whole may
be seen in rJeeckh, Corp. Iruc. No. 1967.
This seems the right place for noticing the other
remains at Thessalonica. The arch first mentioned
(called the Vardir gate) is at the western extremity
of the town. At its eastern extremity is another
Roman arch of later date, and probably commemorat-
ing some victory of Constantine. The main street,
which both these arches cross, and which intersects
the city from east to west, is undoubtedly the line
of the Via Eyrntia. Near the course of this street,
and between the two arches, are four Corinthian
columns supporting an architrave, and believed by
some to have belonged to the Hippodrome, which is
so famous in connection with the history of Theo-
dosius. Two of the mosques have been anciently
heathen temples. The city walls are of late Greek
construction, but resting on a much older foundation,
with hewn stones of immense thickness. The castle
contains the fragments of a shattered triumphal
arch, erected in the reign of Marcus Aurelius.
A word must be said, in conclusion, on the later
ecclesiastical history of Thessalonica. For during
several centuries this city was the bulwark, not
simply of the later Greek Empire, but of Oriental
Christendom, and was largely instrumental in the
conversion of the Slavonians and Bulgarians. Thus
it received the designation of " the Orthodox City ;"
and its struggles are very prominent in the writings
of the Byzantine historians. Three conspicuous
passages are, its capture by the Saracens, a.d. 904
\Jo. Cameniata, De Excidio Thttscuonicensi, with
Theophanes Continuatus, 1838) ; by the Crusaders
m 1185 (Nicetas Choniates, De Andron. Comneno,
1835; also Eustath. De 17icaaimioa a Latwis
eapti, in the same voL with Leo Grammaticus,
1843) ; and finally by the Turks under Amurath
II. in 1430 (Jo. Anaguostes, Dt Thestalmicenei
Excidio Jfarratio, with Phrantxes and Cananus,
1838). The references are to the Bonn editions.
A very large part of the population at the present
THETJDAS
day is Greek ; and Thessalonica may still le d«tm»J
to take a prominent part in struggles matK'M
with nationality and religion.
The travellers to whom it is most naawtant to
refer, as having given full accounts of thh piact,
are Clarke (Travels m Europe, kc, 1810-1823,,
Sir H. Holland (Travel* m the Ionia* /ate, it,
1815), Cousinerv ( Toyage dant la Mactdome,
1831), and Leake (Jfortkem Qreeot, 1835). Aa
antiquarian essay on the subject by the Abbe Belief
will be found in the Mtmoirte de tAeadinie da
Intcriptkmt, torn, xxxviii. Sect. Hist, pp. 121-14$.
But the most elaborate work is that of Tafel, the
first part oi which was published at Tiibingro is
1835. This was afterwards reprinted a* " Prole-
gomena" to the Dissertatio de T/ieaaiomct cjusqui
Agro Geographico, Berlin, 1839. With this should
be compared his work on the Via Egnatia. The
Commentaries on the Epistles to the Thnsalonisns
of course contain useful compilations on the subject.
Among these, two of the most copious are those o!
Koch (Berlin, 1849) and Lunemann (Cottiageo,
1850> p. S.H.J
• It Kay not be amiss to remind the reader of some flue
Hoars* In fllustrstlon of Luke's historical accuracy, in
Choi odes (Aatibwtrdigkat der Stung. Gachichte. pp.
THETJDAB (eruSu : Thsedas: and probably
= min), the name of an insurgent mentioned ia
Gamaliel's speech before the Jewish council (Acts
v. 35-39) at the time of the arraignment of the
Apostles. He appeared, according to Luke'* ac-
count, at the head of about four hundred men ; hi
sought not merely to lead the people astray by false
doctrine, but to accomplish his designs by violence;
he entertained a high conceit of himself (\ifwt
<Trai Tira iaurir) ; was slain at last (irppeiq).
and his party was dispersed and brought to nothing
(tiehitriirar col tytmrro tit o&Sir). Josephni
(Ant. xx. 5, §1) speaks of a Theudas woo played a
similar part in the time of Claudius, about A..D. 44,
i. e. some ten or twelve years at least later than
the delivery of Gamaliel's speech ; and since Luke
places his Theudas, in the order of time, before
Judas the Galilean, who made his appearance soon
after the dethronement of Archelais, t. e. a.d. 6 or
7 (Jos. B.J. ii. 8, $1 ; .4ns. xviii. 1, §6, xx. 5, §2),
it has been charged that the writer of the Acta
either fabricated the speech put into the mouth ot
Gamaliel, or has wrought into it a transaction
which took place thirty year* or more after the
time when it is said to have occurred (sat Zeller,
Die ApostelgeschicMe, pp. 132, sen.). Here wc
may protest, at the outset, against toe injustice o!
hastily imputing to Luke so gross an error; for
having established his character in so many deci-
sive instances in which he has alluded, in the
course of the Acts, to persons, places, customs, and
events in sacred and profane history, he has a right
to the presumption that he was well informed alsi
as to the facts in this particular passage.* Every
principle of just criticism demands that, instead o!
Ml-m, 316-389.
pp. 678, sq. ; an
pp. 6.90,
Bee *un Ebrard. Bmmgdixkt JCnhJ,
Dot Jfttn ti tek t ImOoHb,
THEUDAS
distrusting him as soon as he goes beyond our means
of verification, we should avail ourselves of any
supposition for the purpose of upholding his credi-
bility which the condition* of the case will allow.
Various solutions of foe difficulty have been
offered. The two following have been suggested as
•specially commending themselves by their fulfil-
ment of every reasonable requisition, and as ap-
proved by learned and judicious men: — (1.) Since
Luke represents Theudas sa having preceded Judas
the Galilean [see vol. i. p. 1160], it is certain that
he could not have appeared later, at all events,
than the latter part of the reign of Herod the Great.
The very year, now, of that monarch's death was
remarkably turbulent ; the land was overrun with
belligerent parties, under the direction of insurrec-
tionary chiefs or fanatics. Joeephus mentions but
three of these disturbers by name ; he passes over
the others with a general allusion. Among those
whom the Jewish historian has omitted w name,
may have been the Theudas whom Gamaliel cites
as in example of unsuccessful innovation and in-
subordination. The name was not an uncommon
one (Winer, Jtealtcb. ii. 609) ; and it can excite
no surprise 1iiat one Theudas, who was an in-
surgent, should have appeared in the time of Au-
gustus, and another, fifty years later, in the time of
Claudius. As analogous to this supposition is the
fact that Joaephus gives an account of four men
named Simon, who followed each other within forty
years, and of three named Judae, within ten years,
who were all instigators of rebellion. This mode of
reconciling Luke with Joaephus is affirmed by
Lardner {Credibility, vol. i. p. 429), Bengel,
Kuinoel, Olshausen, Anger (de Tempp. m Act.
Apoit. Batione, p. 185), Winer, and others.
(2.) Another explanation (essentially different
only as proposing to identify the person) is, that
Luke's Theudas may have been one of the three in-
surgents whose names are mentioned by Joaephus
in connexion with the distuibancea which took place
about the time of Hervd's death. Sonntag ( Theot.
Stud. v. Kritik. 1837, p. 622, tec.) has advanced
this view, and supported it with much learning and
ability. He argues that the Theudas referred to by
Gamaliel is the individual who occurs in Joeeshus
under the name of Simon (B. J. ii. 4, §2 •, Ant.
xrii. 10, §6), a slave of Herod, who attempted to
make himself king, amid the confusion which at-
tended the vacancy of the throne when that monarch
died. He urge* the following reasons for that
opinion : 6rst, this Simon, as he was the roost noted
among those who disturbed the public peace at that
time, would be apt to occur to Gamaliel as an illus-
tration of his point ; secondly, he is described as a
man of the same lofty pretensions (slrni &(u>t
**Awfe*ai rap ' oWirovr = \tyuy tlvat riva cavroV i;
thirdly, he died a violent death, which Joaephus
does not mention as true of the other two insur-
gents ; fourthly, he appears to have had compara-
tive!)- few adherents, in conformity with Luke's
lta*\ Ttrpanoaiitr ; and, lastly, his having been
originally a slave accounts for the twofold appella-
tion, since it was very common among the Jews to
assume a different name on changing their occupa-
tion or mode of life. It is very possible, therefore,
that Gamaliel speaks of him as Theudas, because,
having borne that name so long at Jerusalem, he
was best known by it to the members of the San-
hedrim; and that Joseph u.<, on the contrary, who
wrote for Romans and Greek* sneaks of nirc a*
itinjKa. because it was under ti*t name that he set
THIEVES, THE TWO i«fcy
himself up as kins;, and in that way aoqui; ed ha
foreign notoriety (sec Tacit. Met. v. 9).
There can be no valid objection to either of the
foregoing suppositions: both are reasonable, and
both must be disproved before Luke can be justly
chaiged with having committed an anachronism in
the passage under consideration. So impartial a
witness as Jost, the historian of the Jews (tfe-
schichtt der Ieraeliten, ii. Anh. p. 76), admits the
reasonableness of such combinations, and holds in
this case to the credibility of Luke, as well as that
of Joeephus. The considerate Lardner (Credibility,
vol. i. p. 433), therefore, could wall say here, " In-
deed I am surprised that any learned man should
find it hard to believe that there ware two impostor!
of the name of Theudas in the compass of forty
years." It is hardly necessary to advert to other
modes of explanation. Joaephus was by no means
infallible, as Strauss and critics of his school may
almost be said to take for granted ; and it is possible
certainly (this is the position of some) that Joae-
phus himself may have misplaced the time of
Theudas, instead of Luke, who is charged with that
oversight. Calvin's view that Judas the Galilean
appeared not after but before Theudas (urra
rovror =mmper vel praetered), and that the ex-
amination of the Apostles before the Sanhedrim
occurred in the time of Claudius (contrary to the
manifest chronological order of the Acts), deserves
mention only as a waymark of the progress which
has been made in Biblical exegesis since his time.
Among other writers, in addition to those already
mentioned, who have discussed this question or
touched upon it, are the following: — Wieseler,
C/trmohgie der Apost. Zeitaltere, 138 : Neander,
Oescliichte der Pflantnmg, i. 75, 76; Guerike,
Beitrage zvr EfnUit. me N. Tett. 90; Baum-
garten, Apoetelgeeohio/ite, i. 114; Lightfoot, Hor.
Hebr. ii. 704; Biscoe, Hietory of the Acta, 428;
and Wordsworth's Commentary, ii. 26.
[H. B. H.]
THIEVES, THE TWO. The men who under
this name appear in the history of the crucifixion
were robbers (Xporaf) rather than thieves (kAs-
irraf), belonging to the lawless bands by which
Palestine was at that time and afterwards infested
(Jos. Ant. xvii. 10, §8, xx. 8, §10). Against these
brigands every Roman procurator had to wage con-
tinual war (Jos. B. J. ii. 13, §2). The parable
of the Good Samaritan shows how common it was
for them to attack and plunder travellers even on
the high road from Jerusalem to Jericho (Luke x.
30). It was necessary to UK an armed police to
encounter them (Luke xxii. 52). Often, as in the
case of Barabbas, the wild robber life was connected
with a fanatic xeal for freedom, which tumed the
marauding attack into a popular insurrection (Mark
xv. 7). For crimes such as these the Romans had
but one sentence. Crucifixion was the penalty at
once of the robber and the rebel (Jos. B. J. ii.
13. §2).
Of the previous history of the two who suffered
on Golgotha we know nothing. They had been
tried and condemned, and were waiting their execu-
tion before our Lord was accused. It is probable
enough, as the death of Barabbas was clearly ex-
pected at the same time, that they were among the
avaraautarai who had been imprisoned with aim,
and had taken part in the insurrection in which
teal, and hate, and patriotism, and lust of pluxder
were mingled in wild confusion.
They had expected to die with Jesus bVil fat.
1488 THIEVES, THE TWO
[Coup. Bababbas.] They find inemselves with
one * ho bore the am name, but woo was described
m the superscription on his cross ai Jems of Ksxa-
teth. They could hardly fail to hare heird some-
thing of his fame as a prophet, of his triumphal
entry as a king. They now find him sharing the
same fate as themselves, condemned on much the
same charge (Lake xxui. 5). They too would bear
their crosses to the appointed place, while He fainted
hy the way. Thar garments would be parted
among the soldiers. For them also there would be
the drugged wine, which He refused. to dull the
sharp pain of the first hours on the cross. They
catch at first the prevailing tone of scorn. A king
of the Jews who could neither save himself nor
help them, whose followers had not rren fought
for him (John xviii. 36), was strangely unlike the
many chieftains whom they had prrt«bly known
claiming the asms title (Jos. Ant. xrti. 10, §8j,
strangely unlike the " notable prisoner " for whom
they had not hesitated, it would seem, to incur the
risk of bloodshed. But over one of them there
came a change. The darkness which, at noon, was
beginning to steal over the sky awed him, and the
divine patience and silence and meekness of the
sufferer touched him. He looked back upon his
put life, and saw an infinite evil. He looked to
the man dying on the cross bende him, and saw an
infinite compassion. There indeed was one unlike all
other" kings of the Jews" whom the robber had
ever known. Such an one most be all that He had
claimed to be. To be forgotten by that king seems
to him now the most terrible of all punishments;
to take part in the triumph of His return, the most
blessed of all hopes. The yearning prayer was
answered, not in the letter, but in the spirit. To
him alone, of all the myriads who had listened to
Him, did the Lord speak of Paradise [comp. Para-
dise], waking with that word the thoughts of a
purer past and the hopes of an immediate rest.
But its joy was to be more than that of fair groves
and pleasant streams. "Thou shalt be vithme."
He should be remembered there.
We cannot wonder that a history of such won-
derful interest should at all times have fixed itself
on men's minds, and led them to speculate and ask
questions which we have no data to answer. The
simplest and truest way of looking at it has been
that of those who, from the great Alexandrian
thinker (Origen, in Rom. iii.) to the writer of the
most popular hymn of our own times, have seen in
the " dying thief" the first great typical instance
that " a man is justified by faith without the deeds
of the law." Even those whose thoughts were less
deep snd wide acknowledged that in this and other
like esses the baptism of blood supplied the place
of the outward sign of regeneration (Hilar. De
Trinit. e. x. ; Jerome, Ep. xiii.). The logical spe-
culations of the Pelagian controversT overclouded,
in this as in other instances, the clear judgment
of Augustine. Maintaining the absolute necessity
of baptism to salvation, he had to discuss the ques-
tion whether the penitent thief had been baptised
or not, snd he oscillates, with melancholy indecision,
between the two answers. At times he is disposed
to rest contacted with th; «>lution which had satis-
fied others. Tben again he ventures on the con-
jecture that the water which sprang forth from the
pierced side had sprinkled him, snd so had been a
sufficient baptism. Finally, yielding to the inex-
orable logic of a sacramental theory, he rests in the
assumption that he probably had been Inptisrd
THUUfATHAB
before, either in his prison or before ha easts**! se
his robber-life (comp. De Auimt, i. 11, S- 1-;
Serm, de Imp.' 130 ; Retract, i. 26, iii 18, 5i>
Other conjectures turn more on the or-airs-
stances of the history. BengeL usually scute, fart
overshoots the mark, and rinds m the Lord's wordi
to him, dropping all mention of the Messianic king-
dom, an indication that the penitent thief was s
Gentile, the impenitent a Jew, and that thus tie
scene on Calvary was typical of the position of ti»
two Churches (Gnomon X. T. m Luke xxui.,'. SUr
( Words of the Lord Jena, in loc) reads in the
words of reproof (siM «Wlp si tot Scot the !»■>
guage of one who had all along listened with g.Vf
snd horror to the reviling* of the multitude, ue
burst of sn indignation previously suppressed- The
Apocryphal Gospels, as usual, do their best to lover
the divine history to the level of a legend. Tr.n
follow the repentant robber into the unseen we. »'-.
He is the first to enter Paradise of all mask r •-
Adam and Seth and the patriarchs find him sireait
there bearing his cross. Michael the archangel has'
led him to the gate, and the fiery sword bad tumid
aside to let him pass (Evmg. Nicod. u. lo-
Namcs were given to the two robbers. Drum <r
Dianas was the penitent thief, banging on the
right, Gestas the impenitent on the left (Ewme.
Mood. i. 10; Narrai. Joseph, e. 3). The err of
entreaty is expanded into a long wordy prsvti
(Xarr. Jot. 1. c), and the promise suffers the asm
treatment. The history of the Infancy is math
prophetic of that of the Crucifixion. The boh
family, on their flight to Egypt, come upon a base
of robbers. One of then, Titos (the names sn
different here), has compassion, purchases the sitenct
of his companion, Dutruschus, and tbe infant Christ
prophesies that after thirty years Titus shall at
crucified with him, and shall go before him ink
Paradise (Evmg. Infant, c 23). As in othri
instances [comp. Magi], so in this, tbe fancy of
inventors seems to have been fertile in Manes.
Bene (jCollecton.) giro. Maths aad Joes as there
which prevailed in his time. The name given u>
the Gospel of Kioodemns has, however, kept its
ground, and St. Dismaa takes his place in the
hagiology of the Syrian, the Greek, and the Latin
Churches.
All this is, of course, puerile enough. The
captious objections to the narrative of St. Lose ss
inconsistent with that of St. Matthew and St. Mark.
and the inference drawn from them that both sit
more or less legendary, are hardly less puen.s
(Strauss, Lebn Jan, ii. 519; ^wald, Chritta.
Gesch. v. 438). Tbe obvious answer to this a
that which has been given by Origen (Bom. £>
tn Matt.), Chrysostom (Horn. 88 m Matt.), sod
others (comp. Suicer, s. v. \fvris). Bath bersa
by reviling. One was subsequently touched wok
sympathy and awe. Tbe other explanation, gives
by Cyprian (De Passion* Domini), Augustine (De
Com. Emmg. iii. 16), snd others, which farce)
the statement of St. Matthew and St, Mark into
agreement with that of St. Luke by asuiimiiig •
eynecdoche, or lyllepsii, or enallage, is, ft ■ be-
lieved, far leas satisfactory. The technical word
does but thinly veil the contradiction which this
hypothesis admits but does not explain, f 8. H. P.]
THOIXATHAH (nn»n : eViiiswJu; Ala
Saura : Themnatha), A town in the sliotmral <f
lJnn (Josh. xix. 43 only). It is named bttwn*
Klon snd F-kion. The name it the same as thai «
THI8BB
cite nsidanee of Samson's wife (inaccurately given
in A. V. TlMMAR) ; but the position of that place,
which seems to agree with the modern Xtbiuh
helaw Zartak, is not so suitable, being folly ten
mild from AMr, the representative of Ekron.
Timiah appears to have been almost as common a
name as Gibeah, and it is possible that there may
have been another in the allotment of Dan besides
that represented by IVmeh. [G.]
THIS'BE (Bltrfa, or »Oi»). A name found
only in Tob. i. 2, as that of a city of Naphtali from
whirh Total's anoestor had been carried captive
by the Assyrians. The real interest of the name
resi'les in the fact that it is maintained by some
Alcrpreten (Hitler, Omm. 236, 947 ; Reland, Pal.
1035) to be the place which had the glory of giving
THOMAS
1489
birth to Elijah tub Tishbite. This, homnr,
is, at the best, very questionable, and derives it*
main support from the fact that the word employed
in 1 K. xvii. 1 to denote the relation of Elijah to
Gilead, if pointed as it now stands in the Received
Hebrew Text, signifies that he was not a native of
Gilead but merely a resident then, and came ori-
ginally from a different and foreign district. But it
is also possible to point the word so (hat the sentence
shall mean " from Tishbi of Gilead," in which case
all relation between the great Prophet and Thisbo of
Naphtali at once tails to the ground. [SeeTuBBiTK.]
There is however a truly singular variation in the
texts of the passage in Tobit, a glance at which will
show how hazardous it is to base any definite topo-
graphical conclusions upon it*—
A. V.
Oat of TW.be which
Is at the right hand
of that city which is
sailed properly Neph-
tbali in Galilee above
Aser.* [JCwy- or
Kedesh of Kephthali
in Galilee, Judg. lv.
••]
Baser.
VotOAT*.
Oat of the tribe
and city of Neph-
thali which is In
the upper parts
of Galilee above
Naaseon, behind
the road which
leads to the west,
bavins; on the
left hand the city
of Sephet.
LXX.
Ont of Tblsbe
which la at the
right hand of
KudlOaofNeph-
thalelm in Gali-
lee above Aser.
Rkvxseo Gn
tTncr.
Ont of Thibe which
is at the right hand
of Kodion of Neph-
thaleim in Upper Ga-
lilee above Aaser, be-
hind the setting sun
on the right of Pho-
gor (Peer).
Terns LsTnu.
Oat of the eily of Mali
which is on the right
hand of Kdissa, a city ol
Nephthalim In Upper Ga-
lilee over against Naason,
behind fie road which
leads to the west on the
left of Raphain.
[Another MS. reads Ge-
briel, Cydiaeus, and Ra-
phaim, for BIhil, Kdisae,
and Raphain,]
Assuming that Thisbo, and not Thibe, is the cor-
rect reading of the name, it has been conjectured
;.ipparently for the first time by Keil, Conan. uber
die Ktmge, 247) that it originated in an erroneous
rendering of the Hebrew word '2t7FIQ, which word
in nut occurs in the Hebrew version of the passage,
and may be pointed in two ways, so as to mean either
" from the inhabitants of," or " from Tishbi," i.e.
Thisbe. The reverse suggestion, in respect of the
sane word in 1 K. xvii. 1, has been already alluded
to. [TiaHBlTE.] But this, though very ingenious,
nod quite) within the bounds of possibility, is at
present a mere conjecture, since none of the texts sup-
port it, and there is no other evidence in its favour.
No name resembling Thisbe or Thibe has been
yet encountered in the neighbourhood of Kedet or
Saftd, hut it seems impossible to suppose that the
minute definition of the Latin and Revised Greek
Texts— equalled in the sacred books only by the
well-known description of the position of Shiloh in
Judg. xxi. 19— can be mere invention. [G.]
THISTLE. [Thorns and Thistle*.]
THOM'AB (e»/iai : Thoaua), one of the Apos-
tles. According to Kusebius (H. E. i. 13) his real
inime was Judas. Thia may have been a mere confu-
sion with Thaddaeua, who i* mentioned in the extract.
But it mav also be that Thomas was a surname.
The word KDKJ1, TAoma,» means « a twin ;" and so
it is translated in John xi. 16, xxi. 2, i Sltvpos.
Out of thia name has grown the tradition that he
had a twin-sister, Lydia (Patra Apost. p. 272),
or that be was a twin-brother of our Lord (Thilo,
Acta Thomat, p. 94); which hut, again, would
• In Cant Til. 4, tt Is simply Qgn. exactly oar
• Toss.* The frequency of the name in England Is ds-
ttnd not trass the Apostle, bat Apnea St. Thomas of
CfeMuteq.
VOL. in.
confirm his identification with Judas (comp. Matt.
xili. 55).
He is said to hare been born at Antioch (Patret
Apart, pp. 272, 512).
In the catalogue of (he Apostles he is coupled
with Matthew in Matt. x. 3, Mark iii. 18, Luke
vi. 15, and with Philip in Acts i. 13.
All that we know of him is derived from the
Gospel of St. John ; and this amounts to three traits,
which, however, so exactly agree together, that,
dight as they are, they place his character before ua
with a precision which belongs to no other of the
twelve Apostles, except Peter, John, and Judas
Iscariot. This character Is that of a man, slow to
believe, seeing all the difficulties of a case, subject
to despondency, viewing things on the darker side,
and yet full of ardent love for his Master.
The first trait is his speech when our Lord deter-
mined to face the dangers thntawaited Him in Judaea
on his journey to Bethany. Thomas said to his fellow-
disciples, " Let us also go (koI iuuit) that we may
die with Him" (John xi. 16). He entertained no
hope of His escape— he looked on the journey as
leading to total ruin ; but he determined to share
the peril. " Though He slay me, yet will I trust
in Him."
The second was his speech during the Lost Supper.
" Thomas saith unto Him. Lord, we know not
whither thou goest, and how can we know the way "
(xiv. 5)? It was the prosaic, incredulous doubt at
to moving a step in the unseen future, and yet an
eager inquiry to know how this step was to be taken
The third was after the Resurrection. He wot
absent — possibly by accident, perhaps characteristi-
cally — from the first assembly when Jesus had ap-
peared. The others told him what they had sees.
He broke forth into an exclamation, the terms o!
which convey to ui at once the vehemence of hi!
doubt, and at the tune time the vivid picture thai
60
1490
THOMAS
his mind retained of his Halter's form as he hud
hut seen Him lifeless on the crass. " Except I see
in his hands the print of the nails, and pat my
finger into the print of the nniU, and thrust my
hand into his side, I will not, I cannot, believe "
oi atlf wmrtiea), John xx. 25.
On the eighth day he was with them at their
gathering, perliaps in expectation of a recurrence
of the visit of the previous week ; and Jesus stood
amongst them. He uttered the same salutation,
" Peace be unto you f and then turning to Thomas,
as if this had been the special object of His appearance,
uttered the words which convey as strongly the sense
of condemnation and tender reproof, as those of
Thomas had shown the sense of hesitation and
doubt. " Bring thy finger hither [Soe — as if Him-
self pointing to His wounds] and see my hands ;
and bring thy hand and thrust it in my side ; and
do not become (/rh ylvov) unbelieving (Srwroi),
but believing (wior6s) ." " He answers to the words
that Thomas had spoken to the ears of his fellow-
disciples only ; but it is to the thought of his heart
rather than to the words of his lips that the
Searcher of hearts answers. .... Eye, ear, and
touch, at once appealed to, and at once satisfied —
the form, the look, the voice, the solid and actual
body : and not the senses only, but the mind satis-
fied too ; the knowledge that searches the very reins
and the hearts; the love that loveth to the end,
infinite and sternal " (Arnold's Serm. vi. 238).
The effect * on Thomas is immediate. The con-
viction produced by the removal of his doubt became
deeper and stronger than that of any of the other
Apostles. The woids in which he expressed his
belief contain a far higher assertion of his Master's
divine nature than is contained in any other ex-
pression used by Apostolic lips, "My Lord, and my
God." Some hare supposed that Kvpios refers to
the human, $tit to the divine nature. This is too
artificial. It is more to the point to observe the
exact terms of the sentence, uttered (as it were) in
astonished awe. " It is then my Lord and my
find J" • And the word "my" gives it a personal
application to himself. Additional emphasis is
given to this declaration from its being the last
incident narrate! in the direct narrative of the
Gospel (before the supplement of ch. xxi.), thus
corresponding to the opeuing words of the pro-
logue. " Thus Christ was acknowledged on earth
to be what St. John had in the beginning of his
Gospel declared Him to be from all eternity ; and
the words of Thomas at the end of the 20th chapter
do but repeat the truth which St. John had stated
before in his own words at the beginning of the
first " (Arnold's Serm. vi. 401 ,.
The answer of our Lord sums up the moral of
the whole rarrative: " Because 4 thou hast seen roe,
tl.au hast believed: blessed are they that have
not seen me, and yet have believed " (xx. 29 j.
Ey this incident, therefore, Thomas, " the Doubt-
ing Apostle," is raised at once to the Theologian in
the original sense of the word. " Ab eo dubitatum
est," says Augustine, " ne a nobis dubitaretur."
It is this feature of his character which has been
caught in later ages, when for the first time its
peculiar lesson became apparent. In the famous
» It b oseless to epecokie whether be obeyed our
Lord's Invitation to examine Um wounds. The im-
pression Is that be did noL
• It is obviously or no dogmatic importance whether
the aunts are an address or a description. That they a/i
THORNS AND THISTLES
statue of him by Thorwnldsen m the church at
Copenhagen, he stands, the thoughtful, oeditatire
sceptic, with the rule In his hand fc.- tit due
measuring of evidence and argument. Tier tow
was one of the favourite pasuges of the liaise
theologian who in this century gave m> gieat sr
impulse to the progress of fie* inquiry comboM
with fervent belief, of which Thomas is » reman
able an example. Two discourses on this snbjic
occur in Dr. Arnold's published volumes of Jn
mons (v. 312, vi. 233). Amongst the last word.
which he repeated before his own sadden deals
{Lift and Correspondence, 7th ed. 617; wasut
blessing of Christ on the faith of Thomas.
In the N. T. we hear of Thomas only twice again,
once on the Sea of Galilee with the seven disripK
where he is ranked next after Peter (John xxi. i ,
and again in the assemblage of the Apostles afhs
the Ascension (Acts i. 13).
The close of his life is filled with traditions «
legends ; which, as not resting on Biblical ground*,
may be briefly despatched.
The earlier traditions, as believed in the 4th etc-
tury (Eus. H. E. i. 13, iii. 1 ; Soerat. B. E. i. 19,
represent him as preaching in Parthia or Persa,
and as finally buried at Edessa (Seer. H. E. iv. 18 ■
Chrysostom mentions his grave at Fdessa, as bang
one of the four genuine tombs of Apostles; tbt
other three being Peter, Paul, and John (Bom. *
Heb. 2G). With his burial at Gossan agrees the
story of his sending Thaddaeus to Abgarus wits
our Lord's letter f Eua. H. E. i. 13).
The later traditions carry him further East, ami
ascribe to him the foundation of the Christian Chares
in Malabar, which still goes by the name of "to
Christians of St. Thomas; " and his tomb is ihrnra
in the neighbourhood. This, however, is now usual!;
regarded as arising from a con fusion with a lata
Thomas, a missionary from tlw Nestonans.
His martyrdom (whether in Persia or India', a
said to have been occasioned by a lance; and is
commemorated by the Latin Church oa Dec. 21.
by the Greek Church on Oct. 6. and by the uxtoass
on July 1.
(For these traditions and their authorities, set
Butler's Lines of the SaMe, Dec. 21). An anserj-
phal " Gospel of Thomas " (chiefly relating to tat
Infancy) is published in Tischendorf's Emgttit
ApocnifAa. The Apocryphal " Acts of Thomas" bj
Thilo (Codex Apocrypha). [A. P. S.]
THOMOl teoMot: CoeV). ThajsAHoxTajuh
(1 Esd. v. 32).
THOBNS and THISTLES. There appear
to be eighteen or twenty Hebiew words which pouri
to different kinds of prickly or thorny shrubs, Uu
the context of the passages where the several terms
occur afford*, tor the must part, scarcely a single
clue whereby it is possible to come to anything
like a satisfactory conclusion with regard to thnr
respective identifications. These words are various!;
rendered in the A. V. by "thorns," "briers
" thistles," tic. It were a hopeless task to enter
into a discussion of these numerous Hebrew terms ;
we shall not therefore attempt it, but confine out
remarks to some of the most important names, sul
the latter, appears from the use of the nominative i «iyuv
Tbe form 4 flew proves nothing, as this is used tar Utt
vocative. At ibo same time It should be observed its'
tbe passage is said to CknMt, fine ewry.
• - Tnonua" («*h«) is omitted in the best MBS.
THOBN& AND THISTLES
tnose which teem to afford some slight indication*
as to tht plants they denote.
1. AtAd (1I3K : 4 pafwot : rkcanmu) occurs as
the name of some spinous plant in Jadg. ix. 14, 15,
where the A. V. renders it by " bramble" (Marg.
" thistle "), and in Ps. Iviii. 9 (A. V. " thorns ").
The plant in question is supposed to be Lycium En-
ropaeum, or L. nfrum (Box-tbom), both of which
species occur in Palestine (see Strand, Flor. Palacst.
Nos. 124, 125). Dioscorides (i. 119) thus speaks
of the 'Pifirot : " The Rhamnus, which some call
persephonion, others tetKocant/ui, the Romans White-
thorn, or Cerbalis, and the Carthaginians atadin,
is a shrub which grows around hedges ; it has erect
branches with sharp spines, like the oxyacantha
I Hawthorn ?), but with small, oblong, thick, soft
leaves." Dioscorides mentions three kinds of
rhamnui. two of which are identified by Sprengel,
in bis Commentary, with the two species of Lycium
(mentioned above.* See Belon, Observations de
Pita. Sing. &c, ii. ch. 78; Rauwolff, Irav. B.
Ji. ch. 8 ; Prosper Aloinus, De Plant. Aegypt.
p. 21; Celsius, ffieru. i. p. 199. The Arabic
suae of this plant (JsH, Hid) m identical with
the Hebrew ; but it was also known by the same
of 'AtueJ. ({fw^c
Lyettur. Europaeum is a native of the south of
Km ope and the north of Africa; in the Grecian
islands it is common in hedges (English Cyclop.
» lc Ms nut. fin Herb., however, he refers the p<virot
U !>iJ kiqiflMi vulgaris.
THOBNS AND THISTLES 1491
- Lycium *). See also the passages in Belju and
Rauwolff cited above.
2. Chfdeh (P"in : axayBa, <rhs licrpdyttr .
spina, paintrus) occurs in Prov. xv. 19, "The way
of the slothful is as an hedge of Chtdck (A. V.
4 thorns')," and in Mic. vii. 4, where the A. V. has
" brier." The Alexand. LXX., in the former pas-
sage, interprets the meaning thus, " The ways of
the slothful are strewed with thorns." Celsiur
(ffierob. ii. 35), referring the Heb. term to the
s * -
Arabic Chadak (O«X»0> is of opinion that some
spinous species of the Solanum is intended. The
Arabic term clearly denotes some kind of Solanum ;
either the S. melongela, var. esculentum, or the
S. Sodomeum ("apple of Sodom"). Both these
kinds are beset with prickles ; it is hardly probable,
however, that they are intended by the Heb. word
Several varieties of the Egg-plant are found in
Palestine, and some have supposed that the famed
Dead Sea apples are the fruit of the 8. Sodomeum
when suffering from the attacks of some insect;
but see on this subject Vikb of Sodom. The
Heb. term may be generic, and intended to denote
any thorny plant suitable for hedges.
3. CSWocA(rrtf1: hear, tucorta, i«x« ix, Kvltv :
paliurus, lappa, spina, tribulus), a word of very
uncertain meaning which occurs in the sense of
some thorny plant in Is. xxxiv. 13, Hos. ix. 6,
Prov. xxvi. 9, Cant. ii. 2,2 K. xlv. 9, " the chtach
of Lebanon sent to the cedar of Lebanon," ic. See
also Job xxxi. 40 : - Let chiach (A. V. • thistles ')
grow instead of wheat." Celsius (ffierob. i. p.
477) believes the black-thorn (Primus sylvestris)
is denoted, but this would not suit the passage
in Job just quoted, from which it is probable that
some thorny weed of a quick growth is intended.
Perhaps the term is used in a wide sense to signify
any thorny plant ; this opinion may, perhaps,
receive some slight confirmation from the various
renderings of the Hebrew word as given by the
LXX. and Vulgate.
4. Dardar (tTft : rolfioKot : tribulus) is men-
tioned twice in connexion with the Heb. kits (*f^p),
viz. in Gen. iii. 18, " thorns and thistles" (A. V.),
and in Hos. x. 8, " the thorn and the thistle shall
come up on their altars." The Greek Tpl&oKot
occurs in Matt. vii. 16, " Do men gather tigs of
thistles ?" See also Heb. vi. 8, where it is rendered
"briers" by the A. V. There is some difference
of opinion as to the plant or plants indicated by
the Greek rpl$o\os and the Latin tribulus. Of
the two kinds of land tribuli mentioned by the
Greeks (Dioscorides, iv. 15; Theophrastiis, Hist.
Plant, vi. 7, §5), one is supposed by Sprengel.
Stackhouse, Roylc, and others, to refer to the
Tribulus terrettris, Linn., the other to the Fagonia
Cretica; but see Schneider's Comment, on Theo-
phrastus /. c, and Du Molin (Flore Poitique
Ancienne, p. 305), who identities the tribulus of
Virgil with the Centetnna caUsitrapa, Linn,
("star -thistle"). Celsius (ffierob. ii. p. 128)
argues in favour of the Fagonia Arabica, of which
a figure is given in Shaw's Travels (Cats). Plant.
No. 229) ; see also Forekll, Flor. Arab. p. 88. It
is probable that eitner the Tribulus terrestris,
which, however, is not a spiny or thorny plant, but
has spines on the fruit, or else the C. oalctirapa, U
the ptant which is more particularly inteoAd bj
the word dardar.
scs
1192 THORNS AND THISTLES
THRAC1A
5. Shwntr p'DC), almost always found in con-
nexion with the word thatth ( Tl^P) , occurs in several
places of the Hebrew text ; it is variously rendered
by the LXX, xtpo-or, x<(»toj, Stflpu, typmrm,
ivpi- According to Abu'lfadl, cited by Celsius
(Hierob. ii. 188), " the Samur (%♦*») of the Arabs
is a thorny tree ; it is a species of Sidra which does
not produce fruit." No thorny plants are more
conspicuous in Palestine and the Bible Lands than
different kinds of Khamnaccae such as Paliunu
acufcorus (Christ's Thorn), and Zizyphu Spina
Christi; this latter plant is the nebk of the Arabs,
which grows abundantly in Syria and Palestine,
both in wet and dry places ; Dr. Hooker noticed a
specimen nearly 40 ft. high, spreading as widely as
a good Querent ilex in England. The nebk fringes
die banks of the Jordan, and flourishes on the
marshy banks of the Lake of Tiberias ; it forms
either a shrub or a tree, and, indeed, is quite com-
mon all over the country. The Arabs have the
terms Salam, Sidra, Dhii, Nabca, which appear to
denote either varieties or different species a(Paliurua
and Zizyphut, or different states perhaps of the same
tree ; but it is a difficult matter to assign to each its
particular signification. The Nailttt* QfVtSl) of
Is. ril. 19, It. 13, probably denotes some species of
Zizyphus. The " crown of thorns " which was
put in derision upon our Lord's head Just before
his crucifixion, was probably composed of the thorny
twigs of the nebk (Zizyphut Spina Chrieti) men-
tioned above ; being common everywhere, they
»iild readily be procured. "This plant," says
Hasselquist (Trwo. p. 288), "was very suitable
for the purpose, as it has many sharp thorns, and
its flexible, pliant, and round branches might easily
be plaited in the form of a crown ; and what, in
my opinion, seems to be the greatest proof is, that
the leaves much resemble those of ivy, as they are
a very deep green,* Perhaps the enemies of Christ
would have a plant somewhat resembling that with
which emperors and generals were used to be
crowned, that there might be calumny even in the
punishment." Still, as Rosenmflller (Bib. Bet.
p. 201) remarks, " there being so many kinds of
U.nmy plants in Palestine, all conjectures must
* HvsoMrasst most have Intended to restrict the sunt*
larlty here spoken ot enliselv to the eoleur of Uie leaves.
remain uncertain, and can never lead to any sat!*
factory result." Although it is not possible to til
upon any one definite Hebrew word as the repre-
sentative of any kind of " thistle," yet there can bt
no doubt this plant must be occasionally alluded to.
Hasselquist ( TKic. p. 280) noticed six species of
Cardui and Cntci on the road between Jerusalem
and Rama; and Miss Beaufort speaks of ghni
thistles of the height of a man on horseback, which
she saw near the ruins of Fellhim (Egyptian Sep.
and Syrian Shrines, ii. 45, 50). We must she
notice another thorny plant and very troublesome
weed, the rest-harrow (ftionii spinom), which
covers entire fields and plains both in Egypt an)
Palestine, and which, as Hasselquist says (p. 289;,
is no doubt referred to in some parts of the Holy
Scripture.
Dr. Thomson (The Land and the Book, p. 59)
illustrates Is*, xxxiii. 12, " the people shall be as
the burning of lime, as thorns cut up shall they be
burned in the fire," ' y the following observation,
" Those people yonder are cutting up thorns with
their mattocks and pruning-hooks, and gathering
them into bundles to be burned in these burnings
of lime. It is a curious fidelity to real life that
when the thorns are merely to be destroyed, they
are never cut up, but set on fire where they grow.
They are cut up only for the lime-kiln," See also
p. 342 for other Scriptural allusions. [W. H.]
THRA'OTA (Bpwcla, $). A Thradan horsenuui
is incidentally mentioned in 2 Msec. rii. 35, appa-
rently one of the bodyguard of Gorgias, governor of
Idumaea under Antiochus Epiphanes. Thrace at
this period included the whole of the country within
the boundary of the Strymon, the Danube, and the
coasts of the Aegean, Propoutis, and Etudne — ell
the region, in fact, now comprehended in Bulgaria
and Roumelia. In the early times it was inhabited
by a number of tribes, each under its own chief,
having a name of its own and preserving its ova
customs, although the same general chuacter of
ferocity and addiction to plunder prevailed through-
out. Thucydides describes the limits of the country
at the period of the Peloponnesian war, when Stalco
king of the Odrysae, who inhabited the valley :!
the Hebrus (Maritta), had acquired a predominant
fur the plants *■ rot In the slightest degree issessMe rad
ether In tbe/crm of the leaves.
THBASKAt?
•owar in tha country, and derired what w«t tat
those days a targe revenue from It. This revenue,
howevar, aeema to hare arisen mainly oat of his
relations with the Greek trading communities esta-
blished on 'liferent points of his seaboard. Some of
the dans, even within the limits of his dominion,
still retained their independence ; bnt after the esta-
blishment of a Macedonian dynasty under Lysima-
chua, the central authority became more powerful ;
and the wars on a large scale which followed the
death of Alexander furnished employment for tha
martial tendencies of the Thracians, who found a
demand for their services as mercenaries every-
where. Cavalry was the arm which they chiefly
furnished, the rich pastures of Roumelia abounding
in horses, from that region came tha greater part
of Sitaloes's cavalry, amounting to nearly 50,000.
The only other passage, if any, containing an
allusion to Thrace, to be found in the Bible, is Gen.
x. 2, where — on the hypothesis that the sons of
Japhet, who are enumerated, may be regarded as
the eponymous representatives of different branches
of the Japetian family of nations — Tirol has by
some been supposed to mean Thrace ; bnt the only
ground for thia identification is a fancied similarity
between the two names. A stronger likeness, how-
ever, might be urged between the name Tiras and that
of the Tyrsi or Tyrseni, the ancestors of the Italian
Etruscans, whom, on the strength of a local tradi-
tion, Herodotus places in Lydia in the ante-historical
times. Strabo brings forward several facts to show
that, in the early ages, Thracians existed on the
Asiatic as well us the European shore ; but this cir-
cumstance furnishes very little help towards the
identification referred to. (Herodotus, i. 94, v. 3,
teqq. j Thucydides, U. 97 ; Tacitus, Arrnal. iv. 35 ;
Horat. Sat. i. 0.) [J. W. B.]
THBASB'AS (Bpaacuos; Thanaeaf). Father
of ApoUoniua (1). 3 Mace. Hi. 5. [APOLLOMIDS.]
THREE TAYEBNS (Tom Tafitpral: Tree
Tabernae'),* station on the Appian Road, along which
St. Paul travelled from Puteoli to Rome (Acts xxviii.
1 5). The distances, reckoning southwards from Rome,
are given as follows in the Antonine Itinerary, " to
A rids, 16 miles; to Three Taverns, 17 miles; to
Appli Forum, 10 miles ;" and, comparing this with
what is observed still along the line of road, we
hare no difficulty in coming to the conclusion that
"Three Taverns " was near the modern Cisterna.
For details see the Did. of Greek and Bom. Qeog.
if. 1226o,12»lo.
Just at this point a road came in from Antium
on the coast. This we l<arn from what Cicero says
of a journey from that place to his villa at Formiae
<Att. ii. 12). There is no doubt that " Three Ta-
verns " was a frequent meeting-place of travellers.
The point of interest as regards St. Paul is that he
Bet here a group of Christians who (like a previous
group whom he had mr »t Appii Fobcm) came
from Rome to meet him in consequence of having
hati of his arrival at Puteoli. A good illustra-
tion of this kind of intercourse along the Appian
Way is supplied by Josephus {Ant. xvii. 12, §1) in
bis account of the journey of the pretender Herod-
Alexander. He landed at Puteoli (Dicaearchia) to
gain over the Jews that were there ; and " when
the report went about him that he was coming to
Rome, the whole multitude ot the Jews that were
there went out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine
Vrovideace thit he had so unexpectedly escaped."
rj.SH.]
THBONE
MS'S
THBE8HING. [Aoricultdub, i. p. 31.]
THRESHOLD. 1. [sea Gate]. 8. Of the
two words so rendered in A. V., one, mrpA/Wn •
seems to mean sometimes, as the Targum explains
it, a projecting beam or corbel, at a higher point
than the threshold properly so called (En. ix. 3,
x. 4, 18).
THRESHOLDS, THE ('B^ttll : e> vf
awayaye'w: veitibula). This word, Ua~Atafpi,
appears to be inaccurately rendered in Neh. xii. 25,
though its real force has perhaps not yet been
discovered. The "house of the Asuppim" (TVS
D'BPttn),or simply " the Asuppim," is mentioned
in 1 Chr. xxvi. 15, 17, as a part, probably a gate, of
the enclosure of the " House of Jehovah," »'. e. the
Tabernacle, as established by David — apparently at
its S.W. corner. The allusion in Neh. xii. 25 b
undoubtedly to the same place, as is shown not
only by the identity of the name, but by the refer-
ence to David (ver. 24 ; compare 1 Chr. xxr. 1).
Asuppim is derired from a root signifying "to
gather " (Gesenius, The*. 131), and in the absence
of any indication of what the " house of the Asnp-
pim was, it is variously explained by the lexico-
graphers as a storechamber (Gesenius) or a place of
assembly (Furst, Bertheau). The LXX. in 1 Chr.
xxvi. have ottos 'Lacptir : Vulg. donua tentorium
concilium. On the other hand the Targum renders
the word by CftXP, " a lintel," as if deriving it from
tJD. [G.]
THBONE (KBS). The Hebrew term cfeaf
applies to any elevated seat occupied by a person in
authority, whether a high-priest (1 Sam. 1. 9), a
judge (Ps. cixii. 5), or a military chief ( Jer. i. 15);
The use of a chair in a country where the usual
postures were squatting and reclining, was at all
times regarded as a symbol of dignity (2 K. iv.
10 ; Prov. ix. 14). In order to specify a throne in
our sense of the term, it was necessary to add te
cuW the notion of royalty : hence the frequent oc-
currence of such expressions as " the throne of the
kingdom " (Deut. xvii. 18 ; 1 K. i. 46 ; 2 Chr. vii
18). The characteristic feature in the royal throne
was its elevation : Solomon's throne was approached
by six steps (1 K. x. 19 ; 2 Chr. ix. 18) ; and Je-
hovah's throne is described as " high and lifted up"
(Is. vi. 1). The materials and workmanship were
costly: that of Solomon if described as a "throna
ot ivory" (•'.#. Inlaid with ivory), and overlaid
with pure gold in all parts except where the ivory
was apparent. It was furnished with arms ot
" stays, after the manner of the Assyrian chair
of state depicted on the next page. The steps
were also lined with pairs of lions, the number
of them being perhaps designed to correspond
with that of the tribes of Israel. As to the
form of the chair, we are only informed in 1 K.
x. 19 that "the top was round behind" (appa-
rently meaning either that the back was rounded
off at the top, or that there was a circular canopy
over it) : in lieu of this particular ws are told in
2 Chr. ix. 18 that •' there was a footstool cf gold,
fastened to the throne," but the verbal agreement
of the descriptions in other respects leads to the pre-
sumption that this variation arista out of a cor-
rupted text (Theuiut, Comm. in 1 K. I. «.), >
presumption which is favoured by the fact that tha
• JHBD ; al«pu>», Kates, (see Of* UUl
1404
THUMMM
terms BOS »nd the Hophai form D'»nKO occur
nowhere else. The king sat on hii throne on state
occasions, as when granting audiences (1 K. ii. 19,
xxii. 10; Esth. T. 1), receiving homage (2 K.
ii. 19), or administering justice (Prov. xx. 8).
Aatynan throne or chair of auto (Laymrd, J fl m w fc, H. 801).
At such times he appeared in his royal robes (IK.
xxii. 10; Jon. iii. 6; Acts xii. 21). The throne
was the symbol of supreme power and dignity (Oen.
xli. 40), and hence was attributed to Jehovah both
:n respect to his heavenly abode (Pi. xi. 4, ciii.
19 ; Is. lxvi. 1 ; Acts vii. 49 ; Kev. if. 2), or to his
earthly abode at Jerusalem (Jer. iii. 17), and more
particularly in the Temple (Jer. xvii. 12 ; Ex. xliii.
7). Similarly, " to sit upon the throne," implied
the exercise of regal power (Deut. xvii. 18 ; 1 K.
XTi. 11 ; 2 K. x. 30 ; Esth. i. 2), and '• to sit upon
the throne of another person," succession to the
royal dignity (1 K. i. 13). In Nehemiah iii. 7, the
term cut4 is applied to the official residence of the
governor, which appears to have been either on cr
near to the city wall. [W. I.. B.]
THTJMMIM. [Unix and Tumumi.]
THUNDER (BJH). In a physical point of
view, the most noticeable feature in connexion with
thunder is the extreme rarity of its occurrence during
the summer months in Palestine and the adjacent
countries. From the middle of April to the middle
of September it is hardly ever heard. Robinson,
indeed, mentions an instance of thunder in the early
part of May {Kttearcka, i. 430), and Russell in
'uly (Aleppo, ii. 289), but in each case it is stated
«o be a most unusual event. Hence it was selected
by Samuel as a striking expression of the Divine
lispleasure towards the Israelites :— " Is it not wheat
harvest to-day? 1 will call upon the Lord, and he
shall send thunder and rain ' (1 Sam. xii. 17).
Rain in harvest was deemed as extraordinary as
snow in summer (Prov. xxvi. 1 ), and Jerome asserts
that he had never witnessed it in the latter part of
June, or in July (C&nm. on Am. iv. 7): the same
observations apply equally to thunder, which is
rarely unaccompanied with lain (Russell, i. 72, ii.
285). In the imaginative philosophy of the He-
brews, thunder was regarded as the voice of Jehovah
(Job xxxvii. 2, 4, 5, xl. 9; P». xviii. 13, xxix.
3-3; U. xxx. 30, 31), who dwelt behind the
THYATI1U
thunder-cloud (Ps. Ixixi. 7). Hence thornier ■
occasionally described in the Hebrew by the Ura
"voices" (Ex. ix. 23, 28; 1 Sam. xh. 17).
Hence the people in the Gospel supposed thsi
the voice of the Lord was the sound «4' thuoia
(John xii. 29). Thunder was, 10 the mind ft
the Jew, the symbol of Divine power (I's. nil.
3, lie), and vengeance (1 Sam. ii. 10; 2 bsm.
xxii. 14; Ps. lxxrii. 18; Is. xxix. 6; Bev. viii.
5). It was either the sign or the instrument at
His wrath on numerous occasions, as during uw
plague of bail in Egypt ( Ex. ix. 23, 28), at toe pro-
mulgation of the Law (Ex. xix. 16), at the discom-
titure of the Philistines ( 1 Sam. vii. 10), and win
the Israelites demanded a king (1 Sam. iii. IT).
The term thunder was transferred to the war-shout
of a military leader (Job xxxix. 25), and hence Je-
hovah is described as "causing His voice U> be
heard" in the battle (Is. xxx. 30). It is also ussi
as a superlative expression in Job xxvi. 14, when
the " thunder of his power " is contrasted with the
" little portion," or rather the gentle tcAupsr that
can be heard. In Job xxxix. 19, " thunder "iii
mistranslation for " a flowing mane." [W. L. B.]
THYATI'BA (ewf-r.ioo, t«: cwitat Tkyati-
renonan). A city on the Lycos, founded by Seleucus
Nicator. It was one of the many Macedonian colonies
established in Asia Minor,in the sequel of the destruc-
tion of the Persian empire by Alexander. It lay to
the left of the road from Pergamus to Sardis. on
the southern incline of the watershed which sept-
rates the valley of the Caicus ( Bakyrtckti) from
that of the Hermuc, en the very confines of Metis
and Ionia, so as to be sometimes reckoned within
the one, and sometimes within the other. In
earlier times it had borne the names of Pelopia,
Semiramis, and Euhippia. At the commencement
of the Christian era, the Macedonian element »
preponderated as to give a distinctive character U
the population ; and Strain simply calls it a Mace-
donian colony. The original inhabitants had pro-
bably been distributed in hamlets round about,
when Thyatira was founded. Two of these, tot
inhabitants of which are termed Amu and Sagdmi,
are noticed in an inscription of the Roman time*.
The resources of the neighbouring region may re
inferred both from the name Euhippia and from
the magnitude of the booty which was carried on
in a foray conducted jointly by Eumenes of Per-
gamus and a force detached by the Roman admiral
from Canae, during the war against Antiochns.
During the campaign of B.O. 190, Thyatira formed
the base of the kings operations ; and after his de-
feat, which took place only a few miles to the south
of the city, it submitted, at the same tame with its
neighbour Magnesia-on-Sipylus, to the Romans, sti
was included in the territory made over by them ts
their ally the Pergameue sovereign.
During the continuance of the Attalic dynasty,
Thyatira scarcely appears in history ; and of the
various inscriptions which have been found on the
site, now called Ak Hiuar, not one unequivocally
belongs to earlier times than those of the Roman
empire. The prosperity of the city seems to have
received a new impulse under Vespasian, whose
acquaintance with the East, previously to mount eg
the imperial throne, may have directed his attention
to the development of the resources of the Asiatic
cities. A bilingual inscription, in Greek and Latin,
belonging to the latter peat of his reign, shows hue
to hare restored the roods in the domain of Tliya-
tira. Krcta others, between this time inrt tiwu
THYATJERA
es? Cbracalkt, there ■ evidence of the erlstenre of
aeaay corporate gu.lds in the city. Bakers, potter*,
taoaers, weavers, robemakers, and dyers (el 0a(piii\
are (socially mentioned Of these last there is a
notice in no less than three inscriptions, so that
dyeing apparently formed an important part of the
industrial activity of Thyatira, as it did of that ot
Coloasae and Laodicaea. With this guild there can
be no donbt that Lydia, the seller of purple stuffs
(*ofx^up<f™»\ii), from whom St. Paul met with so
favourable a reception at Philippi (Acta xvi. 14),
was connected.
The principal deity of the city was Apollo, wor-
shipped as the sun-god under the surname Tyrimnas.
H'> was no doubt introduced by the Macedonian
colonists, for the name is Macedonian. One of the
three mythical kings of Macedonia, whom the ge-
nealogists placed helm* Perdiccss — the first of the
Temenidae that Herodotus and Thucydides recognize
—is so called ; the other two being Caranus and
Coenm, manifestly impersonations of the chief aud
the trib*. The inscriptions of Thyatira give Tyrimnas
the titles of wpsVoAu and wpowdrup Stis ; and a
special priesthood was Attached to his service. A
priestess of Artemis is also mentioned, probably the
administratrix of a cult derived from the earlier
times of the city, and similar in its nature to that
ef the Kphesian Artemis. Another superstition,
of an extremely curious nature, which existed at
Thyatira, seems to have been brought thither by
scene of the corrupted Jews of the dispersed tribes.
A fane stood outside the walls, dedicated to Sam-
batha — the name of the sibyl who is sometimes
called Chaldaean, sometimes Jewish, sometimes
Persian — in the midst of an enclosure designated
" the Chaldaeau's court" (rev XoAoWov rtpl-
0aAor). This seems to lend an illustration to the
obscure passage in Rev. it. 20, 21, which Grotius
interprets of the wife of the bishop. The drawback
against the commendation bestowed upon the angel
cf the Thyatiran Church is that he tolerates " that
woman, that Jezebel, who, professing herself to be
a prophetess, teaches and deludes my servnnts into
committing fornication and eating things offered to
idols." Time, however, is given her to repent;
anil this seems to imply a form of religion which
bad become condemnable from the admixture of
foreign alloy, rather than one idolatrous ab initio.
Now there is evidence to show that in Thyatira
there was a great amalgamation of races. Latin
inscriptions are frequent, indicating a considerable
influx of Italian immigrants ; and in some Greek
inscriptions many Latin words are introduced.
Latin and Greek names, too, are found accumulated
on ths same individuals,— such as Titus Antonius
Alfenna Arignotus, and Julia Severina Stratonick*.
Uut amalgamation of different races, in pagan na-
tions, always went together with a syncretism of
different religions, every relation of life having its
religious sanction. If the sib/1 Sambatha was really
A Jewess, lending bar aid to this proceeding, and
Dot discountenanced by the authorities of the Judaeo-
Christian Church at Thyatira, both the censure and
its qualification become easy of explanation.
It seems also not improbable that the imagery of
the description in Rev. ii. 1 8, i tx»* vofci oeXlaApoiit
snVrev «* 9X0701 wvser, vol ol Td*5cr abrov 8/10101
XaXmokt&ii'if, may have been suggested by the
current pagau representations of the tutelary deity of
Uwcity. See a parallel case at Smyrna. [SMYRNA.]
Besides the cults which have been mentioned,
there U evidence of a deification c; Home, of Ha-
THYINE WOOD
U»5
hun, and of the imperial family. Gaines w»s
celebrated in honour of Tyrimnas, of Hercules, and
of the reigning emperor. On the coins before ths
imperial times, the hauls of Bacchus, of Athene),
and of Cybele, are also found : but the* inscriptions
only indicate a cult of the last of these.
(Strabo, xiii. c. 4 ; Pliny, N. H. v. 31 ; Lir.
xxxvii. 8, 21, 44; Poly bi us, xvi. 1, xxxiL 25;
Stephanos Byzant. sub v. Ouirupa ; Boeckh, /n>
script. Grate. Thi/atir., especially Nos. 3184-3499 ;
Suidas, v. 3ouJ940n ; Aelian, Var. Hist. xii. 39 ,
Clinton, F. H. ii. 221 ; Hoffmann, GriecherdoMt,
ii. 1714.) [J. W. B.]
THYINE WOOD ({faor eiivar: Sgnm
thyinum) occurs once only, vis, in Rev. xviii. 12,
where the margin has " sweet" (wood). It is men*
tioned as one of the valuable articles of commerce
that should be found no more in Babylon (Rome),
whose fall is here predicted by St. John. There can
be little doubt that the wood here spoken of is that
of the Thuya articulata, DesfonU. the Cattitrb quad-
rioattii of present botanists. This tree was much
prized by the ancient Greeks and Romans, on account
of the beauty of its wood for various ornamental
purposes. It is the ttafa of Theophrastas {Hist.
Phut. Hi. 4, §§2, 6) ; the tHror (iXor of Dios-
eorides (I. 21). By the Romans the tree was called
citrus, the wood eitrum. It is a native of Barbery,
and grows to the height of 15 to 25 feet. Pliny
UV. H. xiil. 15) says that the citnu is found nbun-
dantly in Mauretania. He speaks of a mania amnngst
his countrymen for tables made of its wood ; siri
tells us that when the Roman ladies were upbraide!
by their husbands for their extravagance in pearls,
they retorted upon them their excessive fondness for
tables made of this wood. Fabulous prices were
given for tables and other ornamental furniture
made of citrus wood (see Pliny, /. 0.). The
Greek and Roman writers frequently allude to
this wood. See a number of references in Cel-
sius, Hierob. ii. 25. The roof of the mosque at
1496
TIBERIAS
Cordova, built in the 9th cent., is of " thyine wood "
(Loudon's Arboret-m, iv. 2463). Lady Calicott
■ays the wood if dark nut-brown, oh-** gTained, and
very fragrant.* The resin known by the name of
Soidarach is (he produce of this tree, which belongs
to the cypress tribe (Cuprtmntat), of the nat. order
Omftrae. fW. H.]
TIBE'BIAS CTifitptis: Ttberiv), a city in
the time of Christ, tra the Sea of Galilee ; first men-
tioned in the New Testament (John vi. 1, 23, xxi.
1), and then by Josephus (Ant. xviii., Bel. Jvd.
ii. 8, §1), who states that it was built by Herod
Antipas, and was named by him in honour of the
emperor Tiberius. It was probably a new town,
ana not a restored or enlarged one merely; for
"Kakkath" (Josh. xix. 35), which is said in the
Talmud to have occupied the same position, lay in
the tribe of Naphtnli ijf we insist on the boundaries
as indicated by the clearest passages), whereas
Tiberias appears to have been within the limits
of Zebulun (Matt iv. 13). See Winer, Seahe. ii.
p. 619. The same remark may be made respect-
ing Jerome's statement, that Tiberias succeeded to
the place of the earlier Chinnereth {OnomastKon,
sub voce) ; for this latter town, as may be argued
from the name itself, must have been further north
than the site of Tiberias. The tenacity with which
its Soman name has adhered to the spot (see infra)
indicates the same fact; for, generally speaking,
foreign names in the East applied to towns pre-
viously known under names derived from the native
dialect, as e. g. Epiphania for Hammath (Josh. xix.
35), Palmyra for Tadmor (2 Chr. viii. 4), Ptole-
mais for Akko (Acts xxi. 7), lost their foothold as
soon as the foreign power passed away which had
imposed them, and gave place again to the original
appellations. Tiberias was the capital of Galilee
from the time of its origin until the reign of Herod
Agrippa II., who changed the sent of power back
again to Sepphoris, where it had been before the
founding of the new city. Many of the inhabitants
were Greeks and Romans, and foreign customs pre-
vailed there to such an extent as to give offence to
the stricter Jews [Herodians], Herod, the founder
of Tiberias, had passed most of his early life in
Italy, and had brought with him thence a taste for
the amusements and magnificent buildings, with
which he had been familiar in that country. He
built a stadium there, like that in which the Roman
youth trained themselves for feats of rivalry and
war. He erected a palace, which he adorned with
figures of animals, " contrary," as Josephus says
(Yit. §12, 13, 64), "to the law of our country-
men." The place was so much the less attractive
to the Jews, because, as the same authority states
{Ant. xviii. 2, §3), it stood on the site of an ancient
Xirial-ground, and was viewed, therefore, by the
more scrupulous among them almost as a polluted
and forbidden locality. Coins of the city of Tiberias
are still extant, which are referred to the times of
Tiberias, Trojan, and Hadrian.
The ancient name has survived is that of the
modern TibarUk, which occupies unquestionably the
orieinal site, except that it is confined to narrower
limits than those of the original city. Near Tuba-
rt$h, about a mile further south along the shore
are the celebrated warm baths, whidi the Roman
aaturalists (Plin. Hat. Hat. r. 15) reckoned among
» "It Is hlfhlv balsamic and odorirervTi, the resin, no
aouK:, sOTTenUnx lie ravages of mate's is well as the
nflottr* of the air " (Loudon's Art. I c .
TTBERIA8
the greatest known curiosities of the world. [Hi*
MATH.] The intermediate space between tkt*
baths and the town abounds with the traces of rate*,
such as tee foundations of walla, heaps <sf ska*,
blocks of granite, and the like: and it cannot at
doubted, therefore, mat the ancient Tiberias acca-
pied also this ground, and was much more ntensm
than its modern successor. From aoch mdicatisea,
and from the explicit testimony of Josephus, *ec
says {Ant. xviii. 2, |3) that Tiberias m near
Ammaus ('Ap/tooes), or the Warm Baths, there on
be no uncertainty respecting the identification of tot
site of this important city. It stood anciently si
now, on the western shore, about two-thirds of thr
way between the northern and southern end of tie
Sea of Galilee. There is a margin or strip of hasi
there between the water and the steep hills fwhioi
elsewhere in that quarter come down so boldly ts
the edge of the lake), about two miles long and a
quarter of a mile broad. The tract in question a
somewhat undulating, but approximates to the cha-
racter of a plain. TVbarteh, the modem town,
occupies the northern end of this parallelogram, etd
the Warm Baths the southern extremity ; so that
the more extended city of the Roman age must bate
covered all, or nearly all of the peculiar grouad
whose limits are thus clearly defined. (See Ro-
binson's Bib. Ra., ii. 380 ; and Porter's Hani-
book, ii. 421.) The present Hbartoh has •rect-
angular form, is guarded by a strong wall en the
land side, but is left entirely open towards the mm.
A few palm-trees still remain as w itnes s es of the
luxuriant vegetation which once adorned this
garden of the Promised Land, but they ore gnetiy
inferior in size and beauty to those seen in Egypt,
The oleander grows here profusely, almost rivalling
that flower so much admired as found oa the
neighbouring Plain of Gennesaret. The people, as
of old, draw their subsistence in put from the
adjacent lake. The spectator from his posmm
here commands a view of almost the entire expos*
of the sea, except the southern part, which is cut
off by a slight projection of the coast. The proa-
pices on the opposite side appear almost to overhang
the water, but on being approached are found ta
stand bock at some distance, so as to allow travelled
to pass between them and the water. The lofty
Hermou, the modern Jebei-ak-Shmkh. with its
glistening snow-heaps, forms a conspicuous object
of the landscape in the north-east. Many rock-
tombs exist In the sides of the hills, behind the
town, some of them no doubt of great antiquity,
and constructed in the best style of such meoo-
menta. The climate here in the warm season is
very hot and unhealthy ; but most of the txopiul
fruits, as in other ports of the valley of the Jordan,
become ripe very early, and, with industry, might
be cultivated in great abundance and perfection.
The article on Genhesaret [vol. i. p. 675]
should be read in this connexion, since it b the rels-
tion of Tiberias to the surrounding region and the
lake, which gave to it its chief importance in lb*
first Christian age. The place is four and a Mi
hours from Nazareth, one hour from Mejdei, fea-
sibly the ancient Magdala, and thirteen hours, by the
shortest route, from Bani&s or Caesarea Philippi.
It is remarkable that the Gospels givr -?. no in-
formation, that the Saviour, who spent so much tt
his public life in Galilee, ever visited Tiberias. Th>
surer meaning of the expression, ** Me went aval
beyond the sen of Galilee of Tiberias" in John vi. I
(wtW ri)j ffoAdWqs rift TakiKmim rsjt TiB>
TIBERIAS
staoet), is not that Jwrai eubarked from Tiberias,
bat, as Meyer i marks, that He crowd from the
west ride of thj GaliUan sea of Tiberias to the
apposite aide. A reason has been assigned for this
singular feet, which may or may not aoooont for it.
As Herod, the murderer of John the Baptist, resided
most of the time in this city, the Saviour may have
kept purposely away from it, on account of the
sanguinary and artful (Luke xiii. 32) character of
that ruler. It is certain, from Luke xiiii. 8, that
though Herod had heard of the feme of Christ, he
never saw Him in person until they met at Jeru-
salem, and never witnessed any of his miracles. It
is possible that the character of the place, so much
like that of a Roman colony, may have been a
reason why He who was sent to the lost sheep of
the house of Israel, performed so little labour in Its
vicinity. The head of the lake, and especially the
Plain of Gennesai et, where the population was more
dense and so thoroughly Jewish, formed the central
point of his Galilean ministry. The feast of Herod
and his courtiers, before whom the daughter of
Herodias danced, and in fulfilment of the tetrarch's
rash oath demanded the head of the dauntless re-
former, was held in all probability at Tiberias, the
capital of the province. If, as Jo»ephus mentions
(Ant. xviii. 5, §2), the Baptist was imprisoned
at the time in the castle of Machnerus beyond
the Jordan, the order tor his execution could have
been sent thither, and the bloody trophy forwarded
to the implacable Herodias at the palace where she
usually reaided. Gams {Johanna der Taufer m
Gefangniss, p. 47, Ik.) suggests that John, instead
of being kept all the time in the same castle, may
have been confined in different places, at different
times. The three passages already referred to are
the only ones in the New Testament which men-
tion Tiberias by name, viz. John vi. 1, and xxi. 1
(in both instances designating the lake on which
the town was situated), and John vi. 23, where
boats are said to have come from Tiberias near to
the place at which Jesus had supplied miraculously
the wants of the multitude. Thus the lake in
the time of Christ, among its other appellations,
bora also that of the principal city in the neigh-
bourhood ; and in like manner, at the present day,
Bohr Jaoorls*, " Sea of T&barleh," is almost the
only name under which it is known among the inha-
bitants of the country.
Tiberias has an interesting history, apart from its
atrictly Biblical associations. It bora a conspicuous
part in the wars b e t ween the Jews and the Komans.
The Sanhedrim, subsequently to the fell of Jeru-
salem, after a temporary sojourn st Jamnia and
Sepphoris, became fixed there about the middle of
the 2nd century. Celebrated schooVs of Jewish
laming nourished there through a succession of
several centuries. The Mishna waa compiled at
this place by the great Rabbi Judoh Hakkodesh
( A.D. 190). The Masorah, or body of traditions,
which transmitted the readings of the Hebrew text
of the Old Testament, and preserved by menus of
the vowel system the pronunciation of tlie Hebrew,
originated in a great measure at Tiberias. The
place passed, under Constantino, into the power of
the Christians ; and during the period of the Cru-
sades was lost and won repeatedly by th» different
combatants. Since that time it has been possessed
successively by Persians, Arabs, and Turks; and
contains now, under the Turkish rule, a mixed
population of Mahommedana, Jews, and Christians,
varMiislv rstimated at from two to lour thousand.
TTBERITOB
1497
The Jews constitute, perhaps, one-fourth of the
entire number. Thev regard Tiberias ss one of the
four holy places (Jerusalem, Hebron, Safed, are the
others), in which, as they say, prayer must be
offered without ceasing, or the world would fell
back instantly into chaos. One of their singular
opinions is that the Messiah when He appears wi.i
emerge from the wsters of the lake, and landing
at Tiberias, proceed to Safed, and there establish his
throne on the highest summit in Galilee. In addi-
tion to the language of the particular country, as
Poland, Germany, Spain, from which they or their
families emigrated, most of the Jews here speak also
the Rabbinic Hebrew, and modern Arabic. They
occupy a quarter in the middle of the town, adjacent
to the lake ; just north of which, near the shore, is
a Latin convent and church, occupied by a solitary
Italian monk. Tiberias suffered terribly from the
great earthquake in 1837, and has not yet recovered
by any means from the effects of that disaster. In
1852, the writer of this article (later travellers
report but little improvement) rode into the city
over the dilapidated walls ; in other ports of them
not overthrown, rents were visible from top to
bottom, and some of the towers looked ss if they
had been shattered by battering-rams. It is sup-
posed that at least seven hundred of the inhabitants
were destroyed at that time. This earthquake was
severe and destructive in other parts of Galilee. It
was a similar calamity no doubt, such ss had left
a strong impression on the minds of the people, to
which Amos refers, at the beginning of his prophecy,
as forming a well-known epoch from which other
events were reckoned. There is a phot of inter-
ment near Tiberias, in which a distinguished Rabbi
is said to be buned with 14,000 of his disciples
around him. The grave of the Arabian philo-
sopher Lokman, as Burckhardt states, was pointed
out here in the 14th century. Raumer's PaULstina
(p. 125) mentions some of the foregoing facts, and
others of a kindred nature. The later fortunes of
the place are sketched somewhat at length in Dr.
Robinson's Biblical Researches, iii. 267-274 (ed.
1841). It is unnecessary to specify other works,
as Tiberias lies in the ordinary route of travellers
in the East, aud will be found noticed more or less
fully in most of the books of any completeness in
this department of authorship.
Professor Stanley, in his Notices of tome Locali-
ties, esc. (p. 193), has added a few charming
touches to the admirable description already given
in his Sinai and Pal. (368-82). [H. B. H.]
TIBERIAS, THE SEA OF (* 6s*oo-a*
TJjj Tifle piitos : mare Tiberiadir). This term is
found only in John xxi. 1, the other passage In
which it occurs iu the A. V. (ib. vi. 1) being, if
the original is accurately rendered, " the sea of
Galilee, of Tiberias." St. John probably uses the
name as more familiar to non-residents iu Palestiue
than the indigenous name of the '* sea of Gallic,**
or " sea of Gennesaret," actuated no doubt by tin
same motive which has induced him so constai t'y to
translate the Hebrew names and terms which he uses
(such as Rabbi, Kabboni, Messias, Cephas, Siloam,
Ik.) into the language of the Gentiles. [Ucnse-
SABBT SEA OF.l [6.]
TIBE BIU8 [Tifiiftos: in full, Tiberius Clau-
dius Nero), the second Roman emperor, successor
of Augustus, who began to reign A.D. 14, and
reigned until A.D. 37. He was the son of Tibnriui
Claudius Nero and Li via, and hence a stepson of
1498 TIBERIUS
Augustus. He was lorn at Rome on the I6ih of
Bo /ember, B.C. 45. He became emperor in his
fitxy-hfth y»r, after having distinguished himself as
% commander in various wars, and having evinced
talent* of a high onler as an orator, and an admi-
uistratoi of civil affairs. His military exploit* and
(hone of Drusov his brother, were sung by Horace
(Carat, iv. 4, 14). He even gained the reputation
of possessing the sterner virtues of the Roman cha-
racter, and was regarded as entirely worthy of the
imperial honours to which his birth and supposed
personal merits at length opened the way. Yet on
aeiag raised to the supreme power, he suddenly
became, or showed himself to be, a very different
man. His subsequent life was one of inactivity,
sloth, and self-indulgence. He was despotic in his
government, cruel and vindictive in his disposition.
He gave up the attain of the state to the vilest
favourites, while he himself wallowed in the very
kennel or all that was low and debasing. The only
palliation of his monstrous climes and vices which
can be offered is, that his disgust of life, occasioned
by his early domestic troubles, may have driven him
at last to despair and insanity. Tiberius died at
tlie age of seventy-eight, after a reign of twenty-
three yean. The ancient writers who supply roost
of our knowledge respecting him arc Suetonius,
Tacitus (who describes his character as one of
studied dissimulation and hypo-
crisy from the beginning , Annul.
i.-vi.; Veil. Paterc. L. ii. 94,
etc ; and Dion C«s. xlvi.-xlviii.
The article in the Diet, of
Gr. and Rom. Mag. (vol. iii.
pp. 1117-1127) furnishes a co-
r ■ ifTiiniisi pious outline of the principal
events in his life, and holds liim
lip in his true light as deserving the scorn and
abhorrence of men.
The city of Tibebias took its name from this
emperor. It will be seen that the Saviour's public
lite, and some of the introductory events of the
apostolic age, must have fallen within the limits
of his administration. The memorable passage in
Tacitus (Annal. rv. 44) respecting the origin of
the Christian sect, places the crucifixion of the lie-
deemer under Tiberius : " Ergo abolendo rumori
( that of his having set fire to Rome) Nero subdidit
iww, et qiiaesitissimis poenis affecit, quos per rla-
gitia inruos vulgus Christianos appellabat. Auctor
iiomiiiis ejus Christus Tiberio imperitante per pro-
curatorero l'ontiuoi PiUtum supplicio affectus erat."
The martyrdom of Stephen belongs in all piobii-
b.litjr to the last year, or last but one of this reign.
in Luke iii. 1 he is termed Tiberius Caesar ; John
the Baptist, it is there said, began his ministry in the
fifteenth «*>»■ of his reign irr/fftoria). This chro-
nological notation is an impoitaut one in deter-
mining the year of Christ's birth and entrance on
his public work [Jesus Christ, vol. i. p. 1074].
Augustus admitted Tiberius to a share in the em-
pire two or three years before his own death ; and
it b a question, therefore, whether the fifteenth
fear of which Luke speaks, should be reckoned from
ihe time of the co-partnership, or from that when
Tiberias began to reign alone. The former is the
computation more generally adopted ; but the data
winch relate to this point in the chronology of the
Saviour's life may be reconciled easily with toe one
view or the other. Some discussion, more or less
slcudel, in leference to this inquiry will be found
in KraSVs Chronolojie, p Go ; Sepp's . r *6«» Cristi,
TIULATH-PTXESER
i. 1, *>.; Kriedlieb's Letten Jent CArarfa.47.ftB.,
Kbrard's A'ritii, 184 ; Teschendorf's Syntamu. m. ;
Greswdls iJissertations, i. 334; and IWsnsi'i
Harmony of the GarpeU, 181. [H. B. H-j
TTB'HATH (Jirap : Mm&t 7Visnv. a
city of Hadadezer, king of Zobah (I Chr. xrrii. # .
which in 2 Sam. viii. 8 is called Betao, ptvha l >
by an accidental tiansposition of the first tws
letters. ll« exact position is unknown, bit -.
Anun-Zobah is the country betaeen the clupur-t'c*
and Coelesyns [see Syria], we must look £>r T.:-
hath on the ctsmto skirts of the Auti-Libanos, it
of its continuation, the Jebel Shahtholm and tbe
Jcbel Rieha. [G. K/
TUVNIOUR: Bsvvf: Thebmi). After Zaun
had burnt himself in his palace, there was a drrisV?
in the northern kingdom, half of the people follow-
ing Tibni the son of Ginath, and half fbilowr-f
Omri (1 K. xri. 21, 22). Omri was the choW» rt
tbe army. Tibni was probably put forward by the
people of Tirzah, which was then besieged by Om
and his host. The struggle between the conterJ - ;
tactions lasted four years (ootnp. 1 K. xvi. 15, 2" ;
but the only record of it is given in the few w<ri.
of the historian : " The people that followed Oer. -
prevailed against the people that followed Tibni t: e
son of Ginath ; so Tibni died, and Omri leigneA*
The LXX. add that Tibni was bravely seconds! ■ y
his brother Joram, for they tell ns, in a darsr wfi "■
Kwnld pronounces to be undoubtedly genuine, " . r I
Thamni and Joram his brother died at that time; a. i
Ambri reigned after Thamni." [W. A. W.j
TITlAL^riH: eof-yoA: ThaAd, m on
tioned only in Gen. xrv. 1,9. He there appear*
among the kings confederated with, and sob<-Ti2>-
nate to, Chedoi laomer, the sovereign of Elam, *» no
lends two expeditions from the country about the
mouth of the Tigris into Syria. The name, Ti-**i,
is certainly an incorrect representation of the ori-
ginal. If the present Hebrew text is accepted,
the king was called ThuTat ; while, if the S»p.
tuagint more nearly represents the oirginal* e-.«
name was Thanpil, or pel haps Thvrgal. This last
rendering is protcibly to be preferred, as the name
is then a significant one in the early Harorbc dialect
of the lower Tigris and Etiphnte* country — 7*«r
gal being •• the great chief''- BamXm t piyms
(naqa vazarka) of the Persians Thargal is calleV
" king of nations " (D^J T^J), by which it is
reasonable to understand that ne was a chief over
various nomadic tribes to wh an no special tract 4
country could be assigned, sjice at different tomes
of the year they inhabited different portions of Lower
Mesopotamia. This is tbe case with the Arabs of
these parts at the present day. Thargal, however,
should from his name have been a Turanian. [G. R.]
TIG'LATH-PJXE'SEB ODK^B-n^JB:
eaA-ratytAAao-sV. ea^Ad*eAAiura> : Thojiithr
Phabuar). In 1 Chr. v. 26, and again in '2 Chr. una
20, the name of this king is written "sW^BVU^n.
" Tilgath-pilueser;" but in this form there is a
double corruption. The native word reads u
• The LXX. evidently read ^jm •» SrirV •*•
Oiererore wrote 8apYaA, representing tbe JJ by s y. The
Alex. Codex, however, has ttAATA, which uriaJxaBy wst
doubtless eAAPA, agreeing w tar with the pussf
Hebrew text.
TIQLATH-PILE8EB
Ttj/tUti-fal-ttira, far which the Tiglath-pil-eajr of
2 Kings is a tair equivalent. The signification of
the name is somewhat doubtfut. M. finnert ren-
1«s it, " Adoratio [sit] filio Zodiaci," and ex-
plains " the son of the Zodiac " as Sin, or Hercules
(Expidiiiou Seientifique en Utsopotamii, ii. 352).
Tiglatb-Pileser is the second Assyrian king men-
•ioned in Scripture as having come into contact
with the Israelites. He attacked Samaria in the
reign of Pekah, on what ground we are not told,
but probably because Pekah withheld his tribute,
and, having entered his territorns, " took Ijon, and
Abel-beth-maachah, and Janoak. and Kedesh, and
Hiaor, and Gilead, and Galilee, ud all the land of
Nnphtali, and earned them captive to Assyria "
(2 K. xr. 29): thus " lightly afflicting the land of
Zebulun and the land of Naphtali" (Is. ix. 1) —
the most northern, and so the most exposed portion
of the country. The date of this invasion cannot
at present be fixed; but it was, apparently, many
years afterwards that Tiglath-Pileser made a second
expedition into these putt, which bad more im-
portant results than his former one. It appears
that, after the date of his first expedition, a close
league was formed between Kezin, king of Syria,
and Pekah, having for its special object the humi-
liation of Judaea, and intended to further generally
the interests of the two allies. At first great suc-
cesses were gained by Pekah and his confederate
(2 K. xr. 37 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 6-8) ; but, on their
proceeding to attack Jerusalem itself, and to threaten
Anas, who was then king, with deposition from his
throne, which they were about to give to a pre-
tender, " the son of Tabeal " (Is. vii. 6), the Jewish
monarch applied to Assyria for assistance, and Tig-
lath-Pileser, consenting to aid him, again appeared
at the head of an army in these regions. He first
inarched, naturally, against Damascus, which he
took (2 K. xtI. 9), rating it (according to his own
statement) to the ground, and killing Kezin, the
Damascene monarch. After this, probably, he pro-
ceeded to chastise Pekah, whose country he entered
on the north-east, where it bordered upon " Syria
of Damascus." Here he overran the whole district
to the east of Jordan, no longer " lightly afflicting "
Sumaria, but injuring her far " more grievously, bv
the way of the sea, in Galilee of the Gentiles'*
lit. ix. 1), carrying into captivity " the Renbenites,
the Gadites, and the half tribe of Manasseh" (1 Chr.
v. 26), who had previously held this country, and
placing them in Upper Mesopotamia from Harran
to about Nisibis (ib.). Thus the result of this
expedition was the absorption of the kingdom of
Damascus, and of an important portion of Samaria,
into the Assyrian empire ; and it further brought the
k ingdarn of Judah into the condition of a mere tri-
butary and vassal of the Assyrian monarch.
Before retaining into his own land, Tiglath-Pileser
had an interview with Ahax at Damascus (2 K. xvi.
10). Here doubtless was settled the amount of tri-
bute which Judaea was to pay annually; and it
may be suspected that here too it was explained to
Ahax by his suzerain that a certain deference to the
Assyrian gods was due on the part of all tributaries,
who were usually required to set up in their capital
" the Laws of Asshur," or " altars to the Great
Gods" [see vol. i. p. 132 a]. The •' altar" which
Ahax " saw at Damascus," and of which he sent the
TIGLATH-PILESER
149V"
* In the Assyrian Cnronoloelcal Csnon, of which there
are (bar copies in Uie Urttlsb Museum, all more or less
tagn-eutarj, the ralfn of TlgiaUi-ltlescr snmi to bu
pattern to Uiijah the priest (2 K. xvi. 10, II ), was
probably such a badge of subjection.
This is all that Scripture tells us of Tiglath-
Pileser. He appears to have succeeded Pul, and ts
have been succeeded by Shalmaneser ; to liave bion
contemporary with Kezin, Pekah, and Abas; and
therefore to have ruled Assyria during the latter
half of the eighth century before our era. From
his own inscriptions we learn that his reign lasted
at least seventeen years; that, besides warring in
Syria and Samaria, he attacked Babylonia, Media,
Armenia, and the independent tribes in the upper
regions of Mesopotamia, thus, like the other great
Assyrian monarchs, warring along the whole tion-
tier of the empire; and finally, that he was (pro-
bably) not a legitimate prince, but an usurper and
the founder of a dynasty. This last fact is gathered
from the circumstance that, whereas the Assyrian
kings generally glory in their ancestry, Tiglath-
Pileser omits all mention of his, not even recording
his father's name upon his monuments. It accords
remarkably with the statements of Beiosus (in
Euseb. Chron. Can. i. 4) and Ileiodotus (i. 95),
that about this time, i. e. in the latter half of
the eighth century B.C., there was a change ol
dynasty in Assyria, the old family, which had ruled
for 520 (526) years, being superceded by another
not long before the accession of Sennacherib. The
authority of these two writers, combined with the
monumental indications, justifies us in concluding
that the founder of the Lower Dynasty or Empire,
the Hist monarch of the New Kingdom, wot the
Tiglath-Pileser of Scripture, whose date must cer-
tainly be about this time, and whose monuments
show him to hare been a self-raised sovereign. The
exact date of the change cannot be positively fixed ;
but it is probably marked by the era of Kabonassar
in Babylon, which synchronises with B.C. 747.
According to this view, Tiglath-Pileser reigned cer-
tainly from B.C. 747 to B.C. 730, and possibly
a few yeais longer, being succeeded by Shalmaneser
at leiist as early as B.C. 725.* [Shalmaneskh.]
The circumstances under which Tiglath-Pileser
obtained the crown have not come down to us fioin
any good authority ; but there is a tradition on the
subject which seems to deserve mention. Alexander
Polyhistor, the friend of Sylla, who had access to
the writings of Berosus, related that the first As-
syrian dynasty continued from Ninus, its founder,
to a certain Beleua (Pul), and that he was succeeded
by Banians, a man of low rank, a mere vine-
dresser (a>vrovp7^s), who had the charge of the
gardens attached to the royal palace. Beletaras
he said, having acquired the sovereignty in an extra*
ordinary way, fixed it in his own family, in which
it continued to the time of the destruction of Nine-
veh (Fr. Hilt. Or. iii. 210). It can scaicely be
doubted that Beletaras here is intended to represent
Tiglath-Pileser, Beietar being in fact another mode
of expressing the native fat-ttita or l'alli-ttir
(Oppert), which the Hebrews represented by
Pileser. Whether there is any truth in the tra-
dition may perhaps be doubted. It bears too near
a resemblance to the Oriental stones of Cyrus,
Gyges, Amasis, and others, to have in r«elf inucb
claim to our acceptance. On the outer hand, H
harmonises with the remarkable fact — unpanJIeM
in the rest of the Assyrian records — that Tiglath-
reckoned at
Ho. 1812. p. 84.)
either 1« or H jean. As* ukamm
1600
TIGRIS
PUocr if absolutely silent on the subject of hit
■ncatiy, neither mentioning hi* father's name, nor
making any allusion whatever to his birth, descent,
or parentage.
Tigiath-Pileser's wars do not, generally, appear
to hare been of much importance. In Babylonia
he took Sippara (Sepbarraim), and several places of
less note in the northern portion of the oonntry ;
but he does not seem to have penetrated far, or
to have come into contact with Nabonastar, who
reigned from B.C. 747 to B.C. 733 at Babylon. In
Media, Armenia, and Upper Mesopotamia, he ob-
tained certain successes, but made no permanent
conquests. It was on his western frontier only that
his victories advanced the limits of the empire.
The destruction of Damascus, the absorption of
Syria, and the extension of Assyrian influence over
Judaea, are the chief events of Tiglath-Pileser's
reign, which seems to have had fewer external
triumphs than those of most Assyrian monarchs.
Probably his usurpation was not endured quite
patiently, and domestic troubles or dangers acted
as a check upon his expeditions against foreign
countries.
No palace or great building can be ascribed to
this king. His slobs, which are tolerably numerous,
show that he must have built or adorned a residence
at Calah (NhnroS), where they were (band ; but,
as they were not discovered in hru, we cannot say
anything of the edifice to which they originally
belonged. They bear marks of wanton defacement;
and it is plain that the later kings purposely injured
them ; for not only is the writing often erased, but
the slabs have been torn down, broken, and used
as building materials by Eaar-haddon in the great
palace which he erected at Calah, the southern
capital [see vol. i. p. 573.] The dynasty of Sexgon
was hostile to the first two princes of the Lower
Kingdom, and the result of their hostility is that
we nave far less monumental knowledge of Shal-
uianeser and Tiglath-Pileser than of various kings
ot the Upper Empire. [G. R.J
TIGRIS (T17011: 3V?™. TtgrW\ is used by
the LXX. as the Greek equivalent of the Hebrew
Hiddekel (?p^n); sod occurs also in several of
the apocryphal books, as in Tobit (vi. 1), Judith
(i. 6), and Ecclesiasticus (xxiv. 25). The meaning,
and various forms, of the word have been considered
under Hiddekel. It only remains, therefore, in
the present article, to describe the course and
character of the stream.
The Tigris, like the Euphrates, rises from two
principal sources. The most distant, and therefore
the true, source is the western one, which is in
iat, 38° 10', long. 39° 20' nearly, a Uttle to the
south of the high mountain lake called QtUjik or
Giimjik, in thu peninsula formed by the Euphrates
where it sweeps round between Palou and TeUk.
The Tigris' source is near the south-western angle
of the lake, and cannot be more than two or three
miles from the channel of the Euphrates. The
'jcurse of the Tigris is at first somewhat north of
east, but after pursuing this direction for about
25 miles it makes a sweep round to the south,
and descends by Afghani Maden upon Diarbekr.
Here it is already a river of considerable size, and
is crossed by a bridge of ten arches a little below
that city (Niebuhr, Voyagt at Arabic, p. 326).
It then turns suddenly to the east, and flows in this
direction, past Osman Kieut to 2V/. where it once
mora shers its course and takes that boutn-eabicrtr
TIGRIS
direction, which it pursues, with certain stjehi
variations, to its final junction with the Euphrates.
At Oman Kieui it receives the second or fasti i a
Tigris, which descends from Niphates (the modern
Ala-Tugh) with a course almost Are sooth, and,
collecting on its way the waters of a large number
of streams, unites with the Tigris half-way b e twe e n
Diarbekr anj Til, in long. 41° nearly. The courses
of the two streams to the point of junction are re-
spectively 150 and 100 miles. A little below the
junction, and before any other tributary of im-
portance is received, the Tigris is 150 yards wide
and from three to four feet deep. Near 7B a
large stream flows into it from the north-east,
bringing almost as much water as the main rhmwatt
ordinarily holds (Layard, AmenM and lUbfkm,
p. 49). This branch rises near BUS, m northern
Kurdistan, and runs at first to the north-east, box
presently sweeps round to the north, and proceeds
through the districts of Skattak and Boktaa wi Ji
a general westerly course, crossing and l e sju s aiiig
the line of the 38th parallel, nearly to Bert, whence
it flows south-west and south to IV. Fran 73
the Tigris runs southward for SO miles tb rongh
a long, narrow, and deep gorge, at the end of
which it emerges upon the compar a tively lew hot
still hilly count! y of Mesopotamia, near Jgrirtk.
Through this it flows with a course which k sooth-
Eourh-esst to Monti, thence nearly sooth to K&eK-
Skergkat, and again sooth-south east to ScBsura,
where the hills end and the river enters on the great
alluvium. The course is now more irregular.
Between Samara and Baghdad a considerable bend
is made to the east; and, after the Skat-O-Bw is
thrown off in lat. 32° 30', a second bend is mad*
to the north, the regular south-easterly eocme
being only resumed a little above the 32nd v—™'".
from which point the Tigris runs in a toler-
ably direct line to its junction with the Euphrates
at Kurnah. The length of the whole stream, ex-
clusive of meanders, is reckoned at 1 146 mites. It
can be descended on rafts during the flood season
from Diarbekr, which is only 150 mires from its
source ; end it has been navigated by steamer* of
small draught nearly up to Mosul. From Diarbekr
to Samara the navigation is much impeded by
rapids, rocks, and shallows, as well as by artificial
bxmda or dams, which in ancient times were throws
across the stream, probably for yaiyv m u of irriga-
tion. Below Samara there are no obstrnetices ;
the river is deep, with a bottom of soft mud ; the
stream moderate ; and the course very meandering.
The average width of the Tigris in this part of its
course is 200 yards, while its depth is very ean>
siderable.
Besides the three bead-streams of the Tijrria,
which have been already described, the river re-
ceives, along its middle and lower course, no fewct
than five important tributaries. These are the
river of Zakio ot Eastern Khabour, the Great Zar
(Zab Ala), the Lesser Zab (Zab Aifal\ tht
Adhem, and the Diyaleh or ancient Gyndea. All
these rivers flow from the high range of Zsarrcs,
which shuts in the Mesopotamisn valley rat the
east, and is able to sustain so large a number «
great streams from its inexhaustible springs and
abundant snows. From the west the Tigris eMaira
no tributary of the slightest importance, far the
Tharthar, which n said to hare once reached it,
now ends in a salt lake, a little below TWb-sf.
Its volume, however, is continually im usiiiaj, as i
descends, in consequence of the greet bulk of water
TIGRIS
brought into it from the out, particularly by the
f»raat Zaband the Diyaleh ; and in iU lower conrae
it is said to be a larger stream and to carry a greater
body than the Euphrates (Chesney, JSuphratet
Expedition, i. 62).
The Tigris, like the Euphrates, has a flood
season. Early in the month of March, in conse-
quence of the melting of the mows on the southern
rJauk of Kiphates, the river rises rapidly. Its
breadth gradually increases at Diarbekr from 100
or 130 to 250 yards. The stream is swift and
turbid. The rise continues through March and
April, reaching its full height generally in the first
or second week of Hay. At this time the country
about Baghdad is often extensively flooded, not,
however, so much from the Tigris as from the
overflow of the Euphrates, which is here poured
mto the eastern stream through a canal. Further
down the river, in the territory of the Bmi-Lam
Arabs, between the 82nd and 31st parallels, there
is a great annual inundation on both banks. About
the middle of Hay the Tigris begins to fall, and by
midsummer it has reached its natural level. In
October and November there is another rise and
fall in consequence of the autumnal rains ; but com-
pared with the spring flood that of autumn is in-
significant.
The Tigris is at present better fitted for pur-
poses of traffic than the Euphrates (Layard, Xinetth
and Babylon, p. 475) ; but in ancient times it does
not seem to have been much used as a line of trade.
The Aaiyrisns probably floated down it the timber
which they were in the habit of cutting in Amanus
and Lebanon, to be used tor building purposes in
their capital ; but the general line of communica-
tion between the Mediterranean and the Persian
Gulf was by the Euphrates. [See vol. i. p. 591.]
According to the historians of Alexander (Arrian,
Exp. M. vii. 7 ; oomp. Strnb. xv. 3, §4), the
Persians purposely obstructed the navigation of the
lower Tigris by a series of dams which they threw
acres* from bank to bank between the embouchure
and the city of Opis, and such trade as there was
aloof its course proceeded by land (Strab. ibid.).
It is probable that the dams were in reality made
for another purpose, namely, to raise the level of the
waters for the sake of irrigation ; but they would
undoubtedly hare also the effect ascribed to them,
unless in the spring flood time, when they might
hare been shot by basts descending the river. Thus
theie may always have been a certain amount of
traffic down the stream ; but up it trade would
scarcely have been practicable at any time further
than Samara or Tekrit, on account of the natural
obstructions, and of the great force of the stream.
The lower part of the course wss opened by Alex-
ander (Arrian, vii. 7) ; and Opis, near the mouth of
toe Diyaleh, became thenceforth known as a mart
(inwipur), from which the neighbouring districts
drew the merchandise of India and Arabia (Strab.
svL 1, §9). Seleuda, too, which grew up soon
altar Alexander, derived no doubt a portion of its
prosperity from the facilities for trade offered by
this great stream.
We find but little mention of the Tigris in
Scripture. It appears indeed under the name of
rUddekel, among the rivers of Eden (Gen. ii. 14),
and is there coirectly described as "running east-
ward to Assyria." But after this we hear no more
of it, if we except one doubtful allusion in Kslium
(ii. 0), until the Captivity, when it becomes well
to the pro) bet Daniel, -vho hod to crust it
HLE
1601
in his journeys to and from Susa (Shushan). With
Daniel ftis "the Great River"— Wllf! iniT\— on
T - TT -
expression commonly applied to the Euphrates ; and
by its side he sees some of his most important visions
(Dan. x. to xii.). No other mention of the Tigris
seems to occur except in the apocryphal books ; and
there it is unconnected with any real history.
The Tigris, In its upper coarse, anciently roc
through Armenia and Assyria. Lower down, from
about the point where it enters on the alluvial plain,
it separated Babylonia from Susiana. In the wars
between the Romans and the Parthians, we find it
constituting, for a short time (from a.d. 114 to
a.d. 117), the boundary line between these two
empires. Otherwise it hss scarcely been of any
political importance. The great chain of Zagros is
the main natural boundary between Western and
Central Asia ; and beyond this, the next defensible
line is the Euphrates. Historically it is found that
either the central power pushes itself westward to
that river ; or the power ruling the west advances
eastward to the mountain barrier.
The water of the Tigris, in its lower course, is
yellowish, and is regsrded ss unwholesome. The
stream abounds with fish of many kinds, which are
often of a large size (see Tobit vi. 11, sod compare
Strab. xl. 14, §8). Abundant water-fowl float on
the waters. The banks are fringed with palm-
trees and pomegranates, or clothed with jungle and
reeds, the haunt of the wild-boar and the lion.
(The most important notices of the Tigris to be
found in the classical writers are the following :
Strabo, xi. 14, §8, and xvi. 1, §9-13; Arrian,
Exped. Alex. vii. 7; and Plin. H. N. vi. 27.
The best modern accounts are those of Col. Chesney,
Evphrata Expedition, i. 16, &C., and Winer, Rcal-
KBrterbuch, ii. 622, 623; with which may be
compared Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, 49-51,
and 464-476 ; Loftus, Chaldaea and Stuiima,
3-8 ; Jones in Transaction! of the Geographical
Society of Bombay, vol. ix. ; Lynch in Journal of
Geographical Society, vol. ix.; and Rawlinson's
fferodotut, i. 552, 553.) [G. R.]
TIK'VAH (njpB: ecmweV; Alex. fNe«o« :
Thecua). 1. The fsther of Shallum the husband
of the prophetess Huldab (2 K. xxii. 14). He is
called Tikvath in the A. V. of 2 Chr. xxxiv. 22.
2. (& f Kci\ Alex. BtKovi: Thame.) The father
of Jahaxiah (Etr. x. 15). In 1 Esd. ix. 14 he is
called TiiEocxmrs.
TIKTATH (nnpfol ; Keri, nnpFI ; properly
Tikehath or TattotA: eVurf; Alex.' BaxovtB :
Thecuath). Tikvah the lather of Shallum (2 Chr.
xxxiv. 22).
TILE. For general information on the subject
see the articles Brick, Pottery, Seal. The ex-
pression in the A. T. rendering of Luke v. 19,
" through* the tiling," hat given much trouble to
expositors, from the fact that Syrian houses are to
general covered, not with tiles, but with pbuter
terraces. Some suggestions towards the solution of
this difficulty hare been already given. [House, vol.
i. p. 837.] An additional one may here be ottered.
1. Terrace-roofs, if constructed improperly, or at
the wrong season of the year, are apt to crack, and
to become so saturated with rain as to be easily
penetrable. May not the roof of the house in which
our Lord performed his miracle, hire bean In this
' *»'
1603
TniGATH-PILNESEai
sonditiot , tod been pierced, or, to on St. Mark's k
ward, " broken up," by the bearers of the paralytic ?
(Arundell, Thro, tn Asia Minor, i. 171 ; Russell,
Aleppo, i. 35).
2. Or may the phrase " through the tiling" be
accounted for thus? Greek houses were often, if
not always, roofed with tiles (Pollux, vii. 161 ;
Vitruvius, iii. 3). Did not St. I.uke, a native, pro-
bably, of Greek Antioch, use the expression " tiles,"
as the form of roof which was most familiar to
himself and to his Greek readers without reference
to the particular material of the roof in question ?
(Kuseb. H. E. iii. 4; Jerome, Pro/, to Com. on
St. Matth. vol. vii. p. 4 ; Conybeare and Howson,
St. Taut, i. 367.) It may perhaps be worth re-
marking that bouses in modem Antioch, at least
many of them, have tiled roofs (Fisher, Vietct in
Syria, i. 19, vi. 56). [H. W. P.]
TIL GATH-PILUE'SEB ("CttAs n»n ;
B njf n ; "IdAb njbr) i BaXya&uSatrdp, Bay
*<fKmairdp, 9a\ya<pt\haiap ; Alex. 807X06 <f>a\-
nureut: Thegtatphalnasar, TMijathphalnamr). A
variation, and probably a corruption, of the name
TiOLATii-piLESER. It is peculiar to the Books of
Chronicles, being found in 1 Chr. v. 6, 26 ; 2 Clir.
xxviii. 20. [G.]
TIXON flftta; Keri, fff"fft 'l,&,; Alex.
6iAeir : Thilon). One of the four sons of Shimon,
whose family is reckoned in the genealogies of
Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20).
TIMAEUS (Tftuust : Timnetu). The rather
of the blind man, Bar-tirrmeus, who was restored to
sight by Jesus as He left Jericho (Murk x. 46).
TIMBREL, TABRET. By these words the
A. V. translates the Heb. C|R t6ph, which is de-
rived from an imitative root occurring iu many
languages not immediately connected with each other.
2 J
It is the same as the Arnbic and Persian oi , duff,
which in Spanish becomes adufe, a tambourine.
The root, which nihilities to beat or strike, is found
in the Greek rvwavor or rvita-aror, Lat. tympanum,
It tamburo, Sp. tambor, Fr. tambour, Piov. tabor,
F.ng. tabor, tabouret, timbrel, tambourine, A. S.
dubUm, to strike, Kng. tap, and many others. 6 In
Old English tabor was used for any drum. Thus
Kob. of Gloucester, p. 396 (ed. Hearne, 1810):
M Vur of trompes and of tabor* the Saracens made there
So gret noise, that Crtsleumea al dlaumrbed were."
In Shakspere's time it seems to have become an
instrument of peace, and is thus contrasted with the
drum: " I have known when there was 110 music
with him but the drum and fife ; and now bad he
rather hear the tabor and the pipe " ( Much Ado,
li. 3). Tabouret and tabourine are diminutives of
tabor, and denote the itistiiimeut now known as the
tambourine :—
- Or Mimoe's whistling to his tabouret.
Selling a laughter for a cold meal's moat "
Hall, .^ol. Iv. 1, 78.
Tabrei is a contraction of tabouret. The woid is
retained in the A. V. from Cover-dale's translation
a itfrittrm (Mark II. 4).
• It la usual for etymologists to quote the Arab, tuniiur
aa the original of tambour and tabor ; but unfortunately
fcc tumbir is a guitar, and not a drum ( Russell's Aleppo.
tin o A 1 cd.). Tlie parallel Arabic word Is toM, wbkb
TMBRKL
m all passages exaert Is. xix. 83, shaft it »
omitted in Cnverdale. and Ex. xxrrii. 13, »ber» it
is rendered •• beauty."
The Heb. ttph is rzndonbtedly the ImOium r.'.
described by travellers as the duff er djf of tax
Arabs. It was used in very early times by the
Syrians of Padan-aram at their merry-inakbpi
(Gen. xxxi. 27). It was played principally b'
women (Ex. xv. 20 ; Judg. xi. 34 ; 1 Sam. rrui. «*;
Ps. lxviii. 25 [26]) as an accompaniment to th>
song and dance (comp. Jud. iii. 7), and appears t*
have been worn by them as an ornament (Jer. xxxi
4). The tSph was one of the ins trum ents played
by the young prophets whom Saul met an ms
return from Samuel (1 Sam. x. 5), and by the
LevitM in the Temple-band (2 Sam. vi. 5; I Chr.
xiii. 8). It accompanied the merriment of feasts
(Is. v. 12, xxiv. 8), and the joy of triumphal pre-
cessions (Judg. xi. 34 ; 1 Sam. xviii. 6), when the
women came out to meet the warriors returning
from victory, and is everywhere a sign of hapjae*-*
and pence (Job xxi. 12; Is. xxx. 32 ; Jer. xxxi. 4 \
So in the grand triumphal entry of God into Wa
Temple, described in strong figures in Ps. lxviii.,
the procession is made up by the sing e m who
marched in front, and the players on stringed in-
struments who brought np the rear, while round
them all danced the young maidens with their
timbrels (Ps. lxviii. 25 [26]).
The diff of the Arabs is described by Irwusell
{Aleppo, p. 94, 1st ed.) as "a hoop (so m et im es
with pieces of brass fixed in it to make a jinglinr)
over which a piece of parchment is distended. It
is beat with the fingers, and is the true tympanum
of the ancients, as appears from its figure in several
relievos, representing the orgies of Bsxchas smi
rites of Cybele." The same instrument was used
by the Egyptian dancing-women whom Hasselquist
saw {Trav. p. 59, ed. 1766). In Barbary it is
called far, and " is made like a sieve, cousistm**
(as Isidore' describes the tympannm) of a rim or
thin hoop of wood with a skin of pa rch ment
stretched over the top of it. This serves for the
baa in all their concerts, which they accordingly
touch very artfully with their fingers, or with the
knuckles or palms of their hands, as the time and
measure require, or as force and softness are to be
communicated to the several parts of the perfoi
ance " (Shaw, Trav. p. 202).
Tar. (Una's XMn dntp""". SM, Ma at)
The tymjianum was used in the f«ists of Cybe,.
J Her. iv. 76), and is said to have been the inven-
tion of Dionysus and Khea (Eur. Bacch. 59). I
was played by women, who beat it with the palms
denotes a kind or drum, and Is the same with the Rath
Heb. tabid, and Span, alaboi, a kctlltMtran. The tsaRrv
ment and the word may bare come to xa throats O*
Saraeens.
« Vrtf. 11L SI
TIMNA
of their hands (Ovid, Mtt. iv. 29), and Juvenal
{Sat. in. 64) attribute* to it a Syrian origin :
- Jam pridem 8jrrni In Tlberlm deflaxlt Orontes
Kt llngnun, et mores ct cum Ublcine chordae
Obiiquu, oecoon gentilia tympana •scam
Vexit."
Ic tjie nme way the tabor is said to have been
introduced into Europe by the Crusaders, who
adopted it from the Saracens, to whom it was
jecul'ar (see Du Cange's note on L>e Joinville's
Hint, da Rag Saint Louis, p. 61).
The author of Shitte liaggibborim (c. 2) gives
trie Greek aVyi/iaAw as the equivalent of tSph, and
nys it wits a hollow basin of metal, beaten with a
stick of brass or iron.
The passage of Ezekiel (xxviii. 13) is obscure, and
appears to have been early corrupted. Instead of
I'BPl, " thy tabreta," the Vulg. and Targum
read fD\ " thy beauty," which is the rendering
adopted in Coverdale's and Cranmer's Bibles. The
LXX. seem to have read ^3^D, as in ver. 16. If
the ordinary text be adopted, there is no reason
for taking tSph, as Jerome suggests, in the sense
of the setting of a gem, " pala qua gemma conti-
oAm: n [W.A. W.]
TIMWA, TIH'NAH (J»pn : Bonri :
Thamna). 1. A concubine of Eliphax son of
Esau, and mother of Amalek (Gen. xxxvi. 12; in
1 Chr. i. 36 named as a son of Eliphax) : it may
be presumed that she was the same as Tirana, sister
of lxitan, and daughter of Seir the Horite (ver. 22,
and 1 Chr. i. 39).
2. A duke, or phylarch, of Edom in the last list
m Gen. xzxvi. 40-43 (1 Chr. i. 51-54), where the
dukes are named " according to their families, after
their places, by their names .... according to
their habitations :" whence we may conclude, as in
the case of Temax, thatTimnah was also the name
of a place or a district. [E. S. P.]
TIM'NAH (flJDn). A name which "occurs,
simple and compounded, aud with slight variations
of form, several times, in the topography of the Holy
Land. The name is derived by the lexicographers
(Gesenius, Simonis, Fiirst) from a root signifying
to "portion out, or •divide;" but its frequent
oc cur rence, and the analogy of the topographical
names of other countries, would rather imply that
it referred to some natural feature of the country.
1. (kt$a, 8aura; Alex, roroy, Oafura; Joseph.
Oauri: Thamna, Thamnan.) A place which
formed one of the landmarks on the north boun-
dary of the allotment of Judah (Josh. xv. 10). It
was obviously near the western end of the boundary,
being between Bethshemesh and the " shoulder of
Ekron." It is probably identical with the Thim-
NAThah of Josh. xix. 43, one of the towns of Dan,
also named in connexion with Ekron, and that again
with theTimnuth, or more accurately timnathuh, of
Samson, and the Thamuatha of the Maccabees. Its
belonging at that time to Dan would eiplain its
absence from the list of the towns of Judah (Josh.
xv.), though mentioned in describing the course of
the bouudary. The modern representative of all
these various forms of the same name is probably
Tibneh, a village about two miles west of Am Shems
(Bethshemesh), among the broken undulating coun-
try by which the central mountains of this part cf
TIMNATH
150*
* The LXX, as above, derived It from tons*, the
South.
Palestine descend to the maritime plain. It has been
shown in several other cases [Keilah.sk.] that this
district contained towns which in the lists are enu-
merated as belonging to the plain. Timnali is pro-
bably another instance of the same thing, for in 2 Chr.
xxviii. 18 a place of the same name is ineutioued
as among the cities of the Shefelah, which from its
occurrence with Bethshemesh, Gideroth, Gimxo, all
more or less in the neighbourhood of Ekron, is pro-
bably the same as that just described as in the
hills. After the Danites hod deserted their original
allotment for the north, their towns would natui ally
fall into the hands of Judah, or of the Philistines, as
the continual struggle between them might happen
to fluctuate.
In the later history of the Jews Timnah must
hare been a conspicuous place. It was fortified by
Bacchides as one of the most important military
posts of Judaea (1 Mace. ix. 50), and it became
the head of a district or toparchy, which was called
after its name, and was reckoned the fourth iu
order of importance among the fourteen into which
the whole country was divided at the time of Ves-
pasian's invasion (Joseph. B. J. iii. 3, §5 ; and sea
Plinr, v. 14).
Tibneh is now spoken of as "a deserted ate"
(Rob. ii. 16), and uot a single Western traveller
appears to have visited it, or even to have seen it,
though its position is indicated with tolerable cer-
tainty. [Tihnath.]
2. (0euu>oea ; Alex. 0cuu>«: Thamna.) A town
in the mountain district of Judah (Josh. xv. 57).
It is named in the same group with Maon, Ziph,
and Carmel, which are known to have been south
of Hebron. It is, therefore, undoubtedly a distinct
place from that just examined. [G.j
TIM'NATH. The form in which the translators
of the A. V. inaccurately present two names which
are certainly distinct, though it is possible that they
refer to the same place.
1. Timnah (rODR, i. «. Timnah : Ba/um :
Thamnatha). The scene of the adventure of Judah
with his daughter-in-law Tamar (Gen. xxxviii. 12,
13, 14). There is nothing here to indicate iu
position. The expression " went up to Timnah "
(ver. 12) indicates that it was ou higher ground
than the spot from which Judah started. But as
we are ignorant where that was, the indication if
of no service. It seems to have been the place
where Judah 's flocks were kept. There was a road
to it (A. V. " way "). It may be identified either
with the Timnah in the mountains of Judah, which
was in the neighbourhood of Carmel where Nabal
kept his huge Mocks of sheep ; or with the Tira-
uathah so familiar in the story of Samson's con-
flicts. In favour of the latter is the doubtful
suggestion named under Ekam and Tappcaii,
that in the words translated " an open place "
there is a reference to those two towns. Iu favour
of the former is the possibility of the name is
Gen. xxxviii. being not Timnah but Timnathah
(as in the Vulgate >, which is certainly the name
of the Philistine place connected with Samson.
More than this cannot be said.
The place is named in the specification of the
allotment of the tribe of Dan, where the A. V.
exhibits it accurately as Thimnathah, and its
nam* doubtless survives in the modern Tibnek
which is said to lie below Zareah, about three
miles to the S.W. of it, where the great Wady »
Sirdr issues upca the plain.
1504
TTMNATIIHEBEg
8. Timjathah (HlUipn: Bo/infa; Joseph.
Bafurd : Tharmatha). The residence of Samson's
wife (Judg. xir. 1, 2, 5). It ra then in the oc-
cupation of the Philistine*. It contained vineyards,
haunted however by such <%vage animals as indi-
cate that the population was hut sparse. It waa on
higher ground than Ashkelon (xir. 19), but lower
than Zorah, which we may presume was Samson's
starting point (xiii. 25). [G.]
TIM'NATH-HE'BBB(Dnn rWOT: eon»a-
tapit ; Alex. 0cuira0a« ttts : Thamnath Sore).
The name under which the city and burial place of
Joshua, previously called Timsath-serau, is men-
tioned in Judg. ii. 0. The constituent consonants
of the word are the same, but their order it reversed.
The authorities differ considerably in their explana-
tions. The Jews adopt Hens as the real name ;
interpret it lo mean the snn ; and see in it a
reference to the act of making the sun stand still,
which is to them the greatest exploit of Joshua's life.
Others (as Fiirtt, i. 442), while accepting Heres as
the original form, interpret that word as " clay,"
and as originating in the character of the soil.
Others again, like Ewald (Geech. ii. 347, 8), and
Bertheau (On Judga), take Serah to be the ori-
ginal form, and Heres an ancient but unintentional
error. [G.]
TIM'NATH-SE'EAH (mtrTUOfl: eoitoe-
Xfhti BafimBaeaxJipa ; Alex. BafwaB trapa,
eapratraxaf) ; Joseph. Bafwi: Thamnath Seraa,
That/math Scare). The name of the city which at
his request was presented to Joshua after the par-
tition of the country was completed (Josh. xii. SO) ;
and in " the border" of which be was buried (xxiv.
30). It is specified as " in Mount Ephraim on the
north side of Mount Gaash." In Judg. ii. 9, the
name is altered to Timnatu-hebes. The latter form
is that adopted by the Jewish writers, who inter-
pret Heres as meaning the sun, and account for the
name by stating that the figure of the sun (temu-
nath ha-cheres) was carved upon the sepulchre, to
indicate that it was the tomb of the man who had
caused the sun to stand still (Kashi, Comment, on
both passages). Accordingly, they identify the
place with Kefar cherea, which is said by Rabbi
Jacob (Carmoly, TtMraires, tie., 186), hap-Parchi
(Ashei's Benj. 434), and other Jewish travellers
down to Schwaix in our own day (151\ to be
about 5 miles S. of Shechem (Nablui). No place
with that name appears on the maps, the closest
approach to it being Kefr-BarU, which is more
nearly double that distance S.S.W. of Nablut.
Wherever it be, the place is said by the Jews still
to contain the tombs of Joshua, of Nun, and of
Caleb i-Schwarx, 151).
Another and more promising identification has,
however, been suggested in our own day by Dr.
Eli Smith (B&l. Sacra, 1843). In his journey
from Jifaa to Mejdel-Yaba, about six miles from
the former, he discovered the ruins of a considerable
town on a gentle hill on the left (south) of the
road. Opposite the town (apparently to the south)
was a much higher hill, in the north side of which
are several excavated sepulchres, which in size and
in the richness and character of their decorations
resemble the so-called "Tombs of the Kings" at
Jerusalem. The whole bears the name of TibneA,
and although without further examination it can
hardly be affirmed to be the Timnah of Joshua, yet
toe identification appears probable.
1TOOTHKUB
Titmmth-Semh and the tomb of its ilrartncan
owner wera shown in the time of Jerome, wrks
mentions them in the Epitapkimn Padat (§tS)
Beyond its being south :f t-.iecherr. he gives do »j»-
cation of its position, ;jt he dismisses it with the
followiug characteristK remark, a fitting briber! ■ U
the simple self-denial c i the great soldier of Israel : —
" SaUsque mirata est, quod distributor peswxsioDiiBi
sibi moutana et aspera delegisset." P*.]
TIM'NITB, THE(*3Dnn:vs««aa>«f; Alex.
oBafuntatot: Thamnathaeue), testis, the!
thite (as in the Alex. LXX., and Vnlg.).
father-in-law (Judg. xv. 6).
TI'HON (Tfsutr: Hunt). One of the i
commonly called '• Jeacons " [Deaoob], who ■
appointed to act as almoners on the occasion of <
plaints of partiality being raised by the Hellenistic
Jews at Jerusalem (Acts vi. 1-6). Like his cos-
leaguer, Timon bears a Greek name, from wiuefc,
taken together with the occasion of their appuiul-
icent, it has been infened with much probsbility that
the seven were themselves Hellenists. The name of
Timon stands fifth in the catalogue. Nothing fur-
ther is known of him with certainty ; but in the
" Synopsis de Vita et Morte Prophetarnm Apostolo-
rum et Discipulorum Domini," ascribed to DoroUaeoa
of Tyre (Bibl. Patram, iii. p. 149), we are in-
formed that he was one of the " seventy-two " <fc-
aples (the catalogue of whom is a mere congeries
of New Testament names), and that he aft erward s
became bishop, of Bostra (? " Bostra Arabian "\.
where he suffered martyrdom by tire. (W. B.J.I
TIMO'THEUS (Ti*u»«oj). L A "captain
of the Ammonites" (1 Mace v. 6!, who was de-
feated on several occasions by Judas Haccabneus.
B.C. 164 (1 Mace v. 6, 11, 34-44). He was pro-
bably a Greek adventurer (camp. Jos. Ant . xii. 8,
§1), who had gained the ieadeiship of the tribe.
Thus Jeeephus (Ant. xiii. 8, §1, quoted by Grimm,
on 1 Mace. v. 6) mentions one " Zeno, surnamed
Cotylas, who was despot of Kabbah " in the time of
Johannes Hyrcanus.
2. In 2 Mace, a leader named Timotheus is men-
tioned as having taken part in the invasion of Nka-
nor (B.C. 166 : 2 Mace viii. 30, ix. 3). At a later
time he made great preparations for a second attack
on Judas, but was driven to a stronghold, Gazara.
which was stormed by Judas, and there Timotheus
was taken and slain (2 Mace x. 24-37). It has
been supposed that the events recorded in this tatter
narrative are identical with those in 1 Mace. v. 6-8,
an idea rendered more plausible by the similarity
of the names Jazer and Gazara (in Lat. Gacer,
Jaxare, Gazara). But the name Timotheus was
very common, and it is evident that Timotheos the
Ammonite leader was not slain at Jazer ( 1 Marc,
v. 34) ; and Jazer was on the east side of Jordaa,
while Gazara was almost certainly the same as
(lexer. [Jaazer; Gazara.]. It may be urged
further, in support of the substantial accuracy of
2 Mace, that the second campaign of Judas against
Timotheus (1) (1 Mace. r. 37-44) is given in
2 Mace xii. 2-24, after the account of the capture
of Gazara and the death of Timotheus (2) there.
Wcrnsdorff assumes that all the differences in tbi
narratives are blunders in 2 Mace (De fide L&r
Mux. §lxx.), and in this he is followed bv Orison-
(en 2 Mace x. 24, 32). But, if any reliance is t-
b> placed on 2 Mace, the differences of place it'
(ircusnstanoss arc rightly taken by Patritins t-<
TIMOTHBUB
eurk ihffcrent event* (Or Libr. Mace. § xxxii.
p.259).
3. Th> Greek name of TutOTRT (Ads xn*. 1,
trii. 14, &c). Ha is called by ihii name in the
A. V. in every ease except 2 Cor. i. 1, Philem. 1,
Ileb. xiii. 23, and the Epistles addressed to him.
[B. F. W.]
TIM'OTHY(T.su»«it: Tbnathexa). The dis-
ciple thus named was the son of one of those mixed
marriages which, though condemned by stricter
Jewish opinion, and placing their offspring on all
but the lowest step in the Jewish scale of prece-
dei «,* were yet not uncommon in the later per oda
of Jewish history. The lather's name is unknc.vn :
t* ytt a Greek, •'. e. a Gentile by descent (Act*
xri. 1, 3). If in any sense a proselyte, the fact that
the issue of the marriage did not receive the sign
of the covenant would render It probable that he
belonged to the class of half-converts, the so-called
Proselytes of the Gate, not thorn of Righteousness
[comp. Proselytes]. The absence of any per-
sonal allusion to the father in the Acts or Epistles
suggests the inference that he must hare died or
disappeared during his son's infancy. The care of
the boy thus devolved upon his mother Eunice and
her mother Lois (2 Tim. i. 5). Under their
training his education was emphatically Jewish.
" From a child " he learnt (probably in the LXX.
version) to " know the Holy Scriptures " daihu
The language of the Acts leaves it uncertain whe-
ther Lystra or Derbe were the residence of the
devout family. The latter has been inferred, but
without much likelihood, from a possible construc-
tion of Acts xx. 4, the former from Acts xvi. 1, 2
(comp. Neander, Pft. una* Left. i. 288 ; Alford and
Huther, m he.). In either case the absence of any
indication of the existence of a synagogue makes
this devout consistency more noticeable. We may
think here, as at Philippi, of the few devout
women going forth to their daily worship at some
river-side oratory (Oonybeare and Howson, i. 211).
The reading wafi rlntr, in 2 Tim. iii. 14, adopted
by Lachmann and Tischendorf, indicates that it
was from them as well as from the Apostle that
the young disciple received his first impression of
Christian truth. It would be natural that a cha-
racter thus fashioned should retain throughout
something of a feminine piety. A constitution far
from robust (1 Tim. v. 23), a morbid shrinking
from opposition and responsibility (1 Tim. iv. 12-
16, v. 20, 21, vi. 11-14; 2 Tim. ii. 1-7), a
sensitiveness even to tears (2 Tim. i. 4), a ten-
dency to an ascetic rigour which he had not
strength to bear (1 Tin. r. 23), united, as it often
is, with a tem|ierament exposed to some risk from
-* youthful lusts"* (2 Tim. ii. 22) and the softer
(motion* (I Tim. r. 2)— then we may well think
of a* characterising the youth as they afterwards
characterised the man.
The arrival of Paul and Barnabas in Lyca/mia
(Ajts xiv. 6) brought the message of glad-tidings
to Ti'-ootheus and his mother, ar.d they received it
with "unfeigned faith" (2 Tim. i. 5). If at
Lystra, as seems probable from 2 Tim. iii. 11, he
TIMOTHS
1Mb
• The chlMren of thee* msrrlases were known as
Mamstrun (bastards), and stood Just above the Nrranrax.
I his was, however, aultru paribtu. A bastard who was
• wise student of the law was. In theory, shove sn
fnorant high-priest (Gem. Hieros. /fcrostO, foL M, In
I ightfoot. Bar. HA. In Malt rxHL 14); and the education
of Ttawtbeos (2 Tim. 111. It) may therefore have helped
VOL. ill.
may have witnessed the balf-compUted saotiriee,
the half-finished martyrdom, of Acts xiv. 19. The
preaching of the Apostle on ha return from hit
short circuit prepared him for a life of Buffering
(Acts xiv. 22). From that timn his life ana
education must hare been under the direct super-
intendence of the body of elders (ib. 23). During
the interval of seven years between the Apostle's
first and second journeys, the boy grew up to
manhood. His zeal, probably his asceticism, be-
came known both at Lystra and Iconium. The
mention of the two Clutches as united in testifying
to his character (Acts xvi. 2), leads us to believe
that the early work was prophetic of the later, thai
he had been already employed in what was after-
ward* to be the great labour of his life, ss " the
messenger of the Churches," and that it was his
tried fitness for that office which determined St.
Paul'a choice. Those who had the deepest insight
into character, and spoke with a prophetic utter-
ance, pointed to him (1 Tim. i. 18, iv. 14), as others
had pointed before to Paul and Barnabas (Act*
xiii. 2), as specially fit for the missionary work in
which the Apostle was engsged. Personal feeling
led St. Paul to the same conclusion (Acts xvi. 3),
and he was solemnly set apart (the whole assembly
of the elders laying their hands on him, as did
the Apostle himself) to do the work and possibly
to bear the title of Evangelist (1 Tim. iv. 14
2 Tim. i. 6, iv. 5).* A great obstacle, however,
presented itself. Timotheus, though inheriting, as
it were, from the nobler side (Wetstein, in loc.),
and therefore reckoned ss one of the seed ol
Abraham, had been allowed to grow op to the
age of manhood without the sign of circumcision,
and in this point he might seem to be disclaiming
the Jewish blood that was in him and choosing to
take np his position as a heathen. Had that been
his real position, it would have been utterly incon-
sistent with St. Paul's principle of action to urgt
on him the necessity of circumcision (1 Cor. vii.
18; Gal. ii. 3, r. 2). A* it was, bis condition
was that of a negligent, almost of an apostate
Israelite; and, though circumcision was nothing,
and uncircuxneision was nothing, it was a serious
question whether the scandal of such a position
should be allowed to frustrate alt his efforts as an
Evangelist. The fsct that no offence seems <o
have been felt hitherto is explained by the pre-
dominance of the Gentile element in the churches
of Lycaonia (Acts xiv. 27). But his wider work
would bring him into contact with the Jews, who
had already shown themselves so ready to attack,
and then the scandal would come out. They
might tolerate s heathen, as such, in the synagogue
or the church, but an uncircumcised Israelite would
be to them a horror and a portent. With a special
view to their feelings, making no sacrifice of prin-
ciple, the Apostle, who had refused to permit the
circumcision of Titus, "took and circumcised"
Timotheus (Act* xvi. 3) ; and then, as conscious
of no inconsistency, went sn his way distributing
the decrees of the council of Jerusalem, the great
charter of the freedom of the Gentiles (ib. 4).
Henceforth Timotheus was one of his most constant
to overcome the prejodles which the Jews woald naturally
have saslnat hhn on this ground.
► Comp. the elaborate dissertation, Dt nmuuiii m-
«vfiiiu*, by Boslus, In Hue's T ka —nm. voL n.
• Iconium hat been tigg—IM by Oonybeara and How-
un a. 38*) as the probtZils soana of tbs ordtuuon.
5 D
1506
TIMOTHY
awnpanione. Not since be parted frjv Barnabas
had he found one whose heart so ear »--ed to his
own. If Barnabas had been aa the brother and
friend of early days, he had now found one whom
he could claim aa his own true son by a spiritual
parentage (1 Cor. jr. 17; 1 Tim. i. 2; 2 Tim.
i. 2). They and Silvanus, and probably Luke
also, journeyed to Philippi (Acts xvi. 12), and
there already the young Evangelist was conspicuous
at once for his filial deration and his zeal (Phil.
ii. 22). His name does not appear in the account
ot St. Paul's work at Thessalonka, and it is possible
that he remained some time at Philippi, and then
acted aa the messenger by whom the members of
that Church sent what they were able to give for
tiie Apostle's wants (Phil. ir. 15). Be appears,
howerer, at Beroea, and remains there when Paul
and Silas are obliged to leave (Acts zrii. 14), going
on afterwards to join his master at Athens (I
Tbess. iii. 2). Fran Athens he is sent hack to
Thessalonica (»b.), as haying special gifts for com-
forting and teaching. He returns from Thessa-
lonica, not to Athens but to Corinth,' and his
name appears united with St. Paul's in the opening
words of both the letters written from that city to
the Thessalonians (1 Tbess. i. 1; 2 Thess. i. 1).
Hen also he was apparently active aa an Evan-
gelist (2 Cor. i. 19), and on him, probably, with
some exceptions, devolved the duty of baptising
the new converts (1 Cor. i. 14). Of the next five
years of hia life we have no record, and can infer
nothing beyond a continuance of his active service
as St. Paul'a companion. When we next meet
with him it is as being sent on in advance when
the Apostle was contemplating the long journey
which was to include Macedonia, Achaia, Jeru-
salem, and Rome (Acta xix. 22). He was sent to
"bring" the churches "into lemem trance of the
ways" of the Apostle (1 Cm. iv. 17). We trace
in the words of the " father " an anxious desire to
guard the son from the perils which, to his enger
but sensitive temperament, would be most trying
(1 Cor. xvi 10;. Hia route would take him
through the churches which be had been instru-
mental in founding, and this would give him scope
for exercising the girts which were afterwards to
be displayed in a still more responsible office. It
is probable, from the passages already referred to,
that, after accomplishing the special work assigned
to him, he returned by the same route and met
St. Paul according to a previous arrangement (1
Cor. xvi 1 1), and was thus with him when the
second epistle was written to the Church of
Corinth (2 Cor. i. 1). He returns with the
Apostle to that city, and joins in messages of
greeting to the rthciplas whom he had known
personally at Corinth and who had since found
their way to Rome (Rom. xvi. 21). He forms
one of the company of friends who go with St.
« Dr. Wordsworth totes from 2 Oor. U. 11, and Acts
zvilL 6 that he broogbt contributions to the rapport of
the Apratle from the Macedonian Churches, and thus re-
leased Mm from bis conucucai labour as a tent-maker.
• Thr writer has to thank Prof. Ughtfoot for calling his
attention to an article ("They of Caesars Household") in
Jiwra. ef Ctass. and Sacred faOotec/y, No. X, fa which the
hypothesis is questioned, on tbe ground that the Epigrams
are later than the Epistles, and that they connect the
name of Pattens with heathen customs and vices. On the
other hand it mar be urged that the bantering tone of tbe
•Epigrams forbids us to take them aa e v ide nc es of cha-
racter. Padoae tsOs Martial that he does not " like bis
"Ota, that at bemuse you read too many at a
TIMOTHT
Paul to Philfipi and then sail by tnenaalvs*.
waiting for his arrival by a cSflerent ship (Ae*a
xx. 3-6). Whether he continued Ids journey ts
Jerusalem, and what became of hint auriasr St.
Paul's two years' Imprisonment, are points as
which we must remain uncertain. The ringnagt
of St. Paul's address to tbe elders of Epaseaae
(Acta xx. 17-35) renders it unlikely that he was
then left there with authority. The absence at
his name from Acts xxvii. in like manner leads to
the ^inclusion that he did not share in the periioae
voyage to Italy. He most have joined him, how-
evnr, apparently soon after his arrival in Raane,
aad was with him when the Epistles to the Ptv
lipptans, to the Colossiana, and to Philemea were
written (Phil. i. 1, ii. 19 ; Col. i. 1 ; PhitrcB. I •.
All the indications of this period paint to mi — eat
missionary activity. As before, so now, be is t*
precede toe personal coining of tbe Apostle, in-
specting, advising, reporting (Phil. ii. 19-23), car-
ing especially for the Macedonian Churches aa aa
one else could cart The special messag es of groctaa;
sent to him at a later date (2 Tim. iv. 21) show
that at Rome also, aa elsewhere, he had amine*)
the warm affection of those among whoan he netcde-
tend. Among those moat eager to hi than
rememb ered to him, we find, according to a feirhr
supported hypothesis, the names of a Roman uaahir
[PcdeksT, of a future biabop of Rome [Lrsr»>
and of the daughter of a British king [Claudia
(Williams, Claudia ami Pwbu; Coaybearc ant
Howaon, ii. 501 ; Alfbnl, Excmm at Awi Tsar,
iii. 104). It is interesting to think of the yomtc
Evangelist aa having been the instrument by wbecfc
one who was surrounded by the fathomless u p pmin
of the Roman world was called to a higher hie, sad
the names which would otherwise hare appeared
only in the foul epigrams of Martial (i. 33, fr. IX
v. 48, xi. 53) raised to a perpetual honour in the
salutations of an apostolic epistle.* To this period
of his life (the exact time aad peace being un-
certain) we may probably refer the :"
of Heb. xiii. 23, and the trial at which be •
nested the good confession* not unworthy to be
likened to that of the Great Omfeaaor before FBat*
(1 Tim. vi. 13).
Assuming the genuineness and the later date of
the two epistles add leased to bim [comp. the fcllowiii;
article], we are able to put together t few awtices
as to his later life. It follows from 1 Tun. i. 3
that he and hia master, after tbe release of the
latter from his imprisonment, revisited the pro-
consular Asia, that the Apostle then continued fit
journey to Macedonia,' while tbe disciple recnained.
half-reluctantry, even weeping at the eeparstxn
(2 Tim. i. 4), at Ephesus, to check, if passable,
the outgrowth of heresy and licentiousness whack
had sprung up there. The time during which he
was thus to exercise authority at the delegate of u
tune"(lv.»). He begs aim to correct their bfciiii a n
"Too want an aatnsraph copy then, do your* («L H»
The slave En- or ESoolpos (tbe name is possibly s wflfi
distortion of Eubulus) does what esi'pil be the fulllirert
of a Christian vow (Acts xvill IS), and Hut la the occa-
sion of the aoggestion which eeetna most onxnneanry (v. «»'
With this there mingles however, as in Iv. IX vt M.
the language of a more real esteem than is ceaeaaaa s»
Martial (comp. some good remarks m Rev. W. B. Sal-
oway, A Chrffmon'r itestowM, PP. S8-4»).
' Dr. Wordsworth, In an Interesting note an 1 Tlaa.
L It, suppo ses the porting to have been In Lusaiaaiiai •*
St. Pant's aeeood arrest, and sees m thta the easseatt^a
of the tears of Ttraotheos.
TIMOTHY
AportI i— a vicar apostolic nther than a bishop —
eras of uncertain duration (1 Tim. Ui. 14). The
position in which he found himself might well
make him anxious. He had to rule presbyters,
most of whom ware older than himself (1 Tim.
iv. 12), to assign to each a stipend in proportion
to his work (ib. r. 17), to receive and decide on
chirges that might he brought against them (ib. v.
1, 19, 20), to regulate the almsgiving and the
sisterhoods of the Church (ib. v. 3-10), to ordain
presbyters and deacons (ib. iii. 1-13). There was
the risk of being entangled in the disputes, preju-
dices, covetousness, sensuality of a great city. Ther*
was the risk of injuring health and strength by an
overs' rained asceticism (ib. iv. 4, v. 23). Leaders
mt rival sects were there — Hymenaeus, Philetus,
Alexander — to oppose and thwart hie (1 Tim. i.
20 ; 2 Tim. ii. 17, iv. 14, 15). The nact of his
oeloved teacher wis no longer honoured as it had
been ; the strong affection of former days had
vanished, and " Paul the aged" had become un-
popular, the object of suspicion and dislike (comp.
Acta xx. 37 and 2 Tim. L 15). Only in the
narrowed circle of the faithful few, Aquila, Pris-
cilla, Mark, and others, who were stall with him,
was ha likely to find sympathy or support (2 Tim.
iv. 19). We cannot wonder that the Apostle,
knowing these trials, and, with his marvellous
power of bearing another's burdens, making
them his own, should be full of anxiety and
fear for his disciple's steadfastness ; that admoni-
tions, appeals, warnings should follow each other
in rapid and vehement succession (1 Tim. i. 18,
iii. 15, iv. 14, v. 21, vi. II). In the second
epiatle to him this deep personal feeling utters
itself yet more fully. The friendship of fifteen
yean was drawing to a close, and all memories
connected with it throng apon the mind of the
old man, now ready to be offered, the blameless
youth (2 Tim. iii. 15), the holy household (ib. i.
5), the solemn ordination (ib. i. 6), the tears at
parting (ib. i. 4). The last recorded words of
the Apostle express the earnest hope, repeated yet
more earnestly, that he might see him once again
(ib. iv. 9, 21). Timotheus is to come before
winter, to bring with him the cloak for which in
that winter there would be need (2 Tim. iv. 13).
We may hazard the conjecture that he reached
nim in time, and that the last hours of the teacher
were soothed by the presence of the disciple whom
he loved so truly. Some writers have even seen
n Heb. xiii. 23 an indication that he shared St.
Paul's imprisonment and was released from it by
the death of Nero (Cooybeare and Howaon, ii. 502 ;
Neaoder, P/L uud Uit. i. 552). Beyond this all is
apocryphal and uncertain. He continues, according
to the old traditions, to act as bishop of Ephesus
(Euseb. H. E. iii. 14), and dies a martyr's death
under Domitian or Merva (Niceph. H. E. iii. 11).
The great festival of Artemis (the awnryaVyiar of
that goddess) led him to protest against the licence
and Creasy which accompanied it. The mob were
roused to fury, and put him to death with clubs
(oosnp. Polycrates and Simeon Metarhr. in Hen-
wtsau's Acta Sanctorum, Jan. 24). Some later
critics — Schleiermacher, Mayerhoff— have seen in
him th] author of the whole or part of the Acta
vOlahaueen, Commntar. ii. 612).
A somewhat startling theory as to the inter-
vening period of his life has found favour with
Oilmet (k v. TimothOt), Tillemont (f. 147), and
aUiera. If he continued, according to the received
riMOTHY, EPISTLES TO 150.
tradition, to be bishop of Ephesus, then he, and do
other, must have been the "angel" of that church
to whom the message of Rev. ii. 1-7 was aoV
dressed. It may be urged, as in some degree
confirming this view, that both the praise and the
blame of that message are such as harmonise with
the impressions as to the character of Timotheus
derived from the Acts and the Epistles. The
refusal to acknowledge the self-styled Apostles,
the abhorrence of the deeds of the Nicolaitans, the
unwearied labour, all this belongs to " the man of
God " of the Pastoral Epistles. And the fault is
"O lea characteristic. The strong language of St.
Paul's entreaty would lead us to expect that the
temptation of such a man wonld be to fall away
from the glow of his " first love," the zeal of his
first faith. The promise of the Lord of the
Churches is in substance the same as that implied
in the language of the Apostle (2 Tim. ii. 4-6).
The conjecture, it should be added, has been
passed over unnoticed by most of the recent com-
mentators on the Apocalypse (comp. Alfbrd and
Wordsworth, in he.). Trench (Smm Churches of
Alia, p. 64} contrasts the "angel" of Rev. ii.
with Timotheus as an " earlier angel " who, with
the generation to which he belonged, had passed
away when the Apocalypse was written. It mutt
be remembered, however, that, at the tnne of
St. Paul's death, Timotheus was still "young,"
probably not more than thirty-five, that he might,
therefore, well be living, even on the assumption of
the later date of the Apocalypse, and that, the
traditions ( vak'tnt quantum) place his death sfter
that date. Bengal admits this, but urges the
objection that he was not the bishop of any single
diocese, but the superintendent of many churches.
This however may, in its turn, be traversed, by
the answer that the death of St. Paul may have
nude a great difference in the work of one who had
hitherto been employed in travelling as his repre-
sentative. The special charge committed to him
in the Pastoral Epistles might not unnaturally
give fixity to a life which had previously been
wandering.
An additional fact connected with the name of
Timothy is that two of the ti'eatises of the Pseudo-
Dionysius the Areopagite are addressed to him ( Aj
Hitrarch. Coel. i. 1 ; comp. Le Nourry, Assert,
c ix., and Halloix, Quaest. iv. in Migne's edition).
rv HP!
TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO. Authorthip.
— The question whether these Epistles were written
by St. Paul was one to which, till within the last
half-century, hardly any answer but an affirmative
one was thought possible. They are reckoned among
the Pauline Epistles in the Muratorian Canon and
the Peshito version. Eusebius (if. E. iii. 25)
places them among the titukar/oiiura, of the N. T.,
and, while recording the doubts which affected the
2nd Epistle of St. Peter and the other imXtyi-
awa, knows of none which affect those. They are
cited as authoritative by Tertnllian (Dt Prattar.
c 25; ad Uxortm, i. 7), Clement of Alexandria
{Strom, ii. 11), Irenaeus {Adv. Batr. iv. 16, §3,
ii. 14, §8). Parallelisms, implying quotation, in
some cases with close verbal agreement, are found
in Clem. Kom. 1 Cor. c. 29 (comp. 1 Tim. ii. 8);
Ignat ad JUagn. c. 8 (1 Tim. i. 4) ; Polycarp, c. 4
(comp. 1 Tim. vi. 7, 8) ; Theophilus of Antioch
ad Autol. iii. 126 (comp. 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2). There
were indeed some notable exceptions to this cost-
xnsui. The three Pastoral Epistles were all r»
5 D 2
1608 TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO
fected by Mardou (TertulL ode. Marc. r. 91 ;
Iren. i. 29), Basilidea, and other Gnostic teachers
(Hieron. Praef. m 7&um). Tatian, while strongly
maintaining the genuineness of the Epistle to Titus,
denied that of the other two (Hieron. ii.). In
theae instances we are able to discern a dogmatic
reason for the rejection. The tects which these
leaders represented could not but feel that they
were condemned by the teaching of the Pastoral
Epistles. Origen mentions some who excluded
2 Tim. from the Canon for a very different reason.
The names of Jsnnes and Jambres belonged to
an Apocryphal history, and from such a history
St. Paul never would hare quoted (Origen, Coaun.
in Matt. 117).
The Pastoral Entitles hare, however, been sub-
jected to a more elaborate scrutiny by the criticism
of Germany. The first doubts were uttered by
J. C. Schmidt. These were followed by the Send-
tchreiben of Schleiennacher, who, assuming the
genuineness of 2 Tim. and Titus, undertook, on
that hypothesis, to prove the spuriousness of 1 Tim.
Bolder critics saw that the position thus taken was
untenable, that the three Epistles must stand or
fall together. Eichborn (EM. iii.) and De Wette
(Einleit.) denied the Pauline authorship of all three.
There was still, however, an attempt to maintain
their authority as embodying the substance of the
Apostle's teaching, or of letters written by him,
on the hypothesis that they had been sent forth
after his death by tome over-sealous disciple, who
wished, under the shadow of his name, to attack
the prevailing errors of the time (Eichhorn, ib.).
One writer (Schott, Isagoge Hat. Crit. p. 324)
ventures on the hypothesis that Luke was the
writer. Baur (Die sogenanntm Pastoral- Brief e),
here as elsewhere more daring than others, assigns
them to no earlier period than the latter half of
the second century, after the death of Polycarp in
A.D. 167 (p. 138). On this hypothesis 2 Tim. was
the earliest, 1 Tim. the latest of the three, each
probably by a different writer (p. 72-76). They
grew out of the state of parties in the Church of
Rome, and, like the Gospel of St. Luke and the
Acts, were intended to mediate between the extreme
Pauline and the extreme Petrine sections of the
Church (p. 58). Starting from the data supplied
bv the Epistle to the Philippiana, the writers, tint
of 2 Tim., then of Titus, and lastly of 1 Tim.,
aimed, by the insertion of personal incidents, mes-
sages, and the like, at giving to their compilations
an air of verisimilitude (p. 70).
It will be seen from the above statement that
the question of authorship is here more than usually
important. There can be no solution as regards
these Epistles like that of an obviously dramatic
and therefore legitimate personation of character,
such as is possible in relation to the authorship
of Eeclesiastes. If the Pastoral Epistles are not
Pauline, the writer clearly meant them to pan
as such, and the Blow s decipiend* would be there
in its most flagrant form. They would have
to take their place with the Pseudo-Clementine
Homilies, or the Psendo-Ignatian Epistles. Where
we now see the traces, full of life and interest, of
the character of " Paul the aged," firm, tender,
zealous, loving, we should have to recognise only
the tricks, sometimes skilful, sometimes clumsy,
af some unknown and dishonest controversialist.
Consequences such as these ought not, it is true,
to lead us to suppress or distort one iota of evi-
dence. They may weD make us cautious, in ex-
lea than fifty
TIMOTHY, E1TBTLEB TO
amining the evidence, not to admit conriatitaa oaf
are wider than the premises, nor to take the few
mites themselve s for granted. The tank of «•»
amining is rendered in tome measure easier Vy Ha
fact that, in the judgment of most critiea, hostile as
well as friendly, the three Pastoral Epistles atand
on the same ground. The intcrordiate hiyuthitas
of Schleiermacber (supra) and Credaer (JSimL *ts
N. T.), who looks on Titos as genuine, 2 Tan. at
made np out of two genome letters, and 1 Tim. at
altogether spurious, may be itiimiawd aa mdnriduat
eccentricities, hardly requiring a assents aotxc
In dealing with objections which take a wider range,
we are meeting those alto which are rmifinan ta
one or two out of the three Epistles.
The chief elements of the alleged
spuriousness may be arranged as follows:—
I. Language.— The style, it it urged, is dii
from that of the acknowledged Pauline ~
There is less logical continuity, a want
and plan, subjects brought up, one after the ■
abruptly (Sehleiermacher). Not
words, most of them striking and dnuacteratx,
are found in these Epistles which are not found a
St. Paul's writings (see the list in Oonybeam and
Howson, App. I., and Huther's EtmkO.). The
formula of salutation (x&fs t JXea*, tip*}**), half-
technical words and phrases, like esWfBaw and its
cognates (1 Tim. ii. 2, iii. 16, vi. 6, «t ai.\ wwna-
KaraBnich (1 Tim. i. 18, vi. 20 ; 2 Tim. i. 12. 14,
ii. 2), the frequently-recurring arts-rot i JUryaa
(1 Tim. i. 15, iii. 1, rr. 9 ; 2 Tim. ii. 11), the oat
of {ryiairavo* as the distinctive epithet ot n trae
teaching, these and others like them appear here
for the first time (Schleierm. and Baur). Same of
these words, it is urged, fereoewr, fnfa'nes.
vmriif, «>•»» ospoViros, belong to the Gnostic ter-
minology of the 2nd century.
On the other side it may be said, (1) that thaw
is no test so uncertain as that of language and style
thus applied ; how uncertain we may judge tram
the fact that Sehleiermacher and Nesnder find aa
stumbling-blocks in 2 Tim. and Tito*, while they
detect an un-Pauline character in 1 Tim. A dif-
ference like that which marks the s pee ch of men
divided from each other by a century may bo con-
clusive against the identity of authorship, but short
of that there is hardly any conceivable d ji tiyair
which may not coexist with it. The style of one
man is stereotyped, formed early, and enduring koac.
The sentences move after an unvarying rhythm; the
same words recur. That of another changes, more
or less, from year to year. As bis thoughts expand
they call for a new vocabulary. The last works
of such a writer, as those of Bacon and of Burks,
may be florid, redundant, figurative, whae the
earlier were almost meagre in their simplicity. In
proportion as the man is a solitary thinker, or a
strong assertor of hia own will, will be tend ta tat
former state. In proportion to his power of re-
ceiving impressions from without, of sympathising
with others, will be hit tendency to" the latter.
Apart from all knowledge of St. Paul's character,
the alleged peculiarities are but of little weight it
the adverse scale. With that knowledge we may
tee in them the natural result of the intercoarsi
with men in many lands, of that readinaa to be-
come all things to all men, which could hardly fail
to show itself in speech as well as in action. EaoV
group of hit Epistles has, in like manner, its cha-
racteristic words and phrases. (2) If this B tro
generally. ! t is so vet mure emphatically when lm
TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO
circumstances of authorship an different. The
language of a Bishop's Charge is not that of bis
letters to his private friends. The Epistles, which
St. Paul wrote to the churches as societies, might
well differ from those which he wrote, in the
full freedom of open speech, to a familiar friend,
to his own " true son." It is not strange that we
should find in the latter a Lather-like vehemence
sf expression (e.g. m xaucnif uutiiivur, 1 Tim. ir.
2, 5iamaarpi/3al ttiQBnpiiimv av6pAw»r roe
win, 1 Tim. vi. 5, trtvmptviUim opaprlaa, 2 Tim.
iii. 6), mixed sometimes with words that imply that
which few great men have been without, a keen
sense of humour, and the capacity, at least, for attire
(«. g. yputtiu steeevs, 1 Tim. iv. 7 ; <p\iapei
xal rtpttpym, 1 Tim. r. 13; rrrooWTu, 1 Tim.
vi. 4; yturrtptt ifymi. Tit. i. 12). (3) Other
letters, again, were dictated to an amanuensis. These
have every appearance of having been written with
his own hand, and this can hardly have been with-
out its influence on their style, rendering it less
diffuse, the transitions more abrupt, the treatment
of each subject more concise. In this respect it
may be compared with the other two autograph
Epistles, those to the Galatians and Philemon. A
list of words given by Alford (iii. Proleg. c. vii.)
shows a considerable resemblance between the former
of the two and the Pastoral Epistles. (4) It may
be added, that to whatever extent a forger of spu-
rious Epistles would be likely to form his style
after the pattern of the recognised ones, so that
men might not be able to distinguish the counterfeit
from the true, to that extent the diversity which
has been dwelt on is, within the limits that have
oesn above stated, not against, but for the genuine-
ness of these Epistles. (5) Lastly, there is the
positive argument that there is a large common
element, both of thoughts and words, shared by
these Epistles and the others. The grounds of faith,
the law of life, the tendency to digress and go off
at a word, the personal, individualising affection,
the free reference to his own sufferings for the
truth, all these are in both, and by them we
recognise the identity of the writer. The evidence
can hardly be given within the limits of this article,
but its weight will be felt by any careful student.
The coincidences are precisely those, in most in-
stances, which the forger of a document would
have been unlikely to think of, and give but scanty
support to the perverse ingenuity which sees in
these resemblances a proof of compilation, and there-
fcre of spuriousneas.
II. It has been urged (chiefly by Eichhorn,
Eml. p. 315) against the reception of the Pastoral
Epistles that they cannot be fitted in to the records
ot St. Paul's lift in the Acts. To this there is a
threefold answer. (1) The difficulty has been
•nonnously exaggerated. If the dates assigned to
them must, to some extent, be conjectural, there
are, at least, two hypotheses in each case (infra)
which rest on reasonably good grounds. (2) If
the difficulty were as great as it is said to be, the
snare fact that we cannot fix the precise date of
three letters in the lift of one of whose ceaseless
labours and journeyings we have, after all, but
~ fragmentary i coords, ought not to be a stumbling-
Mock. TLo hypothesis of a release from the im-
prisonment with which the history of the Acts
ends removes all difficulties; and if this be rejected
{Baur, p. 67), as itself not raiting on sufficient evi-
dence, there is, in any case, a wide gap of which we
know nothing. It may at Wast claim to be a theory
TIMOTHY. EPISTLES TO iSOfl
which explains phenomena. (3) Here, as befoi e, the
reply is obvious, that a man composing couuterfist
Epistles would have been likely to make them
square with the acknowledged records of the life.
III. The three Epistles present, it is said, a move
developed state of Church organisation wd dectrins
than that belonging to the lifetime of St. Paul.
(1) The rule that the bishop is to be " the husband
of one wife " (1 Tim. iii. 2 ; Tit. i. 6) indicates the
strong opposition to second marriages which cha-
racterised the 2nd century (Baur, pp. 113-120).
(2) The "younger widows" of 1 Tim. v. 11 car.,
not possibly be literally widows. If they were, St,
Paul, in advising them to marry, would be in-
cluding them, according to the rule of 1 Tim. v. 8,
from all chance of sharing in the Church's bounty.
It follows therefore that the word xijpoi is used,
as it was in the 2nd century, in a wider sense, as
denoting a consecrated life (Baur, pp. 42-49).
(3) The rales affecting the relation of the bishop)
and elders indicate a hierarchic development cha-
racteristic of the Petrine element, which became
dominant in the Church of Home in the post-
Apostolic period, but foreign altogether to the
genuine Epistles of St. Paul (Baur, pp. 80-89).
(4) The term cdptriitdi is used in its later sense,
and a formal procedure against the heretic is recog-
nised, which belongs to the 2nd century rather than
the 1st. (5) The upward progress from the office)
of deacon to that of presbyter, implied in 1 Tin*,
iii. 13, belongs to a later period (Baur, I. o.\
It is not difficult to meet objections which con*
tain so large an element of mere arbitrary assump-
tion. (1) Admitting Baur's interpretation of 1
Tim. Hi. 2 to be the right one, the role which
makes monogamy a oondition of the episcopal office
is very far removed from the harsh, sweeping cen-
sures of all second marriages which we find in
Athenagoras and Tertullian. (2) There is not a
shadow of proof that the " younger widows " were
not literally such. The XVfx" of the Pastoral
Epistles are, like those of Acts vi. 1, ix. S9, women
dependent on the alms of the Church, not necessarily
deaconesses, or engaged in active labours. The rule
fixing the age of sixty for admission is all but con-
clusive against Baurs hypothesis. (3) The use of
•wfo-mnroi and irpwrfiirtpM in the Pastoral Epistles
as equivalent (Tit. i. 5, 7), and the absence of any
intermediate order between the bishops and deacons
(1 Tim. iii. 1-8), are quite unlike what we find in
the Tgn««i«Ti Epistles and other writings of the 2nd
century. They are in entire agreement with the
language of St. Paul (Acts xx. 17, 28 ; Phil. i. 1).
Pew features of these Epistles are more striking
than the absence of any high hierarchic system.
(4) The word sdaericei has its counterpart in the
aie«V«f of 1 Cor. xi. 19. The sentence upon
Hymenaeus and Alexander (1 Tim. i. 20) has a
precedent in that of 1 Cor. v. 5. (5) The best
int erpr e te rs do not sea in 1 Tim. iii. 13 the tran-
sition from one office to another (comp, Ellicott,
en he., and Dsaooh). If it is there, the assump-
tion that such a change is foreign to the Apostolic
age is entirely an arbitrary one.
IV. Still greater stress is laid on the indica-
tions of a later date in the descriptions of the false
teachers noticed in the Pastoral Eistles. These
point, it is said, unmistakeably to Maroon and his
followers. In the a>rif<V«ir Trjt ^cuaWe/we
y*4trt+* (1 Tim. vi. 20) there is a direct reference
to the treatise which he wrote under the title ol
'AktiW«u. setting forth the contradiction between
1510 TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO
the Old aud New Testament (Barer, p. 26). The
' genealogist " of 1 Tim. i. 4, Tit. iii. 9, in like
manner, point to the Aeons of the Valentinians and
Ophites {ibid. p. 12). The " forbidding to marry,
and commanding to abstain from meats," fits in
to Maroon's system, not to that of the Judaising
teachers of St. Paul's time (ibid. p. 24). The
assertion that "the law is good" (1 Tim. i. 8) im-
plies a denial, like that of Marcion, of its divine
authority. The doctrine that the " Resurrection
was past already" (2 Tim. ii. 18), was thoroughly
Gnostic in its character. In bis eagerness to find
tokens of a later date everywhere, Banr sees in the
writer of these Epistles not merely an opponent of
Gnosticism, bat one in part infected with their
teaching, and appeals to thedoxologies of 1 Tim. i. 17,
vi. 15, and their Christology throughout, as having
a Gnostic stamp on them (pp. 28-33).
Carefully elaborated as tils part of Banr's attack
has been, it is perhaps the weakest and most capri-
cious of all. The false teachers of the Pastoral
Epistles are predominantly Jewish, yopoSiltdVxaAot
(1 Tim. i. 7), belonging altogether to a different
school from that of Marcion, giving heed to " Jewish
fables " (Tit. i . 4 ) and " disputes connected with the
Law " (Tit. iii. 9). Of all monstrosities of Exegesis
few are more wilful and fantastic than that which
finds in KO|ioSitaVcoAo< Antinomian teachers and
in nago! vo/wtoi Antinomian doctrine (Baur, p.
17). The natural suggestion that in Acts xx. 30,
31, St. Haul contemplates the rise and progress of a
like perverse teaching, that in Col. ii. 8-23 we have
the same combination of Judaism and a self-styled
Tvanru (1 Tim. vi. 20) or «)tAo<roo){a (Col. ii. 8),
leading to a like false asceticism, is set aside sum-
marily by the rejection both of the Speech and the
Epistle as spurious. Even the denial of the Resur-
rection, we may remark, belongs as natnrally to
the mingling of a Sadducaean element with an Eastern
mysticism as to the teaching of Marcion. The self-
contradictory hypothesis that the writer of 1 Tim.
is at once the strongest opponent of the Gnostics,
and that be adopts their language, need hardly be
refuted. The whole line of argument, indeed, first
misrepresents the language of St. Paul in these
Epistles and elsewhere, and then assumes the entire
absence from the first century of even the germs of
the teaching which characterised the second (camp.
Nesoder, Pft. and Ltit. i. p. 401 ; Heydenreich,
p. 64).
Date. — Assuming the two Epistles to Timothy to
have been written by St. Paul, (o what period of his
life are they to be referred ? The question as it
affects each Epistle may be discussed sepnmtely.
Fbrtl Epistle to Timothy.— The direct data in this
instance are very few. (1) i. 3, implies a journey
of St. Paul from Ephesus to Macedonia, Timothy
remaining behind. (2) The age of Timothy is
described as nora* (iv. 12). (3) The general
res em blance between the two Epistles indicates that
they were written at or about the same time.
Three hypotheses have been maintained as fulfilling
thee conditions.
(A) The journey in question has bean looked on
as an unrecorded epiaods in the two years' work
at Ephesus of Acts xix. 10.
(B) It has been identified with the journey of
Ada xx. 1, after the tumult at Ephesus.
On either of these suppositions the date of the
Epistle has been fixed at various periods after St.
Paul's arrival at Ephesus, before the conclusion of
his first imprisonment at Rome.
TIMOTHY, EPISTLES TO
(C) It has been placed in the interval l<etwea
St. Paul's first and second impriremsseois at
Rome.
Of these conjectures, A and B have the itit-J
of bringing the Epistle within the limit of the ao-
thentic records of St. Paul's list, but they have
scarcely any other. Against A, it may be org** 1
that a journey to Macedonia srould hardly have Nes
passed over in silence either by St Luke in *J»
Acts, or by St. Paul himsell in writing; to Use Co-
rinthians. Against B, that Timothy, instead of
remaining at Ephesus when the Apostle left, h,U
pone on into Macedonia before him (Acts six. 2"2 .
The hypothesis of a possible return is travers e d by
the fact that he is with St. Paul in MsosoVania sit
the time when 2 Cor. was written and acatt off.
In favour of C as compared with A or B, is tLe
internal evidence of the contents of the F.pcrfla
The errors against which Timothy is warned arc
present, dangerous, portentous. At the time of St.
Paul's visit to Miletus in Acts xx., i. «., according
to those hypotheses, subsequent to the Epistle, tier
are still only looming in the distance (ver. SO). All
the circumstances referred to, moreover, imply the
prolonged absence of the Apostle. Disdplne had
become lax, heresies rife, the economy of the Chinch
disordered. It was necessary to check the duet
offenders by the sharp sentence of eTrommrnismtioa
(1 Tim. i. 20). Other Churches called tar hit
counsel and directions, or a sharp n e ce s sity took
him away, and he hastens on, leaving behind sum,
with full delegated authority, the disciple in whom
he most confided. The language of the Epistle
afeo has a bearing on the date. According m> the
hypotheses A and B, it belongs to the suae periods
as 1 and 2 Cor. and the Ep. to the Rnarama, or,
at the latest, to the same group as PbiUppiaiss and
Ephenans ; and, in this case, the differences oi
style and language are somewhat difficult to explain.
Assume a later date, and then there is room fbi
the changes in thought and txuieaiion which, in a
character like St. Paul's, were to be expected as
the years went by. The only objections to tht
position thus assigned are — (1) the doubtfiihseas of
the second imprisonment altogether, which has beea
discussed in another place [Paci.]; and (2), the
" youth" of Timothy at the time when the letter
was written (iv. 12). In regard to the latter, it it
sufficient to say that, on the assumption of the later
date, the disciple was probably not mora than ,U
or 35, and that this was young enough tor on*
who wax to exercise authority over a whole body
of Bishop-presbyters, many of them older than
himself (v. 1).
Second Epistle to TimoOty.— The number of
rial names and incidents in the 2nd Epistle insist
chronological data more numerous. It will be
best to bring them, as far as possible, together,
noticing briefly with what other tacts each connects
itself, and to what conclusion it leads. Here ah*
there are the conflicting theories of an earlier and
later date, (A) during the imprisonment of Arts
xxviii. 30, and (B) during the second imprison-
ment already spoken of.
(1) A parting apparently meant, under cixcao
stances of special sorrow (i. 4). Not decisive. The
scene at Miletus (Acts xx. 37) suggests itself, if ws
assume A. The parting referred in in 1 Tim. i. 3
might meet B.
(2) A general desertion of the Apostle even rf
the disciples of Asia (i. 15). Nothing in the Ac*
indicates anything like this before tee bnpnsMB
TIMOTHY. EPISTLES TO
■Mnl of Aeti xxviii. 30. Everything in Acta xix.
and »., and not leu the language of the Epistle to
the Ephesiaus, speaks of general and atroog atieo-
tion. This, therefore, so far as it goes, must be
placed on the side of B.
(3) The position of St, Panl as suffering (i. 12),
in bonds (ii. 9), expecting "the time of his de-
parture" (iv. 6), forsaken by almost all (ir. 16).
Not quite decisive, but tending to B rather than A.
The language of the Epistles belonging to the first
imprisonment imply, it is true, bonds (Phil. i. 1 3,
16; Eph.iii. 1, vi.20),butmaUoftbem theApostle
■a surrounded by many friends, and is hopeful, and
confident of release (Phil. i. 25 ; Pbilem. 22).
(4) The mention of Onesiphorus, and of services
rendered by him both at Rome and Ephesus (i. 16-
18). Not decisive again, but the tone is rather
that of a man looking back on a past period of his
lift", and the order of the names suggests the thought
of the ministrations at Ephesus being subsequent to
those at Rome. Possibly too the mention of " the
household," instead of Onesiphorus himself, may
imply his death in the interval. This therefore
tends to B rather than A.
(5) The abandonment of St. Paul by Dunns
(iv. 10). Strongly in favour of B. Donas was
with the Apostle when the Epistles to the Colussians
(iv. 14) and Philemon (24) were written. 2 Tim.
most therefore, in all probability, have been written
after them ; but, if we place it anywhere in the
tint imprisonment, we are all but compelled * by
the mention of Mark, for whose coming the Apostle
asks in 2 Tim. iv. 11, and who is with him in
Col. iv. 10, to place it at an earlier age.
(6) The presence of Luke (iv. 11). Agrees well
enough with A (Col. ir. 14), but is perfectly com-
patible with B.
(7) The request that Timothy would bring Hark
(ir. 11). Seems at find, compared as above, with
Col. iv. 14, to support A, but, in connexion with
the mention of Demas, tends decidedly to B.
(8) Mention of Tychicus as sent to Ephesus (iv.
12). Appears, as connected with Eph. vi. 21, 22,
Col. iv. 7, in favour of A, yet, as Tychicus was
continually employed on special missions of this
kind, may just as well tit in with B.
(9) The request that Timothy would bring the
doak and books left at Trees (iv. 13). On the as-
sumption of A, the last visit of St. Paul to Troas
would hare ben at least four or tire years before,
•luring which there would probably have been oppor-
tunities enough for his regaining what he had left.
In that case, too, the circumstances of the journey
present no trace of the haste and suddenness which
the request more than half implies. On the whole,
then, this must be reckoned as in favour of B.
(10) '"Alexander the coppersmith did me much
aril," « greatly withstood our words " (ir. 14, 15).
The part taken by a Jew of this name in the uproar
of Acts xix., and the natural connexion of the goA-
sreit with the artisans represented by Demetrius,
»uggs* a reference to that event as something recent,
and so far support A. On the other hand, the name
Alexander was too common to make us certain as to
the identity, and if it were the same, the hypothesis
of a later date only requires us to assume what was
probable enough, a renewed hostility.
(11) The abandonment of the Apostle in his first
* The qualifying wonts might have ben omitted, but
for the out that It has been raggested that Demos, having
lbnal«9Sunttd.r«iientedaiidntarB«d(Isu4iisr.vLaaa>
TIMOTHY. EPISTLES TO 1511
defence (aroAo-yfa), and his del'verance "from thi
mouth of-the lion (iv. 16, 17). Kits in as a pos-
sible contingency with either hypothesis, but, like
the mention of Demas in (5), must belong, at any
rate, to a time much later than any of the other
Epistles written from Rome.
(12) " Erastus abode at Corinth, but Trophimus
I left at Miletus sick" (ir. 20). Language, as in
(9), implying a comparatively recent visit to both
places. If, however, the letter were written during
the first imprisonment, then Trophimus had not
been left at Miletus, but bad gone on with St. Paul
to Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 29),» and the mention of
Erastus as remaining at Corinth would have been
superfluous to one who had left that city at tits
same time as the Apostle (Acts xx. 4).
(13) " Hasten to come before winter." Assum-
ing A, the presence of Timothy in Phil. i. 1 ; Col. i.
1 ; Philem. 1, might be regarded as the consequence
of this ; bat then, as shown in (5) and (7), then
are almost insuperable difficulties in supposing this
Epistle to have been written before those three.
(14) The salutations from Eubulus, Pudetw,
Linus, and Claudia. Without laying much stress
on this, it may be said that the absence of these
rames from all the Epistles, which, according to A,
belong to the same period, would be difficult to
explain. B leaves it open to conjecture that they
were converts of more recent date. They are men-
tioned too as knowing Timothy, and this implies, as
at least probable, that he had already been at Rome,
and that this letter to him was consequently later
than those to the Philippians and Colossians.
On the whole, it is believed that the evidence
preponderates strongly in favour of the later date,
and that the Epistle, if we admit its genuineness, is
therefore a strong argument for believing that the
imprisonment of Acts xxviii. was followed by a
period first of renewed activity and then of suffering.
Plactt. — In this respect as in regard to time,
1 Tim. leaves much to conjecture. The absence of
any local reference but that in i. 3, suggests Mace-
donia or some neighbouring district. In A and other
MSS. in the Pashito, Ethiopic, and other versions,
Laodkea is named in the inscription as the place
whence it was sent, but this appears to have grown
out of a traditional belief letting on very insufficient
grounds, and incompatible with the conclusion which
has been above adopted, that thi* is the Epistle
referred to in Col. ir. 16 as that from Laodicee
(Tbeophyl. in loo.). The Coptic version with as
little likelihood states that it was written from
Athens (Huther, Einteit.).
The Second Epistle is free from this conflict el
conjectures. With the solitary exception of Bottgtr,
who suggests Caesarea, there is a consensus in favour
of Rome, and everything in the circumstances and
names of the Epistle leads to the same conclusion
{ibid.).
Structtm ami Characteristics. — The peculiarities
of language, so far as they affect the question of au-
thorship, have been already noticed. Assuming
the genuineness of the Epistles, some characteristic
features remain to be noticed.
(1) The ever-deepening sense in St Paul's heart
of the Divine Mercy, of which he was the object,
as shown in the insertion of IXwi in the salutations
of both Epistles, and in the «Xe^*V of 1 Tim. i. 13.
s The ounjeu t uie that the " tearing" nanrcd to took
plsce doting the voyage of Actsxxvll. fat purely arbUnur
and at variance with vera. • and I of that chapter.
1512
TIN
(2) The greater auruptneet of the Second Epistle.
From first to last there is do plan, no treatment of
subjects carefully thought out. All speaks of strong
oversowing emotion, memories of the past, anxieties
•boat the future.
(3) The absence, as compared with St Paul's
other Epistles, of Old Testament references. This
may connect itself with the feet just noticed, that
these Epistles are not argumentative, possibly also
with the request for the " books and parchments "
which had been left behind (3 Tim. iv. 13). He
mHT have been separated for a time from the fopa
ypififurm, which were commonly his companions.
(4) The conspicuous position of the "faithful
■Tings'' as taking the place occupied in other
Epistles by the 0. T. Scriptures. The way in
which these are cited as authoritative, the variety
of subjects which they cover, suggest the thought
that in them we have specimens of the prophecies
of the Apostolic Church which had most impressed
themselves on the mind of the Apostle, and of the
disciples generally. 1 Cor. xrr. shows how deep a
reverence he was likely to feel for such spiritual
utterances. In 1 Tim. ir. 1, we have a distinct
reference to them.
(5) The tendency of the Apostle's mind to dwell
more on the universality of the redemptive work of
Christ (1 Tim. ii. 3-6, iv. 10), his strong desire that
all the teaching of his disciples should be " sound "
(trytalrovoa), commending itself to minds in a
henlthy state, bis fear of the corruption of that
teaching by morbid subtleties.
(6) The importance attached by him to the
practical details of administration. The gathered
eipmence of a long life had taught him that the
life and well-being of the Church required these for
its safeguards.
(7) The recurrence of doiologies (1 Tim. i. 17,
vi. 15, 16 ; 2 Tim. iv. 18) as from one living
perpetually in the presence of God, to whom the
language of adoration was as his natural speech.
It has been thought desirable, in the above dis-
cussion of conflicting theories, to state them simply
as they stand, with the evidence on which they rest,
without encumbering the page with constant re-
ference to authorities. The names of writers on the
X. T. in such a case, where the grounds of reason-
ing are open to all, add little or nothing to the
weight of the conclusions drawn from them. Full
particulars will, however, be found in the intro-
ductions of Alford, Wordsworth, Uuther, Davidson,
Wiesinger, Hug. Conybeare and Howson (App. i.)
give a good tabular summary both of the objections
to the genuineness of the Epistles and of the answers
to thein, and a clear statement in favour of the later
date. The most elaborate argument in favour of the
earlier is to be found in N. Lardner, History o/Apost.
andErxmg. ( Works, vi. pp. 315-375). [E. H. P.]
TIN ( ^? v 13 : jMure-tVepoi : stannum). Among
the various metals found amoaf, the spoils of the
Midianitea, tin is enumerates (Num. mi. 22).
It was known to the Hebrew metal-workers ae an
alloy of other metals (Is. i. 25 ; Ex. xxii. 18, 20).
The markets of Tyre were supplied with it by the
•hips of Tarshish (Ex. xxvii. 12). It was used for
plummets (Zech. iv. 10), and was so plentiful as to
furnish the writer of Ecclesiasticus (xlvii. 18) with
a figure by which to express the wealth of Solomon,
whom he apostrophizes thus: "Thou didst gather
CoM aa tin, and didst multiply silver as lead. In
the Homeric times the Greeks were familiar with it.
TIN
Twenty layers of tin were in Agamemnon's cnuaa>
given him by Kinyres (II. xi. 25), and t a mit i batata
of tin were npon his shield ( II. xi. 34). Copper,
tin, and gold were used by Hephaestus in welding
the famous shield of Achilles (II. xviii. 474). The
fence round the vineyard in the device upon it wxe
of tin (II. xviii. 564), and the oxen were wrought
of tin and gold (ibid. 574). The greaves of Achilles,
made fay Hephaestus, were of tin bes.ten fine, dost
fitting to the limb (IL xviii. 612 xxi. 582,. Hit
shield had two folds or layers of In betwe e n twv
outer layers of bronze and an inner layer of goM
(72.xx.271). Tin was used in ornamenting cbanou
(II. xiiii. 503), and a cuirass of bronze overlaid
with tin is mentioned in IL xxUL 561. No allu-
sion to it is found in the Odyssey. The «~***f,
of tin in a smel ting-pot is mentioned by Hesssd
(Ihsog. 862).
Tin is not found in Palestine. Whence, then, dsi
the ancient Hebrews obtain their supply? ** Only
three countries are known to contain any consider-
able quantity of it : Spain and Portugal, Cornwall
and the adjacent parts of Devonshire, and the island*
of Junk, Ceylon, and Bancs, in the Straits at" Ma-
lacca" (Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 212). Accwdiog
to Diodorus Siculns (v. 46) there were tin-nines at
the island of Panchaia, off the east coast ot Arabia,
but the metal was not exported. There cam be
little doubt that the mines of Britain wore the
chief source of supply to the ancient world. Mr.
Cooley, indeed, writes very positively I Ifm iTi'sai
and Inland Disanery, i. 131) : " There can be ot
difficulty in determining the country from which
tin first arrived in Egypt. That metal has been in
all ages a principal export of India : it is enume-
rated as such by Arrian, who found it abundant is
the ports of Arabia, at a time when the supplies of
Rome flowed chiefly through that channel The
tin-mines of Bancs are probably the richest in the
world ; but tin was unquestionably brought from
the West at a later period." But it baa been
shown conclusively by Dr. George Smith (2%* Osa-
siterides, Lond. 1863) that, to far from suca a
statement being justified by the authority of Arrian,
the facts are all tiie other way. After examining
the commerce of the ports of Abyssinia, Arabia, and
India, it is abundantly evident that, " instead af it*
coming from the East to Egypt, it hat been invari-
ably exported from Egypt to the East" (p. 23-.
With regard to the tin obtained from Spain, althoosrb
the metal was found there, it does not appear ta
have been produced in sufficient quantities to strpaty
the Phoenician markets. Posidonius (in Strafe, iii.
p. 147) relates that in the country of tha Artabri.
in the extreme N.W. of the peninsula, the gro un d
was bright with silver, tin, and white gold (mixed
with silver), which were brought down by the
rivers ; but the quantity thus obtained could net
have been adequate to the demand. At the araeant
day the whole surface bored for mining in Spain ■
little more than a square mile (Smith, Caastfannrt.
p. 46). We are therefore driven to conclude that
it was from the Cassiteridet, or tin districts el
Britain, that the Phoenicians obtained the grant
bulk of this commodity (Sir G. C Lewi*, Heat,
Survey of the Astr. of the Am. p. 451), and that
this was dune by the direct voyage from Gades. It
is true that at a later period (Strain, iii. 147) tia
was conveyed overland to Marseilles by a thirty
days' journey (Died. Sic v. 2); but Strabo (SL
175) tells us that the Phoenicians alone carried st-
ilus traffic in former times from Cadet, ivuooalxaf
TlPfiBAH
the passage from every one ; and that on one occa-
sion, when the Romans followed one of their Teasels
in order to discover the source of supply, the master
of the ship ran upon a shoal, leading those who
followed him to destruction. In course of time,
however, the Romans discovered the passage. In
Ksfkiel, " the trade in tin is attributed to Tarshiah,
as ' the merchant* for the commodity, without any
mention of the place whence it was procured "
(Caatiteridei, p. 74) ; and it is after the time of
Julius Caesar that we first hear of the overland
traffic by Marseilles.
Pliny (vi. 36) identifies the caniteroe of the
Greeks with the plumbum album or candidum of
the Romans, which is our tin. Stannum, he says,
is obtained from an ore containing lead and silver,
and i« the first to become melted in the furnace.
It h the same which the Germans call Weri, and is
apparently the meaning of the Hebr. bSdU in Is. i.
23. The etymology of cassiteros is uncertain.
From the bet that in Sanscrit kattira signifies
*" tin," an argument has been derived in favour of
India being the source of the ancient supply of this
metal, but too much stress must not be laid upon
H. [LKAD.] [W.A.W.]
TIPH'SAH (TOBl - ): %tpai: Thapfoa,
Thaprn) is mentioned in 1 K. iv. 24 as the limit
of Solomon's empire towardi the Euphrates, and in
2 K. xt. 16 it is said to have been attacked by
Menahem, king of Israel, who " smote Tiphsah and
all that were therein, and all the coasts thereof."
It is generally admitted that the town intended, at
any rate in the former passage, is that which the
Greeks and Romans knew under the name of
rhapaacus (eotyamii), situated in Northern Syria,
at the point where it was usual to cross the
Euphrates (Strab. xvi. 1, §21). The name is
therefore, reasonably enough, connected with "IDS,
" to pus over" (Winer, SealaOrterbuch, ii. 613*),
and is believed to correspond in meaning to the
Greek wipes, the German fart, and our " ford."
Thapsacus was a town of considerable importance
in the ancient world. Xenophon, who saw it in
the tine of Cyrus the younger, calls it " great and
prosperous" (aryslA.ii am) «Joaf/w»r, Anab. i. 4,
§11). It must have been a place of considerable
trade, the land-traffic between East and West pass-
ing through it, first on account of its fordway
(which was the lowest upon the Euphrates), and
then on account of its bridge (Strab. xvi. 1, §23),
while it was likewise the point where goods were
both embarked for transport down the stream (Q.
Curt. x. 1), and also disembarked from boats which
had some up it, to be conveyed on to their final
destination by land (Strab. xvi. 3, §4). It is a
fair conjecture that Solomon's occupation of the
place was connected with hia efforts to establish a
line of trade with Central Asia directly across the
continent, and that Tadmor was intended as a
resting-place on the journey to Thapsacus.
Th.ipaacua was the place at which armies march-
ing east or west usually crossed the " Great River."
It was there that the Ten Thousand first learnt the
real intentions of Cyrus, and, consenting to aid him
to his enterprise, pawed the stream (Xen. Anab. i.
4, §11)- There too Darius Codomannus crossed on
TUtAS
1513
• This la dear from the very name of the place, and la
xmnrmed by modem researches. When toe naUvea told
Cyme tint the stream had acknowledged htm aa Its king,
hartou never been funlcd until hia arm/ waded through It,
his flight from Issue (Arr. Exp. At. ii. 13); and
Alexander, following at his leisure, made hi/, pas-
sage at the same point (ib. iii. 7). A brijge of
boats was nasally maintained at the (lace by the
Persian kings, which was of course broken up when
danger threatened. Even then, however, the rtream
could in general be forded, unless in the flood-
It has been generally supposed that the site of
Thapsacus was the modem Mr (r/Anville, Ken-
neli, Vaux, Ac,). But the Euphrates expedition
proved that there ia no ford at DeJr, and indeed
showed that the only ford in this part of the course
of the Euphrates is at Suriyth, 45 miles below
Balis, and 165 above Mr (Aintworth, Travel* m
Vie Track tf the Ten Thouxmd, p. 70). This then
must have been the position of Thapsacus. Here
the river ia exactly of the width mentioned by
Xenophon (4 stadea or 800 yards), and here for
four months in the winter of 1841-1842 the river
had but 20 inches of water (ib. p. 72).
" The Euphrates is at this apot full of beauty
anil majesty. Its stream is wide and its waters
generally clear and blue. Its banks are low and
level to the left, but undulate gently to the right.
Previous to arriving at this point the course of the
river is southerly, but here it turns to the east,
expanding more like an inland lake than a river,
and quitting (as Pliny has described it) the Pal-
myrean solitudes for the fertile Mygdonia" (ib.)
A pared causeway is visible on either side of the
Euphrates at Suriyeh, and a long line of mounds
may be traced, disposed, something like those ol
Nineveh, in the form of an irregular parallelogram.
These mounds probably mark the site of the ancient
city. [G. R.]
TTBAS (DTJJ: ««.'<«•: Zaaras). The
youngest son of Japheth (Get x. 2). As the name
occurs only in the ethnological takle, we hare no
clue, aa far as the Bible is concerned, to guide us
as to the identification of it with any particular
people. Ancient authorities generally fixed on the
Thracians, as presenting the closest verbal approxi-
mation to the name (Joseph. Ant. i. 6, §1 ; Jerome,
m Gen. x. 2; Targums Pseudoj. and Jems, on
Gen. I.e. ; Targ. on 1 Chr. i. 5): the occasional
rendering Persia probably originated in a corruption
of the original text. The correspondence between
Thrace and Tiras is not so complete as to be con-
vincing; the gentile form &p$i brings I hem nearer
together, but the total absence of the i in the
Greek name is observable. Granted, however, the
verbal identity, no objection would arise on ethno-
logical grounds to placing the Thracians among
the Japhetic races. Their precise ethnic position
ia indeed involved in great uncertainty ; but all
authorities agree in their general Indo-European
character. The evidence of this is circumstantial
rather than direct. The language has disappeared,
with the exception of the ancient names and the
single word bria, which forma the termination of
Mesembria, Selymbria, ate., and ia said to signify
" town " (Strab. vil. p. 319). The Tbradan stock
was represented in later times by the Uetae, and
these again, still later, by the Daci, each of whom
inherited the old Thracian tongue (Strab. vii.
p. 303). But this circumstance throws little light
they calculated on bis Ignorance, or thought he wo'ild nut
examine too strictly Into the groundwork of a o<ni|>:uu<-ut
(See Xen. Anab. L i, Jll.)
1514 TIBATHTfES, THE
3D the subject; for the Dacian language has also
disappeared though fragments of its vocabulary
may possibly exist either in Wallachian dialects or
perhaps in the Albanian language (Diefenbach, Or.
Kitr. p. 68). If Grimm's identification of the
Getae with the Goths were established, the Teu-
tonic affinities of the Thradans would be placed
beyond question (Gtach. Deutt. Spr. i. 178) ; but
this view does not meet with general acceptance.
The Thradans are associated in ancient history with
the Pekugians (Strab. ix. p. 401), and the Trojans,
with whom they had many names in common
(Stinb. xiii. p. 590); in Asia Minor they were
repnsjtnted by the Bithynians (Herod, i. 28, Til.
75% These circumstances lead to the conclusion
that they belonged to the Indo-European family,
but do not warrant us in assigning them to any
particular branch of it. Other explanations have
been onered of the name Tiras, of which we may notice
the Agathyrti, the first part of the name (Aga)
being treated as a prefix (Knobel, VBlkert. p. 129) ;
Taurus and the ramus tribes occupying that range
(Kalisch, Comm. p. 246) ; the river Tyras, Dnies-
ter, with its cognominous inhabitants, the Tyritae
(Hiverniek, Enleit. ii. 231; Schulthess, Parad.
p. 194) ; and, lastly, the maritime Tyrrhenl (Tuch,
»Oen./.c). [W. L. B.J
TTBATHITES, THE (tW^TM: rotW«;
Alex. Apyxttttn: Canentes). One of the three
families of Scribes residing at Jabez (1 Chr. ii. 55),
the others being the Shimeathites and Suchathites.
The passage is hopelessly obscure, and it is perhaps
impossible t» discover whence these three families
derived their names. The Jewish commentators,
playing with the names iu true Shemitic fashion, in-
terpret them thus : — " They called them Tira-
tliim, because their voices when they sung resounded
locd (JTW) ; and Shimeathites because they made
themselves heard (PDC) in reading the Law."
The Shimeathites having been inadvertently
omitted in their proper place, it may be as well to
give here the equivalents of the name (DTttftSt? ■
Xuiaffitf/t: Setanantet). [G.J
TIKE (1KB). An ornamental headdress worn
on festive occasions (Ex. xiiv. 17, 23). The term
pefr is elsewhere rendered "goodly" (Ex. xxxix.
28); "bonnet" (Is. iii. 20; Ex. xlhr. 18); and
" ornament " (Is. lxi. 10). For the character of
the article, see Headdress. [W. L. B.]
TIB'HAKAH (iljSrnn : Bapwci: Taaraca).
King of Ethiopia, Cush ( jjoiriAetj AlBiAwmv, LXX.),
the opponent of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 9; Is.
xuvii. 9). While the king of Assyria was " wamng
against Libnah," in the south of Palestine, he beard
of Tirbakab's advance to right him, and sent a
second time to demand the surrender of Jerusalem.
This was D.C. cir. 713, unless we suppose that the
expedition took place in the 24th instead of the
14th year of Hezekiah, which would bring it to
B.C. dr. 70S. If it were an expedition later than
that of which tic date is mentioned, it must have
been before B.C. dr. 698, Hezekiah's last year.
But if the reign of Manasseh is reduced to 35
yean, these dates would be respectively B.C. dr.
693, 683, and 678, and then numbers might have
to be slightly modified, the fixed date of the cap-
ture of Samaria, B.C. 721, being abandoned.
According to Manetho'i epitomisU, Tarkos or
Tarakos was the third and last king of tin xxvth
TIBSHATHA
dynasty, which was of Ethiopians, and reigned IS
(Afr.) or 20 (Eus.) years. [So.] From oat* «f tit
Apia-Tablets we learn that a bull Apia waa bcrn <a
his 26th year, and died at the eod of the 20th t
Ptammeticnus I. of the xxvith dynasty. Its bat
exceeded 20 years, and no Apis is stated to nave
lived longer than 26. Taking that sum as the
most probable, we should data Tirhakah 's accecust
B.C. cir. 695, and assign him a reign of 26 year*.
In this case we should be obliged to take the) lata
reckoning of the Biblical events, were it not for thr
possibility that Tirhakah ruled over Ethiopia, befai
becoming king of Egypt. In connexion with tnis
theory it must be observed, that an earlier Ethi-
opian of the same dynasty is called in the Bible
"So, king of Egypt," while this ruler is called
" Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia," and that a Pharaoh is
spoken of in Scripture at the period of the latter, n=d
also that Herodotus represents the Egyptian orsnooeut
of Sennacherib as Sethos, a native king, who may
however have been a vassal under the Ethiopian.
The name of Tirhakah is written in hierogivpiucs
TEHARKA. Sculptures at Thebes ooaaaeatanam
his rule, and at (Jebel-Berkei, or Napata, be con-
structed one temple and part of another. Of the
events of his reign little else is known, and the ac-
count of Megaathenes (op. Strabo xt. p. 686,), that
he rivalled Seaostris as a warrior and reached the
Pillars of Hercules, is not supported by other evi-
dence. It is probable that at the dose of his reign
he found the Assyrians too powerful, and retired ta
his Ethiopian dominions. [R. &. P.J
TIB'HAKAH (rumn : eoan>; Alexecurxvsi:
Tharana). Son of Caleb ben-Hezroo by his con-
cubine Maachah ( 1 Chr. ii. 48).
TIE'IA («n»fl: Sipict; Alex, ©moat: TJbMe)
Son of JehaleJeel of the tribe of Jodah (1 Chr.
iv. 16).
TIBSHATHA (always written with the article,
Knennil : hence the LXX. give the ward 'Afca-
ffcurfld (Ext. ii. 63 ; Neb. vii. 65), and 'AaTspsrssren
(Neh. x. 1) : Vulg. Atheraatha). The title of the
governor of Judaea under the Persians, d e ri ve d by
Gesenius from a Persian root signifying "stern,
" severe." He compares the title Geetrenger Herr
formerly given to the magistrates of the free anal
imperial cities of Germany. Compare also oar ex-
pression, " most dread sovereign." It is added a*
a title after the name of Nehemiah (Neb. vfii. 9.
x. 1 [Heb. 2J); and occurs also in three othrr
places, Etr. u. (ver. 63), and the repetition of tax*
account in Neh. vii. (vers. 65-70), where probably t
is intended to denote Zerubbabd, who bad held it*
office before Nehemiah. In the margin at th
A. V. (Ear. ii. 63 ; Neh. vii. 65, x. n tt is randaet
" governor ;" an explanation justified by Neh. xii. 26,
where " Nehemiah the governor," nTIBil (rVeia,
possibly from the same root as the word we write
Pacha, or Pasha), occurs instead of the more nwal
expression, " Nehemiah the Ttrsbatha." Tins word.
nnB, is one of very common occurrence. It ■>
twice applied by Nehemiah to himself (v. 14. 18\
and by the prophet Haggai (i. 1, ii. 2, 21 ) toZerae-
babel. According to Gesenius, it denotes the rrefrtl
or governor of a province of less extent than s
satrapy. The word is used of officers and governed
under the Assyrian (2 K. xviii. 24, Is. xxxri. 9 „
Babylonian ( Jer. Ii. 57, Ex. xxiii. 6, 23 ; see a?«t
Ezr. v. 3, 14, vi. 7, Dim. hi. 2, 3, 27, n. T [!?ek
TIBZAH
9J), Median (Jer. U. 28), and Persian (foth. t!U. 9,
fx. 3) monarchies. And under thia last we find
it applied to the rulers of the provinces bordered
by the Euphrates (Exr. viii. 36, Neh. U. 7, 9, iii.
7), and to the governors of Judaea, ZerubbabeL and
Nehemiah (compare Mai. i. 8). It is found also at
am aarlier period in the times of Solomon (1 K. x.
15, 2 Chr. u. U) and Benhadad king of Syria
^1 K. xx. 24): from which last place, compared
with others (2 K. xviil. 24, Is. xxxri. 9), we find
that military commands were often held by these
governors ; the word iudeed is often rendered by the
A. V., either in the text or the margin," captain."
By thus briefly examining the sense of Pecha,
which (though of courte a much more general and
lass distinctive word) is given as an equivalent to
Tirshatha, we have no difficulty in forming an opinion
aa to the general notion implied in it. We have, how-
ever, no sufficient information to enable us to explain
in detail in what consisted the special peculiarities
iu honour or functions which distinguished the Tir-
shatha from others of the same class, governors,'
captains, princes, rulers of provinces. [E. P. E.]
TIB'ZAH (nVTR, >'. ». Thirza: %tfxri :
Therta). The youngest of the five daughters of
Zelophehad, whose case originated the law that in
the event of a man dying without male issue his
property should pass to his daughters (Num. xxvi.
3.1, irrii. 1, xxxri. *1 J ; Josh. xrii. 3). [Zelo-
phehad.] [0.]
TIR'ZAH (nyjB : Bo/wo, Sepo-a, ©opceUo ;
Alex. aepua, Septra, Bcpa-iXa : Therta). An
ancient Canaanit* city, whose icing is enumerated
amongst the twenty-one overthrown in the conquest
of the country (Josh. xii. 24). From that time
nothing is heard of it till after the disruption of
Israel and Judah. It then reappears as a royal
city — the residence of Jeroboam (1 K. xiv.* 17), and
of his successors, Baasha (xv. 21, 33), Elah (xvi.
8, 9), and Zimri (ib. 15). It contained the royal
sepulchres of one (xvi. 6), and probably all the
first four kings of the northern kingdom. Zimri
was besieged there by Omri, and perished in the
flames of his palace (ib. 18). The new king con-
tinued to reside there at first, bat after six years he
removed to a new city which he built and named
Shomrtm (Samaria), and which continued to be the
capital of the northern kingdom till its full. Once,
and ones only, dors Tirxah reappear, as the seat of
the conspiracy of Menahem ben-tiaddi against the
wretched Shall um (2 K. xv. 14, 16); but as soon
aa his revolt bad proved successful, Menahem re-
moved the seat of his government to Samaria, and
Tirxah was again left in obscurity.
Its reputation for beauty throughout the country
must have been wide-spread. It is in this sense
that it is mentioned in the « Song of Solomon, where
the juxtaposition of Jerusalem is sufficient proot of
TISHUITE, THE
lSld
the estimation in which it was held—" Beautiful
as Tirxah, comely as Jerusalem " (Cant, vi. 4). The
LXX. (cusoKia) and Vulg. {tuatis) do not, however,
take tirttah as a proper name in this passage.
Eusebius (Onomast. eape-iAst'; mentions it ia
connexion with Menahem, and identifies it with a
" village of Samaritans in Batanaea." There is,
however, nothing in the Bible to lead to the inference
that the Tirxah of the Israelite monarch* was on the
east of Jordan. It does not appear to be mentioned
by the Jewish topographers, or any of the Christian
travellers of the middle ages, except Brocaidua,
who places "Thersa on a high mountain, three
leagues (teucae) from Samaria to the 'east" (0s.
soriptio, cap. vii.). This is exactly the direction,
and very nearly the distance, of Tell&zak, a place
in the mountains north of Nablut, which was visited
by Dr. Kobinson and Mr. Van de Velde in 1852
(B. S. iil. 302; Syr. emd PaL iii. 334). The
town is on an emineuce, which towards the. east is
exceedingly lofty, though, being at the edge of the
central highlands, it is more approachable from the
west. The place ia large and thriving, but with,
out any obvious marks of antiquity. The name
may very probably be a corruption of Tirxah ; but
beyond that similarity, and the general agreement
of the site with the requirements of the narrative,
there ia nothing at present to establish the identifi-
cation with certainty. [6.3
TISH'BITE, THE ('SeWI: i 6eo-jBerr*;t ;
Alex. '««o-0(n>r : Thesbita). The well-known de-
signation of Elijah (1 K. xvii. 1, xxi. 17, 28; 2 K.
i. 3, 8, ix. 36).
(1.) The name naturally points to a place called
Tishbeh (Fttrst), Tishbi, or rather perhaps Tesheb,
as the residence of the prophet. And indeed the
word '3BTID, which follows it in 1 K. xvii. 1,
and which in the received Hebrew Text is so pointed
as to mean "from the residents," may, without
violence or grammatical impropriety, be pointed to
read "from Tishbi." This latter reading appears
to hare been followed by the LXX. (0 eeo-0«tri)t
i U %«r$ir) ; Josephus (Ant. viii. 13, §2, ti-
\*ms Btafriyris), and the Targusa (SB'HnOT.
" from out of Toshab") ; and it has the support of
Ewald (Oetch. iii. 468 note). It is also supported
by the (act, which seems to have escaped notice,
that the word does not in this passage contain
the \ which is present in each one of the placet
where 2W\R is used aa a mere appellative noun.
Bad the 1 been present in 1 K. xvii. 1, the inter-
pretation " from Tishbi " could never have been
proposed.
Assuming, however, that a town is alluded to,
as Elijah's native place, it it not necessary to ii.fer
that it was itself iu Gilead, as Epiphanius, Adricho-
mius, f Casteli, and others have imagined; for tho
* In this passage the order of the names Is slteiw
tn the Hebrew text from that preserved In the other
paassges— and still more so In the UUL
* The LXX. version of the narraUve of which this verse
forms part, amongst other remarkable variations tram the
Hebrew text, substitutes Sarin, that is, Zends, for Ttrsah.
In this they are supported by no other version.
* Its occurrence here on a level with Jerusalem has
been held to Indicate that the Song of Songs wss the
work of a writer belonging to the nortnern tdngdoss.
Bat sorely a post, and so ardent a poet aa the author
•< the Song of Songs, may have been saffldentljr as
dependent of political ooretderattons to go out of his
own country— If Tlrssh can be said to be out of the
country of a native of Judah— for a metaphor.
* It will be observed that the name stood in the LXX.
of x K. xv. 14 In Eusebius' time virtually In the asm*
strange un-hebrew form that It now does.
• Schwan (ISO) seems merely to repeat this passage.
' The Alex. MS. omits the wont In 1 K. xV.L 1, and
both MSS. omit It In xxl 28, which they cast, with the
whole passage. In a different form from the Hebrew text.
s This lexicographer pretends to have been la poea w stoa
of some speclsl Information as to the situation of the pawn
1516
TITANS
word 3BHR, which in the A. V. if rendered by the
general term " inhabitant/' has really the special
force of " resident" or even* " stranger." This,
and the fact that a place with a similar name is not
etsewlwre mentioned, has induced the commentators'
and lexicographers, with few exceptions, to adopt
the name "Tiahbite" as referring to the place
TuiSBB in Naphtali, which ia round in the LXX.
textof Tobit i. 2. The difficulty in the way of this
ia the great uncertainty in which the text of that
passage is inrolved, as has already been shown under
the head of Tiiisbe ; an uncertainty quite sufficient
to destroy any dependence on it as a topographical
record, although it bean the traces of having ori-
ginally been extremely minute. Bunsen (Bibetwert,
note to 1 K. xvii. 1 ) suggests in support of the reading
"the Tiahbite from Tishbi of Gilead" (which how-
ever he does not adopt in his text;, that the place
may have been purposely so described, iu order to
distinguish it from the town of the same name in
Galilee.
(2.) But '3BTin has not always been read as a
proper name, referring to a place. Like "QBflD,
though exactly in reverse, it has been pointed so as
to make it mean " the stranger." This is done by
Michaelis in the Text of his interesting Bibel fir
Ungtlthrte*—" der Fremdling Elia, einer von den
Fremden, die in Gilead wohnhaft waren ; " and it
throws a new and impressive air round the prophet,
who was so emphatically the champion of the God of
Israel. But this suggestion does not appear to have
been adopted by any other interpreter, ancient or
modern.
The numerical value of the letters '217X1 ia 712,
on which account, and also doubtless with a view to
its correspondence with his own name, Elias Lenta
entitled his work, in which 712 words are explained,
Bephar Tuhbi (Baitolocci, i. 140 6). [G.]
TITANS (Tirires, of uncertain derivation).
These children of Uranus (Heaven) and Gaia (Earth)
were, according to the earliest Greek legends, the
vanquished predecessors of the Olympian gods, con-
demned by Zeus to dwell in Tartarus, yet not with-
out retaining many relics of their ancient dignity
(Aesch. Prom. Vntct. passim). By later (Latin)
poets they were confounded with the kindred Oi-
gantet (Hor. Oi. iii. 4, 42, Ac), as the traditions
of the primitive Greek faith died away ; and both
terms were transferred by the Seventy to the Re-
phaim of ancient Palestine. [Giaxt.] The usual
Greek rendering of RepAaat is indeed Tlyayrts
(Gpu. xiv. 5; Josh. xii. 4, Ac.), or, with a yet
clearer reference to Greek mythology, -yiryemu
CProv. ii. 18, ix. 18), and •coita'x w (Symmach.
Pror. ix. 18, xxi. 16 ; Job xxvi. 5j. But in 2 Sam.
T. 18, 22, " the vallev of Kepbaiu " is represented
by q coiAa* ran' rrraVew instead of 4 ■ttMtt raV
•ftyirrmr, 1 Chr. xi. 15, xiv. 9, 13; and the same
rendering occurs in a Ilexapl. text in 2 Sam. zxiii.
13. Thus Ambrose defends hie use of a classical
allusion by a reference to the Old Latin version of
2 Sam. v., which pr e served the LXX. rendering
(De fide, iii. 1, 4, Nam et giqanta et rsallem TJ-
Ha tars (Lot- Btbr. ed. aUcbaeUi), "Urb» In ulbnQad,
Jebaa Inter etSaroo." Jebaa should be Jectaaa (i. c Jog.
bebab) and this stmnge bit of ounndent topography fa
prubaMy taken from the map of Adricbomtua. made an
(be principle of low rtbx every name mentioned In (he
Bible, known or unknown.
* There ia no doubt that this Is the meaning of 3trtj"V
eve (ton. xxHL 4 (" sojourner "). Ex. sH. 4* (," tcrelgner *),
Vn. xxv. • (• sumgo-"). Pa sxxix. 13 (■ sojourner").
riTHE
tanum prcphetici aermonia series nan l e fag it. r *
Eeeias Sirenas . . . dixit). It can therefor*- •Mo-
tion no surprise that in the Greek itiuaai • t ti»
triumphal hymn of Judith, " the sons of the TiU:> *
{viol TiTdVan>: Vulg.Jf/u Tit-m: Old Latin. -. i
Vatkm; f. Tela; J. beUatonm) stands paui-J
with "high giants,'' tynAol Ttymrtt, where the
original text probably had D'KB'1 and CTiQl- Tie
word has yet another interesting joint ofnmmn—a
with the Bible ; for it may have beta from arc*
vague sense of the struggle of the infernal *_J
celestial powers, dimly shadowed forth ia taw • it»
sicsl myth of the Titans, that several Can>x-u
fathers inclined to the belief that Terrear wan tae
mystic name of " the beast" indicated ia Rrr. xh .
18 (Iran. v. 30, 3 . . . "divinum patatmr aped
multoa esse hoc nomen . . . et ostentati am qona-
dam continet ultionis . . . et alias aatem et anti-
quum, et fide dignnm, et legale, mags auteen *
tyrannicnm nomen . . . ut ex urahie oalttgasn-a
,ne forte 7Wan vocetur qui veniet"). [B. F. W.j
TITHE." Without inquiring into the reacoc
for which the number ten* has been so freqoent.'f
preferred as a number of selection in the eases «
tribute-offerings, both sacred and secular, voluntary
and compulsory, we may remark that nusaeroca
instances of its use are found both in procene and
also in Biblical history, prior to or independent;*-
of the appointment of the Levities! tithes under
the Law. In Biblical history the two promicmt
instances am — 1. Abram p resen t in g the tenth of ii
his property, according to the Syria* and Antic
versions of Heb. vii. and S. Jarchi in his Com-, bat
as the passages themselves appear to show, of the
spoils of bis victory, to Mekhixedsk (Gen. air. 20 ;
Heb. vii. 2, 6 ; Joseph. AM. i. 10,° $2 ; Seiden, f«
TOKa, c 1). 2. Jacob, after his viaion at Lax,
devoting a tenth of all his property to God in case
he should return home in safety (Gen. xxvin. 22 .
These instances bear witness to the antiquity et
tithe*, in some shape or other, previous to the
Mosaic tithe-system. Bat numerous inwanree an
to be found of the practice of heathen nations,
Greeks, Romans, Oartnaginiamt, Arabians, of apply-
ing tenths derived from property in general, from
spoil, from confiscated goods, or from commercial
profits, to sacred, and quaai-eacred, and also to fiscal
purposes, vix. as consecrated to a deity, presented
as a reward to a successful general, set apart as a
tribute to a sovereign, or as a permanent source oi
revenue. Among other passages, the following mar
be cited : 1 Usee xi. 35; Herod, i. 89, ir. 153, r.
77, vii. 132, ix. 81 ; Diod. Sic v. 42, xi. S3, xx.
14 ; Paua. V. 10, §2, x. 10, §1 ; Danys. HiL .
19, 23 ; Justin rriii. 7, xx. 3 ; Arist. Oram. n. 2 ;
Liv. T. 21 ; Polyb. ix. 39 ; Gc. Ferr. H. 3, 6, and
7 (where tithes of wine, oil, and " minutae fraces,°*
are mentioned), Pro Leg. Meant. 6 ; Pint. Ago. c
19, p. 389 ; Pliny, N. B. xii. 14 ; Macron. Sat
iii. 6 , Xen. Hell. i. 7, 10, iv. 3, 21 ; Bote, Inter.
Or. p. 215 j Gibbon, vol. iii. p. 301, ed. Smith;
and a remarkable instance of fruits tithed and
offered to a deity , and a feast made, of which the
It often occurs in connexion with "II, " an alien," as in
Lev. xxv. 43, 35. 40,41 6,1 Chr. xxtt.lt. BeaMta theaters
passages, UtUb Is found In Ln xxn. 10, xxv. 4a, 4ta>
I Bekmd, Pal. 1036; Geeenlu, That. UUa.ac.ac.
* ~^?W?i tmrm dtcimew. and arxr. Ill ■V'jjD; as
Utam; dnimae; from SCV, -ten."
» rhllo derives «««« from S«'x«rtet (A X. Orscn ISC
T1THK
nit of the district partook, in Xen. Exp. Cyr.
, 9, answering thus to the Hebrew poor man's
tithe-fast to be mentioned below.
The first enactment of the Law in respect of
tithe is the declaration that the tenth of all pro-
duce, as well as of flocks and cattle, belongs to
Jehovah, and most be offered to Him. 2. That the
tithe was to be paid in kind, or, if redeemed, with an
addition of one-fifth to its value (Lev. xxvii. 30-33).
This tenth, called Terumoth, is ordered to be assigned
to the Levites, as the reward of their service, and it
is ordered further, that they are themselves to de-
dicate to the Lord a tenth of these receipts, which
is to be devoted to the maintenance of the high-
rriest (Num. xvili. 31-28).
This legislation is modified or extended in the
Book of Deuteronomy, •'. e. from thirty-eight to forty
years later. Commands are given to the people,
1. to bring their tithes, together with their votive
and other offerings and first-fruits, to the chosen
centre of worship, the metropolis, there to be eaten
in festive celebration in company with their children,
their servants, and the Levites (Deut. xii. 5-18).
i: After warnings against idolatrous or virtually
idolatrous practices, and the definition of clean as
distinguished from unclean animals, among which
latter class the swine is of obvious importance in
reference to t>e subject of tithes, the legislator
proceeds to direct that all the produce of the soil
shall be tithed every year (ver. 17 seems to sLow
that corn, wine, and oil, alone are intended), and
that these tithes with tin firstlings of the flock and
herd are to be eaten in the metropolis. 3. But in
case of distance, permission is given to convert the
produce into money, which is to be taken to the
appointed place, and there laid out in the purchase
of food for a festal celebration, in which the Levite
is, by special command, to be included (Deut. xiv.
22-27). 4. Then follows the direction, that at
the end of three years, i. e. in the course of the
third and sixth years of the Sabbatical period, all the
tithe of that year is to be gathered and laid up
" within the gates," i. e. probably in some central
place in each district, not at the metropolis; and
that a festival is to be held, in which the stranger,
the fatherless, and the widow, together with the
Levite, are to partake (&. vers. 28, 29). 5. Lastly,
it is ordered that after taking the tithe in each third
year, " which U the year of tithing," • an excul-
patory declaration is to be made by every Israelite,
that he has done his best to fulfil the divine com-
mand (Deut. xxvi. 12-14).*
From all this we gather, 1. That one-tenth of the
whole produce of the soil was to be assigned for the
maintenance of the Levites. 2. That out of this
the Levites were to dedicate a tenth to God, for
the use of the high-priest, 3. That a tithe, in all
probability a second' tithe, was to be applied to
festival purposes. 4. That in every third year,
either this festival tithe or a third tenth was to be
eaten in company with the poor and the Levites.
The question arises, were there three tithes taken
in this third year ; or is the third tithe only the
second under a different description ? That there
were two yearly tithes seems clear, both from the
general tenor ot the directions and from the LXX.
rendering of Deut. xxvi. 12. But it must be allowed
that the third tithe is not without support. 1. Jo-
T1THE
1517
* The LXX. has here Ur nmMrgt •rattaiwa-ai
sephus distinctly says that one-tenth was to be given
to the priests and Levites, one-tenth was to be ap-
plied to feasts in the metropolis, and that a tenth
besides these (toItiik »pii tuVrais) was every third
year to be given to the poor {Ant. iv. 8, §8, and
22). 2. Tobit rays, he gave one-tenth to the priests,
one-tenth he sold and spent at Jerusalem, i. e. com-
muted according to Deut. xiv. 24, 25, and another
tenth he gave away (Tob. i. 7, 8). 3. St. Jerome
says one-tenth was given to the Levites, out of which
they gave one-tenth to the priests (SnrrepoScatdri)) ;
a second tithe was applied to festival purposes, and
a third was grean to the poor (mixoineni)
(Com. on Eieh. xiv. vol. i. p. 565). Spencer thinks
there were three tithes. Jennings, with Hede,
thinks there were only two complete tithes, but
that in the third year an addition of some sort was
made (Spencer, D» Leg. Hebr, p. 727 ; Jennings
Jew. Ant. p. 183).
On the other hand, Maimonides says the third and
sixth years' second tithe was shared between the poor
and the Levites, i. «. that there was no third title
(De Jur. Poop. vi. 4). Selden and Michaelis re-
mark that the burden of three tithes, besides the
first-fruits, would be excessive. Selden thinks that
the third year's tithe denotes only a different appli -
cation of the second or festival tithe, and Michaelis,
that it meant a surplus after the consumptiui ol
the festival tithe (Selden, On Tithes, c 2, p. 13 ;
Michaelis, Laws of Moses, §192, vol. Hi. p. 143,
ed. Smith). Against a third tithe may be added
Reland, Ant. Hebr. p. 359; Jahn, Ant. §389;
Godwyn, Moses and Aaron, p. Ib6, and Carpzov,
p. 621, 622 ; Keil, MM. Arch. §71, i. 337 ; Saal-
schtttx, Hebr. Arch. i. 70 ; Winer, Realwb. s. v.
Zehnte. Knobel thinks the tithe was never taken
in full, and that the third year's tithe only meant
the portion contributed in that year (Com. on Deut.
xiv. 29, in Kwtgef. Exeg. Hdbuch.). Ewald
thinks that for two years the tithe was left in great
measure to free-will, and that the third year's tithe
only was compulsory (Alterthiim. p. 346).
Of these opinions, that which maintains three
separate and complete tithing* seems improbable, as
imposing an excessive burden on the land, and not
easily reconcileable with the other direction*; yet
there seems no reason for rejecting the notion of
two yearly tithes, when we recollect the especial
promise of fertility to the soil, conditional on ob-
servance of the commands of the Law ( Deut. xxviii.).
There would thus be, 1. a yearly tithe for the
Levites ; 2. a second tithe for the festivals, which
last would every third year be shared by the Levites
with the poor. It is this poor man's tithe which
Michaelis thinks is spoken of as likely to be con-
verted to the king's use under the regal dynasty
(1 Sam. viii. 15, 17 ; Mich. Laws of Moses, vol. i.
p. 299). Ewald thinks that under the kings the
ecclesiastical tithe system reverted to what he sup-
poses to have been its original free-will cnaracter
It is plain that during that period the tithe-kvstem
partook of the general neglect into which the ob-
servance of the Law declined, and that Huekiah,
among his other reforms, took effectual menus to
revive its use (2 Chr. xxxL 5, 12, 19). Similar
measures were taken after the Captivity by Nebe-
miab (Neh. xii. 44), and in both these cases special
officers were appointed to take charge of the storei
w&*> to firMMearor fmr yttfiviafwi' rfc vav <rot> «V t t
fr« ry rptrtf rb dtrvrt po* jvitt'i iror 4m««.<
ty Acv»rg, jr. r. A.
1518
TiTUB MANLIUB
end storehouses far the purpose. The practice of
tithing especially for relief of the poor, appears to
■are subsisted even in Israel, for the prophet Amos
speaks of it. though in an ironical tone, as existing
in his day (Am. iv. 4). But as any degeneracy in
the national faith would be likely to hare an effect
on the tithe-»yttem, we find complaint of neglect in
this respect made by the prophet Halachi (iii. 8,
10). Yet, notwithstanding partial evasion or omis-
sion, the system itself was continued to a late period
in Jewish history, and was even carried to excess
by those who, lice the Pharisees, affected peculiar
exactness in observance of the Law (Heb. vii. 5-8 ;
Matth. xxiii. 23 ; Luke xviii. 13 ; josephus, Ant.
xx. 9, §2 ; Fa. c. 15).
Among details relating to the tithe payments
mentioned by Rabbin cal writers may be notioed :
(1) That in reference to the permission given in
case of distance (Deut. xiv. 24), Jews dwelling in
Babylonia, Ammoo, Moab, and Egypt, were consi-
dered as subject to the law of tithe in kind (Reland,
iii. 9, 2, p. 355). (2) In tithing sheep the custom
was to enclose them in a pen, and as the sheep
went out at the opening, every tenth animal was
marked with a rod dipped in vermilion. This was
the '■passing under the rod." The Law ordered
that no inquiry should be made whether the animal
were good or bad, and that if the owner changed it,
both the original and the changeling were to be re-
garded as devoted (Lev. xxvii. 32, 33 ; Jer. xxxiii.
13; Becoroth, ix. 7 ; Godwyn, if. and A. p. 136,
vi. 7). (3) Cattle were tithed in and after Au-
gust, corn in and after September, fruits of trees
in and after January (Godwyn, p. 137, §9) ;
Buxtorf, Syn. Jud. c xii. p. 282, 283. (4)
"Corners" were exempt from tithe {Peak, i. 6).
(5) The general rule was that all edible articles
not purchased, were titheable, but that products
not specified in Deut. xiv. 23, were regarded as
doubtful. Tithe of them was not forbidden, but
was not required (Maaserotk, i. 1 ; Demai, i. 1 ;
Carpzov, App. BibL p. 619, 620). [H. W. P.]
TITUS MAK'LIUS. [Manlujs.]
TITUS (Tiros : I»«t). Our materials for the
biography of this companion of St. Paul must be
diawn entirely from the notices of him in the Second
Epistle to the Corinthians, the Galatians, and to
Titus himself, combined with the Second Epistle to
Timothy. He is not mentioned in the Acta at all.
The raiding Ttrou 'loitrrov in Acts xviii. 7 is too
precarious for any inference to be drawn from it.
Wieseler indeed lays some alight stress upon it
(Chrtmol. dss Apod. Zeit. Gdtt. 1848, p. 204),
but this is in connexion with a theory which needs
every help. As to a recent hypothesis, that Titus
and Timothy were the same person (R. King, Who
vat St. Zttus? Dublin, 1853). it is certainly in-
genious, but quite untenable.
Taking the passages in the Epistles in the chrono-
logical order of the events referred to, we turn first
to Gal. ii. 1, 3. We conceive the journey men- j
tuned here to be identical with that (recorded in
Acts xv. ) in which Paul and Barnabas went from ,
Antioch to Jerusalem to the conference which was
to decide the question of the necessity of circum- !
cision to the Gentiles. Here we see Titus in close '
association with Paul and Barnabas at Antioch." Ha ,
goes with them to Jerusalem. He ia in tact one of
• Hi» birthplace may bare been here; bat this la quite
■a u il aln . The name, which is Ramon, proves nothing. I
TfTDB
the ruxt l\Aei of Act* it. 3, who wen deputed ts
accompany them from Antioch. Hia c uuaatita ua
was either not insisted on at Jerusalem, or, if de-
manded, was firmly resisted (cox krm/ i ui m it
*tpiTpti$yvai). He is rery emphatically spoken a
as a Gentile ("EAAtj*), by which is most prohahi)
meant that both his parents were Gentiles. Ken
is a double contrast from Timothy, who was cimno-
cised by St. Paul's own direction/, and one of whear
parents was Jewish (Acts xvL 1, 3 ; 2 Tim. i. 5
iii. 15). Titus would seem, on the occasion of the
council, to have been specially a represen tative ot
the church of the uncircumciaion.
It is to our purpose to remark that, in the pas,
sage cited above, Titus is so mentioned as apparentij
to imply that he had become personally known to
the GaUtian Christians. This, again, we combat*
with two other droumstancea, viz. that the Epistle
to the Galatians and the Second Epistle to the
Corinthians were probably written within a few
months of each other [Galatiahb, Ermu to},
and both during the same journey. From the latter
of these two Epistles we obtain fuller nation ot
Titus in connexion with St, Paul.
After leaving Galatia (Ada xviii. 23), and spend-
ing a long time at Epbesns (Acts xix. 1-xx. 1 ,
the Apostle proceeded to Macedonia by way of Trass.
Here he expected to meet Titus (2 Cor. ii 13), who
had been sent on a mission to Corinth. In tnss nope
be was disappointed [Tboas], but in MaoeaVaua
Titus joined him (2 Cor. vii. 6, 7, 13-15). Hot
we begin to see not only the alwve-meatioiied tact
of the mission of this disciple to Corinth, and the
strong personal affection which subsisted betwwa
him and St. Paul (eV r$ woBowlf ovTeS. vii. 7 .
but also some part of the purport of the rxuossoo
itself. It had reference to the immoralities ax
Corinth rebuked in the First Epistle, and to the
effect of that First Epistle on the unending church.
We learn further that the mission was so far aoc-
cessful and satisfactory: arorryaXAeir rir aW*
4wcr6<h)<rui (vii. 7 ), eXwajeVr* els awrdrosaur I vu_
9), tV w4yrur Auatr inrwttfa (vii. 15; ; and we
are enabled also to draw from the chapter » strong
conclusion regarding the warm zeal and sympathy
of Titus, his grief for what was evtt, his rejoicing
over what was good : rf xapajcA^erei f wa ae a Af ■
ty' ifyur (vii. 7); imimnrrai T* txcSsw envrai
4to wimvr bp&r (vii. 13) ; ri rwkJrfxrm. mtrrmm
wipurroripm «ii ft/ias iarir (vii. 15). But if we
proceed further, we discern another part of the
mission with which be was entrusted. This bad
reference to the collection, at that time in progress,
for the poor Christians of Judaea (matin waw-
frsjptaro, viii. 6), a phrase which shows that he
had been active and zealous in the matter, while
the Corinthians themselves seam to have been rather
remiss. This connexion of hia mission with the
gathering of these charitable funds is also proved by
another passage, which contains moreover am im-
plied assertion of bis integrity in the bosioeasv asj
ti i-rXtonirryatr vjios Tiros; xii. 18 k sued a
statement that St. Paul himself had sent him on
the errand (a-opeadAnra TItof, 3>.). Thus we
are prepared for what the Apostle now procet-ds w
do after his encouraging conversations with T»Tu»
regarding the Corinthian Church. He sends hnn
back from Macedonia to Corinth, in compear wnfc
two other trustworthy Christians [TsOBuars.
Trcinccs], bearing the Second Epistle, and «•
an earnest request (TapacaAtVat, viii. 6, -»,
TaoajcAi)<riv, viii. 17) that he wojld ve to n.
TITUS
aorapleUon of the collection, which he had zealonsly
promoted on hit late visit (Ira KaBln •jwerArfars,
•Bran *al vs-ire/Wo-p, Till. 6), Titus himself being
in nowise backward in undertaking the commission.
On a review of ail these pas s ages , elucidating at they
do the characteristics of the man, the duties he die-
charged, and his close and faithful co-operation with
St. Paul, we see how much meaning there la in
fhe Apostle's abort and forcible description of him
*tfr« fares Tlrov, Ktirurhs i/iht Kol eb tftat
ennxayrff, viii. 23).
All that has preceded is drawn from direct state-
ments in the Epistles ; but by indirect though fair
inference we can arrive at something further, which
gives coherence to the rest, with additional elucida-
tions of the close connexion of Titus with St. Paul
and the Corinthian Church. It has generally been
considered doubtful who the iit\pot were (1 Cor.
*vi. 11, 12) that took the First Epistle to Corinth.
Timothy, who had been recently sent thither from
Ephesus (Acts ziz. 22), could not have been one of
them {ikr thlhf Tut. 1 Cor. xvi. 10), and Apollo*
declined the commission (1 Cor. xvi. 12). There can
be little doubt that the messengers who took that
first letter were Titus and his companion, whoever
that might be, who is mentioned with him in the
second letter (vapttiKta* Tlror, sol eimnrr-
errciAa reV aSeA.e)eV, 2 Cor. xfl. 13). This view
was held by Macknight, and very clearly set forth
by him (TVutuV. of the Apostolical EpUtlct, with
Camm. Edinb. 1829, vol. i. pp. 451, 674, vol. ii.
pp. 2, 7, 124). It has been more recently given
by Professor Stanley (Corvtthiam, 2nd ed. pp.
348, 492),» bat it has been worked out by no one
so elaborately as by Professor Lightfoot (Cant.
Journal of Ckarioal and Soared Philology, ii. 201,
202). As to the connexion between the two con-
temporaneous missions of Titus and Timotheus,
this observation may be made here, that the dif-
ference of the two errands may have had some con-
nexion with a difference in the characters of the two
agent*. If Titus was the firmer and more energetic
of the two men, it was natural to give him the task
af enforcing the Apostle's rebukes, and urging on
the flagging business of the collection.
A considerable interval now elapses before we
come upon the next notices of this disciple. St.
Paul's first imprisonment is concluded, and his
hat trial is impending. In the interval between
the two, he and Titus were together in Crete
(eW/U»«V <r« eV Kptrp, Tit. i. 5). We aee Titus
remaining in the island when St. Paul left it, and
receiving there a Utter written to him by the
Apostle. Prom this letter we gather the following
biographical details: — In the first place we learn
that he was originally converted through St. Paul's
instrumentality : this must be the meaning of the
phrase yrfator riitror, which occurs so empha-
tically in the opening of the Epistle (i. 4). Next
we learn the various particulars of the responsible
duties which be had to discharge in Crete. He is
to complete what St. Paul had been obliged to leave
xuimufbed (Ira tA Xen-orra <Vi*iop0<£<rn, i. 5),
and he is to organise the Church throughout the
island by appointing presbyters in every city [Gob>
TYNA ; Las ABa]. Instructions are given as to the
suitable character of such presbyters (vera. 6-9) ;
and we learn further that we have here the repeti-
TITTJ8
15t»
tion of instructions previously furnished by woid of
mouth (is ifi trot aWc^d/my, vcr. 5). Next
he in to control and bridle ((VivTsuIfnr, ver. II)
the restless and mischievous Judaizers, and he is to
be peremptory in so doing (IAryx« euVroir awerrf-
uau, ver. 13). Injunctions in the same spirit ire
reiterated (ii. 1, 15, iii. 8). He is to urge the
duties of a decorous and Christian life upon the
women (ii. 3-5), some of whom (wptff&irtSas,
ii. 3) possibly had something of an official character
{'KoXoSisWcdAovT, t«i <r«<p0orifu<ri rax rtas,
vers. 3, 4). He is to be watchful over his own
conduct (ver. 7) ; he is to impress upon the slaves
the peculiar duties of their position (ii. 9, 10) ; he
is to check all social and political turbulence (iii. 1),
and also all wild theological speculations (iii. 9);
and to exercise discipline on the heretical (iii. 10).
When we consider all these particulars of his duties,
we see not only the confidence reposed in him by
the Apostle, but the need there was of determination
and strength of purpose, and therefore the proba-
bility that this was his character ; and all this is
enhanced if we bear in mind his isolated and unsup-
ported position in Crete, and the lawless and Immoral
character of the Cretans themselves, as testified by
their own writers (i. 12, 13). [Crete.]
The notices which remain are more strictly per-
sonal. Titus is to look for the arrival in Crete of
Artemas and Tychicua (iii. 12), and then he ia to
hasten (trwoitaror) to join St. Faul at Nicopolis,
where the Apostle ia piopoaing to pace the winter
(to.). Zenaa and A polios are in Crete, or expected
there ; for Titos is to send them on thiir journey,
and supply them with whatever they seed for it
(iii. 13). It is observable that Titus and Apollos
are brought into juxtaposition here, as they were
before in the discussion of the mission from Lphesua
to Corinth.
The movements of St. Paul, with which these
later instructions to Titus are connected, are con-
sidered elsewhere. [Paul; Timothy.] Wi
need only observe here that there would be great
difficulty in inserting the visits to Crete and Nico-
polis in any of the journeys recorded in the Acta,
to say nothing of the other objections to giving the
Epistle any date anterior to the voyage to Rome.
[Trroi, Epistle to.] On the other hand, there
ia no difficulty in arranging these circumstances, if
we suppose St. Paul to hare travelled and written
after being liberated from Rome, while thus we
gain the further advantage of an explanation of
what Paler has well called the affinity of this
Epistle and the first to Timothy. Whether Titus
did join the Apostle at Nicopolis we cannot tell.
But we naturally connect the mention of this place
with what St. Paul wrote at no great interval of
time afterwards, in the last of the Pastoral Epistles
(Tfrrot elt AaXitarlar, 2 Tim. iv. 10) ; for
hnlmatia lay to the north of Nicopolis, at no great
distance from it [Nicopolis.] From the form
of the whole sentence, it seems probable that this
disciple had been with St, Paul in Rome during his
final imprisonment : but this cannot be asserted
confidently. The touching words of the Apostle
in this passage might teem to imply some rep teach,
and we might draw from them the conclusion that
Titus became a second Denuu : but on the wholt
this seems a harsh and unnecessary judgment.
» There b some danger of confining Kbu and At
trtktr (3 Cor. xtt IS) L e 0* brctkrm ot I Cor. xvi. 11,
19. war, ((counting la ibis Hew) took the flrst letter, with
Titut and Us
second letter.
tretwss (* Cor. vtU. ll-M) who took tbt
1520 TITUS, EPISTLE TO
Whatever else remains is legendary, though it
may contain elements of truth. Titus is connected
by tradition with Dalmatia, and he is said to hare
been an object of much reverence in that region.
This, however, may simply be a result of the pas-
sage quoted immediately above : and it is observable
that of all the churches in modern Dalmatia (Neale's
Eoclesiohgioal Notes on Dalm. p. 175) not one is
dedicated to him. The traditional connexion of
Titus with Crete is much more specific and con-
stant, though here again we cannot be certain of
the nets. He is said to have been permanent
bishop in the island, and to have died there at an
advanced age. The modem capital, Candia, appears
to claim the honour of being his burial-place (Cave's
Apostolici, 1716, p. 42). In the fragment, De Vita
et Actis ZW, by the lawyer Zenas (Fabric. Cod.
Jpoc N. T. ii. 831, 332), Titos is called Bishop
of Gortyna: and on the old site of Gertyna is a
ruined church, of ancient and solid masonry, which
bears the name of St. Titus, and where service is
occasionally celebrated by priests from the neigh-
bouring hamlet of Metropolis (E. Falkener, Re-
mains in Crete, from a MS. History of Candia
by Onario Belli, p. 23). The cathedral of Megalo-
Castron, in the north of the island, is also dedicated
to this saint. Lastly, the name of Titus was the
watchword of the Cretans when they were invaded
by the Venetians: and the Venetians themselves,
after their conquest of the island, adopted him to
some of the honours of a patron saint ; for, as the
response after the prayer for the Doge of Venice
was " Sancte Manx, tu nos adjuva," so the response
after that for the Duke of Candia was " Sancte
Tita, tu nos adjuva " (Pashley's Travels m Crete,
I 6, 175).*
We must not leave unnoticed the striking, though
extravagant, panegyric of Titus by his successor in
the see of Crete, Andreas Cretensis (published, with
Amphilochius and Methodius, by Combefis, Paris,
1644). This panegyric has many excellent points :
e. g. it incorporates well the more important pas-
sages from the 2nd Ep. to the Corinthians. The
following are stated as facta. Titua is related to
the Proconsul of the island : among his ancestors
are Minos and Rhadamanthus (ol in Aior). Early
in life he obtains a copy of the Jewish Scriptures,
and learns Hebrew in a short time. He goes to
Judaea, and is present on the occasion mentioned
in Acts i. 15. His conversion takes place before
that of St. Paul himself, but afterwards he attaches
himself closely to the Apostle. Whatever the value
of these statements may be, the following descrip-
tion of Titus (p. 156) is worthy of quotation : —
i rpiros rijr Kp^rmr iuxXTjalat 0tpi\iof Tt/i
aAi|0e(« i oruKor to ttjj wio-rcas toturiur
rrnr rvayyeXucvr rnpvy/i&rmr ■») luriyjrrot
eaXwryf • re tyaAor tjj» TIsvAo* -vAisVnjt tarlf
X XP*- [J- S. H.]
TITUS, EPISTLE TO. There are no spe-
cialties in this Epistle which require any very ela-
borate treatment distinct from the other Pastoral
Letters of St. Paul. [Timothv, Epistles to.]
If those two were not genuine, it would be diffi-
cult confi Sently to maintain the genuineness of this.
On the other hand, if the Epistles to Timothy are
Nveived as St. Paul's, there is not the slightest
reason for doubting the authorship of that to Titus.
Amidst the various combinations which are found
• The oar on which Titus Is cotaasamorated Is Jan.
tUi In U» Latin Calendar, and Aug. 1-ih lo the Greek.
TITUS, EPISTLE TO
among those who hare been sceptical on the eaa»
ject of the Pastoral Epistles, there is no iiiiliwai as
the rejection of that before us on the part of thosr
who have accepted the other two. So far iiuli n 1
as these doubts are worth considering at ail, tast
argument is more in favour of thai than of either
of those. Tatian accepted the Epistle to Titos,
and rejected the other two. Origta mentions ma
who excluded 2 Tim., but kept 1 Tim. with Titas,
Schleiennacher and Keander invert this proceaa at
doubt in regard to the letters addressed to Timothy,
but believe that St. Paul wrote the presen t letter
to Titus. Credner too believes it to be gemine.
though he pronounces 1 Tim. to be a forgery, and
2 Tim. a compound of two epistles.
To turn now from opinions to direct external
evidence, this Epistle stands on quite as firm a
ground as the others of the Pastoral group, if not a
firmer ground. Nothing can well be more axpikxi
than the quotations in Irenaeus, C. Haeres, i. 16, 3
(see Tit. iii. 10), Clem. Alex. Strom, i. 350 (see
i. 12), Tertull. De Praetor. Boer, c 6 (see iii. 10,
11), and the reference, also Adv. Marc. v. 21 ; to
say nothing of earlier allusions in Justin Martrr,
Dial. c. Iryph. 47 fsee iii. 4), which can hardly
be doubted, Theoph. Ad Antol. ii. p. 95 (see Hi. 5 „
iii. p. 126 (see iii. 1 ), which are probable, and Clem.
Rom. i. Cor. 2 (see iii. 1), which is possible.
As to internal features, we may notice, in the first
place, that the Epistle to Titus has all the charac-
teristics of the other Pastoral Epistles. See, for in-
stance, wierot i ktyos (iii. 8) iyialmxrm >■>■
(TKaMa (i. 9, ii.l , comparing i. 1 3, ii. 8), rofpavw,
a-afyosuf, atKppAm (i. 8, ii. 5, 6, 12), <nrrs*M»T,
owrhp, o-<4(« (i. 3, 4, ii. 10, 11, IS, iii. 4, 5, 7\
'lavtalxol iuSoi (i. 14, comparing iii. 9), #e-ie>etma
(ii. 13), fbai&tta. (i. 1), t\tos (iii. 5 ; in i. 4 the
word is doubtful). All this tends to show that this
Letter was written about the same time and sxnder
similar circumstances with the other two. Bu.
on the other hand, this Epistle has marks in its
phraseology and style which assimilate it to the
general body of the Epistles of St Paul. Such mar
fairly be reckoned the following: — aaui/sasn •
rs-ioTfiftoc tyi (i. 3); the quotation froan a
heathen poet (i. 12) ; the use of doeVoaet (i. *• ;
the " going off at a word" (o-arrijpor . . . rreeaaurv
700 . . . ffarlipto! . . . iL 10, 11) ; and the modes
in which the doctrines of the Atonement (ii. IS)
and of Free Justification (iii. 5-7) come to the sur-
face. As to any difficulty arising from supposed
indications of advanced hierarchical arrangements, it
is to be observed that in this Epistle vewrfirreaw
and MfKoros are used as synonymous (tsv ■errat-
or^o-pj vptofivripovs ... !c< yip rev eVf-
(TKoror. ... i. 5, 7), just as they are in the address
at Miletus about the year 58 A.D. (Acta xx. 17, 28).
At the same time this Epistle has features of He
own, especially a certain tone of abruptness and
severity, which probably arises partly out of the
circumstances of the Cretan population [CbetkJ.
partly out of the character of Titus himself. If ail
these things are put together, the phenomena are
seen to be very unlike what would be presented by
a forgery, to say nothing of the general overwhelm-
ing difficulty of imagining who could have been the
writer of the Pastoral Epistles, if it were not St
Paul himself.
Concerning the contents of this Epistle, some-
thing has already been said in the article ra
Titos. No very- exact subdivision is either u e taj
sarr or possible. After the introductory salosuana
TITUS, EPISTLE TO
.rhich hu marked peculiarities (i. 1-4), Titiu Is
enjoined to appoint suitable presbyters in the Cretan
Church, and specially such as shall be sound in
doctrine and able to refute error (5-9). The
Apostle then passes to a description of the coarse
diameter of the Cretans, as testified by their own
writers, and the mischief caused by Judaizing error
among the Christians of the island (10-16). In
opposition to this, Titus Is to urge sound and prac-
tical Christianity on all classes (ii. 1-10), on the
older men (ii. 2), on the older women, and espe-
cially in regard to their influence over the younger
wimen (3-5), on the younger men (6-8), on slaves
(9, 1 0), taking heed meanwhile that he himself is a
pattern of good works (ver. 7). The grounds of all
this are given iu the free giaoe which trains the
Christian to self-denying and active piety (11, 12),
\i the glorious hope of Christ's second advent (ver.
13), and in the atonement by which He has pur-
chased us to be His people (ver. 14). All which
lemons Titus is to urge with fearless decision (ver.
1 5). Next, obedience to rulers is enjoined, with gen-
tleness and forbearance towards all men (iii. 1, 2),
these duties being again tested on our sense of past
■iu (ver. 3), and on the gift of new spiritual life
and free justification (4-7). With these practical
duties are contrasted those idle speculations which
are to be carefully avoided (8, 9) ; and with regard
to those men who are positively heretical, a peremp-
tory charge is given (10, 11). Some personal allu-
sions then follow : Artemas or Tychicus may be
expected at Crete, and on the arrival of either of
tiiem Titus is to hasten to join the Apostle at Nico-
polia, where he intends to winter ; Zenas the lawyer
also, and A police, are to be provided with all that is
necessary for a journey iu prospect (12, 13). Finally,
before the concluding messages of salutation, an ad-
monition is given to the Cretan Christians, that
they give heed to the duties of practical useful
piety ?14, 15).
As to the time and place and other circumstances
of the writing of this Epistle, the following scheme
of filling up St. Paul's movements after his first
imprisonment will satisfy all the conditions of the
case : — We may suppose him (possibly after accom-
plishing his long-projected visit to Spain) to have
gone to Kphesus, and taken voyages from thence,
first to Macedonia and then to Crete, during the
former to have written the First Epistle to Timothy,
and after returning from the latter to have written
the Epistle to Titus, being at the time of despatching
it on the point of starting for Nicopolis, to which
place l.e went, taking Miletus and Corinth on the
way. At Nicopolis we may conceive him to have
been finally apprehended and taken to Home, whence
he wrote the Second Epistle to Timothy. Other
possible combinations may be seen in Birks (Horae
Apostolicae, at the end of his edition of the
Home Paulina*, pp. 299-301), and in Wordsworth
(Greek Testament, PL iii. pp. 418, 421). It is
sun undoubted mistake to endeavour to insert this
K j/stle in any period of that part of St. Paul's life
when is recorded in the Arts of the Apostles.
There is in this writing that unmistakeable dif-
ference of style (as compared with the earlier
Kpistka) which associates the Pastoral Letters
with one another, and with the latest period of
St. Paul's life; and it seems strange that this
should have been so slightly observed by good
•rlnlara and exact rhronologists, e. g. Arcndn.
Kvnns (Script. Mog. iii. 327-333)', and Wieseler
lO-onoV. des Apost. Zettalt. 329-355,1, who, nO-
VCI. lit
TOB, TUB LAND Oil 1621
preaching the subject in very different ways, .igret
in thinking that this letter was written at Kphejui
(between 1 and 2 Cor.), wnen the Apostle was in
the early part of his third missionary journey
(Acta xixA.
The following list of Commentaries on the Pas-
toral Epistles may be useful for 1 and 2 Tim., as
well as for Titus. Besides the general Patristic
commentaries on all St. Paul's KpLitles (Chryso-
stom, Theodoret, Theophylact, Jerome, Beds, Al-
cuin), the Mediaeval (Oecumenius, Euthymius,
Aquinas), those of the Reformation period (Luther
Melancthon, Calvin), the earlier Roman Catholic
(Justiniani, Cornelius a Lapide, EsrJus), the Pro-
testant commentaries of the 1 7th century (Coeceius,
Grotina, Ac), and the recent annotations on the
whole Greek Testament (Kosenmttller, De Wette,
Alford, Wordsworth, &&), the following on the
Pastoral Epistles may be specified : — Daille, Expo-
sitim (1 Tim. Gener. 1661, 2 Tim. Genev. 1659,
Itt. Par. 1655) ; Heydenreich, Die Pastoralbriefe
Pauli erlOutert (Hadam. 1826, 1828); Klatt,
Vorlesimgen after die Br. P. an Tim. u. Tit.
(Tflb. 1831); Mack (Roman Catholic), Comm.
uber die Paetoralbriefe (Tub. 1830) ; Matthies.
Eritiruw] derPastoralbr.(Gni&w. 1840); Huther
(part of Meyer's Commentary, Gbtt. 1850) ; Wies-
inger (in continuation of Olshausen, Koenigsb.
1850), translated (with the exception of 2 Tim*
in Clark's Foreign Theotog. Lib. (Edinb. 1851),
and especially Ellicott {Pastoral Epistles, 2nd Ed.
London, 1861), who mentions in his Preface a Danish
commentary by Bp. Moller, and one in modern
Greek, 2»Wce>;u«s 'ItswrucsV, by Corny (Par
1831). Besides these, there are commentaries on
1 Tim. and 2 Tim. by Mosheim (Hamb. 1755), and
Leo (Lips. 1837, 1850), on 1 Tim. by Fleischmaun
(Tub. 1791), and Wegscbeider (G6tt. 1810), on
2 Tim. by J. Barlow and T. Hdl (Load. 1632
and 1658), and by Brochner (Hafh. 1829), on
Tit. by T. Taylor (London, 1668), Van Haven
(Hal. 1742) and Kuinoel {Comment. Theol. ed.
Velthuaen, Ruperti et Kuinoel). To these must
be added what is found in the Crttici Sacri, Supp.
ii., T., Tit, and a still fuller list is giren In Darling's
Cyclopaedia BMiographica, Ft. ii. Subjects, pp.
1535, 1555, 1574. [J. S. H.J
TrZITE, THE (VTIVt: Vat and FA. I
'Uaatl; Alex. Buffatr. Thosaites). The designa-
tion of John, the brother of Jediael and sou ot
Shimri, one of the heroes of David's army named in
the supplementary list of 1 Chr. xi. 45. It occurs
nowhere else, and nothing is known of the place
or family which it denotes. [G.J
TO'AH (rtR: eoooj Alex. SoW: Thohu).
A Kohathite Levite, ancestor of Samuel and Heman
(1 Chr. vi. 34 [ 19] ). The name as it now stands may
be a fragment of " Nahath " (comp. ver. 26, 34).
TOB-ADONI'JAH (rWVW 2\Q: Te./3ao»;
riot '. Thubadonias). One of the Levitcs sent by
Jehashaphat through the cities of Judah to tern t>
the Law to the people (2 Chr. xrii. 8).
TOB, THE LAND OF (Jlto pK : rn Trf»:
terra Tab). The place in which Jephtliah took
refuge when expelled from home by his lialt
brother (Judg. xi. 3); and where he remained,
at the head of a band of freebooters, till lie wsi
brought back by the sheikhs* of fiilead (ver. 5).
* The word b *3pt, which exactly answers to thnkhs
5 K
1522
TOBIAII
The narrative implies that the land of Tub mn
not far distant fnjro Gilead : at the sam; time, from
the nature of the case, it must iiave Iain out towards
the eastern deserts. It is undoubtedly mentioned
again in 2 Sam. I. 8, 8, as one of the petty Animate
kingdoms or states which supported the Ammonites
iu their great conflict with David. In the Autho-
rised Version the name is piesented literatim aa
fahtob, I. e. Han of Tob, meaning, according to a
common Hebrew idiom, the " men of Too." After
an immense interval it appears again in the Macca-
tmean history (1 Mace v. 13). Tob or Tobie was
■ hen the abode of a considerable colony of Jews,
numbering at least a thousand males. In 2 Mace,
mi. 17 its position is defined very exactly as at or
near Charax, 750 stadia from the strong town
flupis, though, as the position of neither of these
|aacer. is known, we are not thereby assisted in the
recovery of Tob. [ToBIE; TOBIENI.]
Ptolemy (Geogr. r. 19) mentions a plan called
Bai&a as lying to the S. W. of Zobab, and theretbre
possibly to the E. or N.E. of the country of Ammon
proper. Iu Stephanus of Byzantium and in Eckhe'
(fhctr. A'umm. iu. 352;, the names Tubai and
Tabeoi occur.
No identification of this ancient district with
any modern one has yet been attempted. The
name Tell Dobhe (Burcknardt, Syria, April 25".
or, as it is given by the latest explorer of those
regions, Tell Jjibbe (Wetzstein, Map), attached to a
ruined site st the south end of the Leja, a few ;
miles N.W. of Kenitcat, and also that of ed Deb, I
some twelve hours emit of the mountain el K uleib, are
both suggestive of Tob. But nothing can be said,
at present, as to their connexion with it. [0.]
TODI'AH'rPafeS: T-fllav, Tm$la: Tbbia).
1. " The children of Tobiah " were a family who
returned with Zerubbabel, but were unable to
prove their connexion with Israel (Ear. ii. 00 ; N'eh.
vii. 62).
2. ( Ibbias.) " Tobiah the slave, the Ammonite,"
played a conspicuous part in the rancorous oppo-
sition made by Sanballat the Moabite and his ad
herents to the rebuilding of Jerusalem. The two
races of Moab and Ammon found in these men fit
representatives »f that hereditary hatred to the
Israelites which began before the entrance into
Canaan, nnd was not extinct when the Hebiews
had ceased to exist as a nation. The horrible stoiy
of the origin of the Moabitea and Ammonites, as it
was told by the Hebrews, ii an index of the feeling
of repulsiou which must have existed between these
hostile families of men. In the dignified rebuke of
Xehemiah it received its highest expression : " ye
hare no portion, nor right, nor memorial in Jeru-
salem " (Neh. ii. 2d). But Tobiah, though a slave
(Neh. ii. 10, 19), unless this is s title of oppro-
brium, and an Ammonite, found means to ally hiro-
Wf with a priestly family, and his eon Johanan
harried the daughter of Meshullam the son of
Berecniah (Neh. vi. 18). He himself was the son-
in-law of Shechauiah the ton of Aran (Neh. vi. 17 j,
and these family relations created for him a rtrong
faction among the Jews, and may have had some-
thing to do with the stern measures which Lara
found it necessary to take to repress the inter-
marriages with foreigners. Even a grandson of the
nigh-priest Eliashib had married a daughter of Son-
raillat iKeh. xiii. 28). In xiii. 4 Eliashib is said to
hue been allied to Tobiah, which would imply a
ralaiiouihip of some kinJ between Tobiah and San
TOBUAJH
ballnt, though its nature is not mentioned. T.«
evil had spread so far that the leaders of the in :■-
were compelled to rouse their religious antifathiei
by reading from the law of Moses the strong pr>
hibition that the Ammonite and the Moabite sbou'jj
not come into the congregation of God for ever
( Neh. xiii. 1 ). Ewald ( Oack. ir. 173) conjc«ar»s
that Tobiah had been a page (" slave ") st tbe Per-
sian court, and, being in favour there, had bees
promoted to be satrap of the Ammonites. But it
almost seems that against Tobiah there was a
stronger feeUng of animosity than against Ssnrsiiii*..
and that this animosity found expression in t*e
epithet " the slave," which is attached to his name.
It was Tobiah who gave venom to the pitying srw r.
of Sanballat (Nell. ir. 3), and provoked tbe bitter
cry of Nehemiah (Neh. iv. 4, 5) ; it was Tobua
who kept up communications with the fact • -
Jews, and who sent letters to put their leader n:
fear (Neh. vi. 17, 19); bat his crowning *rt «!
insult was to take up his residence in the Teaip.e
in the chamber which Kliashib had prepared t< :
him in defiance of the Mosaic statute. Nehetniah'r
patience could no longer contain itself, " therefoie,"
he says, '* I cast forth all the household stuff or
Tobiah out of the chamber," and with this sura
marv act Tob'ah disappears from historr (Neh. v i
7, 8). [W. A. W.j
TOBI'AB. The Greek form of the name ToaYlA*
orTouUAII. 1. (T»/3(at: T/iobias, Tobias.) The
son of Tobit, and central character in the book of
that name. [Tobit, Book op.]
2. The father of Hyrcanus, apparently a man <t
great wealth and reputation at Jerusalem in t.e
time of Seleucus Philopntor vur. B.C. 187). la V <
high-priestly schism which happened afteiwaij>
[Menllaub], " the sons of Tobias " took a om-
spicuous part (Joseph. Ant. xii. 5, §1 ). One of the-*.
Joseph, who raised himself by intrigue to hit
favour with the Egyptian court, had a son asm- .
Hyrcanos (Joseph. Ant. xii. 4, §2). It has h—j
supposed that this is the Hyrcanus referred to >
2 Mace. iii. 11; and it is not impossible tliat, for sorre
unknown reason (as in the case of the Maccat»-»< .
the whole family were called after their grandfatb— .
to the exclusion of the father's name. On the oti.e-
hand, the natural recurrence of names in suorjrssnt
generations makes it more probable that the Hvr-
canus mentioned in Josephus was a nephew of Vtt
Hyrcanus in 2 Macs. (Comp. Ewald. GacJt. d. V. I.
iv. 309 ; Grimm, ad Mace. L c) [B. K. W.]
TOBIE, THE PLACES OP («V re?. Te»-
film: mlocis Tubm: Syr. Tabbt\. A district »h:>.
in tbe time of the Maccabees was the seat of a
extensive colony of Jews ( 1 Marc T. 13) It «• 1 1
all probability identical with the Land of Too n»>.
tinned in the history of Jephthah. [See also Tr-
bieni.] ['«.]
TOBI'EL (fa'SiO, " th» goodness of G>1 :'
Tm/Si^A : ThMel, Tufiiel), ine father of Tobit and
grandfather of Tobias ( I ), Tob. i. 1 . The name may
be compared with Tabuel iTa/JesjA). [Tamaix."'
fB. r. v.)
TOBI'JAH(Vl»3to: Tetffea: ThMat^ 1.
One of the Levites sent bv Jehoshsphat to Irs:
the Law in the cities of Judah ('J Chr. xrii. 8).
2. (ol xptrTf* 1 ofrriji: TbWos.) One of tie
Captivity in the time of Zechariah, in whose jr:»-
seoce the prophet was commanded to take cross-as
of silver and gold and put them on the nwki a
TOBrr
lochia the high-priest (Zech. ti lO). In ver. 14
his name appears in the shortened form 71*3 lt3-
Rose umiiller conjectures that he was one of a depu-
tation who came up to Jerusalem, from the Jews
»ho still remained in Babylon, with contributions
of gold and silver for the 'Temple. But Maurer
considers that the offerings were presented by Tobijah
and his companions, because the crowns were com-
manded to be placed in the Temple as a memorial of
their visit and generosity . [W . A . W.]
TOBIT (Ttt&tto, T»/3tlV, TaijSO 1 Vulg. To-
Una; Vet. Lat. To'% Thobi, Tobisi, the sou of To-
bitl 'ToflrijX; Thobtel, Tubus!) and father of Tobias
(Tob. i. 1, be.). [ToniT, BOOK OP.] The name
appean to answer to *3*0, which occurs frequently
iu later times (Fritzsche, ad Tob. i. 1), and not (as
Welte, EM. 65) to flJ3ta ; yet in that case Ta>0.'»,
according to the analogy of Aevtr C\?)i would hare
been the more natural form. The etymology of
the word is obscure. Ilgen translates it simply
*■ my goodness ;" Fritzsche, with greater probability,
regards it as an abbreviation of n'310, compariug
W«X X ' (Luke iii. 24, 28), »pjn, &c. (ad Tub. 1. c).
The firm in the Vulgate is" of m weight against
the Old ljitin, except m> far as it shows the reading
of the Chaldaic text which Jerome used, in which
the identitr of the names of the father and son is
directly affirmed (i. 9, Vulg.). [B. F. W.]
TOTJIT, BOOK OF. The book is called
simply Tobit (TujSfr, Tuftttr) in the old MSS.
At a later time the opening words of the book, Bf-
$hot \6yctv Ta>$fr, were taken as a title. In Latin
MSS. It is styled Tobis, LVier Thobis, liber TMae
(Salwtier, 706), To>>it et Tobias, Liber utriusqm
Tobiae (Fritrsche, EM. §1).
I. Text. — The book exists at present in Greek,
Latin, Syriac, and Hebrew texts, which diner more
oi less from one another in detail, but yet on the
whole aie so far alike that it is reasonable to sup-
pose that all were derived from one written original,
which was modified in the course of translation or
transcription. The Greek text is found in two
distinct recensions. The one is followed by the
mass of the MSS. of the LXX., and gives the oldest
text which remains. The other is ouly fragmentary,
and manifestly a revision of the former. Of this,
one piece (i. 1-ii. 2) is contained in the Cod. Siuai-
ticus ( = Cod. Frid. Augustauus), and another in
three later MSS. (44, 106, 107, Holmes and Par-
eons; vi. 9-xif.. ; Fritzsche, Exeg. Handb. 71-
1 10). The Latin texts are also of two kinds.
Tie common (Vulgate) text is due to Jerome, who
formed it by a very hasty revision of the old Latin
version with the help of a Chaldee copy, which was
translated into Hebrew for him by an assistant who
was master of both languages. The treatment of
the text in this recension is very arbitrary, as might
be expected from the description which Jerome gives
of the mode in which it was made (romp. Praef.
m Tob. §4) ; and it is of very little critical value,
for it is impossible to distinguish accurately the
different elements which are incorporated in it,
The ante-Hieronymian (Vetus Latlna) texts are
fur more valuable, though these present consider'
able variations among themselves, as generally hap-
pen*, and repr esent *he revised and not the original
(> reek text. Sabati t: has given one text from then
MSS of the eighth century, and also added various
readings from another MS, formerly in the possession
TOBIT, BOOK OP 1523
of Christina of Sweden, which contains a distinct
vers on of a considerable part of the book, i.-vi. IS
(MM. IM. ii. p. 706). A third text is found in the
quotations of the Speculum, published by Mai. Spi-
cileij. Rom. ix. 21-23. The Hebrta versions are of
no great weight. One, which was publishnl by P.
Fagius (1542) after a Constantinopolitan edition of
1517, is closely moulded on the common Greek
text without being a servile translation (Fritzsche,
§4). Another, published by S. Munster (1548,
&c), is based upon the revised text, but is extremely
free, and is rather an adaptation than a version.
Both these versions, with the Syriac, are reprinted
in Walton's Polyglott, and are late Jewish works of
uncertain date (Kritzsche, I.e. Ilgen, ch. xvii. ff.)
The Syriac version is of a composite character. At
far as ch. vii. 9 it is a close tendering of the common
Greek text of the LXX., but from this point to the
end it follows the revised text, • tact which is no-
ticed in the margin of one of the MSS.
2. Content*. — The outline of the book is as fol
Iowa. Tobit, a Jew of the tribe of NaphtaL, who
strictly observed the law and remained faithful to
the Temple-service at Jerusalem ij. 4-8), was carried
captive to Assyria by Shalmanescr. While in cap-
tivity he exerted himself to relieve his countrymen,
which his favourable position at court [ayopturrfu,
i. 13, "purveyor") enabled him to do, and at this
time he was rich enough to lend ten talents of silver
to a countryman, Gabael of Mages in Media. But
when Sennacherib succeeded his father Shalmaneser,
the fortune of Tobit was changed. He waa accused
of burying the Jews whom the king had yst to
death, and was only able to save himself, his wife
Anna, and his son Tobias, by flight. On the accr ssion
of Eaarliaddon he was allowed to return to Nhieveh,
at the intercession of his nephew, Achiacharus, wtr
occupied a high place in the king's household (i.
22) ; but his zeal for his countrymen brought him
into a strange misfortune. As he lay one night in
the court of his house, being unclean from having
buried a Jew whom his son had found strangled in
the market-place, sparrows "muted warm dung
into his eyes," and he became Mind. Being thus
disabled, he was for a time supported by Acht-
ncharus, and after his departure (read ivoptOr), ii.
10) by the labour of his wife. On one occasion
he falsely accused her of stealing a kid which had
been added to her wages, and in return she re-
proached him with the miserable issue of all hit
righteous deeds. Grieved by her taunts he prayed
to God for help ; and it happened that on the same
day Sara, his kinswoman (vi. 10, 11), the only
daughter of Raguel, also sought help from God
against the reproaches of her fathers household.
For seven young men wedded to her had perishsJ
on their marriage night by the power of the ev.l
spirit Asrflodeus [AajiODEUs] ; and she thought
that she should " bring her father's old age with
sorrow unto the grave" (iii. 10). So Raphael was
sent to deliver both from their sorrow. In the
mean time Tobit called to mind the money which he
bad lent to Gabael, and despatched Tobias, with
many wise counsels, to reclaim it (iv.). Ob this
Raphael (under the form of a kinsman, Azarias)
otTered himself as a guide to Tobias on his journey
to Media, and they " went forth both, and tin
young man's dog with them," and Anna was com-
forted for the absence of her son (v.). When thej
reached the Tigris, Tobias was commanded by Ra»
phael to take " the heart, and liver, and gall " of " a
fish which loaped out r.f the river and would havt
I US
1524
TOBIT, BOOK OF
devoured him," and instructed how to use the
first two against Asmodeus, for Sara, Kaphad aaid,
was appointed to be hia wife (vi.). So when they
reauoeu Etrbatana they were entertained by Raguel,
and in accordance with the words of the angel, Mara
waa given to Tobias in niarriage that night; and
Asmodeus was "driven to the utmost parts of
Egypt," where " the angel bound him " (vii., viii.).
After this Raphael recovered the loan from Gabael
(".), Mu ' Tobias then returned with Sara and half
her father's goods to Nineve (x.). Tobit, informed
by Anna of their son's approach, hastened to meet
him. Tobias by the command of the angel applied
the fish's gall to his father's eyes and restored hia
sight (zi.). After this Raphael addressing to both
W/rds of good counsel revealed himself, and " they
saw him no more " (iii.). On this Tobit expressed
his gratitude in a fine psalm (xiii.) ; and be lived to
see the long prosperity of his son (xiv. 1, 2). After
hia death Tobias, according to his instruction, re-
turned to Ecbatana, and " before he died he heard of
the destruction of Nineve," of which " Jonas the
prophet spake " (xiv. 15, 4).
3. Historical character. — The narrative which
has been just sketched, seems to have been received
without inquiry or dispute as historically true till
the rise of free criticism at the Reformation. Luther,
while warmly praising the general teaching of the
book (comp. §6), yet e xp re ss ed doubts as to its
literal truth, and these doubts gradually gained a
wide currency among Protestant writers. Bertholdt
(EM. §579) has given a summary of alleged errors
in detail (e.g. i. 1, 2, of Napthali, compared with
2 K. rr. 29 ; vi. 9, Rages, said to have been founded
by Sel. Nicator), but the question tarns rather
upon the general complexion of the history than
upon minute objections, which are often captious
and rarely satisfactory (comp. Welte, End. pp.
84-94). This, however, is fatal to the supposition
that the book could have been completed shortly
after the fall of Nineveh (B.C. 606 ; Tob. riv. 15),
and written in the main some time before (Tob.
xU. 20). The whole tone of the narrative bespeaks
a later age; and above all, the doctrine of good and
evil spirits is elaborated in a form which belongs to
a period considerably posterior to the Babylonian
Captivity (Asmodeus, lii. 8, vi. 14, viii. 3 ; Raphael,
xii. 15). The incidents again, are completely iso-
lated, and there is no reference to them in any part
of Scripture (the supposed parallels, Tob. ir. 15
(16) || Matt. vii. 12; Tob. xiii. 16-18 II Rev.
xxi. 18, are mere general ideas), nor in Josephus
or Philo. And though the extraordinary character
of the details, aa such, is no objection sgainst the
reality of the occurrences, yet it may be fairly
urged that the character of the alleged miraculous
events, when taken together, is alien from the ge-
neral character of such events in the historical books
of Scripture, while there is nothing exceptional in
the circumstances of the persons, as in the case of
Daniel [Dakirl, vol. i. p. 394], which might serve
to explain this difference. On all these grounds it
may certainly he concluded that the narrative ia
not simply history, and it ia superfluous to inquire
how far it is baaed upon facta. It is quite possible
that some real occurrences, preserved by tradition,
furnished the basis of the narrative, but it does not
follow by any means that the elimination of the
extraordinary details will leave behind pure history
tto llgen). As the book stands it is a distinctly
tfidactic narrative. Its point lies in the moral
trasuu which it conveys, anal not in the incidents.
TOBIT, BOOK OF
The incidents furnish litdy pktuies of Use tnrU
which the author wished to inculcate, but the
lessons themselves are independent of thean. Nee-
can any weif'it be laid on the minute i lai tail
with whick apparently unimportant details an
described (e. g. the genealogy and iliullinaT H*"
of Tobit, i. 1, 2 ; the marriage festival, via. 2f\
3d. 18, 19, quoted by llgen and Welte), aat paw-
ing the reality of the events, for such partirsisarity
is characteristic of Eastern romance, and appears
again in the Book of Judith. The writer in enm-
posing his story necessarily observed the osvxiaary
form of a historical narrative.
4. Original Language and Eetisiant. — Is th*
absence of all direct evidence, considerable doubt has
been felt as to the original language of the book.
The superior clearness, simplicity, and aceaanacr of
the LXX. text prove conclusively that this is mam
the original than any other text which is known, if
it be not, as some have supposed (Jahn and rVstaadtr
doubtfully), the original itself Indeed, the argu-
ments which have been brought forward to sbnw
that it is a translation are tar from conclusive^. The
supposed contradictions between different parts of the
book, especially the change from the first (L— Hi. 61
to the third person (iii. 7-xiv.), from which Ufea
endeavoured to prove that the narrative was made
up of distinct Hebrew documents, carelessly part
together, and afterwards re n d er ed by one Greet,
translator, are easily explicable en other gnumili ;
and the alleged mistranslations (iii. t>; hr. 19. e*c)
depend rather on errors in interpreting the Greek
text, than on errors in the text itself. The style.
again, though harsh in parte, and far from the
classical standard, is not more so than some books
which were undoubtedly written in Greek (*. g. the
Apocalypse) ; and there ia little, if any thing, ia it
which points certainly to the immediate influent*
of an Aramaic text. (i. 4, ett araVnt t4j TeWser
too alirot, comp. Eph. iii. 21 ; i. 22, In •errdjaacr;
iii. 15, Xra rl iim {ijr; r. 15, vuaa ere* (stasia*
fuaDbr SiSoVoi ; xiv. 3, wsoo-enra fufll"r<ai, eVc.1
To this it may be added that Origen was not ac-
quainted with any Hebrew original (Bp. ad Afrie.
13); and the Cnaldee copy which Jerome used.
as far as its character can be ascertained, was evi-
dently a later version of the story . On the «tber
hand, there is no internal evidence against the "ap-
position that the Greek text is a translation. Some
difficulties appear to be removed by this suppositiras
(«. g. ix. 6) ; and if the consideration of the date
and place of the composition of the book favour tha
view, it may rightly be admitted. The Greek oaten
some peculiarities in vocabulary:—- i. A, a yi a
novpta, i. e. i) aa-apx^ raw n ea ps} ? . Dent. xviiL 4 ;
i. 7, imparl (tftm ; i. 31, asAs-fio-rui ; H. s.
arpayyakiv, be : and in construction, xiU. 7,
ayaXXuiat <u tV peyaXuviniv ; xn. 4, iM s s aasre W
run; vi. 19, ttpeaiytkr riri (intrans.); vi. S,
tyyl(ta> ir, itc But these furnish no a rgum e n t
on either side.
The various texts which remain tare already
been enumerated. Of these, three vanities may lit
distinguished: (1) the LXX.; (2) the revised Greek
text, followed by the Old Latin in the main, and bv
the Syriac in part; and (3) the Vulgtle Latin.
The Hebrew versions have no critical varae.
(1) The LXX. is followed by A. V.. and has been
already characterized as the standard to which the
others are to be referred. (2) The revised text,
first lrn>ui;bt distinctly into notiie by Fritxvete
{Xml. J5), is based on the LXX. Gieek, which fa
Tonrr, book of
*t oat tiine extended, and then compressed, with a
view to greater fulness and clearness. A few of
the variations in the first chapter will indicate it*
iharjcter: — Ver. 2, Bttrfhis, add. Mem Svo-fuir
e)Aio» if ieuntp&r *oyip ; Ter. 8, oft naM/ifi,
given at length rait ooe)oro<s awl roir x^fKui,
t.Tju ; rer. 18, eVc ttji 'lovooicu, add. tr iiptpau
■rijt uplfHtt §f fWi|o-*r «"{ aiVroS i /ScuriXtiit
raw svpaweS weal raw 0Ao<ra)iuut»r Sr ttyJAoo"-
p4w** ; rer. 22, olroxioi, •>x'0"oxoot.
(3) The Vulgate text was derived in part from a
Uhnldao copy which wai translated by word of
mouth into Hebrew for Jerome.who in turn dictated
a Latin rendering to a secretary. (Praef. in Tob. :
.... Exigitis ut librum Chaldaec wimone con-
asriptum ad Latinum stylum traluun .... Feci
aati* daoderio vestro, non tamen meo atudio ....
Et quia Ticina eat Chaldaeorum lingua sermoni
Hetuiuco, ntrluaque linguae peritissimum loquacem
reporieaa tsisu* diei laborem arripui, et quidqnid
ilk mihi Habraici* verbis axpressit, hoc ego, accito
aotirio, aermonibiw Latinia expoaui.) It is evident
lhat in this process Jerome made soma use of the
Old Latin Tendon, which ha follows almost verbally
•o a few places: iii. 3-6; it. 6, 7, 11, 23, be. ;
bat the greater part of the version seems to be an
independent work. On the whole, it is more concise
than the Old Latin ; but it contains interpolations
nnd changes, many of which mark the asceticism of
i late age: ii. 12-14 (parallel with Job); iii. 17-23
(expansion of iii. 14) ; vi. 17 if. (expansion of vi.
18); ix. 11, 12; xU. 13 (et quia acceptus eras
Deo, n a n w a s fait at tcntatio probaret te).
5. Date and plant of Companion. — The data
for determining the age of the book and the place
when it was compiled are scanty, and conse-
quently very different opinion* have been enter-
tained on these point*. Eichhorn (EM. pp. 408 ft.)
places the author after the time of Darius Hystaspis
without fixing any further limit of age or country.
Bertboldt, insisting (wrongly) on the supposed date
of the foundation of Kages [Hades], brings the book
considerably later than Seieucus Nicator (car. B.C.
250-200), and suppose* that it was written by aGa-
lilaenn or Babylonian Jew , from the prominence given
to those districts in the narrative (EM. pp. 2499,
2500). De Wette leaves the date undetermined, but
argues that the author was a native of Palestine
{EM. §311). Ewald (QctcMchU, ir. 233-238)
fixes the composition in the far East, towards the
close of the Persian period (cir. 350 B.C.). This
last opinion is almost certainly correct. The su-
perior and inferior limits of the data of the book
seem to be defined with fair distinctness. On the
oae hand the detailed doctrine of evil spirits points
clearly to some time after the Babylonian Captivity ;
and this date la definitely marked by the reference
to a new Tempi* at Jerusalem, " not like the first"
(Tob. xir. 5 ; comp. Ear. iii. 12). On the other
hand, there is nothitg to show that the Jews were
threatened with any special danger when the narra-
tive was written (as in Judith), and the manner in
which Media is mentioned (xiv. 4) implies that the
Persian monarchy was still strong. Thus it* data
will fall somewherc within the period between the
close of the work cf Nehemiah and the invasion of
A lexander (cir. B.C. 430-334). The contents of the
book furnish also some Aue to the place where it
was written. Not only is there in accurate know-
ledge of the sceM* described (Ewald, 233), but the
incidents have a local colouring. The continual
to a'owgiviug and the buria 1 of the dead..
TOBIT, BOOK OF
1525
and the stress which Is laid upon the right per-
formance of worship at Jerusalem by those whe
are afar off (i. 4), can scarcely be due to an effort
of imagination, but must rather have been occa-
sioned by the immediate experience of the writer.
This would suggest that he was living out of Pales-
tine, in some Persian city, perhaps Babylon, when
his countrymen were exposed to the capricious
cruelty of heathen governors, and in danger of neg-
lecting the Temple-service. Glimpses are also given
of the presence of the Jews at court, not only it
the history (Tob. i. 22), but also in direct counsel
(xii. 7, fuxrHiptoy fiaolXtm aoAor apinVat), which
better suit such a position than any other (comp.
xiii. 3). If these conjectures as to the date and
place of writing be correct, it follows that we must
assume the existence of a Hebrew or Chaldee ori-
ginal. And even 3' the date of the book be brought
much lower, to the beginning of the second century
B.C., which seems to be the latest possible limit,
it is equally certain that it must have been written
in some Aramaic dialect, as the Greek literature of
Palestine belongs to a much later time ; and the re-
ferences to Jerusalem seem to show that the book
could not have been composed In Egypt (1. 4, xiv.
5), an inference, indeed, which may be deduced
from its general content*. As long as the book
was held to be strict history it was supposed that it
was written by the immediate actors, in accordance
with the diiection of the angel (xii. 20). The pas-
sages when Tobit speak* in the first person (L-iil.
6, xiii.) wen assigned to his authorship. The in-
tervening chapters to Tobit or Tobias. The descrip-
tion of the close of the life of Tobit to Tobias (xiv.
1-11) ; and the concluding versa* (xir. 12-15) to
one of his friends who survived him. If, however,
the historical character of the narrative is set aside,
there is no trace of the person of the author.
6. History.— The history of the book is in ths
main that of the LXX. version. While the con-
tents of the LXX., as a whole, were received as ca-
nonical, the Book of Tobit was necessarily included
without further inquiry among the book* of Holy
Scripture. [Cakoh.] The peculiar merits of .the
book contributed also in no small degree to gain for
it a wide and hearty reception. There appears to
be a clear reference to it in the Latin version of the
Epistle of Polycarp (c 10, eleemotyna de mortt
liberat, Tob. It. 10, xii. 9). In a scheme of the
Ophites, if then be no corruption in the text, To.
bias appears among the prophets (Iran. i. 30, 1 1 ).
Clement of Alexandria (Strom, ii. 23, §139, rovre
fipaxtmt *, 7fM*H MhjAwaw tlpi)KVM, Tob. iv.
16) and Origen practically use the book a* ca-
nonical ; but Origen distinctly notices that neither
Tobit nor Judith wen received by the Jews, and
rests the authority of Tobit on the usage of the
Churches (Ep. ad Afrio. 13, 'E/Sfxuot rf T»/3(*
oh xoatursu. . . AAA', im\ xpaVru t«? Tiftla
at iachiioiiu . . . DtOrat. 1,§14,tj? rovT<»<%
0lfi\v sWiA*7ove*u> ol i* Tcpiro/tijj in ul) «V>
SiatHcts . . .). Even Athanssius when writing
without any critical regard to the Canon quotes
Tobit as Scripture (Apol. e. Arian. §1 1, 4 j y4-
ypaxrm, Tob. xii. 7) ; but when be gives a formal
list of the Sacred Books, he definitely excludes it
from the Canon, and places it with other apocry-
phal books among the writings which were " to be
read by those who were but just entering on Chris-
tian teaching, and desirous to be instructed in tin
ruin of piety " (Ep. Feat. p. 1177, ed. Mignv).
«i the Latin Church Tobit found a much more d*
1620
TOBIT, BOOK OF
tided ecceptauce. Cyprian, Hilary, and Lucifer,
quote it as authoritative (Cypr. De Orat. l>.m.
32 ; Hil. Pict. In Psalm, exxrx. 7 ; yet orcnp.
Prof, m A. it.; Lucif. Pro A them. i. p. 871).
Augustine includes it with the other apocrypha ot"
"he LXX. among " the books which the Christian
Church received " (De Dortr. Christ, ii. 8),* and in
this he was followed by the mass of the later Latin
fathers [«np. CAXOX, voL i. p. 256, he."]. Am-
brose in especial wrote an essay on Tobias, treat-
ing of the evils of usury, in which he speaks of
the book as "prophetic" in the strongest terms
(De Tabid, 1,1; comp. ffexaem.vi. 4'. Jerome
however, followed by RufEnus, maintained the
purity of the Hebrew Canon of the 0. T., and, as
hat been seen, treated it rery summarily (for later
authorities sea, CANON). In modern times the
moral excellence of the book has been rated highly,
except in the heat of controversy. Luther pro-
nounced it, if only a fiction, yet " a truly beautiful,
wholesome, and profitable fiction, the work of a
gifted poet. ... A book useful for Christian read-
ing" (ap. Fritxsche, JEtn/.§ll). The same view
is held alto in the English Church. A passage from
Tobit is quoted in the Second Book of Homilies as
the teaching " of the Holy Ghost in Scriptuie "
'Of Almsdeeds, ii. p. 391, ed. Coirie); and the
Irayer-book offers several indications of the same
feeling of respect tor the book. Three verses are
retained among the sentences used at the Offertory
(Tob. ir. 7-9) ; and the Preface to the Marriage
Service contains a plain adaptation of Jerome's
veision of Tob. vi. 17 (Hi namque qui conjugium
ita suscipiunt nt Denm a se et a sua mente eiclu-
dant, et suae libidini ita vacent, siewt equus et
uulus quibus uon est inteilectus, habet potcstatem
daemonium super eos). In the First Book of Edward
VI. a reference to the blessing of Tobias and Sara
by Raphael was retained in the same service from
the old office in place of the present reference to
Abraham and Sarah ; and one of the opening clauses
of the Litany, introduced from the Sarum Breviary,
is a reproduction of the VulgrUe version of Tob.
iii. 3 (Ne viudictam sumas de peccatis meis, neque
reminiscaris delicto mea vel parentum meorum).
7. Keligims character. — Few probably can read
the bock in the LXX. text without assenting heart-
ily to the favourable judgment of Luther on its
merits. Nowhere else is there preserved so complete
and beautiful a picture of the domestic lite of the
Jews after the Return. There may be symptoms
of a tendency to formal righteousness of works, but
as yet the works <ue painted as springing from
a living faith. The devotion due to Jerusalem is
united with definite acts of charity (i. 6-8) and
with the prospect of wider blessings (xiii. 1 1 ). The
giving of alms is not a mere scattering of wealth,
but a real service of love (i. 16, 17, ii. 1-7, iv.
7-11, l(i), though at times the emphasis which is
laid upon the duty is exaggerated (as it seems) from
the special circumstances in which the writer was
placed (xii. 9, xiv. 10). Of the special precepts
one (iv. 15, 9 pio~e~f ,ut|8erl iroct/trjisj on tains the
negative side of the golden rule ef condj.-t (Matt.
vii. 1 2), which in this partial form is found among
• This is expressed still more distinctly In the Speculum
(p. 1127.0.. «L Par. 1836): "Hon sunt ornlttendl et bi
[llbri] quos quktcm ante Salvatorls adventum constat esse
conscriptos. led eos non receptee a Jodie is redntl tamen
•Jnairm SMvatorle ecclesia." The preface from which
these words are taken ts follow ed by quotations from
Wisdom KorleslasUcKS and Tola.
TOBIT. BOOK OF
tne maxims of Coufucins. But it Is chieBy is tre
exquisite tenderers of the portraiture of dun «t
life that the boik excels. The parting of Tot ms
and his mother, the consolatiot of Tobit (v. 17-2"-' \
the affection of Raguel (vii. 4-3), the anxious wsuV
iug of the parents (x. 1-7), the son's return (is. *.
xi.), and even the unjust suspicsoosnesa of the sorrerw
of Tobit and Anna (ii. 11-14) are painted with i
simplicity worthy of the best times of the patriarchs. v
Almost every family relation is touched upon with
natural grace and affection : husband and wife, pares
and child, kinsmen, near or distant, masterand s e t r ant ,
are presented in the meet varied action, and alwars
with life-like power (ii. 13, 14, v. 17-22, rii. 16,
viii. 4-8, x. 1-7, xi. 1-18, i. 22, B. 10, viL 3-8, v.
14, 15, xii. 1-5, *c.). Prayer hallows the whole
conduct of life (iv. 19, vi. 17, viii. 5-8, &c) ; and
even in distress there is confidence that in the end
all will be well (iv. 6, 14, 19), though thete is no
clear anticipation of a future personal existent-*
(iii. 6). The most remarkable doctrinal feature is
the book is the prominence given to the action ct
spirits, who, while they are conceived to be subject
to the passion*, of men and material influences (As-
modeus), ari yet not affected by bodily wants, and
manifested only by their own will (Raphael, xii. 1 f\.
Powers of evil (iatinirtor, wvc Sua srorxjpeV, Si. 8.
17, vi, 7, 14, 17) are represented as gaining the ntm
of injuring men by sin [Amodec*], while they
are driven away and bound by the exercise of tarts
and prayer (viii. 2, 3). On the outer hand Raphael
comes among men as " the healer " (comp. Dill-
mann, Das Buch Henoch, c. 20), and by the mis-
sion of God (in. 17, xii. 18), restores those whose
good actions he has secretly watched (xii. 12, l.t>,
and " the remembrance of whose prayers he has
brought before the Holy One" (xii. 'l2). This
ministry of intercession is elsewhere expressly re-
cognized. Seven holy angels, of whom Raphael ■»
one, are specially described as those ** which present
the prayers of the Saints, and which go in and out
before the glory of God " (xii. 15). It is charac-
teristic of the same sense of the need of some beir;
to interpose between God and man that angni.ii
prominence is given to the idea of " the jrloiv ot
God," before which these archangels appear <w
priests in the holiest place (viii. 15, xii. 15) ; and in
one passage " the angel of God " (v. 16, 21 ) occu-
pies a position closely resembling that of the Woi-i
in the Targums and Philo (De mut. nam. §1 "..
&c.). Elsewhere blessing is rendered to " all the
holy angels" (xi. 14, eiXoyn/teni as coutrasV>t
with ebXaytfrit : comp. Luke i. 42), who are them-
selves united with "the elect" in the doty ot
praising God for ever (viii. 15). This mention <*
" the elect" points to a second doctrinal featoic nt
the book, which it shares with Baruch alone of th
apocryphal writings, the firm belief in a giorirm
restoration of the Jewish people (xiv. 5, xiii. Ms.
But the restoration contemplated is national, sai
not the work of a universal Saviour. The Teinj l«
is described as " consecrated and built for all ages "
(i. 4), the feasts are "an everlasting decree ™
(i. 6), and when it is restored " the streets of Jeru-
salem shall say . . . Blessed be God which hath
b In this connexion may be noticed the Inddenl, wince
Is without a parallel In Scripture, and seems more natural
to the West than to the Kast, the eompenUwahip of thf
dog with Tobias (v. is, xi. 4 : comp. Amor, nssmsa. vi
i. 17 : " Muise specie besuae sanctu Raphael, sttsjrlm
Tobtae Invents ad rrlaUonem frails* eraEctai
affectum").
TOCHEN
extolled it for ever " (ml. 18).° In all then in not
the slightest trace of the belief in a personal Messiah.
8. Comparisons hare often been made between
the Book of Tobit and Job, but from the outline
which has been given it is obvious that the resem-
blance it only superficial, though Tob. ii. 14 was
probably suggested by Job ii. 9, 10, while the
differences are such as to mark distinct periods. In
Tobit the sorrows of those who are afflicted are laid
at once in prayer before God, in perfect reliance on
His final judgment, and then immediately relieved
by Divine interposition. In Job the real conflict is
in the soul of the sufferer, and his reuef comes at
length with humiliation and repentance (xlii. 6).
The one bonk teaches by great thoughts ; the other
by clear maxims translated into touching incidents.
The contrast of Tobit and Judith is still more
instructive. These books present two pictures of
Jewish life and feeling, broadly distinguished in all
their details, and yet mutually illustrative. The
one rep resen ts the exile prosperous and even power-
ful in a strange land, exposed to sudden dangers,
cherishing his national ties, and looking with un-
shaken love to the Holy City, but still mainly
occupied by the common duties of social life ; the
other portrays a time of reproach and peril, when
national independence was threatened, and a righteous
cause seemed to justify unscrupulous valour. The
one gives the popular ideal of holiness of living,
the other of courage in daring. The one reflects
the current feeling at the close of the Persian rule,
the other during the struggles for freedom.
9. The first complete edition of the book was by
K. D. Ilgen {Die Getcli. Tubts . . . mit . . . einer
Finieiiimg vcrsehen, Jen. 1800), which, iu spite of
serious defects due to the period at which it was pub-
lished, contains the most full discussion of the con-
tents. The edition of Kritzsche ( Kseijet. ffandb. ii.,
Leipzig, 1853) is concise and schulurlikc, but leaves
some points without illustration. In England the
book, like the rest of the Apocrypha, seems to have
fallen into most undeserved neglect. [B. F. W.J
TOCHEN (J3h : <*>««£ ; Alex. &t>xx<w '■
Thocheti). A place mentioned (1 Chr. iv. 32 only)
amongst the towns of Simeon. In the parallel list
of Josh. (xix. 7) there is nothing corresponding
to Tochen. The LXX., however, adds the name
Thalcha between Remmon and Ether in the latter
passage; and it is not impossible that this may be
the remnant of a Tochen anciently existing in the
Hebrew test, though it has beeu considered as an
indication ot'Telem. [G.]
TOGAB'MAH(nD1W: OipyafU- T/iogor-
ma). A son of Gomer, and brother of Ashkenaz
and Kiphath (Gen. x. 3). at has been already
shown that Togannah, as a geographical term, is
connected with Armenia,* and that the subsequent
entires of the name (Ex. xxvii. 14, xxxviii. G)
accord with this view. [Armenia.] It remains
for us to examine into the ethnology of the Arme-
nians with a view to the position assigned to them
in the Mosaic table. The most decisive statement
icspsoting them in ancient literature is furnished by
Herodotus, who says that they were Phrygian
colonists, that they were armed in the Phrygian
Sashiot., and were associated with the Phrygians
under the same commander (Herod, vii. 73). The
* Tbe name Itself msy possibly bave reference to Ar-
suenla. for, sucordlna to Grimm ((Jack. Dtutrch. Spr. 1L
WO l. Jnsjannah eunies from the Sansrnt M.a. - tribe "
TOI
1527
remark of Euilnxus tSteph. Byz. t. c. 'Aoutvitt
that the Armenians resemble the Phrygians in DM:17
respects in language (177 <t*cvf sroAXa $pvyi(ov<n
tends in the same direction. It is hnrdly necessaiy
to understand the statement of Herodotus as imply-
ing more th;m a common origin of the two
peoples ; for, looking at the general westward pro-
gress of the Japhetic races, and on the central
position which Armenia held in regaid to their
movements, we should rather infer that Phrygia
was colonized from Armenia, than rice tcrsi. The
Phrygians were indeed reputed to have had their
first settlements in Europe, and thence to haw,
crossed into Asia (Herod, vii. 73), but this must
be regarded as simply a retrograde movement of a
section of the great Phrygian race in the direction
of their original home. The period of this move-
ment is fixed subsequently to the Trojan war (Strab,
xiv. p. 680), whereas the Phrygians appear as an
important race in Asia Minor at a f<tr earlier period
(Strab. vii. p. 321 ; Herod, vii. 8, 1 1). There can be
little doubt but that they were once the dominant
race in the peninsula, and that they spread west-
ward from the confines of Armenia to the shores of
the Aegaean, The Phrygian language is undoubt-
edly to be classed with the Indo-European family.
The resemblance between words in the Phrygian
and Greek tongues was noticed by the Greeks them-
selves (Plat. Cralyl. p. 410), and the inscriptions
still existing in the former are decidedly Indo-
Euio|iean (Itawlinson's Herod, i. G66). The Ar-
menian language presents many peculiarities which
distinguish it from other branches of the Indo-
European family ; but these may be accounted for
partly by the physical character of the count! y,
and partly by the large amount of foreign admix-
ture that it has experienced. In spite of this,
however, no hesitation is felt by philologists iu
placing Armenian among the Indo-European lan-
guages (Pott, Elym. Fortch. Introd. p. 32; Die-
fenuach, Orig. Europ. p. 43). With regard to the
ancient inscriptions at Wan, some doubt exists;
some of tliein, but apparently not the most
ancient, are thought to bear a Turanian character
(Layard's Xin. and Bab. p. 402 ; Kawlinson's
Herod, i. 652 ) ; but, even were this fully estab-
lished, it fails to prove the Turanian character of
the population, inasmuch as they may have been
set up by foreign conquerors. The Armenians
themselves hare associated the name of Togormah
with their early history in that they represent Use
founder of their race, Hoik, as a son of Thorgom
(Moses Choren. i. 4, §9-11;. [W. L. B.]
TO'HTJ Oriel : eoW ; Alex, moov : JHo/cj).
An ancestor of Samuel the prophet, pnrlmps the
same as Toaii (1 Sam. i. 1 ; comp. 1 Chr. vi. 34).
TOlC^h: Booi; Alex. <W: Thou). King
of Hamnth on the Orontes, who, after the defe.it of
his powerful enemy the Syrian king Hadadexer by
the army of David, tent his son Joram, or Iladoram,
to congratulate the victor and do him homage with
presents of gold and silver and brass (2 Sam. viii.
9, 10 j. " for Hadadexer hod wars with Toi," and
Ewald {Gesch. Hi. 199) conjectures that he may
have even reduced him to a state of vanning*.
There was probably some policy in the conduct of
Toi, and hit object may have been, at Josephut »y»
and Anna = Annenls, which be further csuiects alia
Menulno ibe sou of alannna.
1528
TULA
■i m (Ant. vi.. 5, §4), to ouy off the conqueror
■rith the " vessels of ancient workmansnip " (mva
rijf kfxaias awrcwawiji) which he presented.
TOT-A (j&fl : e»X<t : 7fc>fa). 1. The first-
born of Issachar, and ancestor of the Toiaites (Gen.
slvi. 13; Mum. xxvi. 23; 1 Chr. rii. 1, 2), who in
the time of David numbered 22,600 men of valour.
2. Judge of Israel after Abimelech (Judg. x. 1,
2). He is described as " the son of Push, the son
at Dodo, a man of Issachar." In the I.XX. and
Vulg. he is made the son of Abimelech's uncle,
Dodo (VlVl) being considered an appellative. But
Gideon, Abimelech's father, was a Manassite. Tola
';idged Israel for twenty-three years st Shamir in
Mount Ephraim, where he died and was buried.
TO'LAD (*6ta: e.iiAe«V, Alex. ©«*«!:
T/iolaJ). One of the towns of Simeon (1 Chr.
iv. 29), which was in the possession of the tribe
up to David's reign, probably to the time of the
census taken by Joab. In the lists of Joshua the
name is given in the fuller form of El-tolaD. [G.]
TO'LAJTES, THE (rr/Mnn : t e*»A«t:
ThoUillae). The desceudaBts of Tola the son of
Issachar (Num. xxvi. 23).
TUL'BAMEB (ToAjSoVnt : Totbma). Telek,
sue rf the porters in the days of Ezra (1 Esd.
ix. *•>)■
TOMB. Although the sepulchral arrange-
ments of the Jews have necessarily many points of
•antaci with those of the surrounding nations, they
are still on the whole — like everything else that
people did — so essentially different, that it is most
unsafe to attempt to elucidate them by appealing to
the practice of other races.
It has been hitherto too much the fashion to
look to Egypt for the prototype of every form of
Jewish art ; but if then is one thing in the Old
Testament more clear than another, it ia the abso-
lute antagonism between the two peoples, and the
abhorrence of everything Egyptian that prevailed
from first to last among the Jewish people. From
the burial of Sarah in the care of Machpelah (Gen.
xxiii. 19) to the funeral rites prepared for Dorcas
(Acts ix. 37), there is no mention of any sarco-
phagus, or even coffin, in any Jewish burial. No
pyramid was raised — no sepaiate hvpogeum of any
individual king, and what is most to be regretted
by modern investigators, no inscription or painting
which either recorded the name of the deceased,
or symbolized the religious feeling of the Jews
towards the deed. It ia true of course that Jacob
dying in Egypt was embalmed (Gen. 1. 2), but it
was only in order that he might be brought to
be entombed in the cave at Hebron, and Joseph
as a naturalized Egyptian and a ruler in the land
was embalmed ; and it is also mentioned as some-
thing exceptional that he was put into a coffin, and
was so brought by the Israelites out of the land
and laid with his forefathers. But these, like the
burning of the body of Saul fsee Burial], were
clearly exceptional case*.
Still less were the rites of the Jews like those of
the Pelasgi or Etruscans. With that people the
graves of the dead were, or were intended to be, in
every respect similar to the homes of the living.
The lucumo lay in his robes, the warrior in his
armour, on the bed on which he had reposed in life,
unrounded by the furniture the vessels, and tie
TOMB
ornaments which had adorned his dwelling whss
alive, as if he were to lire again in a niw worii
with the same wants and feelings as before. Be-sV"
this, no tall stele, and no sepulcnral mrannH. ha.
yet been found in the hills or j-laine of Judaea
nor have we any hint either in the Bible or Jasr
phna of any such having existed which could bt
traced to a strictly Jewish origii~
In very distinct contrast to all this, the srjml-
cbral rites of the Jews ware marked with the note
simplicity that characterized all their religious ob-
servances. The body was washed and acosr.tnJ
(Mark xiv. 8, xvi. 1 ; John xix. 39, tc), wrapped
in a clean linen cloth, and borne without any funeral
pomp to the grave, where it was laid without any
ceiemonial or form of prayer. In addition to tius
with kings and great persons, there seems to have
been a " great burning" (2 Chr. xvi. 14, xxi. 19
Jer. xxxir. 5): all these being miasm is more
suggested by sanitary exigencies than by any h*uk-
ering after ceremonial pomp.
This simplicity of rite led to what may U
called the distinguishing characteristic of Jewui se-
pulchres — the deep kcuhu — which, so tax as is
now known, is universal in sll purely Jewish rci-
cut tombs, but hardly known elsewhere. Its (o rc
will be understood by referring to the annexed dia-
gram, representing the forms of Jewish seuultuic.
Xa L-Dtaerasi c* Jew** aayaldm.
In the apartment marked A, there are twelve w«4i
loculi, about 2 feet in width by 3 feet high. < '•
the ground-floor these generally open on the level ■<
the Moor ; when in the upper storey, as at C, oe •
ledge or platform, on which the body might be tuJ
to be anointed, and on which the stones might rest
which closed the outer end of each loculus.
The sliallow loculus is shown in chamber B, h-.il
was apparently only used when sarcophagi wr.t
employed, and therefore, so far as we know, only
during the Graeco-Roman period, when foreign cus-
toms came to be adopted. The shallow locnl.-i
would have been singularly inappropriate and incus.
valient, where an unembalrned body was bud rat
to uecay — as there would evidently be no means &
shutting it off from the rest of the cat* smb. The
deep loculus on the other hand was aa strictly rrr-
formable with Jewish customs, and could easily br
closed by a stone fitted to the end and) luted hits
thegroove which usually exists there.
This fact is especially interesting as it affords a
key to much that is otherwise hard to be tinderstnpd
in certain passages in the New Testament. Thus
in John xi. 39, Jesus says, " Take away the stone, '
_ and (ver. 40) " they took away the stone" with-
i out difficulty, apparently which cou.d hardly oatf
YUKU*
knn the »4> had it been such a rock as would be
required U. clone the entrance of a cr.ru. And chap.
mx. I, the mme expression is used, " the stone is
take i away;" and though the Greek word in the
other three Evangelists certainly implies that it
was rolisd away, this would equally apply to the
atone at the mouth of the loculus, into which the
Maries must hare then stooped down to look in.
In tact the whole narrative is infinitely more clear
and intelligible if we assume that it was a stone
closing the end of a rock-cut glare, than if we sup-
pose it to have been a stone closing the entrance
•r door of a hypogeum. In the litter cue the
atone to close a door — say 6 feet by 3 feet, could
lianlly have weighed less than 3 or 4 tons, and
could not hare been moved without machinery.
There is on* catacomb — that known a* the
"Tombs of the Kings" — which is closed by a stone
rolling across its entrance ; but it is the only one,
and the immense amount of contrivance and fitting
which it has required is sufficient proof that such
an arrangement was not applied to any other of the
numerous rock tombs around Jerusalem, nor could
the traces of it have been obliterated had it anywhere
existed. From the nature of the openings where they
are natural caverns, and the ornnmeutal form of their
doorways where they are architecturally adorned, it
is evident, except in this one instance, that they could
not hare been closed by stones rolled across their en-
trances ; and consequently it seems only to be to the
closing of the loculi that these expressions can refer.
But until a mote careful and more scientific ex-
ploration of these tombs is made than has hitherto
been given to the public, it i* difficult to (eel quite
certain on this point.
Although, therefore, the Jews were singularly
free from the pomps and vanities of funereal mag-
nificence, they were at all stages of their independent
existence an eminently burying people.
from the time of their entrance into the Holy
Lati till their expulsion by the Romans, they seem
to bare attached the greatest importance to the
possession of an undisturbed resting-place for the
bodies of their dead, and in all ages seem to have
shown the greatest respect, if not veneration, for
the sepulchres of their ancestors. Few, however,
jould enjoy the luxury of a rock-cut tomb. Taking
all that are known, and all that are likely to be
discovered, there are not probably 500, certainly
not 1000, rock-cut loculi in or about Jerusalem,
and as that city must in the days of its prosperity
have possessed a population of from 30,000 to 40,000
souls, it is evident that the bulk of the people must
then, as now, have been content with glares dug in
the earth ; but situated us near the Holy Places as
their means would allow their obtaining a place.
The bodies of the kings were buried close to the
Temple walls (Ezek. xliii. 7-9}, and however little
they may have done in their life, the place of their
burial is carefully recorded in the Chronicles of the
Kings, and the cause wky that place was chosen is
generally pointed out, as if that record was not only
the most important event, but the final judgment
on the life of the king.
Tomb* of the Patriarchs. — Turniuf from these
roosidjratinns to the more strictly historical part
of the subject, we find that one of the must striking
events in the life of Abraham is the purchase of
the firld of b|>hron the Hittite at Hebron, in which
was toe cave of Machpelah, in order that he
might therein bury Sarah his wife, and that it
wight be a sepulchre for himself and his cliildrcu.
TOMB
1628
His refusing to accept the prh ilege cf buryii.g then
as a gift when offered to him, shows the import
anoe Abraham attached to the transaction, and hit
insisting on purchasing and paying for it (Gen.
ixiii. 20), in aider that it might be " made sure
unto him for the possession of a burying-place."
There be and his immediate descendants were laid
3700 years ago, and there they are believed to
rest now ; but no one in modern times has seen
their remains, or been allowed to enter into the care
where they rest.
A few years ago, Signor Pierotti aays, he was
allowed, in company with the Pasha of* Jerusalem.
to descend the steps to the iron-grating that closet
the entrance, and to look into the cave. What he
seems to have seen was — that it was a natural
cavern, untouched by the chisel and unaltered by
art in any way. Those who accompanied the
Prince of Wales in his visit to the Mosque were not
permitted to see even this entrance. All they saw
was the round hole in the floor of the Mosque
which admits light and air to the cave below. The
same round opening exists at Ntby Samwil in the
roof of the reputed sepulchre of the Prophet Samuel,
and at Jerusalem there is n similar opening into
the tomb under the Dome of the rock. In the
former it is used by the pious votaries to drop pe-
titions and prayers into the tombs of patriarchs and
prophets. The latter having lost the tradition of
its having been a burying-place, the opening only
now serves to admit light into the cave below.
Unfortunately none of those who have visited
Hebron hare had sufficient architectural knowledge
to be able to say when the church or mosque which
now stands above the care was erected ; but there
seems no great reason for doubting that it is a
Byzantine church erected there between the age of
Constantine and that of Justinian. From such in-
dications as can be gathered, it seems of the later
period. On its floor are sarcophagi purporting to
be those of the patriarchs ; but, as is usual in Eastern
tombs, they ore only cenotaphs representing those
that stand below, and which are esteemed too sacred
for the vulgar to approach.
Though it is much more easy of access, it is
almost as difficult to ascertain the age of the wall
that encloses the sacred precincts of these tombs.
From the account of Josephus (B. J. iv. 7), it does
not seem to have existed m his day, or he surely
would have mentioned it ; and such a citadel could
hardly fail to have been of warlike importance in
those troublous times. Besides this, we do not
know of any such enclosure encircling any tombs
or sacred place in Jewish tunes, nor can we conceive
any motive for so secluding these grave*.
There are not any architectural mouldings abou 1
this wall which would enable an archaeologist to
approximate its date; and if the bevelling is as-
sumed to be a Jewish arrangement (which is veiy
far from being exclusively the case), on the othei
hand it may be contended that no buttres se d w;.il
of Jewish masonry exists anywhere. Then is in
fact nothing known with sufficient exactness to
decide the question, but the probabilities certainly
tend towards a Christian or Saracenic origin for th<
whole structure both internally and externally.
Aaron died on the summit of Mount Hor (Num.
xx. 28, xxxiii. 39), ami we are led to infer he wu
buried there, though it is not so stated ; and we
hare no details of his tomb which would lead as to
suppose that anything existed there earlier than the
Muhoniedau Kubr that now crown* the bill over-
1530
TOMB
molting Petra, and it is at th» mine time extremely
doubtful whether thai is the Mount Hor where the
High-Priest died.
Moras died in the plains of Moab (Dent, xxxiv. 6),
and was buried there, " but no man knoweth his.
sepulchre to this day," which is a singular utterance,
as being the only instance in the Old Testament of a
sepulchre being concealed, or of one being admitted
to be unknown.
Joshua was buried in his own inheritance in
Fiinnath-Seroh (Josh. xxiv. 30), and Samuel in his
own house at Rnmnh ( 1 Sam. xxr. J ), an expression
which we may probably interpret as meaning in
the garden attached to his house, as it is scarcely
probable it would be the dwelling itself. We know,
however, so little of the feelings of the Jews of that
age on the subject that it is by no means impro-
qable but that it may hare been in a chamber or
loculus attached to the dwelling, and which, if
closed by a stone carefully cemented into its place,
would hare prevented any annoyance from the cir-
cumstance. Joab ( 1 K. ii. 34) was also buried " in
his own house in the wilderness." In fact it appears
that from the time when Abraham established the
burying-place of his family at Hebron till the time
when David fixed that of his family in the city
which bore his name, '\j» Jewish rulers had no fixed
'•r favourite place of sepulture. Each was buried
an his own property, or where be died, without
much caring either for the sanctity or conrenienos
of the place chosen.
Tomb of the Kings. — Of the twenty-two kings ot
Judah who reigned at Jerusalem from 104? V* 590
u.c, eleven, or exactly one-half, were buried in one
hypogeum in the " city of David." The names of
the kings so lying together were David, Solomon,
Rehoboam, Abijah, Asa, Jehoshaphat, Ahaziah,
Amaziah, Jotham, Hezekiah, and Josiah, together
with the good priest Jehuiada. Of all these it is
merely said that they were buried in " the sepul-
chres of their lathers" or " of tlie kings" in the
city of Darid, except of two— Asa and Hezekiah.
Of the first it is said '2 Chr. xvi. 14), " they
buried him in his own sepulchres which he had made
for himself in the city of Darid, and laid him in
the bed [loculus?], which was filled with sweet
odours and divers spices prepared by the apothe-
caries' art, and they made a rery great burning for
him." It is not quite clear, however, from this,
whether this applies to a new chamber attached to
the older sepulchre, or to one entirely distinct,
though in the same neighbourhood. Of Hezekiah it
is said ( 2 Chr. xxxii. o.f), they buried him in " the
chiefest [or highest] of the sepulchres of the sons of
David," as if there were several apartments in the
hypogeum, though it may merely be that they ex-
cavated for him a chamber above the others, as we
find frequently done in Jewish sepulchres.
Two more of these kings (Jehomm and Joash)
were buried also in the city of David, " but not in
the sepulchres of the kings." The first because
of the sore diseases of which he died (2 Chr. xxi.
20) ; the second apparently in consequence of his
disastrous end (2 Chr. xxiv. 25) ; and one king,
llahh (2 Chr. xxvi. 231, was buried with his
lathers in the u field of the burial of the kings" "be-
cause he was a leper. All this evinces the ex-
treme care the Jews took in the selection of the
burying-plates of their kings, and the importance
they attached to the record. It should also be born
la mind that the highest honour which conlj be be-
llowed on the good priest Jehuiada (2 Chr. xxiv. 16)
TOMB
was that " they buried him in the cttr ot Dais
among the kings, because he had done good n
Israel, both toward Cod and toward His House.'
The passage in Nehemiah iii. 16, and in EmxhZ
xliii. 7, 9, together with the reiterated assertioa w 1
the Books ot Kings and Chronicles that these
sepulchres were situated in the city of David, leave
no doubt but that they were on Zion [see Jeei-
Salem], or the Eastern Hill, and in the immedxst*
proximity of the Temple. They were in fact certainly
within that enclosure now known as the •* Haram
Area ;" but if it is asked on what exact aflat, we
must pause for further information before a iepi/
can be given.
This area has been so altered by Roman, Christian,
and Moslem, during the last eighteen centuries
that, till we can explore freely below the mi-fare,
much that is interesting must be hidden trues us
It is quite dear, however, that the spot w*a wet
known during the whole of the Jewish period, in-
asmuch as the sepulchres were again and again
opened as each king died ; and from the traJ^oa
that Hyrcanus and Herod opened these sepulchres
{Ant. xiii. 8, §4; xvi. 7, §1). The accounts of" these
last openings are, it must be confessed, s ous e w U »t
apocryphal, resting only on the authority of Jo-
sephus ; but they prove at least that be considered
there could be no difficulty in finding the plate.
It is rery improbable, however, from what we
know of the extreme simplicity of the Jewries
sepulchral rites, that any large sum should have
been buried in Darid's tomb, and hare escaped not
only the Persian invaders, but their own necessitous
rulers in the time of their extremes! need. It is
much more probable that Hyrcanus borrowed the
treasure of the Temple, and invented this excuse ;
whereas the stoiy of Herod's descent is so like that
told more than 1 000 years afterwards, by Brnjamia
of Tudela, that both may be classed in the same
category. It was a secret transaction, if it toss:
place, regarding which rumour might fashion what
wondrous tales it pleased, and no one could contra-
dict them; but his having built a marble stele
(Ant. xvi. 7, §1) in front of the tomb may hare
been a tact within the cognisance of Josephus, and
would at all events serve to indicate that the eepu!-
chre was rock-cut, and its Rite well known.
So far as we can judge from this and other indi-
cations, it seems probable there was originally a
natural cavern in the rock in this locality, which
may afterwards have been improved by art, and ic
the skies of which kxruli were sunk, in which tax
bodies of the eleven kings and of the g*d U gb»
Priest were laid, without sarcophagi or cod a, but
" wound in linen clothes with the spice*, at the
manner of the Jews is to bury " (John xix. 40).
Besides the kings above enumerated, Manas***
was, according to the Book of Chronicles [i Chr.
xxxiii. 20) buried in his own house, which the Booc
of Kings (2 K. xxi. 18) explains as the " garden of
his own house, the garden of Uzza," when bis
son Amon was buried, also, it is said, in his own
sepulchre (ver. 26), but we have nothing that would
enable us to indicate where this was; and Abas,
the wicked king, was, according to the Book ef
Chronicles (2 Chr. xxviii. 27) " buried in the city,
even in Jerusalem, ami they brought him not into
the sepulchres of the kings of Israel." The fact of
these three last kings having been idolaters, though
one reformed, and their having all three bees buri*d
apparently in the city, proves what importanae law
Jews attached It the locality of the sepulchre, bat
TOMB.
1531
4'
^a
m^
_j i nr
? ..< ..<!>
»o vo I"
Ho. I— Place! dw "ToOiDSOf Uie Prophets." from Da Stilly.
also tends to show tnat burial within the city, or
the enclosure of * dwelling, was not so repulsive to
lheir feelings as is generally snp|>osed. It is just
possible that the rock-cut sepulchre under the
western wall of the present Church of the Holy
Sepulchre may be the remains of such a cemetery
as thnt in which the wicked kings were buried.
This, with many other cognate questions, must
be relegated for further information ; for up to the
present time we have not been able to identify one
single sepulchral excavation about Jerusalem which
can be said with certainty to belong to a period
anterior to that of the Maccabees, or, more cor-
rectly, to hare been used for burial before the time
of the Romans.
Tlie only important hypogoum which it wholly
Jewish in its arrangements, and may consequently
belong to an earlier or to any epoch, is that known
as the Tombs of the Prophets in the western Bank
of the Mount of Olives. It has every appearance of
naving originally been a natural cavern improved by
art, and with an external gallery some 140 feet in ex-
tent, into which twenty-seven deep or Jewish loculi
open. Other chambers and loculi have been com-
menced in other parts, and in the passages theie ate
spaces where many other graves could have been
located, all which would tend to show that it had
been disused before completed, and consequently was
very modern ; but be this as it may, it hns no
architectural mouldings — no sarcophagi or shallow
loculi, nothing to indicate a foreign origin, and
may therefore be considered, if not an early, at
least as the most essentially Jewish of the sepul-
chral excavations in this locality — every other im-
portant sepulchral excavation being adorned with
architectural features and details betraying most
^siraistakeably their Greek or Roman origin, and
fixing their date consequently as subsequent to thnt
of the Maccabees; or in other words, like every
other detail of pre-Christian architecture in Jeru-
salem, they belong to the 140 years that elapsed
trom the advent of Powjiey till the destruction of
the city by Titus.
Graeco-Rorwm Tombs. — Besides the tombs above
enumerated, there are around Jerusalem, in the
Valleys of Hinnom and Jehovhaphat, and on the pla-
teau to the north, a number of remarkable rock-cut
sepulchres, with more or less architectural decora-
tion, sufficient to enable us to ascertain that they
are all of nearly the same age, and to assert with
very tolerable confidence that the epoch to which
they belong must be between the introduction of
Roman influence and the destruction of the city by
Titus. The proof of this would be easy if it were
not that, like eveiything Jewish, there is a remark-
able absence of inscriptions which can be assumed
to be integral. The excavations in the Valley of
Hinnom with Greek inscriptions are comparatively
modern, the inscriptions being all of Christian im-
port and of such a nature as to render it extremely
doubtful whether the chambers were sepulchral at
all, and not rather the dwellings of ascetics, and
originally intended to be used for this purpose.
These, however, are neither the most important nor
the most nrchitectuial — indeed none of those in that
valley are so remarkable as those in the other locali-
ties just enumerated. The most important of those
in tlie Valley of Hinnom is that known as the
" Retreat-place of the Apostles." It is an unfinished
excavation of extremely late date, and many of the
others look much more like the dwellings for the
living thnn the resting-places of the dead.
In the village of Siloam there is a monolithic cell
of singularly Egyptian aspect, which De Saulcy
f Vot/ngt autour de la Mrr Morte, ii. 306) assumes
It- be a chapel of Solomon's Kgyptian wife It il
1532 TOMB
prokaM' -t r«r» much more modern data, and »
more Assyrian than Egyptian in character ; but aa
he a probably quit.- correct in stating that it is not
sepulchral, it is odIj necessary to mention it here
in order that it may not be confounded with those
that are so. It is the more worthy of remark as
one of the great d Ificulties of the subject arises
from travelers too readily assuming that every
cutting in the rock most be sepulchral. It may
be so in Egypt, but it certainly was not so at
Cyrene or I'etra, wkere many of the excavations
were either temples or monastic establishments, and
it certainly was not universally the case at Jeru-
salem, though our information is frequently too
scanty to enable us always to discriminate exactly
to which class the cutting in the rock may belong.
The principal remaining architectural sepulchres
may be divided into three groups.
First, those existing in the Valley of Jehosbaphat,
and known popularly as the Tombs of Zechariah,
of St. James, and of Absalom.
Second, loose known as the Tombs of the Judges,
and the so-called Jewish tomb about a mile north
of the city.
Third, that known as the Tombs of the Kings,
about half a mile north of the Damascus (fate.
Of the three first-named tombs the most southern
TOMB
(met a more pure specimen of the Ionic osier ten
any found in Europe, where it was always sbhI
by the Greeks with a qiiao-Ucrir oamaue. Not-
withstanding this, in the form of the volutes— th-
egg-and-dart moulding beneath, and every detail —
it is so distinctly Roman that it is impassible is
assume that it belongs to an earlier age thaa that
of their influence.
Above the cornice is a pyramid rising at rather a
sharp angle, and hewn like all the rest out of the
solid rock. It may further be remarked that «».]r
the outward face, or that fronting Jeruamlena, t»
completely finished, the other three being ealy
blocked out (De Saulcy, ii. 303), a arcuanstaoce
that would lead us to suspect that the works may
hare been interrupted by the tail of Jermalean. or
some such catastrophe, and this may possibly ara>
account for there being no sepulchre on Ha rear, £
such be really the case.
To call this building a tomb is evi d e ntl y a mis-
nomer, as it is absolutely solid — hewn oat af the
living rock by cutting a passage round it. It has
no intern*) chambers, nor even the semblance of a
doorway. From what is known of the expsorarioas
carried on by M. Kenan about Byblua, we shooU
expect that the tomb, properly so called, wools' bt
an excavation in the passage behind the —— irt'th —
but none such has been found, probably it was
never looked for — and that this monolith is the
stele or indicator of that tact. If it is as, it is verv
singular, though very Jewish, that any one afcmikl
take the trouble to carve out such a mcnuneoi
without putting an i n scription or symbol on it u
mark its destination or to tell is whose honour it
was erected.
The other, or so-called Tomb of Absalom, ngnnd
in vol. i. p. 14, is somewhat larger, the bane betas
about 21 feet square in plan, and probably 23 or *4
No. S.-HO callad " Tomb o! ?.» h.ri.h *
« known as that ot Zechariah, a popular name
vWh there is not even a shadow of tradition
to justify. It consists of
a square solid basement,
measuring 18 feet 6 inches
each way, and 20 feet high
to the top of the cornice.
On each face are four en-
gaged Ionic columns be-
tween antae, and these are
surmounted, not by an
Egyptian cornice, as is
tuually asserted, but by
one of purely Aasyrian
type, such as is found at
Khoisabad (Woodcut Xo. \). As the Ionic or rotated
order enure also froir Assyria, this example is in
Jio. 4,-iierti™ of Atjlobsla
MUwatad.
Xa*.-Aj>eloo(Toaibof Abntaa. hn D>
to the top of the cornice. Like the other, it is af i be
Itomiin iouic unlet-, suiinovntcd by a corneas of Una'
TOMB
type; but Is-lweeu the pillan nml the cornice ■
frieze, nnmirfakeably of the lioman Done order, is
Introduced, so Roman as to be in itself quite sufficient
to fix its epoch, it is by no means clear whether
it had originally a pyramidical top like its neigh-
bour. The existence of" a square blocking above
he cornice would lead as to suspect it had not ; «t
all events, either at the time of its excavation or
subsequently, this was removed, and the present
very peculiar termination erected, raisins; its height
to over 60 feet. At the time this was done a
chamber was excavated in the base, we most
assume for sapulchral purposes, though how a body
could be introduced through Lie narrow hole above
the cornice is by no means cljar, nor, if inserted,
how disposed ot in the two very narrow loculi that
*«-<t.
The great interest of this excavation is that im-
mediately in rear of the monolith we do find just
such a sepulchral cavern as we should expect. It
is called the Tomb of Jehoshaphat, with about the
same amount of discrimination as governed the
nomenclature of the others, but is now closed by
(he rubbish and stones thrown by the pious at the
Tomb of the Undutiftil Son, and consequently its
internal arrangements are unknown ; but externally
it is crowned by a pediment of considerable beauty,
and in the same identical style as that of the Tombs
of the Judges, mentioned further on — showing that |
these two at least are of the same age, and this one
at least most have been subsequent to the excava-
tion of the monolith ; to that we may feel perfectly
certain that the two groups are of one age, even
if it should not be thought quite clear what that
age may be.
The third tomb of this group, called that of St.
James, is situated between the other two, and is of
TOMB
1533
fc» the rweption of sarcophagi, tnd so in lies tin," a
post-Jewish date for the whole or at least fir that
part of the excavation.
The hypogeum knowc as the Tombs of the
Judges is one of the most emarkxbte of the cata-
combs around Jerusalem, containing about sixty
deep loculi, arranged in three storeys ; the upper
storeys with ledges in front to give convenient
access, and to support the stones that clewed them f
the lower flush with the ground:* the whole, con-
sequently, so essentially Jewish that it might be
of any age if it were not for its distance from the
town, and its architectural character. The latter,
as liefure stated, is identical with that of the Tomb
of Jehoshaphat, and has nothing Jewish about it.
It might of course be difficult to prove this, as we
know to little of what Jewish architecture really
is; but we do know that the pediment is more
essentially a Greek invention than any other part
of their architecture, and wns introduced at least
not previously to the age of the Cypselidae, and this
peculiar form not till long afterwards, and this par-
ticular example not till after an age when the de-
based Roman of the Tomb of Absalom had become
possible.
a very different character. It consists (see Plan)
<.(' a verandah with two Doric pillars in antia,
which may be characterised as belonging to a very
late Greek order rather than a Roman example.
Behind this screen are several apartments, which in
another locality we might be justified in calling a
rock-cut monastery appropriated to sepulchral pur-
poses, but in Jerusalem we know so little that it is |
ONPtsary to pause before applying any such desig-
nation. In the rear of all is an apartment, nppa- I
rently unfinished, with three shallow loculi meant j
Ko> l.-Tt^Om af tka Tomla of las Jadfta.
The same remarks apply to the tomb without
a name, and merely called " a Jewish Tomb," in
this neighbourhood, with bevelled facets over its
facade, but with late Roman Doric details at its
angles, sufficient to indicate it* epoch ; but there is
nothing else about these tombs requiring especial
mention.
Tomh* of Herod. — The last of the great groups
enumerated above is that known as the Tombs ot
the Kings — Kebir <t Sultan— or the Royal Caverns,
so called because of their magnificence, and also
because that name is applied to them by Joscphus,
who in describing the third wall mentions them
(B. J. v. 4, §-i). He states that "the wall
reached as far as the Tower Psephinus, and then
extended till it came opposite the Monuments
iftwiifulmr) of Helena. It then extended further
to a great length till it passed by the Sepulchral
Caverns of the Kings," £c. We bar* thus fim
the Tower Psephinus, the site of which is very
tnlerably ascertained on the ridge above the Pool
Birket MamiUa ; then the Monument of Helena,
and then at some distance eastward then Royal
Caverns.
They are twice again mentioned under the tittt
of 'HpntJou fuTHitiitr. First, when Titos, ap-
proaching from the north, ordered the ground to
' PlerotU, in his published I'Uui of Jerusalem, adds a ■ is mistaken. Wo> fcut No. 1 Is taken from his plar, 'jcI
sarcophagus chamber wilh shallow loculi. bat as both I used as a dismal rather It an as represent.' ng toe Mat*
•*uU* aod Da fsnkj omit this, It Is probable the Italian (acts of ine saw.
1634
TOMB
he clewed from Scopus — whicl is tolerably well
known — up to thoee Monument* of Herod (B. J.
t. 3, §2); and lastly in the de»jription of the
circumvallatioo (A J. v. 12, §'J), where they are
mentioned after passing the Monument of Ananus
and Pompey's Camp, evidently on the ridge where
Pacp'iimis afterwards stood, and on the north of
the city.
These three passages refer s> evidently to one
and the nmc place, that no one would probably
ever hare doubted — especially when taken in con-
junction with tire architecture — but that these
orrims were the tombs of Herod and his family,
were it not for a curious contradiction of himself
in the works of Josephus, which has led to con-
siderable confusion. Herod died at Jericho, and
the most probable account (Ant. ivii. 8, §3) would
lead us to suppose (it is not so stated) that his body
waa brought to Jerusalem, where the funeral pio-
cession was formed on a scale and with a magnifi-
cence which would hive been impossible at such a
place as Jericho without long previous preparation ;
and it then goes on to say, " and so they went
eight rtadia to [the] Herodium, for there, by his
own command, he was to be buried " — eight stadia,
or one mile, being the exact distance between the
royal palace and these tombs.
The other account (B. J. i. 33, §9) repeats the
details of the procession, and nearly in the same
words, but substitutes 200 for 8, which has led
to the belief that he was buried at Jrbel Far-
rtidis, where he had erected a palace 60 stadia
south of Jerusalem, and 170 from Jericho. Even
then the procession must have passed tnrough Jeru-
salem, and this hardly would have been the case
without its being mentioned ; but the great difficulty
is that there ii no hint anywhere else of Herod's
intention to be buried there, and the most extreme
improbability that he should wish to he interred so
far from the city where all his predecessors were
laid. Though it would be unpardonable to alter
tn« text in order to meet any particular view, still
when an author makes two statements in direct
contiadictioti the one to the other, it is allowable to
choose the most conformable with probability ; and
this, added to his assertion that Herod's Tombs were
in this neighbourhood, seems to settle the question.
The aichitecture (Woodcut N'o. 8) exhibits the
same ill-understood Roman Doric arrangements as
Mc. a— FofSA* of Horod ■ loiub*. Iran a Phou-graph.
are found in all these tombs, mixed with bunches of
{Tiapes which first appear on Maccabpan coins, and
TOMB
foliage which is local and peculiar, and, a* Bu a
anything is known elsewhere, might be of any see
Its connexion, however, with that of the Tombs d
Jehoshaphat and the Judges fixes it to the sua
epoch.
The entrance doorway of this tomb is below ft*
level of the pound, and concealed, as far as aat-
thing can be said to be so which is so arc>.-
tecturally adorned ; and it rs remarkable as tV
only instance of this quasi-conomlment at Jeru-
salem. It is closed by a very curious and eial :-
rate contrivance of a rolling stone, often deavrrh-d.
but very clumsily answering its purpose. Tfcs
also is characteristic of its age, as we kuosar fi.-r-
Pausanias that the structural marble monomeot <.<
Queen Helena of Adiabene was re m arka ble tor s
similar piece of misplaced ingenuity. Within, the
tomb consists of a vestibule or entrance-hall a'--=.t
20 feet square, from which three other sqcar*
apartments open, each surrounded by deep locv.i.
These again possess a peculiarity not known m anr
other tomb about Jerusalem, of baring a sq uar*
apartment either beyond the head of the loralus .<•
on one side: as, for instance (Woodcut No. * .
A A hare their inner chambers a' a' within, b-\
B and n, at b' it', on one side. What tie purrs**
of these was it is difficult to guess, but at i
events it was not Jewish.
But perhaps the most remarkable peraliarrtr ri
the hypogeum is the sarcophagus chamber p. ts
which two sarcophagi were found, one of wh*-fl
was brought home by [)e Sanlcy, and is now :a
the Louvre. It is of course quite natural that i
Roman king who was buried with soch Konv-s
pomp should have adopted the Koman mode U
sepulture ; and if this and that of St. James are ik
only sarcophagi chambers at Jerusalem, this al«*
should settle ths controversy ; and all rertainii
tends to make it more and more probable that tiis
was really the sepulchre of Herod.
If the sai-copha^us now in the Louvre, whra
came from this chamber, is that of Herod, it is t;«
most practical illustration that has yet come to
light of a theory which has recently been fortius
itself on the attention of antiquarians. Accords
to tills new view, it is not necessary that furniture,
or articles wnich can be considered as such, soul
always follow the style of the architecture of ti»
day. They must have done so always in Ecypt,
in Greece, or in the Middle Ages ; but might bare
deviated from it at llome, and may probably hare
done so at Jerusalem, among a people who had as-
art of their own, as was the case with the Jew*.
The discord in foct may not have been more o0ens:re
to them than the Louis Quatorxe fornitnre is to ns.
with which we adorn our Classical and Got)<c
buildings with such cosmopolite impartiality. It
this is so, the sarcophagus may have been noaoV tar
Herod. If this hypothesis is not tenable, it mas
belong to any age from the time of the Mawcabrat
to that of Justinian, most probably the latter, for
it certainly is not Koman, and has no ooawm
with the architecture of these tombs.
Be this as it mar. there seems no reason for
doubting but that all the architectural tomb* <*
Jerusalem belong to the age of the Romans, list
everything that has yet been found either at fwn
Uaalbec, Palmyra, or Damascus, or even aroooc tat
stone cities of the Hauran. Throughout 8}
fact, there is no important architectural
which is anterior to their day ; and all the
mens wh ; ch can be tnlied Classical an strifH
TOMB
1535
Hut— Planof Tensest Htrad. 7mm D* &SI1K7.
u:arked with the impress of the peculiar forms of
itoiimn art.
Tomb of Helena of Adiabene. — There was one
other very famous tomb at Jerusalem, which can-
not be passed over in silence, though not one vestige
of it exists — for the simple reason, that though
Queen Helena of Adiabene was converted to the
Jewish faith, she had not so fully adopted Jewish
filings as to think it necessary she should be
Varied under ground. Ou the contrary, we we
told that " she with her brother were buried in the
pyramids which she bad ordered to be constructed
mi a distance of three stadia from Jerusalem "
( Ant. xx. 4, §3). This is confirmed by Pausanias
(viii. 16), wlio, besides mentioning the marble door
nt* very apocryphal mechanism which closed it*
entrance, speaks of it as a Td^ot in the same sense
.:i which he understands the mausoleum at Hali-
enmassus to have been ■ structured tomb, which
he coum not have done if this were a cave, as some
have supposed.
The specification of the locality by Josephus is so
minute that we have no difficulty in ascertaining
whereabouts the monument stood. It was situated
outside the third wall, near a gate between the
Tower Psephinus and the Royal Caverns (B, J. v.
•1-1, and v. 4, §2). These last are perfectly known,
and the tower with very tolerable approximate
certainty, for it was placed on the highest point of
the ridge between the hollow in which the Birket
Mamilla is situated and the upper valley of the
Kedroo ; they were consequently either exactly
where marked on the plan in vol. i. p. 10 18, or it
may be a little more to the eastward.
They remained sufficiently entire in the 4th
century to form a conspicuous object in the land-
scape, to be mentioned by Eusebius, and to be
remarked by those who accompanied Sta. Paula
'Kuseb. ii. 12; Hleron. Epitaph. JPaulae) on her
tourney to Jerusalem.
There is no difficulty in forming a tolerably dis-
tinct idea of what the appearance of this remarkable
monument must have been, if we compare the
words descriptive of it in the various authors who
have mentioned it with the contemporary monu
menta in the Valley of Jehoshaphat. If we place
together in a row three such monuments as the
Tomb of Zechariuh, or rather two such, with the
monument of .Absalom between them, we havi
such an edifice as will answer to the Pyramid ot
Joseph us, the Taphos »f Pausanias, the Steles of
Eusebius, or the Mausoleum of Jerome. But it
need hardly be added, that not one of these expres
sious applies to an underground excavation. Accord-
ing to this view of the matter, the entrance would
be under the Central Cippus, which would thus
form the ante-room to the two lateral pyramvls,
in one of which Helena herself reposed, and in the
other the remains of her brother.
Since the destruction of the city by Titus, none
of the native inhabitants of Jerusalem have been
in a position to indulge in much sepulchral mag-
nificence, or perhaps had any taste for this class
of display; and we in consequence find no rock-
cut hypngea, and no structural monuments that
arrest attention in modern times. The people, how-
ever, still cling to their ancient cemeteries in the
Valley of Jehoshaphat wiih a tenacity singularly
characteristic of the East. The only difference
being, that the erection of the Wall of Agrippa,
which now forms the eastern boundary of the
Haram Area, has pushed the cemetery further
towards the Kedron, or at least cut off the upper
and nobler part of it. And the contraction of the
city on the north has enabled the tombs to ap-
I proach nearer the limits of the modem town than
I was the case in the days when Herod the Great and
j Helena of Adiabene were buried " on the sides of
I the north."
The only remarkable exception to this assertion
is that splendid Mausoleum which Con«tantine
erected over what he believed to be the Tomb of
1536 TONGUES. CONFUSION OF
Christ, and which still exists at Jerusalem, known
to Moslems as the Dome of the Rock ; to Christians
as the Mosque of Omar.
The arguments for its authenticity have already
been sufficiently insisted upon in the article Jeru-
salem, in the first volume, and its general form
and position shown in the woodcut, p. 1022. It
will not, therefore, be necessary to go over this
ground again. Externally it* appearance was very
much altered by the repairs of Suleiman the Mag-
nificent, when the city had returned to the posses-
siou of the Moslems alter the retreat of the Cru-
saders, and it has consequently lost much of its
original Byzantine character ; but internally it re-
mains much as it was left by its founder ; and is
ts>w — with the exception of a few Indian tombs —
ihe most magnificent sepulchral monument in Asia,
and is, as it ought to be, the most splendid Chris-
tian sepulchre in the world. [J. F.]
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF. The unity
of the human race is most clearly implied, if not
jwsitively asserted, in the Mosaic writings. The
general declaration, " So God created man in His own
■mage, . . . male and female created He them"
(Gen. i. 27), is limited as to the mode in which the
act was carried out, by the subsequent narrative of
the creation of the protoplast Adam, who stood alone
on the earth amidst the beasts of the field, until it
pleased Jehovah to create " an help meet for him "
out of the very substance of his body (Gen. ii. 22).
From this original pair sprang the whole ante-
diluvian population of the world, and hence the
author of the Rook of Genesis conceived the unity of
the human race to be of the most rigid nature — not
simply a generic unity, nor again simply a specific
unity (for unity of species may not be inconsistent
with a plurality of original centres), but a specific
based upon a numerical unity, the species being
nothing else than the enlargement of the individual.
Such appears to be the natural meaning of the first
chapters of Genesis, when taken by themselves —
much more so when read under the reflected light
of the Mew Testament ; for not only do we meet
with references to the historical feet of such an
origin of the human race — «. g. in St. Paul's de-
claration that God " hath made of one blood eveiy
nation of men to dwell on all the face of the earth"*
(Acta xvii. 26) — but the same is evidently implied
in the numerous passages which represent Jesus
Christ as the counterpart of Adam In regard to the
universality of His connection with the human race.
Attempts have indeed been made to show that the
idea of a plurality of original pairs is not incon-
sistent with the Mosaic writings; but there is a
wide distinction between a view not inconsistent
with, and a view drawn from, the words of the
author : the latter is founded upon the facts be re-
lates, as well as his mode of relating them ; the
former takes advantage of the weaknesses arising
out of a concise or unmethodical style of composi-
tion. Even if such a view could be sustained in
reference to the narrative of the original creation of
■an, it most inevitably foil in reference to the
history of the repopulation of the world in the post-
diluvian age ; for whatever objections may be made
" The force of lbs Apostle's statement is Inadequately
given In the A.V, which gives * for to dwell" as the
matt, Instead of the direct object of toe principal verb.
<• The project has been restricted by certain critics to
•be Karaites, or, at all evrnta. to a mere section of tae
SUMO sac*. Tula sod various other qowlioos arising
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
1o the historical accuracy of the history of the Finos'
it is at all events clear that the Historian beCierst
in the universal destruction of the human not
with the exception of Noah and his family, aal
consequently that the unity of the human race ra
once more reduced to one of a numerical character.
To Noah the historian traces up the whole p>«*-
diluvian population of the world : — " These are tk
three sons of Noah : and of them was the araoi
earth overspread" (Gen, ix. 19).
Unity of language is assumed by the sacred he-
torian apparently as a corollary of the unity tl
race. No explanation is given of the origin of
speech, bat its exercise is evidently regarded si co-
eval with the creation of man. Ko support can be
obtained in behalf of any theory on this subject
from the first recorded instance of its exerrist
(" Adam gave names to all cattle "), for the simple
reason that this notice is introductory to what tal-
lows : " but for Adam there was not found an help
meet for him" (Gen. ii. 20). It was not so much
the intention of the writer to state the fact of mas "•
power of speech, as the fact of the inferiority of si!
other animals to him, and the consequent necessity
for the creation of woman. The proof of that is-
feriority is indeed most appropriately made to con-
sist in the authoritative assignment of names, im-
plying an act of reflection on their several nature
and capacities, and a recognition of the offices whits
they were designed to fill in the economy of tV
world. The exercise of speech is thus most hap-
pily connected with the exercise of reflection, an!
the relationship between the inner act of the mxi
(Xoyor eVSuttfToi) and the outward expresno
(X0701 TpofopucAs) is fully recognised. Spma
being thus inherent in man as a reflectintr brin;.
was regarded as handed down from lather to son bj
the same process of imitation, by which it is still per-
petuated. Whatever divergences may have arisen
in the antediluvian period, no notice is taken ef
them, inasmuch as their effects were obliterated
by the universal catastrophe of the Flood. The
original unity of speech was restored in Nosh,
and would naturally be retained by his descendant]
as long as they were held together by social aac
local bonds. Accordingly we are informed that for
some time " the whole earth was of one lip and the
same words" (Gen. xi. 1), i.e. both the vksI
sounds and the vocables were identical — an ex-
haustive, but not, as in the A. V, a (autologous
description of complete unity. Disturbing cause*
were, however, early at work to dissolve this two-
fold union of community and speech. The harms
family* endeavoured to check the tendency te
separation by the establishment of a great cen-
tral edifice, and a city which should serve ss the
metropolis of the whole world. They attempted te
carry out this project in the wide plain of Bsbr-
lonia, a locality admirably suited to such an object
from the physical and geographical peculiarities of
the country. The project was defeated by the in-
terposition of Jehovah, who determined to "con-
found their language, so that they might not under-
stand one soothers speech." Contemporaneously
with, and perhaps as the result of, tins confwa
out of the narrative are discussed by Vltrlnxa at an
Oosere. Saer. L 1. ,x-g; «, ,1-4. Although Use l e aa r j c u as
•oove noticed Is not Irreconcilable with the text. It louv-
feres with the ulterior object for which ike nerrsrm
was proUMy icxertsd, vis., to reconcile the ssaataw
diversity »>f ltuy-»g* with the idea of an original entry
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
of tongues, the people were Mattered abroad from
thence upon the face of ail the earth, and the
memory of the great event wai p rewir ed in the
came Babel ( = confusion). The mini of the toirer
are identified by M. Oppert, the highest authority
«u Babylonian antiquities, with the basement of
the great mound of Bir*-Nimrid, the ancient Bor-
sippa.«
Two point* demand our attention in reference
to this narrative, via, the degree to which the con-
fusion of tongnea may be supposed to have extended,
and the connection between the confusion of tongues
•nd the dispersion of nations. (1.) It ia unneces-
sary to assume that the judgment inflicted on the
builders of Babel amounted to a loss, or even a sus-
pension, of articulate speech. The desired object
would be equally attained by a miraculous fore-
stalment of those dialectical differences of language
which are constantly in process of production, but
which, under ordinary circumstances, require time
and variation* of place and habits to reach such a
point of maturity that people are unable to under-
stand one another's speech. The elements of the
one original language may have remained, but so
disguised by variations of pronunciation, and by the
introduction of new combinations, as to be practically
obliterated. Each section of the human family
may have spoken a tongue unintelligible to the re-
mainder, and yet containing, a substratum which
was common to all. Oar own experience suffuse
to show how completely even dialectical differences
render strangers unintelligible to one another ; and
if we further take into consideration the differences
of habits and associations, of which dialectical dif-
ference* are the exponents, we shall have no diffi-
culty in accounting for the result described by the
sacred historian. (2.) The confusion of tongues
and the dispersion of nations are spoken of in the
Bible as contemporaneous events. " So the Lord
sniftered them abroad " is stated as the execution
of tlie Divine counsel, " Let us confound their lan-
guage." The divergence of the various families
into distinct tribes and nation; ran parallel with
the divergence of speech into dialects and languages,
and thus the 10th chapter of Genesis is posterior in
historical sequence to the events recorded in the
1 1th chapter. Both passages must be taken into
consideration in any disquisition on the early for-
tunes of the human race. We propose therefore to
'iiqmre, in the first place, how far modern re-
searches into the phenomena of language favour the
idea that there was ones a time when " the whole
earth was of one speech and language ;" end, in the
second place, whether the ethnological views exhi-
bited in the Mosaic table accord with the evidence
furnished by history and language, both in regard
to the special facts recorded in it, and in the general
Scriptural view of a historical or, more properly, a
gentilic unity of the human race. These questions,
though independent, yet exercise a reflexive influ-
ence on each other's results. Unity of speech does
not necessarily involve unity of race, nor yet vice
vend ; but each enhances the probability of the
other, and therefore the arguments derived from
tang isge, physiology, and history, may ultimately
furnish a cumulative amount of probability which
will fall but little below demonstration.
(A.) The advocate of the historical unity of lan-
guage has to encounter two classes of opposing
aifamsnts ; one arising oi<» of the differences, the
vou ill.
i the we Appendix to this ancle.
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF 1537
'other out of the resemblances of existing lan-
guage*. On the one hand, it ia urged that tin
differences are of so decisive and specific : character
as to place the possibility of a common origii.
wholly out of the question ; on the other hand that
the resemblances do not necessitate the theory of a
historical unity, but may be satisfactorily accounted
for on psychological principles. It will be our
object to discuss the amount, the value, and tha
probable origin of the varieties exhibited by lan-
guages, with a view to meet the first class of objec-
tions. But before proceeding to this, we will make
a few remarks on the second class, inasmuch as
these, if established, would nullify any conclusion
that might be drawn from the other.
A psychological unity is not necessarily opposed
to a gentilic unity. It is perfectly open to any
theorist to combiue the two by assuming that the
language of the one protoplast was founded on
strictly psychological principles. But, on the other
hand, a psychological unity does not necessitate a
gentilic unity. It permits of the theory of a plu-
rality of protoplasts, who under the influence of
the same psychological laws arrived at similar inde-
pendent results. Whether the phenomena of lan-
guage are consistent with such a theory, we think
extremely doubtful ; certainly they cannot furnish
the basis of it. The whole question of the origin
of language lies beyond the pale of historical proof,
and any theory connected with it admits neither
of being proved nor disproved. We know, as a
matter of wet, that language is communicated from
one generation to another solely by force of imita-
tion, and that there is no play wliatever for the
inventive faculty in reference to it. But in what
manner the substance of language was originally pro-
duced, we do not know. No argument can be derived
against the common origin from analogies drawn
from the animal world, and when Professor Agassi*
compares similarities of language with those of the
cries of animals (v. Bohlen's Introd. to Gen. ii.
278), he leaves out of consideration the important
fact that language is not identical with sound, and
that the words of a rational being, however origi-
nally produced, are perpetuated in a manner wholly
distinct from that whereby animals learn to utter
their cries. Nor does the internal evidence of lan-
guage itself reveal the mystery of its origin ; for
though a very large number of words may 1«
referred either directly or mediately to the prin-
ciple of onomatopoeia, there are others, as, for
instance, the flint and second personal pronouns,
which do not admit of such an explanation. In
short, this and other similar theories cannot be
reconciled with the intimate connexion evidently
existing between reason and speech, and which is
so well expressed in the (ireek language by the
application of the term \4yot to each, reason being
nothing else than inward speech, and speech nothing
else than outward reason, neither of them pos-
sessing an independent existence without the other.
As we conceive that the psychological, as op|totted
to the gentilic, unity invohes questions connected
with the origin of language, we can only say that
in this respect it mils outside the range of oui
inquiry.
Reverting to the other class of objections, wc
proceed to review the extent of the differences
observable in the languages of the world, in order
to ascertain whether they nre such as to preclude
the possibility of a common origin. Suet a revie w
must nscsasarily be imperfect, both from Uw mag.
1638 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
■Hade of the subject, and aha from the position of
the linguistic acienot itself, which as yet has hardly
adTaooad beyond the stage of infancy. On the
latter point we would observe that the most im-
portant links between the various language fami-
lies may yet be di s c ov ered in languages that are
either unexplored, or, at all events, unplaced. Mean-
while, no one can doubt that the tendency of all
linguistic research is m the direction of unity.
Already it has brought within the bonds of a well
established relationship languages so remote from
each other in external guise, in age, and in geo-
graphical position ss Sanscrit and English, Celtic
and Greek. It has done the same for other groups
of languages equally widely extended, but present-
ing less opportunities of investigation. It has re-
cognised affinities between languages which the
ancient Greek ethnologist would have classed under
the head of " barbarian" in reference to each other,
and even in many instances where the modem phi-
lologist ha* anticipated no relationship. The lines
of discovery therefore point in one direction, and
favour the expectation that the various families
may be combined by the discovery of connecting
links into a single family, comprehending in its
capacious bosom all the languages of the world.
But should such a result never be attained, the
probability of a common origin would still remain
unshaken ; for the failure would probably be due to
the absence, in many classes end families, of that
chain of historical evidence, which m the case of the
Indo-European and Sbemitic families enables us to
trace their progress for above 3000 years. In
many languages no literature at all, in many others
no ancient literature exists, to supply the philo-
logist with materials for comparative study: in
these eases it can only be by laborious research into
existing dialects, that the original forms of words
can be detected amidst the incrustations and trans-
mutations with which time has obscured them.
In dealing with the phenomena of language, we
should duly consider the plastic nature of the ma-
terial out of which it ia formed, and the nnmerona
influencee to which it is subject. Variety in unity
is a general law of nature, to which even the most
stubborn physical substances yield a ready obe-
dience. In tho case of language it would be difficult
to lay any bounds to the variety which we might
a priori expect it to assume. For in the first place
it is brought into close contact with the spirit of j
man, and reflects with amaxing fidelity its endless
variations, adapting itself to the expression of each I
feeling, the designation of each object, the working
of each cast of thought or stage of reasoning power.
Secondly, its sounds are subject to external influ-
ences, each ss peculiarities of the organ of speech,
the result either of natural conformation, of geo-
graphical position, or of habits of life and associa-
tions of an accidental character. In the third place,
it is geaarallT affected by the state of intellectual
and social culture of a people, as manifested more
especially in the presence or absence of a standard
literary dialect, and in the processes of verbal and
syntactical structure, which again react on the verv
care of the word, and produce a variety of sound-
* 1. That prepositions are reducible to prononxnal
nuts easy be fUnstzated by the foUovuej Instances. The
Oraek iwi, with Its cognates the German oe and oar e/,
at derlnd from the demonstrative base o, whence also
the Sanscrit djas (Bopp, 01000) ; wpo and npj are akin
ss the Sacac *nf sad pdri, secondary fbmstions of Ibe
tone mentioned ifa '.Bopp. JIOM). The only prepo-
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
mntal.no. Lastly, it is subjected to Use wesxr seal
tear of time and use, obliterating, as ia am aN
coin, ihe original impress of the word, issiaasssr it
in bulk, producing new combinations, and eewa-
aionally leading to singular interchanges of aoaad
and idea. The varieties, resulting from the saaoV
fying influences above enumerates., may be reduced
to two classes, according as they affect the asrsasl
or the radical elements of language. On each ei
these subjects we propose to make a few remarks.
I. Widely as languages now diner frees each
other in external form, the raw material (if we
may use the expression) out of which they' have
sprung appears to have bean ia all eases the same.
A sabstratum of significant monosylsahse rosea
underlies the whole structure, supplying the I
risk necessary not only for ordinary p
but also for what ia usually termed the '
of language oat of its primary into its I
plicated forms. It is nece s sar y to point this eat
clearly in order that we may not be led to suppose
that the elements of one language are ia theas-
selves endued with any greater vitality than them
of another. Such a distinction, if it existed, weaU
go far to prove a specific difference between fess-
guagea, which could hardly be reconciled with the
idea of their common origin. The appearance sf
vitality arises out of the manipulation of the rears
by the human mind, and ia not inheres* ia the
roots themselves.
The proofs of this original equality are f i n ah ead
by the languages themselves. Adopting far the
present the threefold morphological i Isaas fn a ti ia
into isolating, agglutinative, m>d inflecting lan-
guages, we shall find that no original element exists
in the one which does not also exist in the other.
With regard to the isolating class, the terms " mo-
nosyllable'' and "radical," by which it is other-
wise described, are decisive as to its character.
Languages of this class are wholly u nan np ti W s
of grammatical mutations: there ia no formal dis-
tinction be t ween verb and noun, substantive and
adjective, preposition and conjunction : there as* as
inflections, no case- or persou-trrminatioos of any
kind : the bare root form* the sole and whole sok-
stanceof tlK language. In regard to the other tws
classes, K is necessary to establish the two distinct
points, (1) that the formal elements represent
roots, and (2) that the roots both of the formal
and the radical elements of the word are mono-
syllabic. Now, it may be satisfactorily proud
by analysis that all the component parts of both
inflecting and agglutinative languages are reducible
to two kinds of roots, predicable and pronominal ;
the former supplying the materia] dement of versa,
substantives, and adjective*, the latter that of con-
junctions, prepositions, and partic le s ; while each
kind, but more particularly the pronominal, sappl)
the formal element, or, in other words, the termi-
nations of verbs, substantives, and adjectives. Thf
full proofs of these assertions would involve nothing,
less than a treatise on comparative grammar: art
can do no more than adduce in the accompanvirr.
note a few illustrations of the various points to
which we have adverted.* Whether the two c
•I lion which appears to spring than a predicable esse b
trans, with its oocnatoa dare* and Cartxssa, which set
rehired to the verbs! root lor (Bopp, IMS).
a. That conjunctions are similarly reducible may a>
Illustrated by the familiar Instances sf in. fas*, sal
• that," tndinVeatly used as pronouns or eooJcsrUsse
The Latin «i Is omnsctoi with the i
T0NGUK8, OONFUSION OF
at rood, predicable ind pronominal, are further
reducible to one class, u a point that has been An-
ctuned, but has not as jet been established (bopp's
Compar. Oram. $105; Max Mailer's Lecture*, p.
269). We hare further to show that the roots of
agglutinative and inflecting languages are mono-
ayllabic. This is an acknowledged characteristic of
lh« Indo-European family ; monosyllabism is indeed
the only feature which its roots hare in common ;
in c*her respects thejr exhibit every kind of varia-
tion from a uniliteral root, each as i (ire), up to
combinations of five letters, such as tcand (scan-
der*), the total number of admissible forms of root
■mounting to no less than eight (Schleicher, §206).
5a the £hemitio family monosyllabism is not a
prims' facie charaeterist jo of the root: on the con-
txary, the verbal* sterna exhibit bisyllabism with
such remarkable uniformity, that it would lead to
the impression that the roots also must hare been
Disyllabic. The biayllabism, however, of the She-
mitic stem is in reality triconsonantalism, the
Towels not forming any part of the essence of the
root, but being wholly subordinate to the conso-
nants. It is st once apparent that a triconsonantal
and even a quadriconsonantal root may be in cer-
tain combinations unisylbtbic But further, it is
more than probable that the trioonsonantal has been
evolved out of a bioonsonantal root, which must
aeceamrily be nnisyllabic if the consonants stand,
as they invariably do in 'Shemitic roots, at the
beginning and end of the word. With regard to
the agglutinative class, it may be assumed that the
same law which we have seen to prevail in the
isolating and inflecting classes, prevails also in this,
holding ss it does an intermediate place between
those opposite poles in the world of language.
From the consideration of the crude materials of
language, we pass on to the varieties exhibited in
its structure, with a view to ascertain whether in
these there exists any bar to the idea of an original
unity. (1.) Keverting to the classification already
noticed, we have to observe, in the first place, that
the principle on which it is based is the nature of
the connection existing between the predicable and
the relations] or inflectional elements of a word. In
the isolating class these two are kept wholly dis-
togetbsr with us Sanaa yd* with the relative bass yo
(Bopp, v»94).
3. That the suffixes forming the Inflections of verbs
and nouns are nothing else than the relics of either
predicable or pronominal roots, will appear from the
following InsUnces, drawn (1) from the Indo-European
languages, sod (9) from the Ural-Altaian languages.
(1) The fu In jtsWfu Is oonoected with the root whence
spring the oblique cases of the personal pronoun tyi ;
the -» in stlwc is the remains of oi> ; and the r tn eo-n'
(for which an » la substituted In Mmi) represents the
Sanscrit to, which reappears in asroc and In the oblique
easss of the article (Bopp, y$43«. 443. 4M> So again,
the -o> in the nominative Ao-yoc represents the Sanscrit
pronominal root so, and the -d of the neuter quid the
Banscrit fa (Schleicher's Cvmpcnd. }w«) ; the genitive
tarmlnstlons -oc, -cut (originally -ocroto), and benoe -o»
— tie 8ansrrll ryo, soother form of sa (Schleicher, $353) ;
the dative (or more properly the locative) - v or -oi is
referable to the demonstrative root i (Schleicher, y3M) ;
an! the sctmsattvo -r (originally -ft) to a pronominal
case probably am, which no longer appears In Its simple
formCScblelcber, y 349). (3) In the Ural- Altaian languages,
we find that the terminations or the verbs rounds, and
aatdclplasa.'c referable to significant roots; as tn Turkish
the aCMVe affix I or d to a root signifying " to do "
(fewest SpradUB. Abk. 11. VI), and in Bulgarian the fac-
TONOUB9, CONFUSION OF 1536
tiaet : relational ideas are expressed by juxta-
position or by syntactical arrangement, and not by
any combination of the roots. In the agglutinative
class the relational elements are attached to th»
principal or predicable theme by a mechanical kind
of junction, the individuality of each being pre-
served even in the combined state. In the inflecting
class the junction is of a more perfect character,
and may be compared to a chemical combination,
the predicable and relational elements being so fused
together as to present the appearance of a singlo
and indivisible word. It is clear that there exists
no insuperable barrier to original rnity in these
differences, from the simple met that every inflect-
ing language must once hare been agglutinative,
and every agglutinative language once isolating.
If the predicable and relational elements of an iso-
lating language be linked together, either to the
eye or the ear, it is rendered agglutinative ; if the
material and formal parts an pronounced as one
word, eliminating, if necessary, the sounds that
resist incorporation, the language becomes inflecting.
(3.) In the second place, it should be noted that
these three classes are not separated from each
other by any sharp line of demarcation. Not only
does each possess in a measure the quality pre-
dominant in each other, but moreover each gra-
duates into its neighbour through its bordering
members. The isolating languages are not wholly
isolating : they avail themselves of certain words aa
relational particles, though these still retain else-
where their independent character: they also use
composite, though not strictly compound words.
The agglutinative are not wholly agglutinative ; the
Finnish and Turkish classes of the Ural-Altaian
family are in certain instances inflectional, the rela-
tional adjunct being fully incorporated with the
predicable stem, and having undergone a large
amount of attrition for that purpose. Nor again
are the inflectional languages wholly inflectional:
Hebrew, for instance, abounds with agglutinative
forma, and also avails itself largely of separate
particles for the expression of relational ideas : our
own language, though classed as inflectional, retains
nothing more than the vestiges of inflection, and ia
in many respects aa isolating and juxtapositional as,
titive afflxftoie, "to do," the passive affix i to Is, "to
become ;" the affix of possibility hat to hat, ' to work'
Ac (Pubaky. in 1'kOol Trant. 18S9. p. 116).
■ Monosyllabic substantives are not unusual in Hebrew,
aa Instanced In 2K- |3> fee It ia unnecessary to regard
these aa truncated forms from Disyllabic roots.
» That the Sbemlttc languages ever actually existed In
a state of monosyllabism Is questioned by Kenan, partly
because the surviving monosyllabic languages have never
emerged from their primitive condition, and partly be-
cause be conceives synthesis and complexity to be ante-
rior In the history of language to analysis sod simplicity
(Hut. 04n. L 98-100). The first of these object! >M s
based upon the assumption that languages are developed
only In the direction of synthetldsm ; bnt this, as we
shall hereafter show, Is not the only possible form d
development, and It Is Just because the monosyllabic lan-
guages have adopted another method of perfecting them-
selves, that they have remained In their original stage.
The second objection seems to Involve s violation of the
natural order of things, snd to be Inconsistent with the
evidence afforded by language Itself; for, though there la
undoubtedly a tendency in language to psas from the
synthetical to the analytical state. It Is no less dear from
the elements of synibrtic forms that they must nave
originally existed In an analytical stale.
sri
1540 TONGUES, CONTUSION OF
any language of that class. While, therefore, the
elssa ifiritiop. holds good with regard to the pre-
dominant character* of the rlsiias, it doe* not imply
differences of a specific nature. (3.) But farther,
the morphological Tarietiec of language are not con-
fined to the exhibition of the single principle hitherto
described. A comparison between the westerly
branches of the Ural-Altaian on the one hand, and
the Indo-European on the other, belonging respec-
tively to the agglutinative and inflectional classes,
will show that the quantitative amount of syn-
thesis is fully as prominent a point of contrast as
the qualitative. The combination of primary and
subordinate terms may be more perfect in the
Indo-European, but it is more extensively employed
n the Ural-Altaian family. The former, for in-
stance, appends to its vernal stems the notions of
time, number, person, and occasionally of interro-
gation; the latter further adds suffixes indicative
of negation, hypothesis, caussxiveness, rerlexiveneas,
and other similar ideas, whereby the word is built
up tier on tier to a marvellous extent. The former
appends to its substantival stems suffixes of case
and number; the latter adds governing particles,
rendering them post-positional instead of pre-pori-
tional, and combining them synthetically with the
predicable stem. If, again, we compare the Shemitic
with the Indo-European languages, we shall find a
morphological distinction of an equally diverse
character. In the former the grammatical category
h cxpres s e d by internal vowel-changes, in the latter
by external suffixes. So marked a distinction has
not unnaturally been constituted the basis of a
classification, wherein the languages that adopt this
system of internal flection stand by themselves as a
separate class, in contradistinction to those which
either use terminations] additions for the same pur-
pose, or which dispense wholly with inflectional
forms (Bopp's Comp. Or. i. 102). The singular
use of preformatives in the Coptic language is,
again, a morphological peculiarity of a very decided
character. And even within the same family, say
the Indo-European, each language exhibits an idio-
syncrasy in its morphological character, whereby it
stands out apart from the other members with a
.decided impress of individuality. The inference to
be drawn from the number and character of the
differences we have noticed, is favourable, rather than
otherwise, to the theory of an original unity. Start-
ing from the same common ground of monosyllabic
roots, each language-family has carried out its own
special line of development, following an original im-
pulse, the causes and nature of which must remain
Drobably for ever a matter of conjecture. We can
perceive, indeed, in a general way, the adaptation of
certain forms of speech to certain states of society,
rhe agglutinative languages, for instance, seem to
be specially adapted to the nomadic state by the pro-
mineiioe and distinctness with which they enunciate
the leading idea in each word, an arrangement
whereby communication would be facilitated be-
tween tribes or families that associate only at inter-
vals. We might almost imagine that these languages
derived their impress of uniformity and solidity
from the monotonous steppes of Central Asia, which
have In all ages formed their proper habitat. So,
again, the inflectional class reflects cultivated thought
and social organisation, and its languages have hence
bran termed "state "or "political. Monosrllabism,
on the other hand, is pronounced to be suited to the
most primitive stage of thought and society, wherein ]
the family or the individual is the standard by
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
( which things an regulated (Max Hsjlier. sa Pku*.
af Rut. i. 285). We should hesitate, however, tc
press this theory as furnishing an adequate ex-
planation of the differences observable in lasrgeosrt-
fkmilies. The Indo-European
their high organisation amid the 1
in the same nomad state as those w h e re i n the
agglutinative languages were nurtured, sad we
should be rather disposed to regard both the lan-
guage and the higher social status of the f
the concurrent results of a higher 1
tion.
If from words we pass on to the laihwiis of syn-
tactical arrangement, the same degree of saxalorv
will be found to exist between class and ceasa, or
between family and family in the same class: sa
other words, no peculiarity exists in one which dV*i
not admit of explanation by a comparison ant
others. The absence of all grammatical forms ra
an isolating language necessitates a rigid celsoeatm
of the words in a sentence according to logical prin-
ciples. The same law prevails to a very great extent
in our own language, wherein the subject, verb, and
object, or the subject, copula, and predicate, gene-
rally hold their relative positions in the order ex-
hibited, the exceptions to such an arrangement betas;
easily brought into harmony with that general law.
In the agglutinative languages the law of arrange-
ment is that the principal word should cone hat
in the sentence, every qualifying causa* or am
preceding it, and being as it were s ustain e d by it.
The syntactical is thus the reverse of the verbal
structure, the principal notion taking the precedent*
:■_ the latter (Ewald, Sprac/us. Abh. ii. 29). Than
is in this nothing peculiar to this date of languages,
beyond the greater uniformity with which the ar-
rangement is adhered to : it is the general rule a
the rlasswil, and the occasional rule in certain of the
Teutonic languages. In the Shemitic family the
reverse arrangement prevails: the qualifying adjec-
tives follow the noun to which they belong, and
the verb generally stands 6rst: short sentences are
necessitated by such a collocation, and hence nsore
room is allowed for the influence of emphasis a
deciding the order of the sentence, la illnatrarjoa •
of grammatical peculiarities, we may notke that
in the agglutinative class adjectives qualifying
substantives, or substantives placed in appoaitioa
with substantives, remain nndeclined : in this case
the process may be compared with the fia nsslisa
of compound words in the Indo-European lsnginj.ii.
where the final member alone is inflected. So again
the omission of a plural termination in noons fal-
lowing a numeral may be paralleled with a similar
usage in our own language, where the terms
" pound " or "head" are used collectively sifter a
numeral. We may again cite the peculiar nrsannr
of expressing the genitive in Hebrew. Tins a
effected by one of the two following methods
placing the governing noun in the state* eew-
struciutf or using the relative pronoun' with m pre-
position before the governed case. The first at
these processes appear* a strange inversion of the
laws of language ; but an examination into the
origin of the adjuncts, whether prefixes or affixe*.
used in other languages for the indication of the
genitive, will show that they have a more intimate
connection with the governing than with the
governed word, and that they are generally re-
solvable into either relative cr personal
blML
T0NGUE8. CONFUSION OF
which serve the simple purpose of connecting the
two words together (Gamett's £*says, pp. 2 14-227).
The came end may be gained by connecting the
word* in pronunciation, when would lead to a rapid (
ntterance of the first, and consequently to the changes
which are witnessed in the status constructus. 1 he
eeoood or periphrastic prossss is in accordance with
the general method of expressing the genitive ; for
the expression " the Song which is to Solomon "
strictly answers to " Solomon's Song," the s repre-
senting (according to Bopp's explanation) a eom-
L.nation of the demonstrative an and the relative ya.
It is thus that the rarieties of construction mar be
shown to be canswent with unity of law, and that
they therefore tarnish no argument against a com-
mon origin.
Lastly, it mar be shown that the rarieties of
language do not arise from any constitutional in-
equality of vital energy. Nothing is more remark-
able than the compensating power apparently in-
herent in all language, whereby it finds the means
of reaching the level of the human spirit through
a faithful adherence to its own guiding principle.
The isolating languages, being shut out from the
manifold advantages of verbal composition, attain
their object by multiplied combinations of radical
sounds, assisted by an elaborate system of accentua-
tion and intonation. In this manner the Chinese
language has framed a vocabulary fully equal to
the demands made npon it ; and though this mode
of development may not commend itself to our
notions as the most effective that can be devised,
yet it plainly evinces a high susceptibility on the
part of the linguistic faculty, and a keen perception
of the correspondence between sound and sense.
Nor does the absence of inflection interfere with
the expression even of the most delicate shades of
meaning in a sentence ; a compensating resource is
sound partly in a multiplicity of subsidiary terms
expressive of plurality, motion, action, he., and
partly in strict attention to syntactical arrange-
ment. The agglutinative languages, again, are de-
ficient in compound words, and in this respect lack
the elasticity and expansivenen of the Indo-European
family; but they are eminently synthetic, and no
one can fail to admire the regularity and solidity
with which it* words are built up, suffix on suffix,
and, when built up, are suffused with an uniformity
of tint by the law of vowel -harmony. 1 TheShemitic
languages hare worked out a different principle of
growth, evolved, not improbably, in the midst of a
conflict b etw ee n the systems of prefix and suffix,
whereby the stem, being as it were enclosed at both
extremities, was precluded from all external incre-
ment, and was forced back into such changes as could
be effected by a modification of its rowel sounds.
But whatever may be the origin of the system of
internal inflection, it must be conceded that the
results are very effective, as regards both economy
of malarial, and simplicity and dignity of style.
The result of the foregoing observation is to
» The action of this law is as follows :— The vowels are
divided Into three classes, which we may term sharp,
medial, sad flat : the Brat and the last cannot be com-
bined In any fully formed word, but all the vowels must
90 either of the two first, or of the two last Classes. The
ssrAxes must always accord with the root rn regard to the
quality of Its vowel-sounds, and hence the necessity of
having doable forme for all the suffixes to meet the sharp
or las flat character of the root The practice Is probablv
siasrshls to the asms principle which s Tinned so remark-
able a prominence to the root as the root sustains too
TONGUE8, CONFUSION OF 1641
that the formal varieties of language present
no obstacle to the theory of a common origin.
Amid these varieties there may be discerned mani-
fest tokens of unity in the original material out of
which language was formed, in the stages of forma-
tion through which it has passed, in the general
principle of grammatical expression, and, lastly, in
the spirit and power displayed in the development
of these various formations. Such a retort, though
it does not prove the unity of language in respect to
its radical elements, nevertheless tends to establish
the i priori probability of this unity ; for if all
connected with the forms of language may be
referred to certain general laws, if nothing in that
department owes its origin to chance or arbitrary
appointment, it surely favours the presumption that
the same principle would extend to the formation
of the roots, which are the very core and kernel of
language. Here too we might expect to find the
operation of fixed laws of some kind or other, pro-
ducing results of an uniform character; here toe
actual variety may not be inconsistent with original
unity.
II. Before entering on the subject of the radical
identity of languages, we must express our con-
viction that the time has not yet arrived far a
decisive opinion as to the possibility of establishing
it by proof. Let as briefly review the difficulties
that beset the question. Every word as it appears
in an organic langnagt, whether written or spoken,
is resolvable into two distinct elements, which we
have termed predioable and formal, the first being
what is commonly called the root, the second the
grammatical termination. In point of fart both of
these elements consist of independent roots ; and in
order to prove the radical identity of two languages,
it must be shown that they agree in both respects,
that is, in regard both to the predirable and the
formal roots. As a matter of experience it is found
that the formal elements, consisting for the most part
of pronominal bases, exhibit a greater tenacity of life
than the others ; and hence agreement of inflectional
forms is justly regarded as furnishing a strong pre-
sumption of general radical identity. Even foreign
elements are forced into the formal mould of the
language into which they are adopted, and thus
bear testimony to the original character of that
language. But though such a formal agreement
supplies the philologist with a most valuable instru-
ment of investigation, it cannot be accepted as
a substitute for complete radical agreement: this
would still remain to be proved by an independent
examination of the predicable elements. The diffi-
culties connected with these latter are many and
varied. Assuming that two languages or language-
families are under comparison, the phonological
laws of each must be investigated in order to arrive,
in the first place, at the primary forma of words in
the language in which they occur, and, in tin
second plnce, at the corresponding forme in the lan-
guage which constitutes the ' other member ot com-
serles of suffixes, Ms vowel-sosnd becomes not anaatarally
the key-note of the whole strain, facilitating the processes
of utterance to the speaker, and of perception to the bearer,
snd commmuYaUng to the word the uniformity which
Is so characteristic of the whole structure of these Isn-
i Grimm was the first to discover a regular systwn ef
displacement of sounds QautmckUxmg) petvsdtag the
Qothic snd Low German languages ss compared with
Greek and Latin. According to this system, the Gothic
substitutes aspirates for tenues (A for Or k or tat. 0, at
1642 TONGUES, CONFUSION Or
parison, as done hy Grimm for the Teutonic n
compared with the Sanscrit and the cluneal lan-
guages. The genealogy of round, as we may term
it, must be followed up by a genealogy of significa-
tion, a mere outward accordance of sound and sense
in two terms being of no value whatever, unlets a
radical affinity be proved by an independent ex-
amination of the cognate words in each case. It
still remains to be inquired how far the ultimate
accordance of sense and sound may be the result of
onomatopoeia,* of mere borrowing, or of a passible
mixture of languages on equal terms. The final
stage in etymological inquiry is to decide the limit
to which comparison may be carried in the primi-
tive strata of language — in other words, how far
roots, as ascertained from groups of words, may be
compared with roots, and reduced to yet simpler
elementary forms. Any flaw in the processes above
described will of course invalidate the whole result.
Even where the philologist is provided with ample
materials for inquiry in stores of literature ranging
over long periods of time, much difficulty is experi-
enced in making good each link in the chain of
a gr ee m e nt ; and yet in such cases the dialectic
varieties hare been kept within some degree of re-
straint by the existence of a literary language,
which, by impressing its authoritative stamp on
certain terms, has secured both their general ase
and their external integrity. Where no literature
exists, as is the case with the general mass of lan-
guages in the world, the difficulties are infinitely
increased by the combined effects of a prolific growth
of dialectic forms, and an absence of all means of
tracing out their progress. Whether under these
circumstances we may reasonably expect to esta-
blish a radical unity of language, is a question
which each person must decide for himself. Much
may yet be done by a larger induction and a scien-
tific analysis of languages that are yet compara-
tively unknown. The tendency hitherto has been
to enlarge the limits of a " family " according as
the elements of affinity have been recognised in
outlying members. These limits may perchance be
still more enlarged by the discovery of connecting
links between the language-families, whereby the
criteria of relationship will be modified, and new
elements of internal unity be discovered amid the
manifold appearances of external diversity.
Meanwhile we most content ourselves with stating
Ae present position of the linguistic science in re-
ference to this important topic. In the first place
the Indo-European languages have been reduced to
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
an acknowledged and well-defined relationship: they
form one of the two families included wader tat
head of "inflectional" in the mnpholegicaJ cLaas-
fieatioa. The other family in this class fa the 'as-
called) Sbenritic, the limits of which are neteejenflv
well defined, inasmuch as K may be* mis nihil aver
what an termed the sab-Sbemitic a ns gua fea, in.
eluding the Egyptian or Coptic, The criteria of
the proper Sbemitic family (i. t. the
Hebrew, Arabic, and Ettnopic languages) are <
tractive enough; but the connexion lulanui eke
Shemiuc and the Egyptian is not definitely esta-
blished. Some philologists an inclined *» canes
for the latter an independent position, ialiiiiinfinn
between the Indo-European and Shesorae fhnuha
(Bunsen's Phil. </ Rat. i. 185, ff.). The agrlaaV
native languages of Europe and Asia are erne amis'
fay Prof. M. Mailer in one family named -Tar-
anian." It is conceded that the family bond in this
case is a loan one, and that die agreement in roan
is very partial (Zeecnrex, pp. 990-292). Many
philologists of high standing, and more pnilhiihili
Pott (Piwfcie*. Mam*. Beam*, p. 833), deny die
family relationship altogether, and break np the
agglutinative languages into a great number of
families. Certain it is that within the
circle there are languages, such, fa
the Ural-Altaian, which nhow so dose an
to each other as to be entitled to form a separau)
division, either as a family or a subdivision of s
family: and this being the cm, we should htntils
to put them on a parity of footing with the re-
mainder of the Turanian languages. The Caw nans
group again differs so widely from the other nana
bers of the family as to make the iilslasnaiiji very
dubious. The monosvllabic burguages of sonnV
eastern Asia are not included in the Turanian nanary
by Prof; M. Miiller (Zee*, pp. 290, 326), apparent);
on the ground that they are not a gg l u tinative ; bat
as the Chinese appears to be connected rnaxnBr
with the Burmese (Humboldt's FsracUnf. p. 368*,
with the Tibetan (Pk. 07* flud. i. 393-395), sad
with the Oral-Altaian languages (Scbott in AM.
Ah. Bart. 1861, p. 172), it teems to have a goal
title to be placed in the Turanian family. With
regard to the American and the bulk of the Africa*
languages, we are unable to say whether they <
heads 1 "
tioned, or whether they stand by
be brought under any of the
> already men-
distinct families. The former are inferred by writers
of high eminence to an Asiatic or Turanian orient
(Btmsen, PkU. 0/ flu*, ii. Ill; Lathnm'a Man
far t, and/ fcr j>); termor for media's (t for A. p for 6.
and k ear a-); and median far ssplmtes (g ta-Or.dk or
lot a, d tor Or. (A, sad » for Let. / orOr.nt) (oVaca.
Ands. Spr. L a«S). We may tOnaUata the changes by
coaaaring assart with eer or xaa&ia; (ken with w;Jb»
with «4m (Wm), or/otaer with paitr; Cm with one ;
saw w1Uy*W;osest with xjr; dan with «a*at«i easr
with /era or *S«W What has too* been done tor the
Teolonts languages, has been carried out by Schleicher
m his Cbauxndiian for each class of the ledo-anropesu
family.
It Is a delicate question to decide whether in any
given language the onoaaitopoSuc words that may occur |
are original or derived. Numerous cotaaaaences of sound I
and sense occur In different Isngnania to which Utile or '
no value is attached by etyrookglsts on the ground mat
they an oonmstotJoBbc But evidently than may have |
been handed down from ajanriaU iHi 10 generation, and 1
tram unaroage to Language, and may have as true a
r as any other terms not bearing that character. ,
For msta n o s, the Hebrew M'a ffl?) til pru n e s hi tansy
soond the notion of twaOamimf orgelpiag. the word eoa-
aMf ng. aa Kenan Ins remarked (Jt ft t. 4*0% of a unreal
and a guttural, representing respectively the tonga* aad
the throat, which an chtefty engaged to the cceratfcarf
swallowing. In the Indo-Ervopeaa rangaageo we awet
with a large cans of worts rm—i-h^ the ■
and conveying, man or less, the same
*«X». *>W~S '"♦""a, Umgna,gmla, "Bok,"
These words rosy have hadaooanaoa aaaroa.1
they are onomaloporjtfc in than- ihsiami. lany an ea-
cluded n evidence of radical afflnlty. Tata 1 a i lanl 1 s
may be carried too far, though tt ta drmcalt to pan* am
where tt should stop. Bat even ' | f t- ma tt
bear a spedhe character, and the nsttMs given hi naita-
ttoa of the notta of Mrdt duTer raaaarlaDy ta aa aara n,
Isramssva, app a rcn t ty from the peronattanef eaanaenua
analogy with prevtoosly eajatmg somas or Mean. The
sobjret is one of great tnlerest, sod may yet play an aa>
annaat part in the history of laiignase.
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
end *u Uigrat. p. 186) ; the latter to the Shemitic
family (Latham, p. 148).
The problem that awaits solution is whether the
several families above specified can be reduced to a
(ingle family by demonstrating their radical identity,
[t would be unreasonable to expect that this identity
should be coextensive with the vocabularies of the
various languages ; it would naturally be confined
to such ideas and objects as are common to mankind
generally. Kven within this circle the difficulty of
proving the identity may be infinitely enhanced by
the absence of material*. There are indeed but two
families in which these materials are found in any-
thing like sufficiency, via. the Indo-European and
the Shemitic and even these furnish us with no
historical evidence as to the earlier stages of
their growth. We find each, at the most remote
literary period, already exhibiting its distinctive
character of stem- and word-formation, leaving us
to infer, as we best may, from these phenomena the
proce sses by which they had reached that point.
Hence there arises abundance of room for difference
of opinion, and the extant of the radical identity
will depend very much on the view adopted as to
these earlier processes. If we could accept in its
entirety the system of etymology propounded by
the analytical school of Hebrew scholars, it would
not be difficult to establish a very large amount of
radical identity; but we cannot regard as esta-
blished the prepositional force of the initial letters,
as stated by Delitxsch in his Jakanm (pp. 166,
173, note), still less the correspondence between
these and the initial letters of Greek and Latin
words ■ (pp. 170-172). The striking uniformity
of bisyUabum in the verbal stems is explicable
only on the assumption that a single principle
underlies the whole; and the existence of groups*
of words differing slightly in form, and having the
same radical sense, leads to the presumption that
this principle was one not of composition, but of
euphonism and practical convenience. This pre-
■ Several of the terms compared by htm are ooomato-
feMlc, as sura* C/rae-tare), polos* (mtowj, end
Mien, and in each of these esses the Initial letter forms
part of the onomatopoeia. In others the Initial letter In
the Greek Is radlctl. as In /WiAnicir (Pitt's £t /bra*.
U. m), Ipncu (U 338). sod mkifrir (L 1»7). In
ethers again It Is euphonic, ss In 0AoAAm*. Lastly, we
are unable to see bow t&rap and l&rtp admit of don
o p aa p s r ls o n with *>tf T xu' and rpifir. It shows the un-
certainty of such analogies that Gessnins compares
Jarap with tfiwnuf. and Ulap (*)?3) with yfctynr,
which Delitssch compares with cMIov OpfT). An at-
tempt to establish a large amount of radical Identity by
means of a resolution of the Hebrew word Into Its compo-
nent snd significant elements may be seen in the FkOo-
teg. Irons, for 1898, where, for tastance, the ha In the
Hebrew tatosa. Is compared with the Teutonic prefix
Of ; the dor in dor-feu* with the Welsh dor In dar-paru;
sad the stop* In ctapkuft with the Welsh cgf In ctfart*.
■ These groups are suffldenuy common In Hebrew.
We win take as an Instance the following one:— tfto,
fcJOl t?D?- tfoi, and eTQB, all con veyi ng the idea
«( -dssh" or "strike." Or, satin, the following group,
with the radical sense of sltpperloesa : — 3^. 1137.
nsS 33^. 3^n. ffen qta- «iVe>. *a a cwu-
cstory lexicon of such groups would assist the atymeio-
gloal Inquiry.
• anon a clsstuVsulon la attempted ty BoetUcber, ta
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF 1643
sumption is still further favoured by an analysis of
the letters forming the stems, showing that the
third letter is in many instances a reduplication,
and in others a liquid, a nasal, or a tibilant, intro-
duced either as the initial, the medial or the final
letter. The Hebrew alphabet admits of a classi-
fication* based on the radical character of the
letter according to its position in the stem. The
effect of composition would have been to produce,
in the first place, a greater inequality in the length
of the words, and, in the second place, a greater
equality In the use of the various organic sounds.
After deducting largely from the amount of ety-
mological correspondence based on the analytical
tenets, there still remains a considerable amount of
radical identity which appears to be above suspi-
cion. It is impossible to produce in this place a
complete list of the terms in which that identity is
manifested. In the subjoined note • we cite some
instances of agreement, which cannot possibly be
explained on the principle of direct onomatopoeia,
and which would therefore seem to be the common
inheritance of the Indo-European and Shemitic
families. Whether this agreement is, as Kenan
suggests, the result of a keen ausceptibility of the
onomatopoetic facultv In the original framers of
the words (fist. t7«w. i. 465), Is a point that can
neither be proved nor disproved. But even if it
were so, It does not fo'low that the words were not
framed before the separation of the families. Our
list of comparative words might be much enlarged,
if we were to include comparisons based on the
reduction of Shemitic roots to a bisyllabic form.
A list of such words may be found in Delitxach's
Jethurm, pp. 177-180. In regard to pronouns
and numerals, the identity is but partial. We
may detect the t sound, which forms tin dis-
tinctive sound of the second personal pronoun in
the Indo-European languages, in the Hebrew att&h,
and in the personal terminations of the perfect
tense ; but the m, which is the prevailing sound of
Bansen, PkOat. tf flat IL SST. After stating what letters
may he Inserted either at the beginning, middle, or end ot
the root, he enumerates those which are always radical In
the several positions ; 2, tor Instance, In the beginning
and middle, but not at the end; ? and f) la the begin-
ning only ; Q and g> In the middle and at the end, but
not In the beginning. We are not prepared to accept
this classification as wholly correct, bat we adJnos It In
ulustrauon of the point above i
r JTp, arm, born.
T]DD, purr*, i
1T13, ciroa, circle.
JHK, Germ, eras, earth.
P?n, piaeer, olueo, Germ, siatt, glide
W3. DJ. DJ), cam, «v>, surds.
Ifbo, iUr, plsitw. Germ. asB, fan.
"j^, jwrus, pure.
KTa. rna, torare, jsopi.
fr», oVisw, fi^ttjmo, bear.
•IBM, I**, epvia.
*U3, essayist,
TITS, curtw.
- T
JHt, mm.
nib. Sense milk, milk, sett (flint las. a V.\
whence by the introduction of r the Latin mora
1644 TONGUES, CONFUSION OP
the first personal pronoun in the former, is sup- 1
planted by an » m the latter. The numerals shesk \
and sheba, for " six " and " seven," accord with j
the Indo-European forms : those representing the \
numbers from *' one " to " rive " »/» possibly, j
though not evidently, identical.* With regard to
the other language-families, it will not be expected,
after the observation* already made, that we should
attempt the proof of their radical identity. The
Ural-Altaian languages hare been extensively
studied, but aie hardly ripe for comparison.
Occasional resemblances bare been detected in
grammatical forms' and in the vocsbularic* ; ■ but
the ralue of these remains to be proved, and we
must await the results of a more extended research
into this and other regions of the world of language.
(B.) We pass on to the second point proposed for
consideration, vix., the ethnological views expressed
in the Bible, and more particularly in the 10th
chapter of Genesis, which records the dispersion of
nations consequent on the Confusion of Tongues.
I. The Mosaic table does not profess to describe
the process of the dispersion; bnt assuming that
dispersion as a fait accompli, it records the ethnic
relations existing between the various nations af-
fected by it. These relations are expressed under
the guise of a genealogy ; the ethnological character
of the document is, however, clear both from the
names, some of which are gentilic in form, as La-
dim, Jebusite, etc., others geographical or local, as
Mixraim, Sidon, 4c; and again from the formu-
lary, which concludes each section of the subject
" after their families, sfter their tongues, in their
countries, and in their nations " (vers. 5, 20, 31).
Incidentally, the table is geographical as well as
ethnological ; but this arises out of the practice of
designating nations by the countries they occupy.
It has indeed been frequently surmised that the ar-
rangement of the table is purely geographical, and
this idea is to a certain extent fa void ed by the pos-
sibility of explaining the names Shem, Ham, and
Japheth on this principle ; the first signifying the
'• high" lands, the second the " hot" or "low"
lauds, and the third the " broad," undefined regions
of the north. The three families may have been
so located, and such a circumstance could not
have been unknown to the writer of the table.
But neither internal nor external evidence satis-
factorily prove such to have been the leading
idea or principle embodied in it ; for the Japhetites
are mainly assigned to the "isles" or maritime
districts of the west and north-west, while the
Shesnitas press down into the plain of Mesopo-
tamia, and the Hamites, on the other hand, occupy
the high lands of Canaan and Lebanon. We hold,
therefore, the geographical as subordinate to the
ethnographical element, and avail ourselves of the
former only as an instrument for the discovery of
the Utter.
The general arrangement of the table is as fol-
lows : — The whole human race is referred back to
Ko-ih's three sons, Shem, Ham, and Japheth. The
Steatites are described last, apparently that the
TONGUES. CONFUSION OF
continuity of the narrative may not be fcxther dnv
turbed; and the Hamites stand next to the Aetniles.
in order to show that these were more dearly ulaliil
to each other than to the Japhetites. The ooanpsr
rative degrees of affinity are mmss e d, partly by
coupling the names together, as in the cases of E>-
shah and Tsrshi&h, KiUim and Dodanim (ver. 4 ).
and partly by representing a genealogical ilimH.
as, when the nations just mentioned are said to be
" sons of Javan." An inequality may be ousts list
in the length of the genealogical lines, which in the
esse of Japheth extends only to one, in Hexo. to two,
in Shem to three, and even four degress. This in-
equality clearly arises out of the varying interest
taken in the several lines by the author of the table,
and by those for whose use it was designed. We
may lastly observe, that the oc c urr e n ce of the same
name in two of the lists, as in the case of Lad
(vers. 13, 22), and Sbefaa (vers. 7, 28), possibly
indicates a fusion of the rases.
The identification of the Biblical with the hisas-
rical or classical names of nations, is by no ana
an easy task, particularly where the names are net
subsequently noticed in the Bible. In these cases
comparisons with ancient or modern designations
are the only resource, and where the designation a,
one of a portly geographical character, as in the
case of Hipbath compared with Ripaei n sosrf r s, ce-
Maah compared with Mathu nous, great doubt
must exist as to the ethnic force of the title, mas-
much as several nations may have sucreasireiy
occupied the same district. Equal doubt areas
where names admit of being treated as appellatives,
and so of being transferred from one district to an-
other. Recent research into Assyrian and Egyptian
records has in many instances thrown light on the
Biblical titles. In the former we find Meahech and
Tubal noticed under the forms Jsfaseai and 7Vto£zi
while Javan appears as the appellation of Cyprus,
where the Assyrians first met with Greek civiliza-
tion. In the latter the name Phut appears under
the form of Pomt, Hittite as fUo, Cush as A'eaai,
Canaan as Kawma, &c
1 . The Japhetite list contains fourteen names, ef
which seven represent independent, and the re m a inder
affiliated nations, ss follows: — (i.) Gamer, con-
nected ethnically with the Omuwrtt, C im b ri ?,
and Cymry ; and geographically with Crimea. As-
sociated with Goroer are the three following :— {a)
Ashkenaz, generally compared with lake / i sou se -
in Bithynia, but by Koobel with the tribe Atari, As,
or Ostites in the Caucasian district. On the whole
we prefer Hesse's suggestion of a connexion berwost
this name and that of the Arenas, later the £jsr-
tsmt Pantos. (6) Kiphsth, the Ripati Monies, which
Knobel connects etymologkally and geographically
with CarpaUs Moos, (c) Togarmah, undoubtedly
Armenia, or a portion of it. (ii.1 Magog, Use Scy-
thians. (iii.)Madai.ifedvi. (iv.) Javan, the swans,
as a general appellation for the Hellenic race, with
whom are associated the four following : — i'j)
Klishah, the Aeolians, leas probably identified witj
the district £lis. (6) Taxshish. at a later
a See RMfger's note In Gem. Grasses. p. 1*6. The Sanscrit have been noticed , aye and sea. -asset
Uentlty even of sseik and * dx ** has been qaestioned, on { and stasa, "six;" Ut and soaaan, -seven;- ttt sad
the ground that the original form of the Hebrew word . data*. - ten f caw ajd joasum, • thousand;" bete sni
was sad and of the Aryan feasts (PkUoL Trans. l»»o, ' Mobs, - (roe- ;" area? and airiaata, - gold " (/**».
u- 131) I nans, for nil", p. 2S). Proofs of a more Inornate nia-
1 Sevrral such itamnbamcea are pointed out by Kwaid I tioushtp between the Finnish sni xnao-Earopean bki-
In his Spradxa. AVkwtd, II. p. la. a noie. muses are addoccd n a paper <m the saMecs «■ u>
• Jim tbllowing verbal membtances in Hongarua and PkilU Traiu. tor ISM. p. Ml (L
TONGUES. CONFUSION CF 1646
Jerusalem, (d) The Amorite frequently mettkned
in Biblical history. («) The Girgasite, the nunc
as the Girgashitn. (/) The Hhrite, variously ex-
plained to mean the occupants of the "interior*'
(Ewald), or the dwellera in "villages" (Geeen.).
(o) The Arkite, of Area, north of Tripons, at the
foot of Lebanon, (A) The Sinlte, of Ml or Sinna,
places in the Lebanon district. (1) The Arvadito,
of Aradus on the coast of Phom'cia. {j ) The Ze-
nwrite, of Simyra on the Eleutherus.' \Jt) To*
Hamathite, of Bamath, the classical Epipkmia, as
the Oroutes.
3. The Shemitie list oontains twenty-fire narree,
of which five refer to independent, and the remainder
to affiliated tribes, as follows :— (i.) Elam, the tribe
Elymaei and the district Elymait in Susiaruw (ii.)
Asshur, Assyria between the Tigris and the range
ofZagrui. {iu.)Aiyhaimi,Arrapachitis in northern
Assyria, with whom are associated : — (a) Salah, a
personal and not a geographical title, indicating a
migration of the people represented by him ; Salah's
son (a*) Eber, representing geographically the dis-
trict across (i. e. eastward of) the Euphrates ; and
Eber's two eons (a*) Peleg, a personal name indi-
cating a " dirision " of this branch of the Shemitie
fiunily, and (6*) Joktan, representing generally the
inhabitants of Arabia, with the following thirteen
son* of Joktan, vis. :— -(a 4 ) Almodad, probably re-
presenting the tribe of Jurhum near Mecca, whose
leader was named Mudad. (6 4 ) Sheleph, the Sola-
pern in Yemen. (c 4 ) Haxarmaveth, Badramaut,
in southern Arabia, (of) Jerah. («•) Hadoram,
the Adramitae on the southern coast, in a district
of Badramaut. (/*) Ural, supposed to represent
the town Szanaa in south Arabia, as having been
founded by Asal. (a*) Dilclah. (A 4 ) Obal, or, as
in 1 Chr. i. 22, EbaL which latter is identified by
Knobel with the Gebanitae in the, south-west, (r)
Abimael, doubtfully connected with the dintrkt
Mahra, eastward of Badramaut, and with the
towns Mara and Mali, {)') Shebs, the Sabaei of
south-western Arabia, about Mariaba. (I 4 ) Ophir,
probably Adane on the southern coast, but see
article. (/*) Havilah, the district KlOtwIin in
the north-west of Yemen. (m 4 ) Jobab, possibly
the Jobaritae of Ptolemy (ri. 7, §24), for which
Jobabitae may originally hare stood. (It.) Lud,
generally compared with Lydia, but explained
by Knobel as referring to the various aboriginal
tribes in and about Palestine, such aa the Ama-
lekites, Kephaites, Emim, &C. We cannot consider
either of these views as well established . Lydia
itself lay beyond the horizon of the Mosaic table:
as to the Shemitie origin of its population, conflict-
ing opinions are entertained, to which we shall havi
occasion to advert hereafter. Knobel '• view has in
its favour the probability that the tribes refeired
to would be represented in the table ; it is, how-
ever, wholly devoid of historical confirmation, with
the exception of an Arabian tradition that Amlik
was one of the sons of Laud or Lawad, the son oi
Shem.* (v.) Aram, the general name for Syria
and northern Mesopotamia, with whom the following
are associated : — (a) Ux, probably the Anitas of Pto
lemy. (4) HuL, doubtful, but best connected with
lowing eleven : — (a) Sidon, the well-known town of j the name Buieh, attaching to a district north of
that name in Phoenicia. (6) Heth, or the Hittites Lake Merom. (e) Gether, not ider-' tied. (d)Ma*h,
of BlUioil history, (c) The Jebusite, of Jehus or ' Masiut Mont, in the north of Mesopotamia.
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
jf Biblical history certainly identical with Tartama
in Spain, tn which, however, there are objections as
regards the table, partly from the too extended area
thus given to the Mosaic world, and partly because
Tarfcssua was a Phoenician, and consequently not a
Japhetic settlement. Knobel compares the Tyrseni,
Tyrrheni, and Tusci of Italy ; but this is preca-
rious. (0) Kittim, the town Citium in Cyprus.
(at) Dodanim, the Dardani of lllyria and Hysia:
Dodona is sometimes compared, (v.) Tubal, the
Tibareni in Pontus. (vi.) Mesheeh, the Moschi in
the north-western part of Armenia, (vii.) Tina,
perhaps Thracia.
2. The Hamitic list containa thirty names, of
which four represent independent, and the remainder
affiliated nations, as follows: — (i.) Cush, in two
branches, the western or African representing
Acthiopia, the Ketsk of the old Egyptian, and the
eastern or Asiatic being connected with the names
of the tribe Coesaei, the district Ciseia, and the
province Susiana or Khiuisian. With Cush are
associated : — (a) Sena, the Sabaei of Yemm in
atrath Arabia. (0) Havilah, the district Khdwldn
in the same part of the peninsula, (e) Sabtah, the
town Sabatha in Badramaut. (d) Kaamah, the
town Bhegma on the south-eastern coast of Arabia,
with whom are associated: — (a*) Shebs, a tribe
probably connected ethnically or commercially with
the one of the same name already mentioned, but
located on the west coast of the Persian Gulf, (f)
Dedan, also on the west coast of the Persian Gulf,
where the name perhaps still survives in the island
Dadan. («) Sabtechah, perhaps the town 8amy-
daot on the coast of the Indian Ocean eastward of
the Persian Gulf. (/) Nimrod, a personal and
not a geographical name, the representative of the
eastern Cushites. (ii.) Mizraim, thetwo Misrs, i.e.
Upper and Lower Egypt, with whom the following
■even are connected : — (a) Ludim, according to
Knobel a tribe allied to the Shemitie Lud, but settled
In Egypt; others compare the river Laud (Plin. v.
2), and the Lew&tah, a Berber tribe on the Syrtes.
(6) Anamitn, according to Knobel the inhabitants
of the Delta, which would be described in Egyptian
by the term santmhit or tsanemhit, " northern dis-
trict,'* converted by the Hebrews into Anamim.
(c) Naphtuhim, variously explained as the people
of Nephthyt, i. «. the northern coast district (Uo-
chart), and as the worshippers of Hhthah, meaning
the inhabitants of Memphis, (d) Pathrusim, Upper
Kgyp* the name being explained as meaning in the
Egyptian "the south" (Knobel). (e) Casluhim,
Casius mans, Catsiotis, and Castium, eastward of
the Delta (Knobel): the "tlchians, according to Bo-
cbart, but this is unlikely. (/) Caphtorim, most
fnobably the district about Coptot in Upper Egypt
Caphtor] ; the island of Crete according to many
modern critics, Cappadocia according to the older
interpreters, (g) Phut, the Pint of the Egyptian
mscriptiona, meaning the Libyans, (iii.) Canaan,
the geographical position of which calls for no re-
mark in this place. The name has been variously
explained as meaning the " low " land of the coast
district, or the " subjection " threatened to Canaan
personally (Gen. ix. 25). To Canaan belong the fol
• This tradition probably originated In 0>e desire to conclusion to be drawn from It Is that. In the opinkn 01
tbrm a connecting link between the Mosaic .uble and toe Its originator, there was an element which was nelthei
various elements of tbe Arabian population Toe only Isbmaelila nor JokUuiM (Ewald, Hitch I. J3t, note).
1546 TONGEE& O0NFU8JON OF
There u yet one name noticed in the tab* via, :
Philistim, which occurs in the Hamitic division,
but without any direct assertion of Hamitic descent.
The term* used in the A. V. "out of whom (Cas-
luhim) came Philistim " (ver. 14), would naturally
imply deasent ; but the Hebrew text only warrants
the conclusion that the Philistines sojourned in the
land of the Casluhim. Notwithstanding this, we
believe the intention of the author of the table to
have been to affirm the Hamitic origin of the Phi-
listines, leaving undecided the particular branch,
whether Casluhim or Caphtorim, with which it was
more immediately connected.
The total number of names noticed in the table,
including Philistim, would thus amount to 70,
which was raised by patristic writers to 72.
These totals afforded scope for numerical compari-
sons, and also for an estimate of the number of
nations and languages to be found on the earth's
surface. It is needless to say that the Bible itself
furnishes no ground for such calculations, inas-
much as it does not in any case specify the numbers.
Before proceeding further, it would be well to
discuss a question materially affecting the historical
value of the Mosaic table, viz. : the period to which
it refers. On this point very various opinions are
entertained. Knobel, conceiving it to represent the
commercial geography of the Phoenicians, assigns
it to about 1200 B.C. ( YMktrt. pp. 4-9), and Ke-
nan supports this view {Hat. Gin. u 40), while
others allow it no higher an antiquity than the
period of the Babylonish Captivity (v. Bohlen's
Gen. ii. 207; Winer, Stub. a. 665). internal
evidence leads us to refer it back to the age of
Abraham on the following grounds: — (1) The
Cnnaanites were as yet in undisputed possession of
Palestine. (2) The Philistines had not concluded
their migration. (3) Tyre is wholly unnoticed, an
omission which cannot be satisfactorily accounted
for on the ground that it is included under the
name either of Heth (Knobel, p. 323), or of Sidon
(v. Bohlen, ii. 241). (4) Various places such as
Simyra, Sinna, and Area, are noticed, which had
fallen into insignificance in later times. (5)
Kittim, which in the age of Solomon was under
Phoenician dominion, is assigned to Japheth, and
the same may be said of Tarshish, which in that
age undoubtedly referred to the Phoenician empo-
rium of Tarteseut, whatever may have been its
earlier significance. The chief objection to so early
a date as we have ventured to propose, is the notice
of the Medes under the name Hadai. The Aryan
nation, which bears this name in history, appears
not to hare reached its final settlement until about
900 B.C. (Rawlinson's Herod, 1. 404). But on the
other hand, the name Media may well hare be-
longed to the district before the arrival of the Aryan
Medes, whether It were occupied by a tribe of
kindred origin to them or by Turanians; and this
probability is to a certain extent confirmed by the
notice of a Median dynasty in Babylon, as reported
by Berosus, so early as the 25th century B.C.
(Kawlinson, i. 434). Little difficulty would be
round in assigning a< early a date to the Medes, if
the Aryan origin ol the allied kings mentioned in
Gen. xiv. 1 were thoroughly established, in accord-
ance with Kenan's view {H. O. i. 61) : on this
point, however, we have our doubts.
The Mosaic table is supplemented by ethnological
TONGUES, CONFUSION or
* A annexion between the names Terah and Tra-
saonttla Baran and Bauran. Is suggested by Kenan
relating to the vaiieos divisina* af the
Teracbite family. These be'.onged to the Shencoc
division, being descended from Arphaxad throssjk
Peleg, with whom the line terminates in the table.
Reu. ta-og, and Nahor form the intermediate lias?
between Peleg and Terah (Gen. xi, 18-25). with
whom began the movement that termim jad ia the
occupation of Canaan and the adjacent d-strict* by
certain branches of the family. The original seat
of Terah* waa Dr of the ChaWeea (Gen. xi. 28):
thence he migrated to Haren (Gen. xi. 31), where
a section of his descendants the is|emnfiliiii at
Nahor, remained (Geu. xxiv. 10, xxviL 43, xxix.
4 tt.\ while the two branches represented by
Abraham and Lot, the eon of Haran, crowed tat
Euphrates and settled in Canaan and the adkont
districts (Gen. xii. 5). From Lot sprang tat
Moabites and Ammonites (Geo. xix. 30-38) : front
Abraham the Ishmaelitea through his son Isbmaal
(Gen. xxv. 12), the Israelites through Isaac aai
Jacob, the Edoinites through Isaac and Esau (Gee.
xxxvi.), and certain Arab tribes, of whom tat
Midianites are the moat coospicooua, through the
sons of his concubine Keturah (Gen. xxv. 1-4).
The most important geographical question ia
connexion with the Terachites concern* their ori-
ginal settlement. The presence of the ChaUees in
Babylonia at a subsequent period of scriptural history
has led to a supposition that they were a HamrU
people, originally belonging to Babylonia, and theace
transplanted in the 7th and 8th centuries to north-
ern Assyria (Rawlinson's Herod, i. 319). We *•
not think this view supported by Biblical aotksk.
It ia more consistent with the general direction af
the Teracbite movement to look for Or in northern
Mesopotamia, to the east of Baran. That the ChaJ-
dees, or, according to the Hebrew rea li gn iati ue,
the Kasdim, were found in that neighbourhood, a
indicated by the name Chesed as one of the sons af
Nahor (Gen. xxii. 22), and possibly by the name
Arphaxad itself, which, according to Ewald (Coca,
i. 378), means " fortress of the Chaldees." h
classical times we find the Kasdim still ocexrprinr,
the mountains adjacent to Arrapachita, the Bibfieal
Arpacbaad, under the names Chaldari (Xen. Aaao.
iv. 3, §§1-4) and Gordyaei or CaroWai (Strah,
xvi. p. 747), and here the name still ha* a vital
existence under the form of Kurd. The nana?
Kasdim ia explained by Oppert aa "»— *""g " two
rivers," and thru as equivalent to the Hebrew
tiaharaim and the classical ileaopotamia {Zei.
Morg. Gee. xi. 137). We receive this explanation
with reserve; but, as far aa it goes, it favours the
northern locality. The evidence tor the antiquitr
of the southern settlement appear* to be but snail,
if the term Kaldai does not occur in the Assyria*
inscriptions until the 9th century B.C (icxwunsn
L 449). We therefore conceive the original seat
of the Chaldees to have bra> in the north, whence
they moved southwards along the course of the
Tigris until they reached Babylon, where we find
them dominant in the 7th century B.C. Whetner
they first entered this country as
and then conquered their employers,
by Kenan (H. 6. i. 68), must reman
but we think the suggestion supported by the
circumstance that the name was afterward* trans-
ferred to the whole Babylonian population- Tie
ucerdotal character of the Chaldees ia certainly
(HS*. Gas. L *•> Tale, however. Is I
the poatUon generally assigned to Haren.
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
JSSeult to reconcile with this or any other hyj».
uacait on the subject.
Returning to the Terachites, we find it impossible
to define the geographical limits of theh settlements
with precision. They intermingled w:J» the pre-
viously existing inhabitants of the countries inter-
vening between the Red Sea and the Euphrates,
and hence we find an Aram, an Us, and a Chesed
among the descendants of Nahor (Gen. xrii. 21 , 22),
a Dedan and a Sheba among those of Abraham by
Keturah (Gen. 1x7. 3), and an Amalek among the
ddcendants of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 12). Few of the
numerous tribes which sprang from this stock at-
tained historical celebrity. The Israelites must of
course be excepted from this description ; so also
the Nabateans, if they are to be regarded as repre-
sented by the Nebaioth of the Bible, as to which there
is some doubt (Quatremere, MUanges, p. 59). Of
the Test, the Moabites, Ammonites, Midianites, and
Edomites are chiefly kuown for their hostilities with
the Israelites, to whom they were close neighbours.
The memory of the westerly migration of the Israel-
Has was perpetuated in the name Hebrew, as refer-
ring to their residence beyond the river Euphrates
(Josh. xxiT. 3).
Besides the nations whose origin is accounted for
in the Bible, we find other early populations men-
tioned in the course of the history without any
notice of their ethnology. In this category we may
place the Horims, who occupied Edom before the
descendants of Esau (Dent. ii. 12, 22); the Ama-
lekites of the Sinaitic peninsula ; the Zuiims snd
Zsnunmmhns of Persea (Gen. xiv, 5; Dent. ii.
20) ; the Rephaims of Bashan and of the valley
near Jerusalem named after them (Gen. zir. 5;
2 Sam. r. 18); the Emims eastward of the Dead
Sea (Gen. xrr. 5) ; the A vims of the southern Phi-
listine plain (Dent. ii. 23) ; and the Anakims of
leathern Palestine (Josh. xi. 21). The question
arises whether these tribes were Hsmites, or whe-
ther they represented sn earlier population which
preceded the entrance of the Hsmites. The latter
view is supported by Knobel, who regards the
majority of these tribes as Shemites, who preceded
the Canaanites, and communicated to them the
Shemitic tongue (Vtlkert. pp. 204, 315). No
evidence can be adduced in support of this theory,
which wss probably suggested by the double diffi-
culty of accounting for the name of Lad, and of
explaining the apparent anomaly of the Hsmites
and Terachites speaking the same language. Still
less evidence is there in favour of the Turanian
origin, which would, we presume, be assigned to
these tribes in common with the Canaanites proper,
in accordance with a current theory that the first
wave of population which overspread western Asia
belonged to that branch of the human race (Rsw-
linson s Herod, i. 645, note). To this theory we
shall presently advert: meanwhile we can only
observe, in reference to these fragmentary popu-
lations, that, as they intermingled with the Canaan-
ites, they probably belonged to the same stock (comp.
Num. xiit. 23 ; Judg. 1 10). They may perchance
have belonged to sn earlier migration than the
Canaanitish, and may hare been subdued by the
inter comers , but this would not necessitate a dif-
ferent origin. The names of these tribes and of
their abodes, as instanced in Gen. xiv. 5; Dent ii.
23 ; Num. xiH. 22, bear a Shemitic character (Ewsld,
67<scA. L 31ty and the only objection to their Ca-
naanitish origin arising ont of these names would
be in connexion with Zanuummim, which, according
10NGUE8, CONFUSION OF 1547
to Renan (H. 0. p. 35, note), is formed on the
same principle as the Greek fidpfifm, and in this
ease implies at all events a dialectical difference.
Having thus surveyed the ethnological statements
contained in the Bible, it remains for us to inquire
now far they are based on, or accord with, physio-
logical or linguistic principles. Knobel maintains
that the threefold division of the Mosaic table ii
founded on the physiological principle of colour,
Shem, Ham, and Japheth representing .respectively
the red, black, and white complexions prevalent in
the different regions of the then known world ( V91-
ktrt. pp. 11-13). He claims etymological support
for this view in respect to Ham ( = ** dark ") and
Japheth ( = " fair"), but not in respect to Sbem,
and he adduces testimony to the tact that such
differences of colour were noted in ancient times.
The etymological argument weakens rather than
sustains his view ; for it is difficult to conceive that
the principle of classification would be embodied in
two of the names and not also in the third : the
force of such evidence is wholly dependent upon its
uniformity. With regard to the actual prevalence
of the hues, it is quite consistent with the pny.ici]
character of the districts that the Hsmites of the
south should be dark, and the Japhetites of the
north fair, and further that the Shemites should
hold an intermediate place in colour as in geogra-
phical position. But we hsve no evidence that this
distinction wss strongly marked. The " redness "
expressed in the name Edom probably referred to
the soil (Stanley, 8. f P. p. 87) : the Erytkramm
Mart wss so called from a peculiarity in its own
tint, arising from the presence of some vegetable
substance, and not because the red Shemites bordered
on it, the black Cushites being equally numeroun
on its shores: the name Adam, as applied to the
Shemitic man, is ambiguous, from its reference to
soil as well as colour. On the other hand, the
Phoenicians (assuming them to have reached the
Mediterranean seaboard before the table was com-
piled) were so called from their red hue, and yet
are placed in the table among the Hsmites. The
argument drawn from the red hue of the Egyptian
deity Typhon is of little value until it can be
decisively proved that the deity in question repre-
sented the Shemites. This is asserted by Renan
(H. 0. i. 38), who endorses Knobd's view as far
as the Shemites are concerned, though he does not
accept his general theory.
The linguistic difficulties connected with the
Mosaic table are very considerable, and we cannot
pretend to unravel the tangled skein of conflicting
opinions on the subject. The primary difficulty
arises ont of the Biblical narrative itself, and is
consequently of old standing — the difficulty, namely,
of accounting for the evident identity of language
spoken by the Shemitic Terachites and the Hamitic
Canaanites. Modern linguistic research has rather
enhanced than removed this difficulty. The alter-
natives hitherto offend ss sstisfactoiT solutions,
namely, that the Terachites adopted the language
of the Canaanites, or the Canaanites that of the
Terachites, are both inconsistent with the enlarged
area which the language is found to cover on each
aide. Setting aside the question of the high im-
probability that a wandering nomadic tribe, such
as the Terachites, would be able to impose its lan-
guage on a settled and powerful nation like the
Canaanites, it would still remain to be explained
how the Cushites and other Hamitic tribes, who
did not come into contact with t) e Terachites,
1548 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
acquired the same genera] type of language. And
on the other hand, assuming that what are called
Shemitic languages were really Hamitic, we have to
ciplnin the extension of the Hamitic area over
Mesopotamia and Assyria, which, according to the
table end the general opinion of ethnologists, be-
longed wholly to a non-Hamitic population. A
furthir question, moreover, arises out of this ex-
planation, vix. : what was the language of the Te-
mchitee before they assumed this Hamitic tongue ?
This question is answered by J. G. MuMler, in
Herzog's S. E. xiv. 238, to the effect that the
Shemites originally spoke an Indo-European lan-
guage—a view which we do not expect to see
generally adopted.
Restricting ourselves, for the present, to the lin-
guistic question, we must draw attention to the feet
that there is a well-denned Hamitic as well as a
Shemitic class of languages, and that any theory
which obliterates this distinction must fall to the
Sound. The Hamitic type is most highly deve-
ped. as we might expect, in the country which
was, par exceltnce, the land of Ham, viz. Egypt ;
and whatever elements of original unity with the
Shemitic type may be detected by philologists,
practically the two were as distinct from each other
in historical times, as any two languages could
possibly be. We are not therefore prepared at once
to throw overboard the linguistic element of the
Mosaic table. At the same tune we recognize the
extreme difficulty of explaining the anomaly of
Hamitic tribes speaking a Shemitic tongue. It will
not suffice to say, in answer to this, that these
tribes were Shemites; for again the correctness of
the Mosaic table is vindicated by the diderences
of social and artistic culture which distinguish the
Shemites proper from the Phoenicians and Cushites
using a Shemitic tongue. The former are charac-
terised by habits of simplicity, isolation, and ad-
herence to patriarchal ways of living and thinking ;
the Phoenicians, on the other hand, were emi-
nently a commercial people ; and the Cushites are
identified with the massive architectural erections
of Babylonia and South Arabia, and with equally
extended ideas of empire and social progress.
The real question at issue concerns the language,
not of the whole Hamitic family, but of the Ca-
naanites and Cushites. With regard to the former,
various explanations have been offered — such as
Knobel's, that they acquired a Shemitic language
from a prior population, represented by the Refutes,
Zusim, Zamxummim, be. (Vtlkert. p. 315); or
Bunsen's, that they were a Shemitic race who had
long sojourned in Egypt (Phil, of Hvi. i. 191)—
neither of which are satisfactory. With regard to
the latter, the only explanation to be offered is that
a Joktanid immigration supervened on the original
Hamitic population, the result being a combination
of Cushitic emulation with a Shemitic language
(Renan, i. 322). Nor is it unimportant to men-
tion that peculiarities have been discovered in the
Cushite Shemitic of Southern Arabia which suggest
a close affinity with the Phoenician forms (Renan,
i. 318). We are not, however, without expecta-
tion that time and research will clear up much of
th: mystery that now enwraps the subject. There
arc two directum to which we may hopefully turn
Sir light, namely Egypt and Babylonia, with re-
gard to each of which we make a few remarks.
That the Egyptian larguage exhibits many
striking points of resemblance to the Shemitic type
k acknowledged on all sides. It is also allowed
TONGUES. CONFUSION OF
that the resemblances are of a valuable chancing
being observable in the pronouns, numeral*. ■
agglutinative forma, in the treatment of rawest,
and other such points (Renan, i. 84 85). Than
is not, however, an equal degree of agraemea-
among scholars as to the deductions to be draws
fijom these resemblances. While many iwaogn ue am
them the proofs of a substantial identity, and heaat
regard Hamitism as an early stage of *—■■'■-
others deny, either on general or on special groands,
the probability of such a connexion. When are find
such high authorities as Bunxen on the former salt
{Pha. of Hat. i. 186-1 89, ii. 3), and Renan ( L e-i
on the other, not to mention a long array of scaolan
who have adopted each view, it would be presuaup-
tion dogmatically to assert the correctness or a»-
correctness of either. We can only point to u»
possibility of the identity being established, and u
the further possibility that connecting links may be
discovered between the two extremes, which mar
serve to bridge over the gulf, and to render toe
use of a Shemitic language by a Hamitic race leas
of an anomaly than it at present appears to be.
Turning eastward to the banks of the Tigris and
Euphrates, and the adjacent countries, we nod
ample materials for research in the i n s c rip ti ons re-
cently discovered, the examination of which has
not yet yielded undisputed results. The Mosaic
table places a Shemitic population in Assyria and
Elam, and a Cushitic one in Babylon. The proba-
bility of this being ethnically (aa opposed to geo-
graphically) true depends partly on the age assigned
to the table. There can be no question that at a
late period Assyria and Elam were held by noa-
Shemitic, probably Aryan conquerors. But if we
cany the table back to the age of Abraham, the
case may hare been different ; for though Bam
is regarded as etymologically identical with Iran
(Renan, i. 41), this is not conclusive as to the
Iranian chanvter of the language in early times.
Sufficient evidence is afforded by language that th*
basis of the population in Assyria was Shemitic
(Kenan, i. 70; Knobel, pp. 154-156): and it is
by no means improbable that the inscriptions be-
longing more especially to the neighbourhood at
Suss may ultimately establish the fact of a Shemitic
population in Elam. The presence of a Cothitic
population in Babylon is an opinion very generally
held on linguistic grounds ; and a close identity is
said to exist between the old Babylonian and tot
Mahri language, a Shemitic tongue of an anaeac
type still living in a district of Badramaut, k
Southern Arabia (Renan, H. 0. i. 60). In addition
to the Cushitic and Shemitic elements in the popu-
lation of Babylonia and the adjacent districts, the
pre t en ce of a Turanian element has been inferred
from the linguistic character of the early inscrip-
tions. We must here express our conviction that
the ethnology of the countries in question is con-
siderably clouded by the undefined use of the terms
Turanian, Scythic, and the like. It is frequently
difficult to decide whether these terms are used in a
linguistic sense, as equivalent to agghitinatkt, or
in an ethnic sense. The presence of a certain amount
of Turanianism in the former does not involve its
presence in the latter sense. The old Babylonian and
Susianian inscriptions may be more agglutinative
than the later ones, but this is only a prod' at
their belonging to an earlier stage of the taaroaga.
and dots not of itself indicate a foreign popnCtirsif
and if toese early Babylonian inscriptions gradsass
into the Shemitic, as is asserted even by the •ov*
TONGUES, CONFUSION OK
mtes of the Tiiiaman theory (Itawlinson 's Herod, i.
142, 445), the presence of an ethnic TuraulaniMn
cannot possibly be inferred. Added to this, it is
inexplicable how the presence of a large Scythe
population in the Achaemenian period, to which
many of the Susianian inscriptions belong, could
escape the notice of historians. The only Scythic
tribes noticed by Herodotus in his review of the
Persian empire are the Parthians and the Sacae, the
former of whom are known to hare lived in the
north, while the latter probably lived in the extreme
east, where a memorial of them i* still supposed to
exist in the name Seistan, representing the ancient
Sacastene. Even with regard to these, Scythic
may not mean Turanian ; for they may have be-
longed to the Scythians of history (the Skolots), for
whom an Indo-European origin is claimed (Rawlin-
son's Herod, iii. 197). The impression conveyed
by the supposed detection of so many heterogeneous
elements in the old Babylonian tongue ( Rawlinson,
i, 442, 444, 646, notes) is not favourable to the
general results of the researches.
With regard to Arabia, it may safely be asserted
that the Mosaic table is confirmed by modem re-
search. The Cushitic element has left memorials
of its presence in the south in the vast ruins of
Uareh and Sana (Renan, i. 318), as well as in the
influence It has exercised on the Rimyaritic and
Mahri languages, as compared with the Hebrew.
The Joktanid element forms the basis of the Arabian
population, the Shemitic character of whose language
needs no proof. With regard to the Ishmaelite
element in the north, we are not aware of any
linguistic proof of its existence, but it is confirmed
by the traditions of the Arabians themselves.
It remains to be inquired how far the Japhetic
stock represents the linguistic characteristics of the
Indo-Enrorean and Turanian families. Adoptiugthe
twofold division of the former, suggested by the
name itself, into the eastern and western ; and sub-
dividing the eastern into the Indian and Iranian,
and the western into the Celtic, Hellenic, Illyrian,
Italian, Teutonic, Slavonian, and Lithuanian classes,
we are able to assign Hadai {Media) and Togarmah
(Armenia) to the Iranian class; Javan {Ionian)
and Eliahah {Aeolian) to the Hellenic; Gomer
conjecturally to the Celtic ; and Dodanim, also oon-
jecturally, to the IUyrian. According to the old
interpreters, Ashkenax represents the Teutonic class,
while, according to Knobel, the Italian would be
represented by Tarsbish, whom he identifies with the
Etruscans ; the Slavonian by Magog ; and the Lithu-
an.ui possibly by Tims (pp. 90, 68, 130). The
sain,' writer also identifies Riphath with the Gauls,
as distinct from the Cymry or Gomer (p. 45);
while Kittim is referred by him not improbably
to the Carianr-, who at one period were predominant
on the islands adjacent to Asia Minor (p. 981. The
evidence for these identifications varies in strength,
but in no instance approaches to demonstration.
Beyond the general probability that the main
brandies of the human family would be repre-
sented in the Mosaic table, we regard much that
has bs*n advanced on this subject as highly pre-
carious. At the same time it must be conceded
that the subject is an open one, and that as there is
no possibility of proving, so also none of disproving,
the correctness of these conjectures. Whether the
• The lots] amount of the Bksmiuc population at pn>
Mot Is computed to be only 30 millions, while the Indo-
Europmn Is competed at 400 ssltlons (Benin. I. *X note).
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF 154*
Turanian family is fairly represented in the Mosaic
table may be doubted. Those who advocate the
Mongolian origin of the Scythians wouM jaturally
regard Magog as the representative of this family j
and even those who dissent from the Mougolua
theory may still not unreasonably conceive that the
title Magog applied broadly to all the noma 1 tribes
of Northern Asia, whether Indo-European or Tu-
ranian. Tubal and Meschech remain to be con-
sidered: Knobel identifies these respectively with
the Iberians and the Liguriana (pp. Ill, 119); and
if the Finnish character of the Basque language
were established, he would regard the Iberians as
certainly, and the Liguriaus as probably Turanians,
the relics of the first wave of population which is
supposed to have once overspread the whole of the
European continent, and of which the Finns in the
north, and the Basques in the south, are the sole
surviving representatives. The Turanian character
of the two Biblical races above mentioned has been
otherwise maintained on the ground of the identity
of the names Meschech and Muscovite (Kawlinson s
Herod, i. 652).
II. Having thus reviewed the ethnic relations of
the nations who fell within the circle of the Mosaic
table, we propose to cast a glance beyond its limits,
and inquire how far the present results of ethno-
logical science support the general idea of the unity
of the human race, which undeilies the Mosaic
system. The chief and in many instances the only
instrument at our command for ascertaining the
relationship of nations is language. In its general
results this instrument is thoroughly trustworthy,
and in each individual case to which it is applied
it furnishes a strong prima facie evidence ; but its
evidence, if unsupported by collateral proofs, is not
unimpeachable, in consequence of the numerous in-
stances of adopted languages which have occurred
within historical times. This drawback to the viiu*
of the evidence of language will not materially
affect our present inquiry, inasmuch as we shall
confine ourselves as much as possible to the general
results.
The nomenclature of modern ethnology is not
identical with that of the Bible, partly from 'he
enlargement of the area, and paitly from the
general adoption of language as the basis of classifi-
cation. The term Shemitic is indeed retained, not,
however, to indicate a descent from Shem, but the
use of languages allied to that which was current
among the Israelites in historical times. Homitie
also finds a place in modern ethnology, but as sub-
ordinate to, or co-ordinate with, Shemitic. Japhetic
is superseded mainly by Indo-European or Aryan.
The various nations, or families of nations, which
find no place under the Biblical titles are classed by
certain ethnologists under the broad title of Tura-
nian, while by others they are broken up into divi-
sions more or less numerous.
The first branch of our subject will be to trsce
the extension of the Shemitic family beyond the
limits assigned to it in the Bible. The most
marked characteristic of this family, as compared
with the Indo-European or Turanian, is its in-
elasticity. Hemmed in both by natural barriers
and by the superior energy and expansiveneu of
the Aryan and Turanian races, it retains to the pre-
sent day the status quo of early times. 1 The only 1
i Eastward of the Tigris a Shemitic population has
beer, supposed to exist In Althsntstan. where the iluad
laituge has been regsrdec ss Uaioeja Shemitic cbs
1550 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
direction in which it has exhibited any tendency to
expand has been about the shores of the Mediter-
ranean, and even here its activity was of a sporadic
character, limited to a single branch of the family,
Tit. the Phoenicians, and to a single phase of ex-
pansion, viz. commercial colonies. In Asia Minor
we find tokens of Shemitic presence in Cilicia, which
was connected with Phoenicia both by tradition
(Herod, vii. 91), and by language, as attested by ex-
isting coins (Gesen. iron. Phcm. iii. 2) : in Pam-
phylia, Pisidia, and Lycia, parts of which were
occupied by the Solymi (Piin. t. 24; Herod, i.
173), whose name bears a Shemitic character, and
who are reported to hare spoken a Shemitic tongue
'Euseb. Praep, Ev. ix. 9), a statement confirmed
by the occurrence of other Shemitic names, such as
Phoenix and Cabalia, though the subsequent pre-
dominance of an Aryan population in these same
districts is attested by the existing Lycian inscrip-
tions : sgain in Csxia, though the evidence arising
out of the supposed identity of the names of the
gods Osogo and Chrysaorous with the 06*wot and
Xpvtr&p of Sanchuniathou is called in question
(Kenan, H. ff. i. 49): and, jistly, in Lydia, where
the descendants of Lud are located by many authori-
ties, and where the prevalence of a Shemitic lan-
guage is asserted by scholars of the highest standing,
among whom we may specify Bunsen and Lassen,
in spite of tokens of the contemporaneous presence
of the Aryan dement, as instanced in the name
Sardis, and in spite also of the historical notices of
an ethnical connexion with Mysia (Herod, i. 171).
Whether the Shemites ever occupied any portion of
the plateau of Asia Minor may be doubted. In the
opinion of the ancients the later occupants of Csp-
pndocia were Syrians, distinguished lrom the mass
of their race by a lighter hue, and hence termed
I*uco»yri (Strab. xii. p. 542) ; but this statement
is traversed by the evidences of Aryanism afforded
by the names of the kings and deities, as well as by
the Persian character of the religion (Strab. xv. p.
733). If therefore the Shemites ever occupied this
district, they must soon have been brought under
the dominion of Aryan conquerors (Diefenbach, Orig.
Ewop. p. 44). The Phoenicians were ubiquitous
on the islands and shores of the Mediterranean : in
Cyprus, where they have left tokens of their pre-
sence at Ci tiara and other places ; in Crete ; in
Malta, where they were the original settlers (Diod.
Sic v. 12); on the mainland of Greece, where their
presence is betokened by the name Cadmus ; in
Samoa, Same, and Samothrace, which bear Shemitic
names; in loa and Teuedos, once known by the
name of Pboeniet; in Sicily, where Panormus,
Motya, and Soloeis were Shemitic settlements ; in
Sardinia (Diod. Sic. v. 35) ; on the eastern and
southern coasts of Spain ; and on the north coast of
Africa, which was lined with Phoenician colonies
from the Syrtis Major to the Pillars of Hercules.
They must also have penetrated deeply into the
interior, to judge from Strabo's ststemejt of the
destruction of three hundred towns by the Pharu-
racter. A theory baa consequently been started that
the people speaking It represent the ten tribes or Israel
(Foreter's/Ytss.^aBv.llLMlX We brum the supposed
Shemitic resemblances to be unfounded, and that the
PumUu language holds sn Intermediate pace bet wee n
the Iranian and Indian classes, with the latter of which
It poss es ses In common the lingual or cerebral sounds
(Dfefennsch, Or. Air. p. 31).
• W«-n»etieqii«lirylj>gexprrsslon"stpiMenl,"nartr/
because U Is not Improbable tfcst new cltan may be- here-
TONGUES, CONFUBIOK Of
starts and Nigritians (Strab. xrii. p. 826). Sua as
none of the countries we hare mentioned sSd tsars
supplant the original population: they
querors and settlers, bjt no mora tl
The balk of the North African
in ancient and modern times, though not t
ia the proper sense of the term, so fco-
that type as to hare obtained the title of saaV
Shemitie, In the north the old Nmxuduut bsnsnsssn)
appears, from the prevalence ot the syllable Jfos aa
the name Mottylti, be, to be allied to the anw a ara
Berber ; and the same condusioa baa been drama
with regard to the Libyan tongue. The Barber, m
torn, together with the Tamwrick and that great
body of the North African dialects, is etosely alliec
to the Coptic of Egypt, and therefore falls under the
title of Hamitic, or, according to the mar* asnssi
nomenclature, aub-Shemitic (Kenan, H. 0. i. 2ul,
202). Southwards of Egypt the Sheaaitie type is
reproduced in the majority of the Abyvwinasn lan-
guages, particularly in the (Mess, and ia a leas
marked degree in the Amharic, the SoAa, aad the
Oalla ; and Shemitic influence may be traced a leas,
the whole east coast of Africa aa far as Jftttiasatijin
(Renan, i. 336-340). Aa to the langoages of tar
interior and of the south there appears to be a esn-
flict of opinions, the writer from whom are ban*
just quoted denying any trace of reasmblanc e tas the
Shemitic type, while Dr. Latham ss sa rta very con-
fidently that connecting links exist between ta» sao-
Shemitic langoages of the north, the Megs* lan-
guages in the centre, and the Caffre bug
the south ; and that even the Hottentot i
is not so isolated aa has been generally i
(Jfon and hit Migr. pp. 134-148). Baasen sup-
ports this view as tar as the languages north of the
equator are concerned, bat regards the southern as
rather approximating to the Turanian type {Plm.
of /fist. i. 178, ii. 20). It is impossible as yet to
form a decided opinion on this large subject.
A question of considerable interest remains yet
to he noticed, namely, whether we am trace the
Shemitic family back to its original cradle. Ia the
esse of the Indo-European family this can be <
with a high degree of probability ; and if aa orij
unity existed between these stocks, the d nm i rile of
the one would necessarily be that of the other. A
certain community of ideas aad traditions forcer*
this assumption, and possibly the frequent aUnaaan*
to the east in the early chapters of Genesis ear
contain a reminiscence of the direction in which
the primeval abode lay (Renan, B.O.i. 476). Tat
position of this abode we shall describe presently.
The Indo-European family of languages, as at
present* constituted, consists of the following nine
classes: — Indian,* Iranian, Celtic, Italian, A lb a nian ,
Greek, Teutonic, Lithuanian, and Slavonian. Geo-
graphically, these classes may be grouped barrthjer
in two divisions — Eastern and Western—the former.
comprising the two first, the latter the seven re-
maining classes. Schleicher divides what we have
termed the Western into two — the South-west £a-
sftar added, as, for hntaece. an Anatolian, to deeerBjs t
language* of Asia Minor, sod partly because then as
have been other classes once In existence, obJoh ha
entirely disappeared from the face ot the earth
• Professor M. Mailer adopts the t e nu tmu ee -*.
order to shew that classes are nteoded. This ■
nnneceaearv, when It is specified that the i
one of cLusiea, and not of single laiajss gi a
common usage, the termination does not net
the Me* of a class.
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
n, and the North European — in the former of
wfcieh he places the Greek, Albanian, Italian, and
Celtic, in the latter the Slavonian, Lithuanian, and
Teutonic (Comfxmi. i. 5). Prof. M. Mailer com-
bines the Slavonian and Lithuanian damn in the
W indie, thai reducing the number to eight. These
d a m s exhibit Tarioui degrees of affinity to each
other, which are described by Schleicher in the fol-
lowing manner: — The earliest deviation from the
rommon language of the family was effected by the
SUvotra-Teutonic branch. After another interval
a second bifurcation occurred, which separated what
wo may term the Graeco-ltalo-Celtic branch from
the Aryan. The former held together for a wh,Ue,
and then threw off the Greek (including probably
the Albanian), leaving the Celtic and Italian still
connected : the final division of the two latter took
place after another considerable interval. The first-
mentioned branch — the Slavono-Tentonio — remained
Intact for a period somewhat longer than that which
witnessed the second bifurcation of the original
stock, and then divided into the Teutonic and
Slavooo-Lithuanian, which latter finally broke np
into its two component elements. The Aryan
branch similarly held together for a lengthened
period, and then bifurcated into the Indian and
Iranian. The conclusion Schleicher draws from
these linguistic affinities is that the more easterly
of the European nations, the Slavonians and Tea
tout, were the first to leave the common home of
tlie Indo-European race ; that they were followed
by the Celts, Italians, and Greeks ; and that the
Indian and Iranian branches were the last to com-
mence their migrations. We feel unable to accept
this conclusion, which appears to us to be based on
the assumption that the antiquity of a language is
to be measured by its approximation to Sanscrit.
Looking at the geographical position of the repre-
sentatives of the different language-classes, we
should infer that the moat westerly were the
earliest immigrants into Europe, and therefore pro-
bably the earliest emigrants from the primeval seat
of the race ; and we believe this to be confirmed by
linguistic proofs of the high antiquity of the Celtic
as compared with the other branches of the Indo-
European family (Bunsen, Phil, at But. i. 168).
The original seat of the Indo-European race was
on the plateau of Central Asia, probably to the
westward of the Bolor and MvMtagh ranges. The
Indian branch can be traced back to the slopes of
Himalaya by the geographical illusions in the Vedic
hymns (M. MQller's Leot. p. 201); in confirmation
of which we may adduce the circumstance that the
only tree for which the Indians have an appellation
in common with the western nations, is one which
in India is found only on the southern slope of that
range (Pott, Etym. fbraeh. i. 110). The westward
pro g res s of the Iranian tribes is a matter of his-
tory, and though we cannot trace this progress back
to its fountain-head, the locality above mentioned
bast accords with the traditional belief of the Asiatic
Aryans and with the physical and geographical re-
quirements of the case (Kenan, H. 0. 1. 481).
The routes by which the various western branches
reached their respective localities, can only be con-
jectured. We may suppose them to have succes-
sively unsssl the plateau of Iran until they reached
Armenia, whence they might follow either a north-
erly course across Caucasus, and by the shore of the
Bliek Sea, or a direct westerly one along the plateau
of Asia Mic», which seems destined by nature to
be (he bridge bctwteu ths two continents of Europe
TONGUES, CONFUSION OF 1581
and Asia, A third route has been s utnised for a
portion of the Celtic stock, viz., ak ng the north
coast of Africa, and across the Straits of Gibraltar
into Spain (Bunsen, Ph. of H. i. 148), but we set
little confirmation of this opinion beyond the fact
of the early pre s en ce of the Celtae in that peninsula,
which ia certainly difficult to account for.
The eras of the several migrations are again very
much a matter of conjecture. The original move-
ments belong for the most part to the ante-historical
age, and we can do no more than note the period at
which we first encounter the several nations. That
the Indian Aryans had reached the mouth of the
Indus at all events before 1000 B.C., appears from
the Sanscrit names of the articles which Solomon
imported from that country [India]. The presence
of Aryans on the Shemitic frontier is as on as the
composition of tho Mosaic table ; and, according ts
some authorities. Is proved by the names of the
confederate kings in the age of Abraham (Gen. xiv.
1 ; Kenan, H. O. i. 61). The Aryan Medea are
mentioned in the Assyrian annals about 900 B.C.
The Greeks were settled on the peninsula named
after them, as well as on the islands of the Aegaean
long before the dawn of hfotory, and the Italians
had reached their quarters at a yet earlier period.
The Celtae had reached the west of Europe at
all events before, probably very long before, the
age of Ilecataeus (500 B.C.); the latest branch of
this stock arrived there about that period ac-
cording to Bunsen 's conjecture (PA. of H. i. 152).
The Teutonic migration followed at a long interval
after the Celtic : Pytheas found them already seated
on the shores of the Baltic in the ege of Alexander
the Great (Plin. xxxvii. 11), and the term gletum
itself, by which amber was described in that district,
belongs to them (Diefeobach, Or. Eur. p. 359).
The earliest historical notice of them derwnds on
the view taken of the nationality of the Teutones,
who accompanied the Cimbri on their southern ex-
pedition in 113-102 B.0. If these were Celtic, as
is not uncommonly thought, then we must look to
Caesar and Tacitus for the earliest definite notices
of the Teutonic tribes. The Slavonian immigration
was nearly contemporaneous with the Teutonic
(Bunsen, Ph. of H. 1. 72): this stock can be traced
back to the VeneH or Vetudot of Northern Ger-
many, first mentioned by Tacitus (fferm. 46), from
whom the name Wend far probably descended. The
designation of Slavi or Sclaoi is of comparatively
late date, and applied specially to the western
branch of the Slavonian stock. The Lithuanians are
probably represented by the Qaimdae and Sudani of
Ptolemy (Hi. 5, §2 1 V the names of which tribes have
been ui e sei ie d in all ages in the Lithuanian district
(Diefenbsch, p. 202). They are frequently iden-
tified with the Aettui, and it far not impossible that
they may have adopted the title, which was a
geographical one ( = the east men): the Aestui of
Tacitus, however, were Germans. In the above
statements we have omitted the problematical iden-
tifications of the northern stocks with the earlier
nations of history : we msy here mention that the
Slavonians ore not unfrequently regarded as the
r epre sent a tives of the Scythians (Skolots) and the
Sarmatians (Knobel, VtUtrt. p. 69). The writer
whom we have just cited, also endeavours to ego
neot the Lithuanians with the Agathyrsi (p. 130>
So again Grimin traced the Teutonic stock to the
Getae, whom ho identified with the Goths (<?«so*>
Dmt. Spr.l. 178).
It may be asked whether the Aryan race were tie
1652 TONGUES, CONFUSION OF
first camera in the land* which they occupied in
historical times, or whether they superseded an
earlier population. With regard ta the Indian
branch this q notion can be answered decisively :
the vestiges of an aboriginal population, which once
covered the plains of Hindustan, still exist in the
southern extremity of the peninsula, as well as in
isolated localities elsewhere, as instanced in the case
of the Brahus of the north. Not only this, but
the Indian class of languages possesses a peculiarity
of sound (the lingual or cerebral consonant* j which
is supposed to have been derived from this popu-
lation and to betoken a fusion of the conquerors
and the conquered (Schleicher, Compend. i. 141).
The languages of this early population are classed
as Turanian (M. M Oiler, Led. p. 399). We are
unable to rind decided traces of Turanians on the
plateau of Iran. The Sacae, of whom we have
already spoken, were Scythians, and so were the
Parthians, both by reputed descent (Justin, xli. 1)
and by habits of life (Strab. xi. p. 515) ; but we
cannot positively assert that they were Turanians,
inasmuch as the term Scythian was also applied, as
in the case of the Skoloti, to Indo-Europeans. In
the Caucasian district the Iberians and others may
have been Turanian in early as in later times ; but
it is difficult to unravel the entanglement of races
and languages in that district. In Europe there
exists in the present day an undoubted Turanian
population eastward of the Baltic, vis., the Finns,
who have been located there certainly since the
time of Tacitus {Germ. 46), and who probably at
an earlier period had spread more to the southwards,
but bad been gradually thrust hack by the advance
rf the Teutonic and Slavonian nations (Diefenbach,
0. E. p. 209). There exists again in the south a po-
pulation whose language (the Basque, or, as it is enti-
tled in its own land, the Evtkara) presents numerous
points of affinity to the Finnish in grammar, though
its vocabulary is wholly distinct. We cannot con-
sider the Tmanian character of this language as fully
established, and we are therefore unable to divine
the ethnic affinities of the early Iberians, who are
generally regarded as the progenitors of the Basques.
We have already adverted to the theory that the
Finns in the north and the Basques in the south
are the surviving monuments of a Turanian popu-
lation which overspread the whole of Europe before
the arrival of the lndo- Europeans. This is a mere
theory which can neither be proved nor disproved. *
It would be difficult, if not impossible, to assign
to the various subdivisions of the Indo-European
stock their respective areas, or, where admixture
has taken place, their relative proportions. Lan-
guage and race are, as already observed, by no
means coextensive. The Celtic race, for instance,
which occupied Gaul, Northern Italy, large portions
of Spain and Germany, and even penetrated across
the Hellespont into Asia Minor, where it gave name
to the province of Galatia, is now represented lin-
guistically by the insignificant populations, among
whon the Welsh and the Gaelic or Erse languages
retain a lingering existence. The Italian race, on
the other hand, which must have been well nigh an-
nihilated by or absorbed in the overwhelming mai
of the northern hordes, has imposed its language
outside the bounds of Italy over the peninsula of
Spain, France, and Wallachia. But, while the races
have so intermingled as in many instances to lose all
or Inm
iter**
TONGDES, CONFUBiOH OF
trace of their original individuality, the bsoad net
of their descent from one or other of the Lranrbss
of the Indo-European family remains unaffected, it
is, indeed, impossible to affiliate all tew —ta n as
whose names appear on the roll of history, to the
existing divisions of that family, in uon ss q u enr s of
the absence or the obecar.tr of ethnological criteria.
Where, for instance, shall wJ place the hansrossw
of Asia Minor and the adjacent districts? The
Phrygian approximates perhaps to the Greek, sssl
yet it differs from it materially btth in form and
vocabulary (Rawlinson's ifsrost i. 666) : still snore
is this the case with the I.ycian, which an n ual i «•
possess a vocabulary wholly distinct from its kn-
dred languages (Id. i. 669, 677-679). '
menian is ranged under the Iranian div
this, as well as the language of the
Ossrtes. whose indigenous name of Ir
seems to vindicate for them the sue
are so distinctive in their features as to :
connexion dubious. The languages prevalent m
the mountainous district, answering to thai aaaoen-
Pontus, are equally peculiar (Diefenbach. O. F..
p. 5t ). Passing to the westward we encounter taa
Thraciaiis, reputed by Herodotus (v. 3) the ma*,
powerful nation in the world, the Indians excepted .
yet but one wosd of their language (&r»n=" eaara'l
has survived, and all historical traces of the xasople
have been obliterated. It is true that they an
represented in later times by the Getse. and these
in turn by the Dad, but neither of these ob bt
tracked either by history or language, u n less we
accept Grimm's more than doubtful identiricatw
which would connect them with the Teutoui
branch. The remains of the Scythian langtunrv- an
sufficient to establish the Indo-European affinities a
that nation (Rawlinson's Herod, iii. 196-203V, be:
insufficient to assign to it a definite place* in tht
fsmily. The Scythians, as well as most of the no-
mad tribes associated with them, are lost to the eye
of the ethnologist, having been either absorbed ante
other nationalities or swept away by the ravage* el
war. The Sarmatae can bt traced down to the
Iaxyges of Hungary and Podlackia. in which setter
district they survived until the 10th century of oar
era (Diet, of Oeog. ii. 8), and then they also vaan&b.
The Albanian language presents a problem of *
different kind : materials for research aie not want-
ing in this esse, but no definite conclusions bare at
yet been drawn from them: the people who an
this tongue, the Siipttares as they call thamserrn.
are generally regarded as the representatives ot the
old Illyrians, who in torn appear to have bm
closely connected with the Thrauans i Strab. to.
p. 315; Justin, sj. 1), the name Dardaui beta;
found both in Illyria and on the shores of tfe
Hellespont: it is not, therefore, improbable o»t
the Albanian may contain whatever vestiges oT t»
old Thracian tongue still survive ( Diefenbach, O. £.
p. 68). In the Italic peninsula the Etruscan hrrre
remains as great an enigma as ever: its tnov
European character is supposed to be es ta blish *),
together with the probability of its being a tnu>d
language (Bunsen's Ph. o/ #. i. 8.V88). The rsxu-t
of researches into the (jmbrian language, as rep v»
sented in the Eugnbine tablets, the wheat of wha*
date from about 400 B.C. ; into the Sa beil ian, as
represented in the tablets of VeUetri and Amtn. ;
and into the Oscan, of which the remains are an-
» We mast tie snderetnoa ss speaktax or Ungatstlc and
•uuwloafcal pruou hsrnlsbad by popnlauons sxtsunf
within butanes) Hum, without reftreaes to the ss-»
logteal queetiuus relailat to the aMiauuv of ssss.
TONUUE8, OONFUSION OP
serous, hare decided their position as membert of I
the Italic clan (id. i. 90-94). The nrne cannot be
aoseited of the Messapian or Iapygian language,
which studs apart from all neighbouring dialect*.
Ita Indo-European character is affirmed, but no
ethnological conclusion can as yet be drawn from
the scanty information afforded us (id. i. 94).
Lastly, within the Celtic area there are ethnological
problems which we cannot pretend to solve. The
Liguriana, for instance, present one of these pro-
blems : were they Celts, but belonging to an earlier
migration than the Celts of history ? Their name
has been referred to a Welsh original, but on this
no great reliance can be placed, as it would be in
this case a local ( = coastmm) and not an ethnical
title, and might have been imposed on them by the
Celts. They evidently hold a posterior place to
the Iberians, iusmuch as they are said to have
driven a section of this people across the Alps into
Italy. That they were distinct from the Celts is
asserted by Strain (ii. p. 128), but the distinction
may have been no greater than exists between the
British and the Gaelic branches of that race. The
admixture of the Celts and Iberians in the Spanish
peninsula is again a somewhat intricate question,
which Dr. Latham attempts to explain on the
ground that the term Celt (K/A/rw) really meant
Iberian (Ethn. of Eur. p. 35). That such questions
as these should arise on a subject which carries us
hack to times of hoar antiquity, forms no ground
for doubting the general conclusion that we can
account ethnologically for the population of the
European continent.
The Shemitic and Indo-European families cover
after all but an insignificant portion of the earth's
surface : the large areas of Northern and Eastern
Asia, the numerous groups of islands that line ita
coast and stud the Pacific in the direction of South
America, and again the immense continent of
America itself, stretching well nigh from pole to
pole, remain to be accounted for. Historical aid
is almost wholly denied to the ethnologist in his
researches in these quarters; physiology and
language are his only guides. It can hardly,
therefore, be matter of surprise, if we are unable
to obtain certainty, or even a reasonable degree of
probability, on this part of our subject. Much has
been done ; but far more remains to be done before
the data for forming a conclusive opinion can be
obtained. In Asia, the languages fall into two
large causes — the monosyllabic, and the aggluti-
native. The former are represented ethnologically
by the Chinese, the latter by the various nations
classed together by Prof. M. Mailer under the
common head of Turanian. It is unnecessary for
ua to discuss the correctness of his view in regard-
ing all them nations as members of one and the
mine family. Whether we ac-ept or reject his
theory, the tact of a gradation of linguistic types
and of connecting links between the various
branches remains unaffected, and for our present
purpose the question is of comparatively little
moment. The monosyllabic typo apparently be-
tokens the earliest movement from the common
home of the human race, and we should therefore
assign l chronological priority to ths settlement of
the Chinese in the east out south-east of the conti-
acnt. The agglutinative languages fall gsogi ohi-
eally into two divisions, a northern and southern.
The northern consists of a well-defined group, or
family, designated by German ethnologists the
Ural Altaian. It consists of the following five
vcl. ill.
TONGUES, CCNFCSION OF 1558
branches: — (I) The Tungusinn, covering a large!
area, east of the river Yeuisei, between lake Baikal
and the Tunguska. (2) The Mongolian, which
prevails over the Great Desert of Gobi, and among
the Kalmucks, wherever their nomad habits lead
them on the steppes either of Asia or Europe, in
the latter of whicn they are found about the lower
course of the Volga. (3) The Turkish, covering
an immense area from the Mediterranean in the
south-west to the river Lena in the north-east;
in Europe spoken by the Osmanli, who form the
governing class in Turkey ; by the Mogai, between
the Caspian and the Sea of Axov ; and by various
Caucasian tribes. (4) The Samoiedic, on the coast
of the Arctic Ocean, between the White Sea in the
west and the river Anabara in the east. (5) The
Finnish, which is spoken by the Finns and Lapps ;
by the inhabitants of Esthonia and Livonia to the
south of the Gulf of Finland ; by various tribes
about the Volga (the Tcheremissians and Mordri-
nians), and the Kama (theVotiakesand Permians);
and, lastly, by the Magyars of Hungary. The
southern branch is subdivided into the following
four classes : — (1 ) The Tamulian, of the south ot
Hindostan. (2) The Bbotlya, of Tibet, the sub-
Himalayan district (Nepaul and Bhotan), and the
Lohitic languages act of the Brahmapootra. (3)
The Tal, in Siam, Laos, Anttm, and Pegu. (4) The
Malay, of the Malay peninsula, and the adjacent
islands ; the latter being the original settlement of
the Malay race, whence they spread in compara-
tively modern times to the mainland.
The early movements of the races representing
these several divisions, can only be divined by lin-
guistic tokens. Prof. M. Milller assigns to the
northern tribes the following chronological order:
— Tungusian, Mongolian, Turkish, and Finnish;
and to the southern division the following: — Tax
Malay, Bhotlya, and Tamulian (Ph. of H. i. 481)
Geographically it appears more likely that the
Malay preceded the Tal, inasmuch as they occu-
pied a more southerly district The later move-
ments of the European branches of the northern
division can be traced historically. The Tuiknh
race commenced their westerly migration from the
neighbourhood of the Altai range in the 1st centur?
of our era; in the 6th they had reached the Cas-
pian and the Volga; in the 11th and 12th the
Turcomans took possession of their present quarters
south of Caucasus: in the 13th the Osmanli made
their first appearance in Western Asia ; about the
middle of the 14th they crossed from Asia Minor
into Europe ; and in the middle of the 1 5th they
had established themselves at Constantinople. The
Finnish race is supposed to hare been originally
settled about the Ural range, and thence to have
migrated westward to the shores of the Baltic,
which they had reached at a period anterior to the
Christian era ; in the 7th century a branch pressed
southwards to the Danube, and founded the king-
dom of Bulgaria, where, however, they have long
oeased to have any national existence. The Ugrian
tribes, who are the early representatives of the
Hungarian Magyars, approached Europe from Asie
in the 5th and settled in Hungary in the 9th cen-
tury of out era. The central point from which the
various branches of the Turanian family radiated
would appear to be about lake Baikal. With
regard to the ethnology of Oceania and America w«
can say but little. The languages of the fomioi
are generally supposed to be connected with tie]
Malay class (Bunsen, Ph. of U. ii. 1 14), but the
5 G
1654 TONGUES, CONFUSION OK
relations, both linguistic and ethnological, existing 1
between the Malar and the black, or Negrito popu-
lation, which is found on many of the groups of
islands, are not well defined. The approximation
m language is tar greater than in phvsiology
(Latham's Essays, pp. 213, 218; Garnett's Es-
says, p. 310), anc" in certain cnses amoants to
identity (Kennedy's Essays, p. 85) ; but the whole
subject is at present involved in obscurity. The
polysynthetic languages of North America are re-
garded as emanating from the Mongolian stock
:Bunsm, Fk. of H. ii. Ill), and a close affinity is
said to exist between the North American and the
Kamalradale and Korean languages on the opposite
coast of Asia (Latham, Man and Ait Migr. p. 185).
The conclusion drawn from this would be that the
population of America entered by way of Behring's
Straits. Other theories have, however, been broached
on this subject. It has been conjectured that the
chain of islands which stretches across the Pacific
may have conducted a Malay population to South
America; and, again, an African origin has heen
claimed for the Caribs of Central America (Ken-
nedy's Essay*, pp. 100-123).
In conclusion, we may safely assert that the ten-
dency of all ethnological and linguistic research is
to discover the elements of unity amidst the most
striking external varieties. Already the myriads
of the human race are massed together into a few
targe groups. Whether it will ever be possible to
go beyond this, and to show the historical unity of
then groups, is more than we can undertake to say.
But we entertain the firm persuasion that in their
broad results these sciences will yield an increasing
testimony to the truth of the Bible.
[The authorities referred to in the foregoing
article are: — M. Mttller, Lectures on the Science of
Language, 1862 ; Bunsen, Philosophy of History,
2 vols., 1854 ; Kenan, Histoire Generate des Lan-
oxin Semitiques, 3rd ed. 1863 ; Knobel, VBlker.
tafel der Genesis, 1850; W. von Humboldt, Ueber
die Versckiedenkeit des menschlichen Sprachbaues,
1836 ; Delitxsch, Jeshtrun, 1858; Transactions of
the Philological Society ; Rawlinson, Herodotus,
4 vols., 1858 ; Pott, Etymologische Fortchungen,
1833; Gamett, Essays, 1859; Schleicher, Com-
pendium dertergleichendenGrammatih, 1861; Die-
fenbach, Origines Europeae, 1861 ; Ewald, Sprach-
wissenschaftlicheAbhandlungen, 1862.] [W.L.B.]
Appendix. — Tower op Babel.
The Tower of Babel forms the subject of a pre-
vious article [Babel, Tower of] ; but in conse-
quence of the discovery of a cuneiform inscription,
in which the Tower is mentioned in connexion with
the Confusion of Tongues, the eminent cuneiform
scholar Dr. Oppert has kindly sent the following
addition to the present article.
The history of the confusion of languages was
preserved at Babylon, as we learn by the testi-
monies of classical and Babylonian authorities
(Abydenus, Fragm. Hist. Graec. ed. Didot, vol.
iv.). Only the Chaldeans themselves did not admit
the Hebrew etymology of the name of their metro-
polis; they derived it from Bab-el, the door of El
.'Kronos or Saturnus), whom Diodorus Siculus
rtates to have been the planet most adored by the
Rabr Ionian*.
The Talmudists ay that the true site of the
Tower of Babel was at Borsif, the Greek Borsippa,
the Bii Nimrud, seven miles and a half from Hillnh,
S.W., and nearly eleven miles from the northern
TONGUES. OONFUSKMT OF
ruins of Babylon. Several passages state that the
air of Borsippa makes forgetful (l"DCO *TtK.
attr mashiain) ; and one rabbi says that Bormf ai
Bulsif, the Confusion of Tongues {Bereskit Habba.
f. 42, 1). The Babylonian name of this locality
is Barsip or Barxipa, which we explain by Tomer
of Tongue*. The French expedition to MesotKttamaa
found at the Birs Nimrud a clay cake, dated tram
Barsip the 30th day of the 6th month of tie 16th
year of Nabonid, and the di s cove r y confirmed the hy-
pothesis of several travellers, who had supposed the
Birs Nimrud tc contain the remains of Borsapna.
Borsippa (the Tongue Tower) was formerly a
suburb of Babylon, when the old Babel was merely
restricted to the northern ruins, before the rnst
extension of the city, which, according to ancient
writers, was the greatest that the sun ever warmed
with its beams. Nebuchadnezzar included it in the
great circumrallation of 480 stadea, but left H eat
of the second wall of 860 (tades; and when the
exterior wall was destroyed by Darius, Bonrppa
became independent of Babylon. The historical
writers respecting Alexander state that Boruaaa*
had a great sanctuary dedicated to Apollo and
Artemis (Strab. xvi. p. 739 ; Stephanus By*, a. r.
Bdperim), and the former is the building derated
in modern times on the very basement of the oM
Tower of Babel.
This building, erected by Nebuchadnezzar, is the
same that Herodotus describes as the Tower ei
Jupiter Belus. In our Expedition to Mesopotamia'
we have given a description of this ruin, and proved
our assertion of the identity. This tower of He-
rodotus has nothing to do with the pyramid de-
scribed by Strabo, and which is certainly to be area
in the remains called now Babil (the MujeUibek at
Rich). The temple of Borsippa is written with aa
ideogram,' composed of the signs for house and spirit
(anima), the real pronunciation of which was pro-
bably Sarakh, tower.
The temple consisted of a large substructure, a
stade (600 Babylonian feet) in breadth, and 75 teet
in height, over which were built seven ether stages
of 25 feet each. Nebuchadnezzar gives notice ot
this building in the Borsippa inscription. He
named it the temple of the Seven light* of t-e
Earth, i. e. the planets. The top was the temple d
Nebo, and in the substructure (igar) was a tesni-e
consecrated to the god Sin, god of the month. Th.»
building, mentioned in the East India House in-
scription (col. iv. 1. 61% is spoken of by Herodetas
(i. 181 &c.).
Here follows the Borsippa inscription : — " Nahu
chodonosor, king of Babylon, shepherd of pencil*,
who attests the immutable affection of Merodach.
the mighty ruler-exalting Nebo; the saviour, tie
wise man who lends his ears to the orders of t:<
highest god ; the lieutenant without reproach, tre
repairer of the Pyramid and the Tower, eldest sui
of Is'abopnllassar, king of Babylon.
" We say : Merodach, the great master, has cre-
ated me : be has imposed on me to reconstruct h»
building. Nebo, the guardian over the legions of the
heaven and the earth, has charged my hands with
the sceptre of justice.
" The Pyramid is the temple of the heaven and the
earth, the seat of Merodach, the chief of the gads
the place of the oracles, the spot of his net, 1 haw
adorned in the form of a cupola, with shining evil.
• ExptiUim m iHsopatama, I. .08.
toe trigonometrical survey ot toe river in the pastas
< BIT :U DA in syllable characters-
TONGUES. GIFT OF
* The Tower, the eternal house, which I founded
and built, I have completed it* magnificence with
silver, fold, other metals, stone, enamelled bricks,
fir and pirs.
" The first, which U the home of the earth's base,
the most ancient monument of Babylon, I built and
finished it; I have highly exalted its head with
bricks covered with copper.*
" We say for the other, that is, this edifice, the
house or' the Seven Lights of the Earth, the most
ancient monument of Borsippa: A former king
built it (they reckon 42 ages), but he did not com-
plete its head. Since a remote time people had
abandoned t, without order expressing their words.
Since that time, the earthquake and the thunder
bad dispersed its sun-dried clay ; the bricks of the
easing had been split, and the earth of the interior
nad been scattered in heaps. Merodfxh, the great
lord, excited my mind to repair this building. I
lid not change the site, nor did I take away the
foundation-stone. In a fortunate month, an aus-
picious day, I undertook to build poitiooes around
the crude brick masses, and the casing of burnt
bricks. I adapted the circuits. I put the inscrip-
tion cf my name in the A'itir of the porticoes.
" I ret my hand to finish it, and to exalt its head.
As it had been in former times, so 1 founded, I
made it ; as it hud been in ancient days, so 1 exalted
its summit.
" Nebo, son of himself, ruler who exaltest Mero-
slaeh, be propitious to my works to maintain my
authority. Grant me a Hie until the remotest
time, a sevenfold progeny, the stability of my
throne, the victory of my sword, the pacification of
toes, the triumph over tile lands 1 In the columns
of thy eternal table, that fixes the destinies of the
heaven and of the earth, bless the course of my days,
inscribe the fecundity of my race.
" Imitate, O Merodnch, king of heaven and earth,
the lather who begot thee; bless my buildings,
strengthen my authority. May Nebuchadnezzar,
the king-repairer, ivmnin before thy face I "
This allusion to the Tower of the Tongues is the
only one that has as yet been discovered in the
cuneiform inscriptions.' The story is a Shemitic
and not only a Hebrew one, and we have no reason
whatever to doubt of the existence of the same
story at Babylon.
The ruins of the building elevated on the spot
where the story placed the tower of the dispersion
of tongues, have therefore a more modern origin,
but interest nevertheless by their stupendous ap-
pearance [Oppbbt.J
TONGUES, GIFT OF.— I. The history of a
word which has been used to express some special,
wonderful fact in the spiritual life of man is itself
full of interest. It may be a necessary preparation
for the study of the tact which that word repre-
sents.
rxijTTa, or 7XtKrtra, the word employed through-
out the N. T. for the gift now upier consideration,
is used— (1.) for the bodily organ of speech; (2.)
for a foreign word, imported and half-naturalised in
Greek (Arist. Rhet. iii. 2, § 14), a meaning which the
words "gloss" and "glossary" preserve lor us; (3.)
n Hellenistic Greek, after the pattern of the corre-
sponding Hebrew word (JIB*?), for "speech" or
•' language" (Gen.x. 5; D an, i. 4 , etc ic).
• This manner of building Is expressly mentioned by
rtalosvuss (ApolL rytet. L 24) as Babylonian.
I See SepMUtm en Maopatamit, Kim. L 200.
TONGUES, GIFT OF 1.558
Each of these meanings might be the ttartJng-
pomt for the application of the word to the gift ui
tongues, and each accordingly has found those who
have maintained that it is so. (A). Eichhorn anil
Bordili (cited by Bleek, Stud. u. Knit. 1829, p.
8, et seq.), and to some extent Bunsen (ffippolytus,
i. 9), starting from the first, see in the so-called
gift an inarticulate utterance, the cry as of a brute
creature, in which the tongue moves while the lips
refuse their office in making the sounds definite and
distinct. (B). Bleek himself (tit nisr. p. 33)
adopts the second meaning, and gives an interesting
collection of passages to prove that it was, in the
time of the N. T., the received sense. He infers
from this that to speak in tongues was to use un-
usual, poetic language — that the speakeis were in a
high-wrought excitement which showed itself in
mystic figurative terms. In this view he had
been preceded by Kniesti (Opise. Theolog. ; see
Morning Watch, iv. 101) and Herder (Die Qabt
der Sprache, pp. 47, 70), the latter of whom ex-
tends the meaning to special mystical interpreta-
tions of the O. T. (C). The received traditional
view starts from the third meaning, and sees in
the gift of tongues a distinctly linguistic power.
We have to see which of these views has most to
commend it (A), it is believed, does not meet
the condition of answering any of the facts of the
N. T., and errs in ignoring the more prominent
meaning of the word in later Greek. (])), though
true in some of its conclusions, and able, as far as
they are concerned, to support itself by the autho-
rity of Augustine (comp. De Gen. ad lit. xii. 8,
" linguam esse cum quis loquatur obwuras et rnvs-
ticas signiticationes "), appears faulty, as failing
( 1 ) to recognise the fact that the sense of the word
in the N. T. was more likely to be determined by
that which it bore in the LXX. than by its meaning
in Greek historians or rhetoricians, and (2) to meet
the phenomena of Acts ii. (C) therefore commends
itself, as in this respect starting at least from the
right point, and likely to lead us to the truth
(comp. Olshausen, Stud. u. Krit. 1829, p. 538).
II. The chief passages from which we have to
draw our conclusion as to the nature and purpose
of the gift in question, are— (1.) Mark xvi. 17 ;
(2.) Acts ii. 1-13, x. 46, xix. 6 ; (3.) 1 Cor. xii. xiv.
It deserves notice that the chronological sequence of
these passages, as determined by the date of their
composition, is probably just the opposite of that
of the periods to which they severally refer. The
first group is later than the second, the second
than the third. It will be expedient, however,
whatever modifications this fact may suggest after-
wards, to deal with the passages in their commouly
received order.
III. The promise of a new power coming from
the Divine Spirit, giving not only comfort and insight
into truth, but fresh powers of utterance of some
kind, appears once and again in out Lord's teaching.
The disciples are to take no thought what they shall
speak, for the Spirit of their Father shall speak in
them (Matt, x. 19, 20; Mark xiii. 11). The lips
of Galilean peasants are to speak fieely and boldly
before kings. The only condition is that they are
"not to piemeditate" — to yield themselves alto>
gether to the power that works on them. Thus
they shall have given to them " a mouth and
wisdom" wAich no adversary shall be able " t'
c Several scholars we know, do not agree with us
We pive onr reasons five years ago, snd our sn'satttiisu
have not yet refuted them.
5G t
1556 TONGUES, GIFT OK
gainsay or resist." In Hark xvi. 17 ire have a ,
more definite term employed: "They shall speak
with new tongues (a-amur ykiaaais,." Starting,
as above, tVom (C), it can hardly be questioned
that the obrions meaning of the promise is tLat the
disciples should speak in new languages which they
had not learnt at other men learn them. It must
be remembered, however, that the critical questions
connected with Mark xvi. 9-20 (comp. Meyer,
Tiachendorf, Alfbrd, m foe.) make it doubtful
whether we have here the language of the Evange-
list — doubtful therefore whether we have the ipsis-
rima verba of the Lord himself, or the nearest
approximation of some early transcriber to the
contents of the section, no longer extant, with
which the Gospel had originally ended. In this
case it becomes possible that the later phenomena,
or later thoughts respecting them, may have de-
termined the language in which the promise is re-
corded. On either hypothesis, the promise deter-
mines nothing as to the nature of the gift, or the
purpose for which it was to be employed. It was
to be a " sign." It was not to belong to a chosen
few only — to Apostles and Evangelists. It was to
" follow them that believed " — to be among the
fruits of the living intense faith which raised men
above the common level of their lives, and brought
them within the kingdom of God.
IV. The wonder of the day of Pentecost is, in its
broad features, familiar enough to us. The days
since the Ascension had been spent as in a ceaseless
ecstasy of worship (Lake xxiv. 53). The 120 dis-
ciples were gathered together, waiting with eager
expectation for the coming of power from on high —
of the Spirit that was to give them new gifts of
utterance. The day of Pentecost was come, which
they, like all other Israelites, looked on as the wit-
ness of the revelation of the Divine Will given on
Sinai. Suddenly there swept over them " the
sound as of a rushing mighty wind," such as
Exekiel had heard in the visions of God by Chebar
(s. 24, xliii. 2), at all times the recognised symbol
of a spiritual creative power (comp. Ex. xxxvii.
1-14; Geo. i. 2; 1 K. xix. 11; 3 Chr. r. 14;
Ps. civ. 3, 4). With this there was another sign
associated even more closely with their thoughts
of the day of Pentecost. There appeared unto them
" tongues like at of fire." Of old the brightness
had been teen gleaming through the " thick cloud "
(Ex. xix. 18), or " enfolding the Divine glory (Ex.
i. 4). Now the tongues were distributed (tio/uoi-
{epsrai), lighting upon each of them.* The out-
ward symbol was accompanied by an inward
change. They were " filled with the Holy Spirit,"
as the Baptist and their Lord had been (Luke i.
• Toe slim In this case bad Its starting -point In the
traditional belief of Israelites. There had been. It was said,
tongues of Ore on the original Pentecost (Schneckenbureer,
Batrigt, p. 8, referring to Bnxtorf. Of Synag., and Philo,
Dt DecaL). The later Babbit were not without their
legends of a like * Dtptism of Are." Nicodemtu ben Oo-
rlou and Jochanan ben Zaccal, men or great holiness and
wWom, went into an npper chamber to expound the Law,
and the doom began to be full of fire (Lixhtfoot, Ban*.
111. It; Schoettgen. Bar. Htb. In Acts 11).
> ll deserves notice that here also there are analogies
hi Jewish belief. Every word that went forth from the
mouth of God on Sinai was said to have been divided into
the •eventy languages of the sons of men (Wetstein, on
Acts II.); and the batk-kci, the echo of the voice of God,
wis Iward by every man In his own tongue (Schnecken-
burger, SeitrSf). So. as regards the power of speaking,
then was a tradition that -he great Rabbis of the (fcjabe-
TONGUES, GIFT OF
15, It. 1), though they themselves had me m oe
experience of a like kind. " They began to as,***
with other tongues as the Spirit gave them utter-
ance." The narrative that follows leavu hardly
any room for doubt that the writer meant to con-
vey the impression that Ae disciples were heard
to speak in languages of which they hod no col-
loquial knowledge previously. The direct state-
ment, " They heard them speaking, each mam in
hit own dialect," the lo*g list of nations, the wards
put into the lips of the oeaiers— these can •orcerr
be reconciled with the theories of Week, Herder,
and Bunsen, without • wilful distortion of the evi-
dence. 6 What view are we to take of a fxbcM-
menon so marvellous and 'exceptional ? What views
have men actually ta (en f (1.) The prevalent belief
of the Church has been, that in the Pentecostal
gift the disciples reosired a supernatural k no w l e dg e
of all such languages as they needed for their work
as Evangelists. The knowledge was permanewt,
and could be use] at their own will, at though it
had been acquire! in the common order of tanag*.
With thit they vent forth to preach to the nation*.
Differences of opinion are found as to special point*.
Augustine thought that each disciple spoke in all
languages (De Vtrb. Apod, clxrv. 3) ; Chrysortora
that each had a special language assigned to him.
and that this was the indication of the country
which he was called to evangelize {Bom. is Ad.
ii.). Some tfiought that the number of languages
spoken was 7] or 75, after the number of the eons
of Noah (Gai. x.) or the sons of Jacob (Gen. xrri.-,
or 120, aftet that of the disciples (comp. Barotum,
Antnl. i. 197). Most were agreed in seeing in the
Pentecostal gift the antithesis to the confusion of
tongues at .'iabel, the witness of a restored unity.
" Poena lin fuaram dispertit homines, donmn too-
guarum diipersot in unum popedom coOegit*
(Grotiue, ix loo.).
Widely diffused as this belief has bean, it mom*
be remembered that it goes beyond the data with
which the '.H. T. supplies us. Each instance of the
gift recorded in the Acts connects it, not with the
work of ttacbing, but with that of praise and
adoration; not with the normal order of men's
lives, but with exceptional epochs in them. It
came and sent as the Spirit gave men the power
of utterance — in this respect analogous to the other
gift of propascy with which it was so often associ-
ated (Acts ii. 16, 17, xix. 6) — and was not pos-
sessed by then at a thing to be used this way or
that, according as they chose.* The speech of St.
Peter which follows, like most other sp ee ch e s ad-
dressed to a Jerusalem audience, was spoken appa-
rently in Aramaic' When St Paul, who "spike
drlm could speak aD the seventy languages or the world.
• The first discussion whether the gin of too gas s was
bestowed "per modmn habitus" with winch 1 sat ac-
quainted la found InSahnariua. Dt Lima. Btbr. (quoted by
Thilo, Dt Ling. Ignit. tn atenthen's TVsoanu, B. a»\
whose conclusion Is In the negative. Even Catmet admin
that It waa not permanent (COatst. h) toe). Octsparrahe
Wetsteta. in loc; and Olshauseu, Stmt. u. XrU. lax*
p. 646.
' I>. Stanley suggests Greek, as e d i hu aii i l to the Hel-
lenistic Jews who were present In such large swambrn
(Kxcura. on Gift of Tongnea. CtoniuaiOM. p lM,XudedA
That St. Peter and the Apostles could speak a provincial
Greek is probable enough ; but In this Instance the speech
Is addressed chiefly to the permanent dwellers at Jrrw
aalem (Acts il. M, M). and waa likely, like that of SL Fkef
(Ada xxL 40), to be spoken In their tongue. To mot <1
the Hellenistic bearera this would be UiultigiUeeufoxV
TONGUES, GIFT OF
jrlh tongues mora than all," wu at Lystra, then
it no mention made of his osing the language of
Lycaonia- It ia almost implied that ho did not
understand it (Acts xiv. 11). Not one word in
the discussion of spiritual gifts in 1 Cor. xii.-xiv.
implies that the gift was of this nature, or given
fur this purpose. If it had been, the Apostle would
surely have told those who possessed it to go and
preach to the outlying nations of the heathen world,
instead of disturbing the Church by what, on this
hypothesis, would have been a needless and offensive
ostentation (euro p. Stanley, Corinthians, p. 261, 2nd
ed.)- Without laying much stress on the tradition
that St. Peter was followed in his work by Mark as
an interpreter («pf»ijr«irHjr)(Papias, in Euseb. U.K.
iii. 30), that even St. Paul was accompanied by
Titus in the same character — " quia non potuit
divinorum sensuum majestatem digno Graeei elo-
quii sermone explicate " (Hieron. quoted by Estius
in 2 Cor. ii.)— they must at least be received as
testimonies that the age which was nearest to the
phenomena did not take the same view of them as
those have don* who lived at a g -enter distance.
The testimony of lreuaeus (Adv. Haer. vi. 6),
sometimes urged in support of the ommon view,
in reality decides nothing, and, as Sir as it goes,
tends against it {infra). Nor, it m*y be added,
within the limits assigned by the p.Yvidence of
God to the working of the Apostolic Church, was
such a gift nece s s a ry. Aramaic, Greek, Latin, the
three languages of tie inscription on the cross, were
media of intercourse throughout the empire. Greek
alone sufficed, as the N. T. shows us, for the
Churches of the West, for Macedonia and Achaia,
for Pectus, Asia, Phrygia. The conquests of Alex-
ander and of Some had made men diglottic to an
extent which has no parallel in history. (2.) Some
interpreters, inBueoced in pert by these (acts, have
seen their way to another solution of the difficulty
by changing the character of the miracle. It lay
not in any new power bestowed on the speakers,
bui in the impression produced on the hearers.
Words which the Galilean disciples uttered in their
own tongue were heard by those who listened es in
their native speech. This view we find adopted by
Gregory of Nyssa (De Spir. Sonet.), discussed, but
not accepted, by Gregory of Nazianxus (Orat.
xliv.), and reproduced by Erasmus (in foe.). A
modification of the same theory is presented by
Scbneckenburger (BeitreV/e), and in part adopted
by Olshauten (/. c.) and Neander 'Pflmu. «. Lot.
i. 15). The phenomena of somnambulism, of the
so-called mesmeric state, are referred to as analo-
gous. The speaker was en rapport with his hearers ;
the latter shared the thoughts of the former, and
so heard them, or seemed to hear them, in their
own tongues.
There are, it is believed, weighty reasons against
both the earlier and later forms of this hypothesis.
(1.) It is at variance with the distinct statement
of Acts ii. 4, " They began to speak with other
tongues." (2.) It at once multiplies the miracle,
and degrades its character. Not the 120 disciples,
but the whole multitude of many thousands, are in
this case the subjects of it. The gift no longer
connects itself with the work of the Divine Spirit,
following on intense faith and earnest prayer, but
i* a irere physical prodigy wrought upon men who
are altogether wanting in the conditions of capacity
for such a supernatural power (Mark xvi. 17).
(3.) It involves an element of falsehood. The
SBiiadeyoD that view, was wrought to
TONGUE8, GIFT OF 1657
believe what was not actually the fact (4.) It if
altogether inapplicable to the phenomena of 1 Cor.
XIV.
(3.) Critics of a negative school have, as might
be expected, adopted the easier course of rejecting the
narrative either altogether or in part. The sta's-
menta do not come from an eye-witness, and may
be an exaggerated report of what actually took
place — a legend with or without a historical founda-
tion. Those who recognise such a groundwork see
in " the rushing mighty wind," the hurricane of a
thunderstorm, the fresh breeze of morning ; in the
" tongues like as of fire," the flashings of the
electric fluid ; in the " speaking with tongues," the
loud screams of men, not all Galileans, bat coming
from many lands, overpowered by strong excite-
ment, speaking in mystical, figurative, abrupt ex-
clamations. They see in this " the cry of the new-
born Christendom." (Bunsen, Hippolytio. ii. 1 - ;
Ewald, Getch. Isr. vi. 110; Bleek, I. c; Herder.
/. c.) From the position occupied by these writers,
such a view was perhaps natural enough. It does
not fall within the scope of this article to diccuss in
detail a theory which postulates the incredibility o>
any fact beyond the phenomenal laws of nature
and the falsehood of St. Luke as a narrator.
V. What, then, are the facts actually brought
before us ? What inferences may be legitimately
drawn from them ?
(1.) The utterance of words by the disciples, in
other languages than their own Galilean Aramaic,
is, as has been said, distinctly asserted.
(2.) The words spoken appear to hare been de-
termined, not by the will of the speakers, bat by
the Spirit which " gave them utterance." The out-
ward tongue of name was the symbol of the " burn-
ing fire" within, which, as in the case of the older
prophets, could not be repressed (Jer. xx. 9).
(3.) The word used, hro<petyyt<riai, not merely
AoA<u>, has in the LXX. a special, though not an
exclusive, association with the oracular speech of
true or false prophets, and appears to imply some
peculiar, perhaps musical, solemn intonation (comp.
1 Chr. xxr. 1 ; Ex. xiii. 9 ; Trommii Concordant.
s. r. ; Grotius and Wetstein, m foe.; Andrewes,
WhiUtmday Sermon*, i.).
(4.) The "tongues" were used as an instru-
ment, not of teaching but of praise. At first, in-
deed, there were none present to be taught. The
disciples were by themselves, all sharing equally m
the Spirit's gifts. When they were heard by others,
it was as proclaiming the praise, the mighty and
great works, of God (jiryoAeui). What they uttered
was not a warning, or reproof, or exhortation, but
a doxology (Stanley, /. e. ; Baumgarten, Apottet-
geich. §3). When the work of teaching began, 'A
was in the language of the Jews, and the utterance
of tongues ceased.
(5.) Those who spoke them seemed to others to
be under the influence of some strong excitement,
" full of new wine." They were not as other men,
or as they themselves had been before. Some re-
cognised, indeed, that they wen in a higher state,
but it was one which, in some of its outward fea-
tures, had a counterfeit likeness in the lower.
Whan St. Paul uses — in Eph. v. 18, 19 (wKvpoiati
wrtiiueros) — the all but seltsanw word which St.
Luke uses here to describe the state of the disciples
HxK-li<rSri<raa> vrtiparoi ieylou), it is to contrast it
with *' being drunk with wine," to associate It with
" psalms and hymns, and spiritual songs."
(6.) Questions as to the mode of operation of l
t558 TONGUES, GIFr OF
power above the common law J of bodily or mental
life lead as to a region where our w«*ds should be
" wary and few." There is the risk of seeming to
reduce to the known order of nature that which is
by confession above and beyond it. In this and
in other cases, however, it may be possible, with-
out irreverence or doujt — following the guidance
which Scripture itself gives us — to trace in what
way the new power did its work, and brought
about such wonderful results. It must be remem-
bered, then, that in all likelihood such words as
they then uttered had been heard by the disciples
before. At every feast which they had ever at-
tended from their youth up, they must have been
brought into contact with a crowd as varied as
that which was present on the day of Pentecost,
the pilgrims of each nation uttering their praises
and doxologies. The difference was, that, before, the
Galilean peasants had stood in that crowd, neither
heeding, nor understanding, nor remembering what
they heard, still lees able to reproduce it; now they
had the power of speaking it clearly arid freely.
The Divine work would in this cn« take the form
of a supernatural exaltation of the memory, not of
imparting a miraculous knowledge of words never
heard before. We have the authority of John xiv.
*6 for seeing in such an exaltLtion one of the
special works of the Divine Comforter.
(7.) The gift of tongues, the ecstatic burst of
praise, is definitely asserted to be a fulfilment of
the prediction of Joel ii. 28. The twice-repeated
burden of that prediction is, "I will pour out my
Spirit," and the effect on those who receive it is
that "they shall prophesy." We may see there-
fore in this special gift that which is analogous to
one element at least of the vpoiprfrfia of the 0. T. ;
but the element of teaching is, as we have seen,
excluded. In 1 Cor. xiv. the gift of tongues and
wootsirvcfa (in this, the N. T. sense of the word)
are placed in direct contrast. We are led, there-
fore, to look for that which answers to the Gift of
Tongues in the other element of prophecy which is
included in the O. T. use of the word ; and this is
found in the ecstatic praise, the burst of song, which
appears under that name in the two histories of Saul
(1 Sam. x. 5-13, xix. 20-24), and in the services of
the Temple (1 Chr. xxv. 3).
(8.) The other instances in the Acts offer essen-
tially the same phenomena. By implication in
xiv. 15-19, by express statement in x. 47, xi. 15,
17, xix. 6, it belongs to special critical epochs, at
which faith is at its highest, and the imposition of
the Apostles' hands brought men into the same
state, imparted to them the same gift, as they had
themselves erperienced. In this case, too, the exer-
cise of the gift is at once connected with and dis-
tinguished from " prophecy" in its N. T. sense.
VI. The First Epistle to the Corinthians supplies
fuller data. The spiritual gilts are classified and
compared, arranged, apparently, according to their
worth, placed under regulation. This fact is in itself
significant. Though recognised as coming from the
one Divine Spirit, they are not therefore exempted
from the control of man's reason and conscience.
The Spirit acts through the calm judgment of the
Apostle or the Church, not less but more autho-
ritatively than in the most rapturous and wonderful
utterances. The riots which may be gathered are
briefly these:
(1.) The phenomena of the gift of tongues were
not confined to one Church or section of a Church.
It we find then at Jora.ilem, Kphesus, Corinth, by
TOKODKS, GUT OF
implication at Thessalonica also (I These, v. t9).
we may well believe that they were frequently re-
curring wherever the spirits of men a ere xawqns*
through the same stages of experience.
(2.) The comparison of gifts, in both the IMs
given by St. Paul (1 Cor. xii. 8-10, 28-30% {Cacea
that of tongues, and the interpretation of tongue*,
lowest in the scale. They are not among the gienler
gifts which men are to " covet earnestly " ( 1 Cor.
xii. 31, xiv. 5). As signs of a life quickened into
expression where before it had been t ead and dumb,
the Apostle could wish that "they all spake with
tongues" (1 Cor. xiv. 5), could rejoice that ha
himself " spake with tongues more than they- all "
(1 Cor. xiv. 18). It was good to have known the
working of a power raising them above the common
level of their consciousness. They belonged, how-
ever, to the childhood of the Christian life, nst to its
maturity (1 Cor. xiv. 20). They brought with
them the risk of disturbance (ibid. 23). The only
safe rule for the Church was not to " forbid them
(ibid. 39), not to " quench" them (1 These, r. 19),
lest in so doing the spiritual life of which this was
the first utterance should be crushed and extin-
guished too, but not in any way to covet or excite
them. This language, as has been stated, leaves
it hardly possible to look on the gift as that of a
linguistic knowledge bestowed for the purpose of
evangelising.
(3.) The main characteristic of the "tongue*
(now used, as it were, technically, without the
epithet « new * or** other")* is that H is unintel-
ligible. The roan " speaks mysteries," prays, hi i a ii s,
gives thanks, in the tongue (eV vrev/um as equi-
valent to ly yk&voTi, 1 Cor. xiv. 15, 16), but no
one understands him (ajtooei). He can hardly be
said, indeed, to understand himself. The a-FcSpa
in him is acting without the co-operation of the
yovs (1 Cor. xiv. 14). He speaks not to mas, but
to himself and to God (comp. Chrysost. Horn. 35, is
1 Cor.). In spite of this, however, the gift might
and did contribute to the building up of a mac's own
life (1 Cor. liv. 4). This might be the only way
in which some natures could be roused out of the
apathy of a sensual life, or the dulness of a formal
ritual. The ecstasy of adoration which seemed to
men madness, might be a refreshment unspeakable
to one who was weary with the subtle question-
ings of the intellect, to whom all familiar and in-
telligible words were fraught with recoHeeticas of
controversial bitterness or the wanderings of doubt
(comp. a passage of wonderful power as to this us*
of the gift by Edw. Irving, Montixg Watdi, v.
p. 78).
(4.) The peculiar nature of the gift leads the
Apostle into what appears, at first, a contradic-
tion. " Tongues are for a sign," not to believers,
but to those who do not believe ; yet the effect on
unbelievers is not that of attracting but repelling.
A meeting in which the gift of tongues was exer-
cised without restraint, would seem to a heathra
visitor, or even to the plain common-sense Chris-
tian (tie rSurrnr, the man without a x i P'<n ul \ to
be an assembly of madmen. The history of the
day of Pentecost may help us to explain the pa-
radox. The tongues ore a sign. They witness that
the daily experience of men is not the limit of their
spiritual powias. They disturb, startle, awaken, sr»
given «tr to /n-Xfrrrertai (Chrysost. Bom. 36, ax
• The muter wul hardly need to be reouneM that
1 wknown " Is an lorcrpobuon of Itar A. V.
TONGUES, GIFT OF
I Cor.), but they are not, and cannot be, the grounds
of conviction and belief (so Const. AposL wii.).
They involve of necessity a disturbance of -.-.» equi-
librium between the understanding and the feelings.
Therefore it is that, for those who believe already,
prophecy is the greater gift. Five clear words
spoken from the mind of one man to the mind and
conscience of another, are better than ten thousand
of these more startling and wonderful phenomena.
(5.) There remains the question whether these also
were " tongues " in the sense of being languages,
of which the speakers had little or no previous know-
ledge, or whether we are to admit here, though not in
Acts ii., the theories which see in them only unusual
forms of speech (Bleek), or inarticulate cries (Bun-
sea), or all but inaudible whisperings (Wieseler, in
Olshauaen, m he.). The question is not one for a
dogmatic assertion, but it is believed that there is
a preponderance of evidence leading us to look on
the phenomena of Pentecost as representative. It
must have been from them that the word tongue de-
rived its new and special meaning. The companion
of St. Paul, and St. Paul himself, were likely to use
the same word in the same sense. In the absence
of a distinct notice to the contrary, it is probable
that the gift would manifest itself in the same
form at Corinth as at Jerusalem. The " divers
kinds of tongues " ( 1 Cor. lii. 28), the " tongues of
men" (1 Cor. xiii. 1), point to differences of some
kind, and it is at least easier to conceive of these as
differences of language than as belonging to utter-
ances all equally wild and inarticulate. The position
maintained by Lightfoot (Harm, of Ootp. on Acta ii.),
that the gift of tongues consisted in the power of
speaking and understanding the true Hebrew of the
O. T., may seem somewhat extravagant, but there
seems ground for believing that Hebrew and Aramaic
words had over the minds of Greek converts at
Corinth a power which they failed to exercise when
translated, and that there the utterances of the
tongues were probnbly in whole, or in part, in that
language. Thus, the " Maranatha " of 1 Cor. xvi.
22, compared with xii. 3, leads to the inference that
that word had been spoken under a real or counter-
feit inspiration. It was the Spirit that led men to
cry Abba, as their recognition of the fatherhood of
God (Rom. viii. 15 ; Gal. iv. 6). If we are to attach
any definite meaning to the " tongues of angels " in
1 Cor. xiii. 1 , it must be by connecting it with the
words surpassing human utterance, which St. Paul
neard as in Paradise (2 Cor. xii. 4), and these again
with the great Hallelujah hymns of which we read
in the Apocalypse (Rev. xix. 1-6 ; Stanley, /. c. ;
Ewald, Qesch. Isr. vi. p. 117). The retention of
other words like Hosanna and Sabaoth in the worship
of the Church, of the Greek formula of the Kyrie
Kleison in that of the nations of the West, is an ex-
emplification of the same feeling operating in other
ways after the special power had ceased.
(6.) Here also, as in Acts ii, we have to think
•f some peculiar intonation as frequently charac-
terising the exercise of the "tongues." The analogies
which suggest themselves to St. Paul's mind are
those of the pipe, the harp, the trumpet (1 Cor.
xiv. 7, 8). In the case of one " singing in the
spirit" (1 Cor. xiv. 15), but not with the undei-
ttanding also, the strain of ecstatic melody must
TONGUES, GIFT OF 1558
have been all that the listeners could perce"vo.
To " sing and make melody," is specially charac-
teristic of those who are tilled with the Spirit
(Eph. v. 19). Other forms of utterance less dis-
tinctly musical, yet not less mighty to sti/ the
minds of men, we may trace in the " cry " (Rom.
vui. 15 ; Gal. iv. 6) and the " Vienable groanings "
(Rom. viii. 26) which are distinctly ascribed tc
the work of the Divine Spirit. To those whe
know the wonderful power of man's voice, as the
organ of his spirit, the strange, unearthly charm
which belongs to some of its less normal states,
the influence even of individual words thus uttered,
especially of words belonging to a language which
is not that of our common lite (comp. Hilar . Diac.
Comm. in 1 Cor, xiv.), it will not seem strange
that, even in the absence of a distinct intellectual
consciousness, the gift should take its place among
the means by which a man "built up" his own
life, and might contribute, if one were present to
expound his utterances, to " edify" others also.'
(7.) Connected with the " tongues," there was,
as the words just used remind us, the correspond-
ing power of interpretation. It might belong to
any listener (1 Cor. xiv. 27). It might belong to
the speaker himself when he returned to the ordi-
nary level of conscious thought (1 Cor. xiv. 13).
Its function, according to the view that has been
here taken, must have been twofold. The inter-
preter had first to catch the foreign words, Aramaic
or others, which had mingled more or less largely
with what was uttered, and then to find a meaning
and an order in what seemed at first to be without
either, to follow the loftiest flights and most intri-
cate windings of the enraptured spirit, to trace the
subtle associations which linked together words and
thoughts that seemed at first to have no point of
contact. Under the action of one with this insight
the wild utterances of the " tongues " might become
a treasure-house of deep truths. Sometimes, it
'Would appear, not even this was possible. The
power might be simply that of sound. As the pipe
or harp, played boldly, the hand struck at random
over the strings, but with no 8i«rro*.4, no musical
interval, wanted the condition of distinguishable
melody, so the " tongues," in their extremest form,
passed beyond the limits of interpretation. There
might be a strange awfnlness, or a strange sweet-
ness as of " the tongues of angels," but what it
meant was known only to God (1 Cor. xiv. 7-11).
VII. (1.) Traces of the gift are found, as has
been said, in the Epistles to the Romans, the Gala-
tians, the Ephesians. From the Pastoral Epistles,
from those of St. Peter and St. John, they are alto-
gether absent, and this is in itself significant. The
life of the Apostle and of the Church has passed
into a calmer, more normal state. Wide truths,
abiding graces, these are what he himself lives in
and exhorts others to rest on, rather than exceptional
Xf (<rnara, however marvellous. The " tongues "
are already " ceasing " (1 Cor. xiii. 8), as a thing
belonging to the past. Love, which even when
" tongues " were mightiest, he had seen to be above
all gifts, has become more and more, all in all, to him,
(2.) It is probable, however, that the disappear-
ance of the " tongues " was gradual. As it would
have been impossible to draw the precise line of de-
' Steamier (PjUuu. u. hat. L It) refers to the effect
produced by the preaching of St. Ilernard upon bearers
who did not understand one word of the Latin In which
*-• ptescbed (.Opp. U. Jit, ed. Msbllloo) ss an Instance of
this. Like phenomena are related of St Antony of Padua
and Su Vincent Ferrer {Acta Sanctorum, June 24 and
April 5), of which this Is probably the cxplanstloa.
(Comp. also Wolff, Cuiat rkOolog in H. T. Aria « ;
1580 TONGUES, GIFT OF
■narration when the wpodnrrefa of the Apostolic age
passed into the SiSturxaAfa that remained perma-
nently in the Chnrch, so there roust have been a
time when " tongues " were still heard, though less
frequently, and with lea striking results. The tes-
timony nf Irenaeu* {Adc. Boer. v. 6) that there
were brethren in his time " who had prophetic
gifts, and spoke through tie Spirit in all kinds of
tongues," though it does not prow, what it has
sometimes been alleged to prove, the permanence of
the gift in the individual, or its use in the work of
evangelising (Wordsworth on Ads ii.), must be
admitted as evidence of the existence of phenomena
like those which we have met with in the Church
of Corinth. For the most part, however, the part
which they had filled in the worship of the Church
was supplied by the " hymns and spiritual songs "
of the succeeding age. In the earliest of these, dis-
tinct in character from either the Hebrew psalms or
the later hymns of the Church, marked by a strange
mixture of mystic names, and half-coherent thoughts
(such e.g. as the hymn with which Clement of
Alexandria ends his natSayryit, and the earliest
Sibylline verses) some have seen the influence of the
ecstatic utterances in which the strong feelings of
adoration had originally shown themselves (Nitzsch,
Ckristl. Lehre, ii. p. 268).
After this, within the Church we lose nearly all
traces of them. The mention of them by Eusebius
(Ccmm. in Ps. xlvi.) is vague and uncertain. The
tone in which Chrysostom speaks of them (Cbmm.
in 1 Cor. xiv.) is that of one who feels the whole
subject to be obscure, because there are no pheno-
mena within his own experience at all answering to
it. The whole tendency of the Church was to
maintain reverence and order, and to repress all
Approaches to the ecstatic state. Those who yielded
to it took refuge, at in the case of Tertullian
(infra), in sects outside the Church. Symptoms
of what was then looked on as an evil, showed
themselves in the 4th century at Constantinople
wild, inarticulate cries, words passionate but of little
meaning, almost convulsive gestures — and were met
by Chrysostom with the sternest possible reproof
(ffom. m It. vi. 2, ed. Migne, vi. p. 100).
VIII. (I.) A wider question of deep interest pre-
tentt itself. Can we find in the religious history
<>f mankind any facts analogous to the manifesta-
tion of the " tongues " ? Recognising, as we do, the
great gap which separates the work of the Spirit
on the day of Pentecost from all others, both in its
origin and its fruits, there is, it is believed, no reason
for rejecting the thought that there might be like
phenomena standing to it in the relation of fore-
shadowings, approximations, counterfeits. Other
jrapltrfxara of the Spirit, wisdom, prophecy, helps,
governments, had or have analogies, In special states
of men's spiritual life, at other times and under
other conditions, and so may these. The three cha-
racteristic phenomena are, as has been seen, (1) an
ecstatic state of partial or entire unconsciousness,
the human will being, as it were, swayed by a
power above itself; (2; the utterance of words in
tones startling and impressive, but often conveying
no distinct meaning; (3j the use of languages
TONGUES, GIFT OF
which the speaker at other times was i
verse in.
(2.) The history of the O. T. [
some instances in which the gift of prophecy ass
accompaniments of this nature. The word i
something more than the utterance of a
message of God. Saul and his m essen gers east
under the power of the Spirit, and he lies on the
ground, all night, stripped of his kingly s i m em.
and joining in the wild chant of the «sn|—ii «f
propheU, nr pouring out his own utterances to Ike
sound of their music (1 Sam. xix. 24 ; comp. Stan-
ley, I. eX
(3.) We cannot exclude the Use prophets sad
diviners of Israel from the range of our inquiry.
Aa they, in their work, dress, pretensions, we,*
counterfeits of those who truly bore the name, st
we may venture to trace in other things that wwi
resembled, more or less closely, what had access-
panied the exercise of the Divine gift. And hue
we have distinct records of strange, mysterious in-
tonations. The ventriloquist wizards (of trrf-
rptpuBoi, ot 4k ttis KOOdas eWoiwui) " pet?*
and mutter" (Is. viii. 19). The "voice of «
who has a familiar spirit," comes low ont of tar
ground (Is. xxix. 4). The false prophets simnliu
with their tongues (sVjSdAAseTaa wpo+wran
7A<4ff<rn», LXX.) the low voice with which u-
true prophets announced that the Lord bad spoken
(Jer. rriii. 31 ; comp. Gesen. The*, a. v. DstJ>.
(4.) The quotation by St Paul (1 Cor. xrr. SI
from Is. xxviii. 11 (" With men of other tangoes
(eV erepoyAaWou) and other lips will I apeak
unto this people "), has a significance of which we
ought cot to lose sight. The common faxtcrpr e ts -
tion see* in that passage only a declaration that
those who had refused to listen to the Piup het s
should be taught a sharp lesson by the lips of alien
conquerors. Ewald {Prophet, in toe), diisarwri es
with this, sees in the new teaching the voice st
thunder striking terror into men's minds. St. Paul,
with the phenomena of the "tongues'* pre se n t n>
his mind, saw in them the fulfilment of the Pro-
phet's words. Those who turned aside tram the
true prophetic message should be left to the darker,
" stammering,*' more mysterious utterances, wiucs
watt in the older, what the "tangoes" wen in the
later Ecclesia. A remarkable parallel to the text
thus interpreted is found in Has. is. 7. There ah*
the people are threatened with the withdrawal of
the true prophetic insight, and in its stead there a
to be the wild delirium, the ecstatic madness of tke
counterfeit (comp. especially the LXX., o sssf 4 ill
t wapeffrnitiiij, arfyenros i wrfw/tarofipot).
(5.) The history of heathen oracles pretests, a
need hardly be said, examples of the o rga s tic stale,
the condition of the noWix aa distinct tram tke
Tpodvfrrnr, in which the wisest of Greek tanks*
recognised the lower type of inspiration (PTaat,
Timams, 72 B ; Bleek, I. c). Toe Pythoness ami
the Sibyl are as if possessed by a power which they
cannot resist. They labour under the asjkts* it
the god. The wild, unearthly sounds (" nee saw
tale Bonans"'}, often hardly coherent, bant frsni
their lips. It remains for interpreters to collect the
« Pxsr. The wont, omitted In Its place, deserves a sepa-
rate notion. It U used in the A. V. or Is. viii. It, z. 14,
as the equivalent of S| VD V, " to chirp " or - cry." The
latin pipvt, from which' It comes, Is. like toe Hebrew,
enonutopoetlc, and Is used to express the wailing err of
loans chickens or infant children. In this sense It Is
used In the first of these passages for the low ere at He
false soothsayers. In the second lor Oat of Bents anas
the hand of the spoiler snatches from their nil Is
Is. xxxvlii. 14, where Ibe name word la used at O*
Hebrew, the A. T. gives, "Like a crane oTaswafira.a
did 1 chatter."
TONGUES, GOT OF
•attend utterances, ami to give them shape and
■laming ( Virg. Aen. vi. 45, 98, et seq.'j.
(6.) More distinct parallels are found in the ac-
counts of the wilder, more excited sects which hare,
from time to time, appeared in the history of Chris-
tendom. Tertullian (de Anim. c. 9), as a Moutonist,
claims the " revelationum charismata " as given to
a sister of that seat. They came to her "inter
dominka solemnia ;" she was, " per ecstasin, in
spiritu," conversing with angels, and with the
Lord himself, seeing and hearing mysteries (" sacra-
menta"), reading the hearts of men, prescribing
remedies for those who needed them. The move-
ment of the Mendicant orders in the 1 3th century,
the prophesyings of the 16th in England, the early
history of the disciples of George Fox, that of the
Jansenists in France, the Revivals under Wesley and
Whitefield, those of a later date in Sweden, Ame-
rica, and Ireland have, in like manner, been fruitful
in ecstatic phenomena more or less closely resem-
bling those which we are now considering.
(7.) The history of the French prophets at the
commencement of the 18th century presents some
facts of special interest. The terrible sufferings
caused by the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes
were pressing with intolerable severity on the Hu-
guenots of the Cevennes. The persecuted docks met
together with every feeling of faith and hope strung
to its highest pitch. The accustomed order of
worship was broken, and labouring men, children,
and female servants, spoke with rapturous eloquence
aa the messengers of God. Beginning in 168G, then
crushed for a time, bursting forth with fresh vio-
lence in 1700, it soon became a matter of almost
European celebrity. Refugees arrived in London
in 1706, claiming the character of prophets (Lacy,
Cry from the Desert ; N. Peyrat, Pastor* m the
Wilderness). An Englishman, John Lacy, became
first a convert and then a leader. The convulsive
ecstatic utterances of the sect drew down the ridicule
of Shaftesbury (On Enthusiasm). Calamy thought
it necessary to enter the lists against their preten-
sions {Caveat against the New Prophets). They
gained a distinguished proselyte in Sir R. Bulkley,
a pupil of Bishop Fell's, with no inconsiderable
learning, who occupied in their proceedings a position
which reminds us of that of Henry Drummond
among the followers of Irving (Bulkley 's Defence
«/ the Prophets). Here also there was a strong
contagious excitement. Nicholson, the Baxter of
the sect, published a confession that he had found
himself unable to resist it {Falsehood of the New
Prophets), though he afterwards came to look upon
his companions as " enthusiastick impostors." What
is specially noticeable is, that the gift of tongues
was claimed by them. Sir R. Bulkley declares
that he had beard Lacy repeat long sentences in
Latin, and another speak Hebrew, though, when not
in the Spirit, they were quite incapable of it {Nar-
rative, p. 92). The characteristic thought of all
the revelations was, that they were the true chil-
dren of God. Almost every oracle began with
" Mr child 1" as its characteristic word (Peyrat, i.
335-313). It is remarkable that a strange Revi-
valist movement was spreading, nearly at the same
time, through Silesia, the chief feature of which was
that boys and girls of tender age were almost the
only subjects of it, and that they too spoke and
TONGAS, GIFT OF 1561
payed with a wonderful power (Lacy, Relation,
etc., p. 31 ; Bulkier, Narrative, p. 46).
(8.) Thj so-called Unknown Tongues, which
manifested themselves first in the west of Scotland,
and afterwards in the Caledonian Church in Regent
Square, present a more striking phenomenon, and
the data for judging of its nature are more copious.
Here, more than in most other cases, there were
the conditions of long, eager expectation, fixed
brooding over one central thought, the mind strained
to a preternatural tension. Suddenly, now from
one, now from another, chiefly from women, devout
but illiterate, mysterious sounds were heard.
Voices, which at other times were harsh and un-
pleasing, became, when "singing in the Spirit,"
perfectly harmonious* (Cardale, Narrative, in
Morning Watch, ii. 871, 872). Those who spoke,
men of known devotion and acuteness, bore witness
to their inability to control themselves (Baxter,
Narrative, pp. 5, 9, 12), to their being led, they
knew not how, to speak in a " triumphant chant '
(ibid. pp. 46, 81). The man over whom they
exercised so strange a power, has left on record his
testimony, that to him they seemed to embody a
more than earthly music, leading to the belief that
the " tongues " of the Apostolic age had been as the
archetypal melody of which all the Church's chants
and hymns were but faint, poor echoes (Oliphant's
Life of Irving, ii. 208). To those who were
without, on the other hand, they seemed but an
unintelligible gibberixh, the yells and groans ol
madmen (Newspapers of 1831, passim). Some-
times it was asserted that fragments of known
languages, Spanish, Italian, Greek, Hebrew, wen
mingled together in the utterances of those whe
spoke in the power (Baxter, iWrutiw, pp. 133,134).
Sometimes it was but a jargon of mere sounds
(ibid.). The speaker was commonly unable to in-
terpret what he uttered. Sometimes the office was
undertaken by another. A clear and interesting
summary of the history of the whole movement is
given in Mrs. Oliphant's Life of Irving, vol. ii.
Those who wish to trace it through all its stages
must be referred to the seven volumes of the
Morning Watch, and especially to Irving's series of
papers on the Gifts of the Spirit, in vols, iii., iv.
and v. Whatever other explanation may be
given of the facts, there exists no ground for im-
puting a deliberate imposture to any of the persons
who were most conspicuous in the movement.
(9.) In certain exceptional states of mind and
body the powers of memory are known to receive a
wonderful and abnormal strength. In the delirium
of fever, in the ecstasy of a trance, men speak in
their old age languages which they have never heard
or spoken since their earliest youth. The accent of
their common speech is altered. Women, ignorant
and untaught, repeat long sentences in Greek, Latin,
Hebrew, which they had once heard, without, iu
any degree, understanding or intending to remember
them, in all such cases the marvellous power is
the accompaniment of disease, and passes away
when the patient returns to his usual state, to the
healthy equilibrium and interdependence of the life of
sensation and of thought (Abercrombie, Intellectual
Powers, pp. 140-143 ; Winslow, Obscure Diseases
of the Brain, pp. 337, 360, 874; Watson,
Principles and Practice of Phytic, i. 128). The
a Obnrp. uV Independent testimony of Archdeacon Btop- ■ end unaccountable." He recognised ptedser/ the same
ford. He had listened to the " inlmown tongue," and bad sounds In the Irish Bevtvals of 1869 (Work and Counter-
tsoad n> " a sound such as I never beard before, unearthly I uvrk, p. 1 1).
1562 TONGUES, GUT OF
Mediaeval belief that this power of (peaking in
tongues belonged to tbeae who were possessed by
trii spirits rat*, obviously, npon like psychological
pheuoniaia (Peter Martyr, Loci Oommtma, i. c. 10 ;
Beyle, Diction*, a. r. "Grandier").
IX. These phenomena have beta broaght to-
gether in order that we may see how far they re-
semble, bow far they differ from, those which we
have seen reason to believe constituted the outward
signs of the Gift of Tongues. It need not startle or
"offend" us if we find toe likeness between the true
and the counterfeit greater, at first sight, than we
expected. So it was at the Churches of Corinth and
of Asia. There also the two existed in the closest
approximation ; and it was to no outward sign, to no
speaking with languages, or prediction of the future,
that St. Paul and St. John pointed as the crucial
test by which men were to distinguish between
them, bat to the confession on the one side, the
denial on the other, that Jesus was the Lord
(1 Cor. xii. 3 ; 1 John iv. 2, 3). What may be
legitimately inferred from such lads is the existence,
in the mysterious constitution of man's nature, of
powers which are, for the most part, latent, but
which, under given conditions, may be roused into
activity. Memory, imagination, speech, may all be
intensified, transfigured, as it were, with a new
glory, acting independently of any conscious or
deliberate volition. The exciting causes may be
disease, or the fixed concentration of the senses or
of thought on one object, or the power of sympathy
with those who have already passed into the
abnormal state. The life thus produced is at the
furthest pole from the common life of sensation,
habit, forethought. It sees what others do not see,
hears what they do not hear. If there he a spiritual
power acting upon man, we might expect this phase
of the life of the human soul to manifest its opera-
tions most clearly. Precisely because we believe
in the reality of the Divine work on the day of
Pentecost, we may conceive of it as using this state
as its instrument, not as introducing phenomena,
in all respects without parallel, but as carrying to
its highest point, what, if good, had been a fore-
shadowing of it, presenting the reality of what, if
evil, had been the mimicry and counterfeit of good.
And whatever resemblances there may be, the points
of difference are yet greater. The phenomena
which have been described are, with hardly an ex-
ception, morbid ; the precursors or the consequences
of clearly recognisable disease. The Gift of Tongues
was bestowed on men in full vigour and activity,
preceded by no frenzy, followed by no exhaustion.
The Apostles went on with their daily work of
teaching and organising the Church. The form
which the new power assumed was determined
partly, it may be, by deep-lying conditions of man's
mental and spiritual being, within which, as self-
imposed limits, the Spirit poured from on high was
pleased to work, partly by the character of the
people for whom this special manifestation was
given as a sign. New powers of knowledge,
memory, utterance, for which education and habit
could not at all account, served to waken men to
the sense of a power which they could not measure,
a Kingdom of God into which they were called to
enter. Lastly, let us remember the old rule holds
food, " By their fruits ye shall know them." Other
phenomena, presenting approximate resemblances,
I It can hardly be doubted that the interpolated word
' unknown." In the A. V. of 1 Cor. aiv, was the startts*.
TOPABCHT
hare ended in a sick man's dreams, in n ssearst
frenzy, in the narrowness of a sect. They frt«
out of a passionate brooding over a single thsmgs,
often over a single word ;' and the end has skews
that it was not well to seek to turn back God's
order and to revive the long-varied past. The
gift of the day of Pente co st was the startsng-ccdu
of the long history of the Church of Cans*, lbs
witness, in its very form, of s universal tassJr
gathered out of all nations.
But it was the starting-point only. The new -
nets of the truth then presented to the world, the
power of the first experience of a higher hie, the
longing expectation in men's minds of the Wrj»
kingdom, may have made this special manife st s rw av.
at the time, at once inevitable and fitting. It
belonged, however, to a critical epoch, not to the
continuous life of the Church, it f
turbance of the equilibrium of man's ■
The high-wrought ecstasy could not continue, ■
be glorious and bleated for him who had it, a ayo,
as has been said, for those who had it not ; but at
was not the instrument for building up the Ctrarck.
That was the work of another gift, the utupua i
which came from God, yet was addr esse d front tat
mind and heart of one man to the minds and hearts
of his brethren. When the ov e rflowin g tn fa t eat af
life had passed away, when "tongues'" had •* ceased,*
and propherr itself, in its irresistible power, hat
"railed," they left behind them the lesson they
were meant to teach. They bad born* their wa-
nes, and had done their work. They had tsnckt
men to believe in one Divine Spirit, the giver of aJ
good gifts, " dividing to every man severally as Ht
will ; " to recognise His inspiration, not only in tht
marvel of the " tongues," or in the burning words
of prophets, but in all good thoughts, in the right
judgment in all things, in the excellent gift si
Charity. [E. H. P.]
TOPARCHY (Tcnropxta). A term applied it
one passage of the Septuagint (1 Mace. xi. 28} Is
indicate three districts to which elsewhere (x. SO.
xi. 34) the name ro/tdt is given. In all these
passages the English Version empioys the term
" governments." The three *• loparchies" in ques-
tion were Apherima ('Atpaipeas), Lyons, and
Ramath. They had been detached from Samaria,
Persea, and Galilee respectively, some time berVnr
the war between Demetrius Soter and Alexander
Bala. Each of the two belligerents endeavoured to
win over Jonathan, the Jewish High-Priest, to tber
side, by allowing him, among other privileges, tht
sovereign power over these districts without set
payment of land-tax. The situation of Lydds is
doubtful ; for the toparchy Lydda, of which Pfiny
speaks (r. 14), is situated not in Persea, bat on the
western side of the Jordan. Apherima is oss-
sidered by Grotius to denote the region sbcit
Bethel, captured by Abijah from Jeroboam (2 Car.
xiii. 19). Ramath is probably the famous strorc-
hold, the desire of obtaining which led to the un-
fortunate expedition of the allied sovereigns, Ahab
and Jehoabanhat (IK. xxii.).
The "toparcniet"' seem to have been of the
nature of agalikt, and the passages in which the
word Taripxt* occurs, all harmonize with the
view of that functionary as the aga, whose duty
would be to collect the taxes and administer justice
in all cases affecting the revenue, and who, for tht
point of the peculiarly mtateUlflble
the IrvtuftHe uteiauuea.
TOPAZ
purpose of enforcing jjayment, would have the com-
mand of a small military force. He would thug be
tne lowest in the hierarchy of a despotic administra-
tion to whom troops would be entrusted ; and bene*
the taunt in 2 K. xviii. 24, and Is. xxxvi. 9 : warn
sWoorerifffu- to TpoVmror Towipx " Ms, ™*
loi\mr toS mplou pov rif iKax(<rrtti> > " How
wilt thou resist a single toparch, one of the very
least of my lord's slaves ?" But the essential character
n( the toparch is that of a fiscal officer, and his mili-
tary cliarsctcr is altogether subordinate to his civil.
H->iee the word is employed in Geo. xli. 34, for the
" officers over the land," who were instructed to
buy up the fifth part of the produce of the soil
during the seven years of abundance. In Dan. iii.
9, Theodotion uses the word in a much more exten-
sive sense, making it equivalent to " satraps," and
the Eng. Version renders the original by " princes j"
but the original word here is not the same as in Dan.
iii. 2, 27, and vi. 7, in every one of which cases a
subordinate functionary is contemplated. [J. W. B.]
TOPAZ (rnOB,pitddh: rori(u>r: topatius).
The topaz of the ancient Greeks and Romans is
generally allowed to be our chrysolite, while their
chrysolite is our topaz. [Chrysolite, App. A.]
Bellermann, however (/Ms Urim vnd Thuinmim,
p. 39), contends that the topaz and the chrysolite of
the ancients are identical with the stones denoted
by these terms at the present day. The account
which Pliny (K. H. xxxvii. 8) gives of the topazos
evidently leads to the conclusion that that stone is
our chrysolite ; " the topazos, " he says, " is still held
in high estimation for its green tints." According
to the authority of Juba, cited by Pliny, the topaz
is derived from an island in the Red Sea called
" Topazos ; " it is said that this island, where these
precious stones were procured, was surrounded by
togs, and was, in consequence, often sought for by
nxvigators, and that hence it received its name, the
term " topazin " signifying, in the Troglodyte tongue,
» to seek '* (?). The pitddh, which, as has already
been stated, probably denotes the modern chrysolite,
was the second stone in the first row of the high-
priest's breast-plate (Ex. xxviii. 17, mix. 10); it
was one of tbe jewels that adorned the apparel of
the king of Tyre (Ezek. xxviii. 13) ; it was the
bright stone that garnished the ninth foundation
of the heavenly Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 20) ; in Job
xxviii. 19, where wisdom is contrasted with preck us
articles, it is said that " the pitdM of Ethiopia shall
not equal it." Chrysolite, which is also known by
the name of olivine and peridot, is a silicate of mag-
nesia and iron ; it is so soft as to lose its polish unless
worn with care (Mineralogy and Crystallography,
by Mitchell and Tennont, p. 512). The identity of
the Tonifuw- with the flTOB of the Heb. Bible
m sufficiently established by the combined autho-
rities of the LXX., the Vulg., and Josephna, while
that of the rori(ior with our chrysolite is, it
appears to us, proved beyond s doubt by those
writers who have paid most attention to this ques-
tion. See Braun, Dt Veti. Sac. Heb. p. 641, ed.
16M>. [W. H.]
TOTHEL ^>D>I: To^o\: Thophel). A place
mentioned Deut. i. 1, which has been probably
identified with TuJVth on a wady of the same name
running north of Bozra towards the N.W. into the
Ohdr and S.E. corner of the Dead Sea (Robinson,
b. 670). This latter is a most fertile region, raw*
ing many springs and rivulets flowmg into Use Giw ;
TOPHETH
1563
and large plantations of fruit-trees, wnence figs are
exported. Tbe bird katta, a kind of partridge, is
found there in great numbers, and the stoinbook
rastures in herds of forty or fifty together (Buret,
nardt, Holy Land, 405-6). [H. H.]
TOTHETH, and once TOVHET, (riDR)
Generally with the article (2 K. xxiii. 10 ; Jer. vii.
31,32, xix. 6, 13, 14). Three times without it
(Jer. vii. 32, xix. 11, 12). Once not only without
it, but with an affix, fin£)FI, TophUh (Is. xxx. 33).
In Greek, Tas>(>, Ta>p.«,'and Bo+ed (Steph. Lex.
Voc. Peregrin. ; Biel, Thes.). In the Vulgate,
Thopheth. In Jerome, Tophet. It is not men-
tioned by Josephns.
It lay somewhere east or south-east of Jerusa-
lem, for Jeremiah went out by the Sun-gate, or
east gate, to go to it (Jer. xix. 2). It was in " the
Valley of the Son of Hinnom " (vii. 31 ), which is
«« by tne entry of the east gate " (xix. 2). Thus it
was not identical with Hinnom, as some have
written, except in the sense in which Paradise is
identical with Eden, the one being part of the
other. It was m Hinnom, and was perhaps one of
its chief groves or gardens. It seems also to have
been part of the king's gardens, and watered by
Siloam, perhaps a little to the south of the present
Birket ei-Hamra. The name Tophet occurs only in
the Old Testament (2 K. xxiii. 10 ; Is. xxx. 33 ;
Jer. vii. 31, 32, xix. 6, 11, 12, 13, 14). The New
does not refer to it, nor the Apocrypha, Jerome
is the first who notices it; but we can see that
by his time the name had disappeared, for he dis-
cusses it very much as a modem commentator
would do, only mentioning a green and fruitful
spot in Hinnom, watered by Siloam, where he
assumes it was : " Delubrnm Baal, nemus ac lucus,
Siloe fontibus irrigatus" (In Jer. vii.). If this
be the case, we must conclude that the valley
<>r gorge south of Jerusalem, which usually goes
by the name of Hinnom, is not the Qe-Bcn-
Hmnom of the Bible. Indeed, until comparatively
modern times, that southern ravine was never so
named. Hinnom by old writers, western and
eastern, is always placed east of the city, and cor-
responds to what we call the " Mouth of the
Tyropoeon," along the southern bed and banks of
the Kedron (Jerome, De Locis Hebr. and Comm. in
Matt. x. 28 ; lbn Batutah, Travels ; Jalal Addin's
History of the Temple; Felix Fabri), and was
reckoned to be somewhere between tne Potter's
Field and the Fuller's Pool.
Tophet has been variously translated. Jerome
says latitude ; others garden ; others drum ; others
place of burning or burying ; others abomination
(Jerome, Noldius, G senilis, Bochart, Simoois,
Onom.). The most natural seems that suggested
by tbe occurrence of the word in two consecutive
verses, in the one of which it is a tabret, and in the
other Tophet (Is. xxx. 32, 33). The Hebrew words
are nearly identical ; and Tophet was probably the
king's " music-grove" or garden, denoting ori
giually nothing evil or hateful. Certainly there is
no proof that it took its name from the drums
beaten to drown the cries of the burning victims
that passed through the fire to Moloch. As Chin-
neroth is the harp-tea, so Tophet is the tabret-grovt
or valley. This might be at first part of the royal
garden, a spot of special beauty, with a royal villa
in the midst, like the Pasha's palace at Shubra,
near Cairo. Afterwards it was defiled by idols,
and polluted by the sacrifices of Baal and the free
1564
TOPHETH
1
of Moloch. Then it became the place of abomina-
tion, the very gate or pit of hell. Tbe pious
kings defiled it, and threw down its altars and
high places, pouring into it all the filth of the city,
till it became the " abhorrence " of Jerusalem ; for
to it primarily, though not exhaustively, the pro-
phet refers : —
They shall go forth and sue
On the carcases of the trans g re s sors stalest me:
For their worm shall not die.
And their fire shall not be quenched.
And they shsll be an abhorrence to all flesh.
(Is. Ixvi. J*.)
In Kings and Jeremiah the name is " the rophet,"
but in Isaiah (xxx. 33) it is Tophtth; yet the places
are probably the same so far, only in Laiah's time
the grove might be changing its name somewhat,
and with that change taking on the symbolic mean-
ing which it manifestly possesses in the prophet's
prediction : —
Get in order In days past has been Topktrh ;
Sorely for the king It has been msde ready.
He hath deepened, he hath widened It-*
Tbe pile thereof. Ore and wood, he natti multiplied.
Tbe breath of Jehovah, like a stream >f brimstone.
Doth set it on Are.
It is to be noticed that the LXX. translate the
sbove passage in a peculiar way: trpo vnipar
xrairwe^o-r;, " thou Shalt be required from of
sld," or perhaps " before thy time ;" but Jerome
-.rauslates the LXX. as if their word had been
Ifcnrarctei Tor atVr(a>, as Procopins reads it), and
30t iwaiTtm, " tu ante dies decipiera," adding
this comment: " Dicitur ad ilium quod ab initio
seipse deceperit, regnum sutun arbitrans sempi-
teraum, cum preparata tint Gehenna et eterna
supplicia." In that case the Alexandrian trans-
lators perhaps took nMVI for the second person
singular masculine of the future Put of iinti
to persuade or deceive. It may be noticed that
Michaelis renders it thus: "Topbet ejus, q. d.
Togus ejus." In Jer. xix. 6, 13, the Sept. trans-
late Tophet by 8uItts*o*i5, Sunrfa-ratr, which is not
easily explained, except on the supposition of a
marginal gloss having crept into the text instead
of the proper name (see Jerome ; and also Spohn
oo tbe Greek ven>.ia of Jer. Pre/, p. 18, and Note*
on chaps, xix. xiii.).
In Jer. (Til. 32, xix. 6) there is an intimation
that both Tophet and Gehianorn were to lose their
names, and to be called " the valley of slaughter "
(fWVin K»l, 0+ha-Hi>4gah*). Without ven-
turing on the conjecture that the modern Deraj
can be a relic of Hirtgih, we may yet say that
this lower part of the Kedron it "the valley of
slaughter,'* whether it ever actually bore this name
or not. It was not here, as imut have thought,
that the Assyrian was slain by the sword of the
destroying angel. That slaughter teems to have
taken place to the west of the city, probably oo the
spot afterwards called from the event, " the valley
of the dead bodies " (Jer. xxxj. 40). Tbe slaughter
from which Tophet was to get its new unt was
not till afterwards. In all succeeding ages, blood
has flowed there in streams; corpses, buried and
unburied, have filled up the hollows ; and it may
lie that underneath the modern gardens and ter-
aOf the literal Tophet It to said. - They shall bury In
iopbet, tMlKert teas place" (Jer. vu. 32). Oftbesym-
Volical Topbet it Is ssid shore - Be bath dstassisd m
TORTOISE
races there lie not only the debris of the city, tat
the bones and dust of millions — Romans P ii sa w .
Jews, Greeks, Crusaders, Moslems. What futart
days and events may bring is not far as to say.
Perhaps the prophet's words are not yet exrstrsaW.
Strange contrast between Toolset's first and hat:
Once the choice grove of Jerusalem's ch oi cest rat-
ley ; then the place of defilement and death ace
fire; then the «• valley of daughter"! Once t*
royal music-grove, where Solomon's singers, wtu
voice and instrument, regaled the king, the? conn,
and the city; then the temple of Baal, the hari
place of Moloch, resounding with the cries or" bar-
ing infants; then (in symbol) tbe place where a
the wailing and gnashing of teeth. Once prepared
for Israel's king, as one of his choicest villas ; ran
degraded and defiled, till it becomes the piece pre-
pared for " the King " at the sound of whose faii
tbe nations are to shake (Ex. irri. 16); ami a>
Paradise and Eden passed into Babylon, as Topbet
and Ben Hinnem pass into Gehenna aid the tut
of fire. These scenes seem to have taken hold -t
Milton's mind ; for three times over, witfeaa rrty
lines, he refers to " the opprobrious hill," tb»
" hill of scandal,'' the " offensive mountain,** ana
speaks of Solomon "Miring his grove in
"Tbe pleasant valley of Hinnom, Topbet thence
And black Gehenna called, tbe type of heBr
Many of the old travellers (tat Felix Fabri, tA.
i. p. 391) refer to Tophet, or Top* as they call it.
but they give no information as to the locality.
Every vestige of Tophet — name and grove — a
gone, and we can only guess at the spot; yet rat
references of Scripture and the present fiatiiju af
the locality enable us to make the guess with ir*
same .tolerable nearness as we do in the case of
Gethsemaoe or Scopus. [H. B.]
T0B1CAH (HOTO: eV cpwff ; Alex. sue.
S mom w : dam) occurs only in tbe margin of Jndc-
ix. 31, as the alternative rendering of the Hebrew
word which in the text is given as ** privily.'*' By
a few commentators it has been conjectured that
tbe word was originally the same with AaXsLSB ra
ver. 41 — one or the other having been c ni i upt ei
by the copyists. ' This appears to haw bens tint
started by Kimchi. It is adopted by Junius saw!
Tremellius ; but there is little to be said either asr
or against it, and it will probably always reams a
mere conjecture. [G.]
TOBTOI8E (3X, ttr»: o KfomOtiXt i x«#-
crsuor : encodihui). The iedi occurs only in Lev.
xi.29, as the nimt of some unclean aniroaL Bochart
(Hieroz. ii. 463) with much reason refers the Hah,
8 -
term to the kindred Arabic dhab («_**?), **a Isrji
kind of lizard," which, from the description of it at
given by Daroir, appears to be the faiiiisaasiiw/ ■
Scmcut, or Monitor terrastru of Cuvier ( R. A. a
26). This lizard is the vara* el-hard of the Arabs
•*. «. tbe land-waran, in contradistinctioB to the
varan et-bahr, i. e. the water-lizard ( Uomtar -Vt-
lotlcus). It is common enough in the deserts ef
Palestine and N. Africa. It is no doubt tbe asses'
S*i\ot x«po-oio> of Herodotus (ir. 192). See sis:
Dioscorides (ii. 71), who mentions it, et
it"
> Can the Aeosof Joseptans (Ant, he 10, ft) t
oom w iion wuh tbe AordaM of Jeremiah?
TOD
toe Sanctis officinalis, under the nam* of aniyKos.
(lespnms deiives the Hcb. woid from 3mj, ■ to
TKACHONITIS
lfiOfi
slow If.'
[W. 11.1
TO'U(W*n: 9ud; Alei. Baioa: TAoti), Toi,
km; .if II. ii, i. ill, , I L'lii. iviii. H, 10).
TOWER.* For towers us parts of city- walls
or as stnjn^holils ot refuge for villiiges, *ee KknCED
Cities, Jerusausk, i. 1021-1027, aud Hana-
NeeL. Wati-b-towersar foi-titted post* an frontier or
exposed situations are mentioned in Scripture, ju the
tower of rjlnr, &c. (fjen. xxxv. 21 ; Mic. iv. 8; \i.
ni. 5. 8, 11; Hab. ii. 1 ; Jer. vi. 27 ; Cant. vii. 4);
the tower of Lebanon, perhaps one of David's
" garrisons," nittib (2 Sum. viii. 6 ; ftaumer^ fa/,
p. 29). Such towers or oiit;iosts for the defence of
wells, and the piotectinn of tliH/ks And of commerce,
were built by Uxziah in the past Lire - grounds
(Midbar) [I>t:SKltT], ami by his Kin Jotiuim ill
ire fore-ill ( Clorts/iim :■ of Julian (2 Chr. ixvi. 10,
xivii. 4). Remains of such fortifications may still
be seen, which, though not perhaps themselves of
remote: antiquity, vet very probably have succeeded
to more ancient structures built in the same places
for like purposes .Robinson, ii. 8 1, 8.j, 180 ; Holierts,
8&et<Jies, pi. 9:1), Besides the* militaiy struct una,
we read in Scriptare of towera built in vineyards as
in almost nocessniy appendage to them Us, v. 2;
Matt, xxi. 33 ; Mark xii. 1). Such towers are still
in use in Palestine in vineyards, especially near
Hebron, and are used as lodges for the keepers of
the vineyards. During the vintage they are filled
with the persons employed in the work of gathering
the grapes (Robinson, L 213, ii. 81; Martineau, East.
Life, p. 434 ; De Saulcy, IVav. L 546). [H. W. P.]
TOWN-OLEBK(7pafuior«i$i: scriba). The
title ascribed in our Version to the magistrate at
Ephesua who appeased the mob in the theatre at
the time of the tumult excited by Demetrius and
• i. ina. pna. and pro ; «v«Af« i from jna,
* search," " explore,'' a searcher or watcher ; and
hen» the notion of a watch-tower. In Is. xxx*L 14,
tie tower of Opbel la probably meant (Neb. ill. M;
Gee. t»8).
X ^JD, and b^iO or ^VtJDj nlpyot ; turris;
from Til, " become great " (Oca. 3H), used sometimes
aa a proper name, falic.uot.l
am feUow-craftameu (Acta xix. 35). The other
primary English versions translate in the same war,
except those from the Vulgate ( Wiclif, the Khemish),
which render " scribe." A digest of Boeckh'a views,
in his Btaatshaushaltung, respecting the functions
of this officer at Athens (there were three grades
of the order there), will be found in Diet, of AM.
p. 459 sq. The ypafifurrtis or " town-clerk " at
Ephesua wa< no doubt a mora important person in
that city thai any of the public officers designUed
by that term m Greece (see Greswell's Dissertations,
iv. 152). The title is preserved on various ancient
coins (Wetstein, Nov. Test. ii. 586; Akermann'a
Numismatic Illustrations, p. 53), which illustrate
fully the rank and dignity of the office. It would
appear that what may have been the original ser-
vice of this class of men, viz. to record the laws
and decrees of the state, and to read them in public,
embraced at length, especially under the ascendency
of the Romans in Asia Minor, a much wider sphere
of duty, so as to make them, in some instances, ia
effect the heads or chiefs of the municipal govern-
ment (Winer, Realm, i. 649). They were autho-
rised to preside over the popular assemblies and
submit votes to them, and are mentioned on marbles
as acting in that capacity. In cases where they
were associated with a superior magistrate, they
succeeded to his place and discharged his functions
when the latter was absent or had died. " On the
subjugation of Asia by the Romans," says Baum-
stark (Pauly's Encyclopaedic, iii. 949), " ?pap-
jiurrcis were appointed there in the character of
govern"'* of single cities and districts, who even
placed their names on the coins of their cities,
caused the year to be named from them, and some-
times were allowed to assume the dignity, or at
least the name, of ' Apxttptfa." This writer refers
as his authorities to Schwartz, Dissertatio de ypa/f
fiartvo-i, Magistratu Cnsitatum Atiae Proconsulis
(Altorf, 1735) ; Van Dale, Disurtat. r. 425 ; Span-
heim, De Urn et Praest. Numm, i. 704. A good
note on this topic will be found in the New Eng-
land*- (U. S. A.), x. 144.
It ia evident, therefore, from Luke's account, aa
illustrated by ancient records, that the Ephesian
town-clerk acted a part entirely appropriate to the
character in which he appears. The speech deli-
vered by him, it may be remarked, is the model ot
a popular harangue. He argues that such excite-
ment as the Ephesians evinced was undignified,
inasmuch aa they stood above all suspicion in
religious matters (Acts xix. 35, 36) ; that it was
unjustifiable, since they could establish nothing
against the men whom they accused (ver. 37) ; that
it was unnecessary, since other means of redress
were open to them (vers. 38, 39) ; and, finally, it
neither pride nor a sense of justice availed anything,
fear of the Roman power should restrain them from
such illegal proceedings (ver. 40). [H. B. H.]
TRACHONITIS (Tpax«r?ris: Trachonifit).
This place is mentioned only once in the Bible. In
3. "fl ¥D ; »rrp« ; mtmitut; only once " tower," Han.
ILL,
4. ?CV i obot ; draws ; only In 3 K. v. 24. [Onto.]
5. nSB, usually "corner," twice only "tower," Zcph
L 16, lit- 6 ; ywrta; anauUa.
a. H BSD ; noiruE ; specula ; " watch-tower." [Kb-
F-AH,]
T. 33Bt3 ; ijrt'puua; rotiar ; only In po»'ry. [Xjsoai
1566
TRACH0NITI8
Luke Hi i we read that Philip " was tetrarch of
Ituraea, atu Tpax**lrt&ot x&pas ;" and it appears
that this M Trachonite region/' in addition to the
little province of Trachonitis, included parts of
Aorauitis, Gaulanitis, and Batanaea (Joseph. Ant.
rvii. 8, §1, and 11.64)
Trachomtis is, in all prooabilitr. the Greek eq ji-
ralent for the Aramaic Argob. The Targumists
render the word 3JT{<, in Deirt ii. . i4, by tU13"|}.
According to Gesenius, 23"8t signifies " a heap of
stones," from the root 33^, " to pile up stones."
So Tpaxmrlrts or Tpa%iy is a "* rugged or stony
tract." William of Ty:e gives a curious etymology
of the word Trachonitis : — " Videtur autem nobis a
traamSxa dicta. Tracones euim dicuntur occulti
et subterranei meatus, quibus ista regio abundat "
(Gest. Dei per Francos, p. 895). Be this as it may,
there can be no doubt that the whole region abounds
in caverns, some of which are cf vast extent. Stiabo
refers to the caves in the mountains beyond Trachon
(Grog. xvi.), and he affirms that one of them is so
large that it would contain 4000 men. The writer
has visited some spacious caves in Jebel Hauran,
and in the interior of the Lejah.
The situation and boundaries of Trachonitis can
be defined with tolerable accnracy from the notices
in Josephus, Strabo, and other writers. From
Josephus we gather that it lay south of Damascus,
and east of Gaulanitis, and that it bordered on
Auranitis and Batanaea (B. J. iv. 1, §1, i. 20, §4,
iii. 10, §7). Strabo says tlieie were SAo Tpaxi'ts
(Geog. ivi.). From ltolemy we learn that it bor-
dered on Batanaea, near the town of Saccaea (Gcoy.
it.). In the Jerusalem Gemma it is made to extend
as far south as Bcstra (Lightfoot, Opp. ii. 473).
Kusebius and Jerome, though they err in confound-
ing it with Ituraea, yet the Intter rightly defines
its position, as lying between Bostra and Damascus
(Onom. s. v.). Jerome also states that Kennth was
one of its chief towns (Onom. s. v. " Canath ").
From these data we hare no difficulty in fixing
the position of Trachonitis. it included the whole
of the modem province called el- Ijjah ( sl^sM ),
with a section of the plain southward, and also a
part of lln western declivities of Jebel Hauran.
This may explain Strata's two i ■ achons. The
idtntily of '.he Lejah and Trachonitis does not rest
merely on presumptive evidence. On the northern
boider of tlie province are the extensive ruins of
Jfutmcii. where, on the door of a beautiful temple,
Durckhnnll ilucorered an inscription, from which
it apptiars lliat this is the old city of Phoctit, and
the tMpitnl of Trachonitis (ji-nrpoxwfita TpaxsfKor,
IVov. in cTjrr, 117). The Lejah is bounded on the
east by the mountains of Batanaea (now Jebel
Hainan , on whose slopes are the rains of Saccaea
and Kenath ; on the south by Auranitis (now
rlaurun . mi which are the extensive ruins of Bostia;
on tii. iv-! by Gaulanitis (now Jaulau) ; and on
the north It Ituraea (now Jedftr) and Damascus.
If all other proofs were wanting, a comparison of
the features of the Lejah with the graphic descrip-
tion JiM-piiiis gives of Trachonitis would be »u!B-
etenl to Kftabllth the identity. The inhabitant.!, he
bay*. " had neither towns nor fields, but dwelt in
snves that served as a refuge both for themselves
and their Hocks. They had, besides, cisterns of
wal'r and nell-storcd granaries, and were thus able
' i n M srte 1MB and xvt 8 It Is used strcplr for ascoclsh-
~''-d with awe. not fur the trance-state.
TKANCE
to remain long in obscurity and to dtfy thee
enemies. The doors of their cares are so currow
that but one man can enter at a time, while with*
they are incredibly large. The ground above a
almost a plain, bat it is covered with ragged racks,
and is difficult of access, except where a guide
points out the path*. These paths do not ran in a
straight course, but have many windings and tarns "
(vlnt. xv. 10, §1 ). A description of the Lejah has
been given above [Argob], with which this may
be compared.
The notices of Trachonitis in history are few aad
brief. Josephus affirms that it was colonised by
Vi the son of Aram (Ant. i. 6, §4). His net
reference to it is when it was held by Zeoodorv*.
the bandit-chief. Then its inhabitants made fre-
quent raids, as their successors do still, upon the
territories of Damascus (^ini. xv. 10, §1). Au-
gustus took it from Zenodorua, and gave it ic
Herod the Great, on condition that he should i rpress
the robbers (Ant. xvi. 9, §1). Heiod bequest**.!
it to his son Philip, and his will was confirmed br
Caesar (B. J. ii. ti, §3). This is the Philip refer. vi
to in Luke iii. 1. At a later period it passed injs
the hands of Herod Agrippa ' B. J. iii. 3. $'■ .
After the conquest of this part of Syria by Corona
Palma, in the beginning of the second century. *t
hear no more of Trachonitis (Burckhardt, 7>r*
in Syr. 110 sq. ; Porter, Damatcvs, ii. MO-ZT;. :
Journ. Geog. £oc. xxviii. 250-252). [J. I_ I'.}
TKANC2(f«<rrociT: ereestw). (1.) In i
only passage (Num. xxir. 4, 16) in which this word
occurs in the English of the O. T. there is, as tit
italics shew, no corresponding word in Hefar*.
simply 7D3, "fulling,'* for which the LXX. pw
«V ffrvai, and the Volg. more literally on ooa.'.
The Greek IjceTacrif is. however, used as the equi-
valent for many Hebrew words, signifying di«i.
fear, astonishment (Trommii Concordant.). In tat
N. T. we meet with the word three times (Acts i-
10, xi. 5, xxii. 17), the Vulgate giving •' ex«e»>a» "
in the two former, " stucor mentis " in the tatter.
Luther uses "entzfickf in all three cases. Tt*
meaning of the Greek and Latin words is obric->
enough. The facrracris is the state in wtucr. s
man has passed out of the usual older of his lit,
beyond the usual limits of consciousness and t».
tion. "Excessus," in like manner, though m
classical Latin chiefly used as an euphenusau »
death, became, in ecclesiastical writers, a synonyms
for the condition of seeming death to the outer
world, which we speak of as a trance. ** Hanc
vim ecstasin dicimus, exoessum rensus, et sxoeorjs*
instar" (Tertull. oV An. c. 43). The tustorv et
the English word presents an interesting pami>i.
The Latin " transitus " took its place also amonz v<
euphemisms for death. In early Italian M esaeie -
transito," was to be as at the point of death. U*
passage to another world. Passing into Frendi. it
also, abbreviated into " transe," was applied, net t»
death itself, but to that which more or less resets bir^
it (Diex, Roman. WkierbucA, s. r. " transito";.
(2.) Used as the word is by Luke,* " the pfcyst-
cian," and, in this special sense, by him only, in if
N. T., it would be interesting to inquire wfcs:
precise meaning it had in the medical termisoi.v7
of the time. From the time of Hippocrates* » •*
uses it to describe the loss of conscious perorptie*. 1
• The distinction drawn by Hippocrates and bM
between fcoTatew svy fi w e* and «ce-r. tssjtsafxeaiss
TBANOF.
it had probably borne the connotation which
has had, with shades of meaning tor good or evil,
ever since. Thus, Hesychius gives as the account of
a man in an ecstasy, that he is i elf iaurhr /»)( *■>.
Apuleius (Apologia), speaks of it as " a change
from the earthly mind (laA toS yrttnov "o>ook^-
aurrot) to a divine and spiritual condition both of
character and life." Tertullian (/. c.) compares it
to the dream-stat* in which the son] acta, but
not through its usnal instruments. Augustine
(Confess, ix. 1 1) describes his mother in this state
aw " abstracts a praesentibus," and gives a descrip-
tion of like phenomena in the case of a certain
Restitutes (da Civ. Dei, xiv. 24).
(3.) We may compare with these statements the
more precise definitions of modem medical sc'
There the ecstatic state appears as one form of
catalepsy;. In catalepsy pure and simple, there is
*' a sudden suspension of thought, of sensibility, of
voluntary motion." " The body continues in any
attitude in which it may be placed ; " there are no
signs of any process of thought ; the patient con-
tinues silent. In the ecstatic form of catalepsy, on
the other hand, " the patient is lost to all external
impressions, but wrapt and absorbed in some object
of the imagination." The man is "as if out
of the body." " Nervous and susceptible per-
sons are apt to be thrown into these trances
under the influence of what is called mesmerism.
There is, for the most part, a high degree of
mental excitement. The patient utters the most
enthusiastic and fervid expressions or the most
earnest warnings. The character of the whole
frame is that of intense contemplative excitement.
He believes that he has seen wonderful visions and
heard singular revelations" (Watson, Principles
and Practice, Lect. xxxix. ; Copland, Diet, of Me
dicine, s. v. " Catalepsy "). The causes of this state
are to be traced commonly to strong religious im-
pressions ; but some, though, for the most part, not
the ecstatic, phenomena of catalepsy are producible
by the concentration of thought on one object, or of
the vision upon one fixed point {Quart. Rev, xciii.
pp. 510-522, by Dr. W. B. Carpenter; comp.
Ueim and Thcmmim), and, in some more excep-
tional cases, like that mentioned by Augustine
(there, however, under the influence of sound,
" ad imitates quasi lamentantis cujuslibet hominis
voces"), and that of Jerome Cardan ( Var. Rer.
viii. 43), men have been able to throw themselves
into a cataleptic state at will.
(4.) Whatever explanation may be given of it, it
is true of many, if not of most, of those who have
left the stamp of their own character on the reli-
gious histcry of mankind, that they have been liable
to pass at times into this abnormal state. The
union of intense feeling, strong volition, long-con-
tinued thought (the conditions of all wide and
'asting influence), aided in many oases by the with-
orawsj from the lower life of the support which is
needed to maintain a healthy equilibrium, appears
to have been more thin the " earthen vessel will
bear. The words which speak of "an ecstasy of
adoration" are often literally true. The many
visions, the journey through the heavens, the so-
called epilepsy of Mahomet, were phenomena of
answers obviously to that of later writers between pore
sod ecstatic catalepsy (pomp. Foestas, Otamon. Uipjxxrat.
s. v. Uvrmoxi).
' Analnaone to this Is the statement or Aristotle (/"rot
e. 30) that the luAayxsAum speak often In wild bunts of
TRANCE 1667
this nature. Of three great mediaeval teachers, St
Francis of Assisi, St. Thomas Aquinas, and Joannes
frcotus, it is recorded that they would fall into the
ecstatic state, remain motionless, seem as if dead,
sometimes for a whole day, and then, returning to
consciousness, speak as if they had drunk deep oi
divine mysteries (Gualtferius, Crib Sac. on Acts x.
10). The old traditions of Aristeas and Eplmeni-
dea, the conflicts of Dunstan and Luther with the
powers of darkness, the visions of Savonarola, and
George fox, and Snedrnhoig, and Bohmen, are
genetically analogous. Where there has been no
extraordinary power to influence others, other
conditions remaining the same, the phenomena
have appeared among whole classes of men and
women in proportion as the circumstances of
their lives tended to produce an excessive suscepti-
bility to religious or imaginative emotion. The
history of monastic orders, of American and Irirh
revivals, gives countless examples. Still more
noticeable ia the fact that many of the impro-
visator! of Italy are " only able to exercise their
gift when they are in a state of ecstatic trance, and
speak of the gift itself as something morbid " < (Cop-
land, I.e.); while in strange contrast with their
earlier history, and pointing perhaps to a national
character that has become harder and less emo-
tioual, there is the testimony of a German physician
(Frank), who had made catalepsy a special study,
that he had never met with a single case of it among
the Jews (Copland, I.e.).*
(5.) We are now able to take a true estimate of
the trances of Biblical history. As in other things,
so also here, the phenomena are common to higher
and lower, to true and false systems. The nature
of man continuing the same, it could hardly be
that the awfulness of the Divine presence, the
terrors of Divine Judgment, should leave it in the
calm equilibrium of it* normal state. Whatever
made the impress of a troth more indelible, what-
ever gave him to whom it was revealed more power
over the hearts of others, might well take its place
in the Divine education of nations and individual
men. We may not point to trances and ecstasies as
proofs of a true Revelation, but still less may we
think of them as at all inconsistent with it. Thus,
though we have not the word, we have the thing
in the " deep sleep " (lito-Taets, LXX-), the " horror
of great darkness," that fell on Abraham (Gen. xv.
12). Balaam, as if overcome by the constraining
power of a Spirit mightier than his own, " sees the
vision of God, falling, but with opened eyes"
(Num. xxiv. 4). Saul, in like manner, when the
wild chant of the prophets stirred the old depths
of feeling, himself also " prophesied" and " fell
down " (most, if not all, of his kingly clothing being
thrown off in the ecstasy of the moment ), " all that
day and all that night" (I Sam. xix. 24). Some-
thing there was in Jeremiah that made men say
of him that he was as one that " is mad and mnketh
himself a prophet " (Jer. xxix. 26). In Eaekiel the
phenomena appear in more wonderful and awful
forms, lie sit* motionless for aeven days in the
stupor of astonishment, till the word of the Lord
comes to him (Ex. iii. 15). The " hand of the
Lord " falls on him, and he too sees the " visions ol
poetry, and as the EHbybi sua others who srs Insplreo
(Msot).
' A roller treatment of the who!* subject than can le
entered on here may be found In the chaptet on Lm My*-
tiques In Maury, Ixt Magic «t i' Mh afc s fs a.
1568 TBE8PA8S-0FFERI\G
God," and hears the voice of the Almighty, u
"lifted up between the earth and heaven," tod passes
from the river of Chebar to the Lord's house in
Jerusalem (Ez. viii. 3).
(6.) As other elements and forms of the prophetic
work were revived in " the Apostles and Prophets "
of the N. T., so also was this. More distinctly even
than in the 0. T. it becomes the medium through
which men rise to see clearly what before was dim
and doubtful, in which the mingled hopes and fears
and perplexities of the waking state are dissipated
at once. Though different in form, it belongs to
the same class of phenomena as the Gift OP
Torques, and is connected with "visions and
revelations of the Lord." In some cases, indeed,
it is the chosen channel for such revelations. To
the "trance" of Peter in the city, where all out-
ward circumstances tended to bring the thought of
an expansion of the Divine kingdom more distinctly
before him thau it had ever been brought before,
we owe the indelible truth stamped upon the heart
of Christendom, that God is " no respecter of
persons," that we may not call any man " com-
mon or unclean " (Acts x., xi.). To the " trance "
of Paul, when his work for his own people
seemed utterly fruitless, we owe the mission which
was the starting-point of the history of the Uni-
versal Church, the command which bade him " de-
part ... for hence unto the Gentiles " (Acts xxii.
17-21). Wisely for the most part did that Apostle
draw a veil over these more mysterious experiences.
He would not sacrifice to them , as others have often
<acriticed, the higher life of activity, love, prudence.
He could not explain them to himself. " In the
body or out of the body " he could not tell, but the
juter world of perception had passed away, and he
lad passed in spirit into " paradise," into " the
third heaven," and had heard " unspeakable words "
'2 Cor. xii. 1-4). Those trances too, we may be-
jeve, were not without their share in fashioning
his character and life, though no special truth came
distinctly out of them. United as they then were,
but as they have seldom been since, with clear per-
ceptions of the truth of God, with love wonderful
in its depth and tenderness, with energy unresting,
and subtle tact almost passing into " guile," they
made him what he was, the leader of the Apostolic
hand, emphatically the " nuster builder " of the
Church of God ( comp. Jowett, fragment on the
Character of St. Paul). [E. H. P.]
TRESPASS-OFFERING. [Sik-offemnq.]
TRIAL. Information on the subject of trials
under the Jewish law will be found in the articles
on Judges and Sanhedrim, and also in Jesds
Christ. A few remarks, however, may here be
added on judicial proceedings mentioned in Scrip-
ture, especially such as were conducted before
foreigners.
(!.) The trial of our Lord before Pilate was, in a
Iflpii »*-", a trial for the offence laetae majestatit ;
cite which, under the Julian Law, following out that
of ine Twelve Tables, would be punishable with
4<*th i Luke xxiii. 2, 38; John xix. 12, 15 ;
Dig. iv. L,3).
'J. i The trials of the Apostles, of St. Stephen,
and ot' St, Paul before the high-priest, were con-
ducted nruording to Jewish rules (Acts iv, v. 27,
ft. 13, nii. 30, xxiii. 1).
(':. ) The trial, if it may be socaued, of St Paul
•in Sim 'it Philippi, was held before the duumviri,
*.-, as Wiy are called, sTpanryaf, praetors, on the
TRIBUTE
charge of innovation in rdigau — a irsme ptasasav
able with banishment or death f Acts xn. 19, 22 ,
Diet, of Antiq. "Colonia," p. 318 ; Cobybaso* aai
Howton, i. 345, 355, 356).
(4.) The interrupted trial of St. Paul before the
pro-consul Gallia, was an attempt made by the
Jews to establish a charge of the same kind ' Acas
xviii. 12-17 ; Conybeare and Howson, i. 492-496,.
(5.) The trials of St. Paul at Caesarea (Acts xaiv,
xzv, xxvi.) were conducted according to Roanma
rules of judicature, of which the procurators FeLx
and Festus were the recognised adminiattsttsra.
(a.) In the first of these, before Felix, we observe
the employment, by the plaintiffs, of a Ravma
advocate to plead in Latin. [ORATOR.] (o,) Tea
postponement (ampliatio) of the trial after be
Paul's reply {Diet, of Antiq. "Judex," p. »47v
(c.) The free custody in which the accused ess
kept, pending the decision of the judge (Acts xxiv.
23-26). The second formal trial, before Feats*.
was, probably, conducted in the same manner as the
former one before Felix (Arts xxv. 7, 8), but it pre-
sents two new features : (a.) the appeal, afpeOatm
or prseoc-xtss, to Caesar, by St. Paul as a Bosses
citizen. The right of appeal ad populum, «*r to the
tribunes, became, under the Empire, 1 1 ausfi 1 1 si
to the emperor, and, as a citizen, St. Paul availed
himself of the right to which be was entitled, even
in the case of a provincial governor. The eaVct
of the appeal was to remove the case at once to the
jurisdiction of the emperor (Conybeare and How-
son, ii. 360; Diet, of Antiq. " AppeUatio," p. Iu7;
Dig. xliz. 1, 4). (6.) The conference of the pro-
curator with " the council * (Acts xxv. 12). This
council is usually explained to have consi s te d of the
assessors, who sat on the bench with the praetor as
consiliarii (Suet TOt. 33 ; Diet, of Antiq. " Asses-
sor," p. 143; Grotius, Chi Aet$ xxv.; Conybeare sod
Howton, ii. 358, 361). But besides the afasetca ot
any previous mention of any assessors (see below ,
the mode of e xpr es si on rvAAsAsjeat survsV ts*
avu£ovAiov seems to admit the ex planat i o n of
conference with the deputies from the Sssibwiiun
(to o-vufi.). St Paul's appeal would probably be
in the Latin language, and would require exxiasas-
tion on the part of the judge to the deputation of
accusers, before he carried into effect the inevitable
result of the appeal, viz. the dismissal of the cast
so far as they were concerned.
(6.) We have, lastly, the mention (Acts xix. SS)
of a judicial assembly which held its session at
Ephesus, in which occur the terms s r ) o sa T e i (i. «.
ripiptu) sryorrot, snd a eflesm oi. The former
denotes the assembly, then sitting, of provincial
citizens forming the conrentus, out of which tie
proconsul, brOirwcrros, selected " judices to sit ss
his assessors. The a X t sm ei would thus be the
judicial tribunal composed of the proconsul and lus
assessors. In the former case, at Caessiea, it n
difficult to imagine that there could be any cos.-
ventus and any provincial assessors. There the
only class of men qualified for such a fuacoaa
would be the Roman officials attached to the pn»
curator ; but in Proconsular Asia such statrmbtus
are well known to have existed (Diet, of Autx;
" Provincia," pp. 965, 966, 967).
Early Christian prrstice discouraged resort as
heathen tribunals in civil matters (1 Cor. vi. 1 -
[H. W. P.]
TRIBUTE (to Mooaraa, aatrncssen, Man.
xvii. 24 ; rriraot, censni, ib. 25).
(1.) The chief Biblical acts connected with nV
rteistfn?
p.iymcnt of tribute nave b*en already given under
1axk<. A few remain to be added in connexion
with the word which in the above passage a thu»
rendered, inaccurately enough, in the A. V. The
payment of the half-shekel (= hall stcter = two
drachmae) mi (as has been mvid) [Tayim], though
resting on an ancient precedent (Ex. xxx. 13), ret,
in its character as a fixed annual rate, of late origin.
It was proclaimed according to Rabbinic rules, on
the first of Adar, began to be collected on the
1 5th. and was due, at latest, on the first of Nisan
(Mlshna, S/ieJiaKm, i. f. 7 ; Surenhusiux, pp. 360,
201). It was applied to defray the general ex-
penses of the Temple, the morning and eveniug
sacrifice, the incense, wood, show-bread, the red
neifers, the scape-goat, &c. (S/wkal. I. e. in Light-
Lot, For. ffeb. on Matt. xvii. 34). After the
destruction of the Temple it was sequestrated by
Vcpasian and his successors, and transferred to the
Temple of the Capitoline Jupiter (Joseph. B. J.
fii. 6, §6).
(2.) The explanation thus given of the "tribute"
of Matt. xvii. 24, is beyond all doubt, the true one.
To suppose with Chrysotrtom, Augustine, Maldo-
nntus, and others, that it was the same as the
tribute («3ro*os) paid to the Roman emperor (Matt,
xxii. 17), is at variance with the distinct statements
of .losephus and the Mishna, and takes away the
whole significance of oar Lord's words. It may be
questioned, however, whether the full significance
of those words is adequately brought out in the
inpiilar interpretation of them. As explained by
most commentators, they are simply an assertion
by our Lord of His divine Sonship, an implied
retake of Peter for forgetting the truth which he
had so recently confessed (comp. Wordsworth,
Allbrd, and others) : " Then are the children (vM)
free;" Thou hast owned me aa the Son of the
Living God, the Son of the Great King, of the Lord
of t he Temple, in whose honour men pay the Temple-
tribute; why, forgetting this, dost thou so hastily
make answer as if I were an alien and a stranger ?
True as this exegesis is in part, it fails to account
for some striking facts. (1.) The plural, not the
singular is used — "then are the children free."
Tha words imply a class of "sons" as contrasted
with a class of aliens. (2.) The words of our Lord
Iwre must be interpreted by his language elsewhere.
The " sons of the kingdom " are, as in the Hebrew
speech of the 0. T., those who belong to it, in the
Apostolic language " heirs of the kingdom " (Matt,
viii. 12, xrii. 38 ; Jam. ii. 5; Rom. vili. 17), "sons
of God," " children of their Father in Heaven."
(3.) The words that follow, "Give unto them
for me and thee" place the disciple as standing, at
least in some degree, on the same ground as his
Master. The principle involved in the words " then
are the children free" extends to him also. Pay-
ment is made for both, not on different, but on the
same grounds.
(3.) A fuller knowledge of the facts of the case
may help us to escape out of the trite routine of
commentators, and to rise to tha higher and broader
truth implied in onr Lord's teaching. The Temple-
rate, as above stated, was of comparatively late
origin. The question whether the costs of the
morning and evening sacrifice ought to be defrayed
by such a fired compulsory payment, or left to the
free-will offerings of the people, had been a con-
toted point between the Pharisees and Sadducees,
and the former had carried the day after a long
•Irnggle <>»d debate, lasting from ibe 1st to the
vol. ui.
TKfKOTK
J 56V
8th day of Nisaft. So great was the triumph in
the eras of the whole party, that they kept the
anniversary aa a kind of half festival. The Temple-
rate question was to them what the Church-rate
question has been to later Conservatives (Jost, <?<s-
tohichte da JudmiAunu, i, 218). We have to
rememlier this when we come to the narrative ol
St. Matthew. In a hundred ditferent wayj, on the
questions of the Subbath, of fasting, of unwashed
hands and the like, the teaching of our Lord had
been in direct antagonism to that of the Pharisees.
The collectors of the rate, probably, from the nature
of their functions, adherents of the Pharisee party,
now come, half-expecting opposition on this point
also. Their words imply that he had not aa yet
paid the rate for the current year. His life of con-
stant wandering, without a home, might seem
like an evasion of it They ask tauntingly,
" Will he side, on this point, with their Sadducee
opponents and refuse to pay it altogether?" The
answer of Peter is that of a man who looks on the
payment as most other Jews looked on it. With no
thought of any higher principle, of any deeper
truth, he answers at once, " His Master will of
coarse pay what no other religious Israelite would
refute. The words of his Lord lad him to the
truth of which the Pharisees were losing sight.
The offerings of the children of the kingdom should
be free, and not compulsory. The Sanhedrim, by
making the Temple-ottering a fixed annual tax, col-
lecting it as men collected tribute to Caesar, were
lowering, not raising the religious condition and
character of the people. They were placing every
Israelite on the footing of a " stranger, not on that
of a " son." The true principle for all such offer-
ings was that which St. Paul afterwards asserted,
following in his Master's footsteps, "not grudg-
ingly, or of necessity, for God loveth a cheerful
River." In proportion to the degree in which any
man could claim the title of a Son of God, in thnt
propoi-tion was he " free " from this forced exaction.
Peter, therefore, ought to have remembered that
here at least, was one who, by his own confession as
the Son of the Living God, was iptofacio exempted
(4.) The interpretation which has now been given
leads us to see, in these woids, a precept as wide
and far-reaching as the yet more memorable one,
" Render unto Caesar the things that be Caesar's,
and unto God the things that be God's." They
condemn, instead of sanctioning, the compulsory
payments which human policy has ho often substi-
tuted for the "cheerful gifts" which alone God
loves. But the words which follow condemn also
the perversity which leads men to a spurious mar-
tyrdom in resisting such payments. " Lest we
should offend them . . . give unto them for me
and thee." It is better to comply with the pay-
ment than to startle the weak brethren, or run
counter to feelings that deserve respect, or lay au
undue stress on a matter of little moment In such
quarrels, paradoxical as it may seem, both parties
are equally in the wrong. If the quarrel is to
find a solution, it must be by a mutual acknow-
ledgment that both have been mistaken.
(S.) It is satisfactory to find that acme inter-
preters at least, have drawn near to the true mean-
ing of one of the most characteristic and pregnant
sayings in the whole cycle of onr Lord's teaching.
Augustine (Quaat iona Evangel, lxxv.), tnough
missing the main point, saw that what was true of
the Lord and of Peter was true of all {" Salvator
autem, cum pro as et Pstro iari jnhet, pro omnibus
5 H
1570
TRIBUTE-MONEY
txsc'.visse videiur "). Jerome (ad fee.) sees in the
words, a principle extending in some form or other,
to all belieren (" Nos pro illius honore tribute noo
reddimus, et quasi fiKi Regis a vectjgalibus im-
mune* sumus **), though his words chum an exemp-
tion which if true at times of the Christian clergy,
has nerer been extended to the body of Christian laity.
Oil Wn, though adhering to the common explanation.
Is apparently determined chiefly by his dislike of the
inferences drawn from the other explanation by
Papists on the one side, and Anabaptists on the
other, as claiming an exemption from obedience in
matters of taxation to the tivil magistrate. Lather
{Jjsmot. m Matt, xrii.) mora boldly, while dwelling
chiefly on the friendly pleasantry which the story
represents as passing between the master and the
disciple,* seize* with his usual acuteness, the true
i^jiut « Qui fit (this is his paraphrase of the words
of Christ) mi Petre, ut a te petnnt, cum sis Regis
films. . . . Vade et scito nos esse in alio regno nges
it filial regis. Shuto iliis sumo regnnm, in quo
sumus hospites. . . . Filii ngnismnmt, sed noh hujos
regnl mundani." Tindal (Marg. Sett on Matt,
xrii. 26) in like manner, extends the principle, ** So
is a Christian man free in all thing] . . . yet payeth
he tribute, and submitteth himseb' to all men for
his brother's sake." [E. H. P.]
TBIBUTE-MONET. [Taxks; Tribute.]
THIFOLIS (4 TpfcroAi*). The Greek name
of a city of great commercial innvtance, which
nerved at one time as a point of tedeia! union for
Aradus, Sidon, and Tyre. What its Phoenician
name was is unknown ; but it seems not impossible
that it was Kadytis, and that this was really the
place captured by Neco of which Herodotus speaks
(ii. 159, Hi. 5). Kadytis is the Greek form of the
Syrian Kedutha, " the holy," a name of which a
relic still seems to survive in the Xuhr-KadUh, a
river which runs through Turabkms, the modern
representative) of Tripolis. All ancient federations
had for their place of meeting some spot consecrated
to a common deity, and just to the south of Tripolis
was a promontory which went by the name of
•Hoi wpoVsn-or. [Pekiel, p. 768,o.j
It was at Tripolis that, in the year 351 bo., the
plan was concocted for the simultaneous revolt of
the Phoenician cities and the Persian dependencies
in Cyprus against the Persian king Ochus. Al-
though aided by a league with Nectanebus king of
Egypt, this attempt foiled, and in the sequel great
part of Sidon was burnt and the chief citizens
destroyed. Perhaps the importance of Tripolis was
increased by this misfortune of its neighbour, for
soon after, when Alexander invaded Asia, it appears
at a port of the first Older. After the battle of
Issus some of the Greek officers In Dnrios's service
retreated thither, and not only found ships enough
to carry themselves and 8000 soldiers away, but a
number over and above, which they burnt in order
to preclude the victor from an immediate pursuit of
th*m (Arrian, ii. 13). The destruction of Tyre by
Alexander, like that of Sidon by Ochus, would
ntxurally tend rather to increase than diminish the
rarntence of Tripolis as a commercial port. Whca
Demetrius Soter, the son of Seleucus, succeeded n
wresting Syria from the young son of Antkxnus
'IWJ. 161), he landed there and mode the place Lha
base of his operations. It is this circumstance to
• "ES nmss > era feln. rmmdllch. Uebbrh Geseusoaafl
earn geweat iaasr Christum et ditdfmtat mm."
TBOAB
wHch allusion is made in the only passage te l
Ti .'polis is mentioned in the Bible (2 Msec sir. 1 '.
Tl e prosperity of the city, so far as appears, esav
tinned down to the middle of the 6th century at* th>
Christian era. Diooysius IViitg e ta s applies t> a
the epithet Xtwapt/r in the 3rd century. In the
Prutinger Table (which probably wss compiled 't
the reign of the Kmperor Tbeodouus) it appaan cs
the great road along the coast of Phoenicia ; aad st
Orthosis (the next station to it northwards) the
roads which led respectively into Mesopotamia or 1
Cilicia branched off' from one snoth er . Tbe pea-
session of a good harbour ia so important a poist
for land-traffic, doubtless combined with the rich-
ness of the neighbouring mountains in determining
the original choice of the site, which seems to have
been a factory for the purposes of trade ectablKhed
by the three great Phoenician cities. Each of these
held a portion of Tripolis surrounded by a fortrMJ
wall, like the Western nations at the Chinese portv
But in A.U. 543 it was laid in ruins by the terrible
earthquake which happened in the month of JiJi
of that year, and overthrew Tyre, Sidon, Berytoa,
and Byblus as well. On this occasion the appear-
ance of the coast was much altered. A hup por-
tion of the promontory Tbeuprosopon (which ia
the Christian times had its mid*, fiwn rncrtires tt
piety, changed to Lithoprosopoo) fell into the sat,
and, by the natural breakwater it eoastitcipi.
created a new port, able to contain a ro nwd a waa t r
number of large vessels. The ancient Tripolis was
finally destroyed by the Sultan El Mainour in ti*
year 1289 A.D.; and the modern TanzMovr ■
situated a couple of miles distant to the east, aad
is no longer a port. El if gnu, which is prrH^s
on the site of the ancient Tripolis, is a small rzstiict;
village. Tarablous contains a population of* 15 ar
16,u00 inhabitants, and is the centre of one of the
four pashalica of Syria. It exports silk, tobacco, galls,
and oil, grown in the lower parts of the mamntas
at the foot of which it stands ; and p t r forua e, oa a
smaller scale, the part which was formerly tastes
by Tripolis as the entrepot for the prodiactiaos «f a
most fertile region (Dwd. Sic xri. 41 ; Strata*, xvi.
c.2; VoadnsodMelam, i. 12; Tneophanea, Gtruasv
grap/aa, sub onao 6043> [J. W. B.]
TBO'AB (Tpeidi). The city from which St. Pawl
first Bailed, in consequence of a divine mil— slaw.
to carry the Gospel from Asia to Europe (Acta xvi.
8, 11}— where be rested for a short time ua the
northward road from Ephesrjs (during the next mis-
sionary journey) in the expectation of meeting Tarn
(2 Cor. ii. 12, 13)— where on the return south-
wards (during the same missionary journey) be met
those who had preceded him from Philippi (Acta
xx. 5, 6), and remained a week, the dose of whioV
(before the journey to Assos) was marked by tan
raising of Eutychus from the dead during the pr*>
tracted midnight discourse — and where, after aa
interval of many years, the Apostle left fdurteg a
journey the details of which are unknown"! a cloak
and some books and parchments in the hens* of
Carpus (2 Tim. iv. 13)— deserves tbe careful atten-
tion of the student of the New Testament.
The full name of the city was Ali-raudraa T-ej»
(Liv. xxxv. 42), and sometimes it wx cnlletl riovJ*
Aleut. Ireia, as by Pliny (H. If. v. 33) and Strofc.
(xiii. p. 593), sometimes simply Troas > as an tat
N. T. and the Ant. It fn. See Wessrhag, p. 334 i
fh* former part of the name indicates tbe pensf
at which it was founded. It was first teritt Kj
Antigonnsj tinder tlie name of - - —
TBOGYLUUM
and prt,pled with the inhabitants of some neigh-
bxuriug cities. Afterwards it m embellished by
l.y»imachus, and named Alexandreia Tree*. It*
crUwtion was oil the court of Mysia, opposite the
S.K. extremity of the Ubuid of Teiiedoo.
Unonr the Konuuu it wis one of the meet im-
portant towns of til* province of ASIA. It was the
chief ptint of ariirnl end departure for thoee who
went by ten between Macedonia and the western
Asiatic districts; and it was connected by good
mods with other places on the coast and in the
interior. For the latter see the map in Leake's
Asia AYixur. The former cannot be better illus-
trated than by St. Paul's two voyages between
TitKts and Philippi (Acts xvi. 1 1, 12, xx. 6), one
of which wan accomplished in two days, the other
iu five. At this time Alexandre!* Trias was a
cutonia with the /us Italicum. This strong Roman
connexion can be read on its coins. The Romans
had a peculiar feeling connected with the place, in
consequence of the legend of their origin from Troy.
Suetonius telU us that Julius Caesar had a plan of
making Trou the «eat of empire (fiats. 79). It
may perhaps be inferred from the words of Horace
(Carol, iii. 3, 57) that Augustus had some such
dreams. And even the modern name Eski-StamboiU
( or " Old Constantinople ") seems to commemorate
the thought which was once in Constantino's mind
(Zoeim. ii. 30 ; Zouar. xiii. 3), who, to use Gibbon's
words, " before he gave a just preference to the
situation of Byxantium, had conceived the design
of erecting the seat of empire on this celebrated
■pot, from which the Romans derived their fabulous
origin."
The ruins at EMJStamboul are considerable.
The most conspicuous, however, especially the re-
mains of the aqueduct of Herodes Atticus, did not
exist when St Paul was there. The walls, which
may represent the extent of the dty in the Apostle's
time, enclose a rectangular space, extending above
it mile from east to west, and nearly a mile from
north to south. That which possesses most interest
for us is the harbour, which is still distinctly trace-
able in a basin about 400 feet long and 200 bioad.
Descriptions in greater or less detail are given by
Pouocke, Chandler, Hunt 'in Walpole's Memoirs),
Clarke, Prokescb, and Fellows. [J. S. H.J
TBOGYI/LITJM [see Suns]. Samoa is ex-
actly opposite the rocky extremity of the ridge of
Mycale, which is called TswytAAior in the N. T.
(Acts xx. 15) and by Ptolemy (v. 2), and Tstr-
yOuor by Strabo (xiv. p. 636). The channel is
extremely narrow. Strabo (f. e.) makes it about
a mile broad, and this is confirmed by our Admi-
ralty Charts (1530 and 1555). St. Paul Failed
through this channel on his way to Jerusalem at
the close of his third missionary journey (Acts, t. c).
The navigation of this coast is intricate ; and it can
i>e gathered from Acta xx. 6, with subsequent notices
of the days spent on the voyage, that it was the time
of dark moon Thus the night was spent at Trogyl-
sinm. It is interesting to observe that a little to
the east of the extreme point there is an anchorage,
which hi still called St. PauTs Port. [J. S. H.]
TROOP, BAND. Than words have a peculiar
TaCPHTMUS
lfi?i
signification in many passages of th<> O. I"., whit*
is apt to be urerlooknl, and the knowledge of which
throws a brighter light upon them. They are em-
ployed to represent the Hebrew word "Ml J, gMO,
which has invariably the force <\ an irregular boi'y
of people, large or small, united not for the purp>.ae
of defence or regular aggression, like au army , but
with the object of marauding ana plunder. [S«
JIoab, vol. ii. 395, note, where the term gfdid
is examined.] In addition to the instan.es of its
use there named, it may be observed that our
translators have in a few cases tried to bring out
ins meaning mora strongly; as in 1 Chr. xii. 21,
" hnnd-of-the-rovere ;" Hoe. vi. 9, and vii. 1, *• troop-
of-robbers." [G.j
TBOPHTMU8 (Tpi^i/ut). Of tin three
passages where this companion of St. Paul is men-
tioned, the first associates him very closely with
Tychicds (Acta xx. 4), and the last seems in some
degree to renew the association, and in reference to
the same geographical district (2 Tim. iv. 20 ; see
ver. 12), while the intermediate one sepaiates him
entirely from this connexion (Acts xxi. 29).
From the first of these passages we learn that
Tychicus, like Trophimus, was a native of ASIA
('Aauwoi), and that the two were among those
companions who travelled with the Apostle in the
course of the third missionary journey, and during
part of the route which he took in leturning from
Macedonia towards Syria. From what we know
concerning the collection which was going on at
this time for the poor Christiana in Judaea, we are
disposed to connect these two men with the business
of that contribution. This, as we shall see, suggests
a probable connexion of Trophimus with another
circumstance
Both be and Tychicus accompanied St. Pau.
from Macedonia as far as Asia (&XP' v<}» 'Ao-fat
/. c), but Tychicus seems to have remained there
while Trophimus proceeded with the Apostle to Jeru-
salem. There he was the innocent cause of the
tumult in which St. Paul was apprehended, and
from which the voyage to Rome ultimately re-
sulted. Certain Jews fiom the district of Asia saw
the two Christian missionaries together, and svp
posed that Paul had taken Trophimus into the
Temple (Acts xxi. 27-29). From this parage we
learn two new facts, vix. that Trophimus was a
Gentile, and that he was a native, not simply of
Asia, but of Ephesus.
A considerable interval now elapses, during
which we have no trace of either Tychicus or
Trophimus; but in the last letter written by St.
Paul, shortly before his martyrdom, from Rome,
he mentions them both (Tvxriror onreerciAa eii
'Ztprvor, 2 Tim. iv. 12; Teodupor areAjwor *V
MiA^toi lurttrovrra, ib. 20). Flora the last of
the phrases we gather simply that the Apostle had
no long time before been in the Levant, that Trophi-
mus had been with him, and that he had been left
in infirm health at Miletus. Of the further details
we are ignorant; but this we may say here, that
while there would be considerable difficulty in ac-
commodating this passage to any part of the re-
corded narrative previous to the voyage to Rome,*
all difficulty vanishes on the supposition of two im>
• Trophbmn wss no doubt at Miletus on the occasion
recorded In Acts xx. 15-38, bat H Is most certain that be
was not left there. Tbe theory also that be was left there
on the voyage to Rome is preposterous ; for tbe wind
■totted St ranr« vessel to ran direct from the 8.W. corner
of Asia Minor tolas K. end of Crete (Acts xxvIL »). Wa
roar add, that wnen Trophimus wss Wt la sickness at
Miletus, whenever that might be, be was wllbln esse
reach of his honwrrlends at Epharas, as we tee ftvae
Acts xx. II
*■ H »
1672
TBtJMPET
/
/
pnsonmetits, and a journey in the Levant between
them.
What waa alluded to above as probable. Is that
Tropliimus was one of the two brethren who, with
Titub, conveyed the 2nd Epistle to the Corinthians
(2 Cor. riii. 16-24). The argument is so well
stated by Professor Stanley, that we give it in his
words: — " Trophimns was, like Titus, one of the
few Geutiles who accompanied the Apottle; an
Kphesian, and therefore likely to have been suit
by the Apoe'Ji from Ephesus with the First Epistle,
or to have accompanied him from Ephems now ; he
was, as is implied of ' tliis brother,' whose praise
was in all the Churches, well known; so well
known that the Jews of Asia [Minor?] at Jeru-
salem immediately recognised him ; he was also
especially connected with the Apostle on this very
mission of the collection for the poor in Judaea.
Thus far would appear from the description of him
in Acts Hi. 39. From Acts xx. 4 it also appears
that he was with St Paul on his return from this
very visit to Corinth" (Stanley's Corinthians, 2nd
edit. ?. 492).
The ttory in uie Greek Henology that Troohimus
was one of the seventy disciples is evidently wrong ;
the legend that he was beheaded by Nero's orders is
possibly true. [J. S. H.]
TBTJMPET. [Cobsbt.]
TRUMPETS, FEAST OF (Hjmn £JT>.
Num. xxix. 1 ; Wf> a <n|uao-(a> ; diet chngoris
It tubarmn; HjcVW 1T13J, Lev. xxiii. 24; pvniU-
avimr vaku-lyytt* ; tabbattm memorial! dangen-
tfou tubit: in the Mishnn, rUPn EW " the
beginning of the year"), the feast of the new moon,
which fell on the first of Tixri. It differed from
the ordinary festivals of the new moon in several
important particulars. It was one of the seven
days of Holy Convocation. [Feasts.] Instead of
the mere blowing of the trumpets of the Temple at
the time of the offering of the sacrifices, it was " a
dny of blowing of trumpets." In addition to the
daily sacrifices and the eleven victims offered on the
first of every month [Nbw Moon], there were
offered a young bullock, a ram, and seven lambs of
the first year, with the accustomed meat offerings,
and a kid for a sin offering (Num. xxix. 1-6). The
tegular monthly offering was thus repeated, with
the exception of one young bullock.
It is said that both kinds of trumpet were blown
in the temple on this day, the straight trumpet
trmVn) and the cornet (TBte> and JTiJ), and
that elsewhere any one, even a child, might blow a
comet (Ketaod, iv. 7, 2; Carptov, p. 425; AosA
Hash. i. 2; Jubilee, p. 1149, note «; Cornet).
When the festival fell upon a Sabbath, the trumpets
were blown in the Temple, but not out of it {Sosk
Baik. iv. 1).
It has been conjectured that Ps. lxxxi., one of the
songs ot Asaph, was composed expressly for the
Feast of Trumpets. The Psalm is used in the ser-
vice for the day by the modern Jews. As the third
verse is rendered in the LXX., the Vulgate, and the
A. V., this would seem highly probable — "Blow
np the trumpet in the new moon, the time ap-
pointed, on our solemn feast day." But the best
minorities unden-tand the word translated neir
atom (i"ID3) to mean /Wf moon. Hence the Psalm
would more properly belong to the service for one
ef the festivals which take place at the full moon,
TBTPHENA
tht *ia»ovet, «r the Feast of Tabwmedes (Ota,
TVs. v v.; Kosenmfiller and Bugataabarg «■ K
lxxxi.>
Various meanings have been assigned so the rwssl
of Trumpets. Maimonides considered that its ap-
pose was to awaken the people from their apsntna
slumber to prepare for the solemn husjsilisitaaa m
the Day of Atonement, which followed it wstka
ten days. This may receive some countenance fins
Joel ii. 15, " Blow the trumpet OBaT) fa Zaw.
sanctify a fast, call a solemn assenaly." Sews
hare supposed that it was intended to introduce tie
seventh or Sabbatical month of the year, which wst
especially holy because it was the seventh, an! a*-
cause it contained the Day of Atonement smd t>e
Kewt of Tubernnclea (Fagius in Lex. xxS. 24 ;
Buxt. Si/n. J nd. c. xxiv.). Phil* and some eartr
Christian writers legarded it as a memorial of the
giving of the Law on Sinai (1'hilo, vol. v. p. 4*.
ed. Tauch.; Basil, os Pi. lxxxi.; Theod. Qm-x*.
xxxii. in Lit.). But there seems to be no MinVoat
reason to call in question the common oainra »•'
Jews and Christians, that it was the festival ef isi
New Year's Day of the civil year, the firs* of Tim,
the month which commenced the Sabb a tical y*v
and the year of Jubilee. [Jubilee, p. 1152.]" 8
the New Moon Festive! was taken as the e o »uw.> -
tion of a natural division of lime, the month -
which the earth yielded the list ripe produce of tV
season, and began again to fester seed tor the suj j »
of the future, might well be regarded as the ri <
month of the year. The fact that Tixri w*» :<
great month for sowing might thus easily have - j-
t;c*ted the thought of commemorating on this •- »
the finished work of Creation, when the soma of <M
shouted for joy (Job xxxviii. 7). The Feast s*
Trumpets thus came to be regarded as the an ai iei w ?
of the birthday of the world (Mishiia, Bmsk H-bx.
i. 1 ; Hupteld, Di Jest. Heb. ii. p. 13 ; Bent. S$«.
Jwd. e. xxiv.).
It was an odd fancy of the Rabbi* that oa tS>
day. every year, God judges all men, and that Ury
pass before Him as a flock of sheep pass bear* a
shepherd {Roth Hoik, i. 2> [S. C]
TBYFHE'NA and TBYPH06A (Taieaos
col T0va>sVa). Two Christian women at tear,
who, among those that are enumerated in the con-
clusion of St. Paul's letter to that city, reenvt s
special salutation, and on the special groaned tfcst
tiiey are engaged there in " labouring in the Lord *
(Rom. xvi. 12). They may have been niters, bu
it is more likely that they were feUow-deaoaaeaes.
and among the predecessors of that large nonsbar .<
official women who ministered in the Chunk <st
Rome at a later period (Euseb. Hut. Ecol. vi.43 ;
for it is to be observed that they are spoken at as
at that time occupied in Christian service rue
tcomaVox), while the salutation to Peraa, a tie
same verse, is connected with past service i,*)rtt
inowiaatr).
We know nothing more of these two sM*«-
workers of the Apostolic time; but the aame 4
one of them occurs curiously, with other asanas
familiar to us in St. Paul's Epistles, la the Aee-
cryphal Acts of Paul amt Thecia. That* T '-
phena appears as a rich Christian w'dow ef As--
och, who gives Thecla a refuge in her bans*, <- ■
sends money to Paul for the relief of the pox.
(See Jones, On the Canon, ii. 371. 380.) It » as-
possible to discern any trace of prolsabiittr to la*
part of the legend.
I
TBYPHON
.Ikn interesting 6<ct that the columbaria of
» Qnu'i household " in the Vigna Oodim, near
Porta S. Sebasticmo, contain the name Tryphena,
a* well as other name* mentioned in this chapter,
Phuologue and Julia (ver. 15), and also Ampliss
(ret. 8).— Wordsworth's Hour m Italy (1862),
n. 173. [J. 8. H.J
TRYT&ON (TpoaW). A usurper of the Syrian
throne. His proper name was Diodotus (Strab. ivi.
2, 10; A pp. Syr. 68), and the surname Trvphon
was given to him, or, according to Appian, adopted
by him, after his accession to power. He was a
nltive of Guiana, a fortified place in the district of
Apamea, where he was brought up (Strab. I. c).
In the time of Alexander Bnlas he was attached to
the coort (App. 1. c. SovKot rio £turiA<W; Diod.
fr. xii. ap. M61I. Silt. Or. fragm. ii. 17, «roa-
nryvi; 1 Mace. xi. 39, T«*r irapa 'AAef.); but
towards the close of bis reign he seems to hare
joined in the conspiracy which was set on foot to
transfer the crown of Syria to Ptol. Philometor
(1 Macs. xi. 13; Diod. A. c). After the death of
Alexander Bolas he took advantage of the unpopu-
larity of Demetrius II. to put forward the claims of
Antioclius VI., the young son of Alexander (1 Moos,
x*. 39; B.C. 145). After a time he obtained the
support of Jonathan, who had been alienated from
Demetrius by his ingratitude, and the young king
was crowned (b.c. 144). Tryphon, however, soon
revealed his real designs on the kingdom, and, fear-
ing the opposition of Jonathan, he gained possession
of his person by treachery (1 Mace xii. 39-50),
■ and after • short time put him to death ( 1 Mace.
xiii. 23). As the way seemed now clear, he mur-
dered Antiochus and seized the supreme power
(1 Mace xiii. 31, 32), which he exercised, as far
as he was able, with violence and rapacity (1 Mace,
siii. 34). His tyranny again encouraged the hopes
of Demetrius, who was engaged in preparing an
expedition against him (B.C. 141), when he was
taken prisoner (1 Mace. xiv. 1-3), and Tryphon
retained the throne (Just, xxxvi. 1 ; Died. Leg.
xxxi.) till Antiochos VII., the brother of Demetrius,
drove him to Dora, from which he escaped to
Orthosis in Phoenicia (1 Marc. xv. 10-14,37-39;
B.C. 139). Not long afterwards, being hard pressed
by Antiochos, he committed suicide, or, according
to other accounts, was put to death try Antiochus
(Strab. xiv. 5, 2; App. Syr. 68, 'Arrfoxot —
tcrtlrti . . . vby ToVei voAAeT). Josephus (Ant. xiii.
7, §2) adds that he was killed at Apamea, the place
which he made his head-quarters (Strab. xvi. 2,
10). The authority of Tryphon was evidently
very partial, as appears from the growth of Jewish
independence under Simon Mooabaeus ; and Strabo
describes him as one of the chief authors of CUician
piracy (xiv. 3, 2). HU name occurs on the coins
of Antiochos VI. [vol. i. p. 77], and he also struck
coins in his own name. fANTioCHUB; Deme-
TJUCs.] [B. F. W.]
TUBAL
1573
Ctntt n TiypsMea*
" Kbubsl connects these ieri»n« of the East and West,
ioJ can*la>> the Tlban-nl to tiave been a braiuii of this
TBYPHO'SA. [Trtphbxa and Trvpiiosa.]
TTJ'BAL (bam ; ^3PI in Gen. x. 2, Ex. xxxil
26, xxxix. 1 : 0o$tK, except in El. xxxix. I, where
Alex. 8ofcVp: Tkwbal, but In Is. Ixvi. 19, Itaha).
In the ancient ethnological tables of Genesis and
1 Chr„ Tubal is reckoned with Javon and Mesheoa
among the tone of Japheth (Gen. x. 2 ; 1 Car.
i. 5). The three are again associated in the enu-
meration of the sources of the wealth of Tyre;
Uvaa, Tubal, and Mesheoh, brought slaves and
copper vessels to the Phoenician markets (El. xxvii.
13). Tubal and Javon (Is. Ixvi. 19), Meshech and
Tubal (Ex. xxxii. 26, xxxviii. 2, 3, xxxix. 1), ore
nations of the north (Ex. xxxviii. 15, xxxix. 2). Jo-
sephus (Ant. i. 6, $1) identifies the descendants of
Tubal with the Iberians, that is— not, a* Jerome
would understand it, Spaniards, but— the inhabitants
of a tract of country, between the Caspian and
Euxtne Seas, which nearly corresponded to the mo-
dern Georgia.* This approximates to the view of
Bochart (Phaleg, iii. 12), who makes the Moachl
and Tibareni represent Meshech and Tubal. These
two Colchiau tribes are mentioned together in He-
rodotus on two occasions ; first, as forming part of
the 19th satrapy of the Persian empire (iii. 94),
and again as being in the army of Xerxes under the
command of Ariomardus the son of Darius (vil.
78). The Mosehi and Tibareni, moreover, are
" constantly associated, under the names of Mmkat
and Tophi, in the Assyrian inscriptions " (Sir H.
Rawlinson in Rawlinson's Her. i. p. 535). The
Tibareni are said by the Scholiast on ApoUonius
Khodius (ii. 1010) to have been a Scythian tribe,
and they as well as the Mosehi are probably to be
referred to that Turanian people, who in very early
times spread themselves over the entire region
between the Mediterranean and India, the Persian
Gulf and the Caucasus (Kawlinson, Her. i. p. 535).
In the time of Sargon, according to the inscriptions,
Ambris, the son of Khuliya, was hereditary chiei
of Tubal (the southern slopes of Taurus). He •' had
cultivated relations with the kings of Musak and
Vararat (Meshech and Ararat, or the Mosehi and
Armenia) who were in revolt against Assyria,
and thus drew upon himself the hostility of the
great king" (ibid. i. p. 169, note'). In former
times the Tibareni were probably more important,
and the Mocchi and Tibareni, Meshech and Tubal,
may have been names by which powerful hordes of
Scythians were known to the Hebrews. But in
history we only hear of them as pushed to the
furthest limits of their ancient settlements, and oc-
cupying merely a strip of coast along the Euxine.
Their neighbours the Chaldeans were in the same
condition. In the time of Herodotus the Mosehi
and Tibareni were even more closely connected than
at a later period, for in Xenophon we find them
separated bv the Macrones and Mossynoeci (Anab.
v. 5, §1 ; Plin. vi. 4, be). The limits of the ter-
ritory of the Tibareni are extremely difficult to de-
termine with any degree of accuracy. After a part
of the 10,000 Greeks on their retreat with Xe-
nophon had embarked at Cerasus (perhaps near
the modern A'erasoiM Dere Si), the rest marched
along the coast, and soon came *o the boundaries cf
the Mossynoeci (Anab. v. 4, §2). Tbty traversed
the country occupied by this people la eight days
and then came to the Chalvbes, and after them to
widely-spread Turanian family, known to toe Hebrew
m Tubal ( iWcer-.aftt d. Cm. (13!.
1674
TUl«AL-CAm
the Tibareni. The eastern limit of the Tibareni
w therefore about 80 or 90 miles along the
coast W. of Census. Two day*' march through
Tibarene brought the Greeks to Cotyora (Anub. v.
5, §3), and they were altogether three dayi in
passing through the country (Diod. Sic. xir. 30).
now from C. Jaaonium to Boon, according to
Arrian (Perif*. 16), the distance waa 90 stadia, 90
more to Cotyora, and 60 from Cotyora to the
rivor Melaiithius, making in all a coast line of 240
atadia, or three days' march. Professor Kawlinson
(J/or. iv. 1M) conjectures that the Tibareni occu-
pied the coast between Cape Tatom (Jaaonium)
and the Hirer Melanthius {tfilet Irmak), but if we
follow Xenophon, we must place Boon as their
western boundary, one day'a march from Cotyora,
and their eastern limit must be sought some 10
miles east of the Melet Irmak, perhaps not far from
the modern Aptar, which is 3} hours from that
river. The anonymous author of the Periplus of
the Eaxine says (S3) that the Tibareni formerly
dwelt west of Cotyora as far as Polemonium, at
the mouth of the Pcrulrma* chai, 1 J mile east of
FlUih.
In the time of Xenophon the Tibareni were an
independent tribe (Anab. vii. 8, §25). Long before
thia they were subject to a number of petty chiefs,
which was a principal element of their weakness,
and rendered their subjugation by Assyria more
easy. Dr. Hincks (quoted by Rawlinson, Bend.
I. 380, note > ) has found as many as twenty-four
kings of the Tuplai mentioned in the inscriptions.
They are said by Apollonius Khodius to hare been
rich in flocks (Arg. ii. 377). The traffic in slaves
and Teasels of copper with which the people of
Tubal supplied the markets of Tyre (Ex. xxvii. 18)
still further connects them with the Tibareni. It is
well known that the regions bordering on the
I'ontus Euxinns furnished the most beautiful slaves,
and that the slave traffic was an extensive branch
of trade among the Cappadocians (Polyb. ir. 38,
§4; Hot. Ep. i. 6, 39 j Pen. Sat. vi. 77 ; Mart.
Ep. vi. 77, x. 76, Ac.). The copper of the Mos-
synoeci, the neighbours of the Tibareni, was cele-
brated as being extremely bright, and without any
admixture of tin (Arist. De Mir. Aiucult. 62) ;
and the Chalvbes, who lived between these tribes,
wen long famous for their craft as metal-smiths.
Wa must not forget, too, the copper-mines of
Chalvar in Armenia (Hamilton, At. Mm. i. 173).
The Arabic Version of Gen. x. 2 gives Choraaan
and China for Meshech and Tubal ; in Eusebius
(see Bocbart) they ate Ulyria and Tbeasaly. The
Talmudista (Yoma, fol. 10, 2), according to
Bechart, define Tubal as '* the home of the Uniaci
(♦pTflN)," whom he is inclined to identify with
the Huns {Phaltg, iii. 12). They may perhaps
take their name from Oenoe, the modern Onieh, a
town on the south coast of the Black Sea. not far
from Cape Yasoun (Jaaonium), and so in the im-
mediate neighbourhood of the Tibareni. In the
Tni-gum of R. Joseph on 1 Chr. (ed. Wilkins)
Wi'rn is given as the equivalent of Tubal, and
Wilkins renders it by Rithynia. But the reading
in this passage, as well ns in the Targums of Jeru-
salem and of Jonathan on Gen. x. is too doubtful
to be followed as even a traditional authority.
[W. A. W.]
TUBAL-CAWflJpSain: 4«<{/BeA: Tubal-
flrtt). The son of Lamech the Caimte i v his wifi,
Zillah (Oca. iv. 22). He is called " a furbbher of
•rTTBPENTINE-TBKli:
every rutthur instrument of copper and iron." Tin
Jewish legend of later times associates him with bis
lather's song. " Lamech was blind," says the story
as told by Kai-hi, " and Tuhsl-Cain was leading
him ; and he saw Cain, and he appeared to bin
like a wild beast, so he told his father to draw his
bow, and he slew him. And when he kuew that H
was Cain his ancestor he smote his hands tojetlw
and struck his son between them. So he slew him,
and his wives withdraw from him, and he concili-
ates them." In this story Tubal-Caiu is the " rouaj
man " of the song. Rush! apparently conaJerr the
name of TubsJ-Cain as an appellative, for he nuks
him director of the works of Cain for malis;
weapons of war, and connects " Tubal " with
?3A, iabbtl, to season, and so to prepare skil-
fully. He appears moreover to hare pointed it
^3ta, <**V, which seems to have been the reads*
of the LXX. and Josephus. According to the
writer last mentioned (Ant. i. 2, §2), Tuul-Csa
was distinguished for his prodigious strength sai
his success iu war.
The derivation of the name is extremely obscure.
Hasse (Entdeckungm, U. 37, quoted by Knnbel on
Gen. iv. 22) identifies Tuhsl-Cain with Vulcsn;
and Buttmann (Mythol. i. 164) not only compares
these names, but adds to the comparison the TeV
X<r«t of Rhodes, the first workers in copper sni
iron (Strabo, xiv. 654), and Dwalinn, the demon
smith of the Scandinavian mythology. Geseniui
proposed to consider it a hybrid word, compounded
of the Pen, ^l»«J» *^P a '» iron •"*• « r ***•
and the Arab. ^fS, *«»»> » smith i but tin
etymology is more than doubtful. The Scythan
race TUBAL, who were coppersmiths (Ex. xxvii. 1ST,
naturally suggest themselves in connexion wiih
Tubal-Cain. [W. A. W.]
TTJBIE'NI (Tov/Srijroi ; Alex. Tooflfwoi: IV
bianaei). The " Jews called Tubieni " lired about
Charox, 750 stadia from a strongly-fortified oitr
called Caspis (2 Mace xii. 17). They were douot-
less the same who are elsewhere mentioned as living
in the towns of Toubion (A. V. Toiuk), which
again is probably the some with the Ton of the
Old Testament. [GJ
TUBPENTINE-TBEE (npfawtWt, res*
£uWtat : terebinthu) occurs only once, via. in the
Apocrypha (Ecclus. xxiv. 16), where wisdom is
compared with the " turpentine-tree that stretcbelh
forth her branches.'* The T«s«flu*)j or Te'a/urtet
of the Greeks is the Pistada UrebmUuu, teiehrauv
tree, common in Palestine and the East, suppose*
by some writers to represent the Itih (TT7IC) cf
the Hebrew Bible. [Oak.] The terebinth, thongs
not generally so conspicuous a tree in Palestine ss
some of the oaks, occasionally grows to a large sue.
See Kobiuson ( B. B. ii. 222, 3), who thus speaks of rt
" The Butm * (the Arabic name of the terebinth)
" is not an evergreen, as often repre s en ted, bat its
small lancet-shaped leaves fall in the autumn,
and are renewed in the spring. The flower* art
small, and followed by small oval berries, hanpnc;
in clusters from two to five inches long, resrmUin;
much those of the vine when the grapes are j*«
ott. From incisions in the trunk there is ssid tt
fow a sort of transparent balsam, corosbtirODg •
very pure and fine specie* of turpentine, with so
agreeable odour like citron or j e s samine , and s uuU
TURTLE
taste, and hardening gradually into a transparent
gum. Id Palestine nothing seems to be known of
this fnxluct of the butm 1" The terebinth belongs
to the Nat. Order Anacardiaeoae, the plant* of
which order generally contain resinous aecretiona.
[W.H.]
TURTLE
1575
TURTLE, TURTLE-DOVE ("tel, ttr:
rpvydp: turtur: generally in connexion with WVi
yinah, "dove"). [DOVB.] The name is phooe'tic,
evidently derived from the plaintive cooing of the
bird. The turtle-dove occurs first in Scripture in
Gen. iv. 9, where Abram in commanded to offer
it along with other sacrifices, and with a young
pigeon ptfl, giiaT). In the Levitical law a pair
of turtle-doves, or of young pigeons, are constantly
prescribed a* a substitute for those who were too
poor to provide a lamb or a lad, and these birds
were admissible either as trespass, sin, or burnt-
offering, la one instance, the case of a Naiarite
haying been accidentally defiled by a dead body, a
pair of turtle-doves or young pigeons were specially
enjoined (Num. vi. 10). It was in accordance with
the provision in Lev. xii. 6 that the mother of our
Lord made the offering for her purification (Luke
it. -'4). During the early period of Jewish history,
there is no evidence of any other bird except the
pigeon having been domesticated, and up to the
time of Solomon, who may, with the peacock, have
introduced other gallinaceous birds from India, it
was probably the only poultry known to the Israel-
ites. To this day enormous quantities of pigeon*
are kept in dove-cots in all the town* and villages
of Palestine, and several of tbc fancy races so fami-
liar in this country have been traced to be of Syrian
origin. The offering of two young pigeons must
h»ve been one easily within the reach of the poorest,
xtA the offerer was accepted according to that he
had, and not according to that be had not. The
admission of a pair of turtle-dove* waa perhaps a
yrt further concession to extreme poverty ; for, un-
like tho pigeon, the turtle from its migratory
nat'ire ami timid disposition, has [•»•«■ yet been
kep: m a rtatt of free domestt.^tion ; but l<eiug ft-
tremely numerous, and resorting especially to gar-
dens tor edification, its ytung might easily he
found and captured by thoai who did not even
nossess pigeons.
it is not improbable that the palm-dove (Turtur
aajyptiacus, Temm.) may in some measure have
supplied the sacrifices in the wilderness, for it la
found in amazing numbers wherever the palm-tree
occurs, whether wild or cultivated. In most of the
oiwe* of North Africa and Arabia every tree 1* the
home of two or three pair* of these tame and elegant
birds. In the crown of many of the date-trees nv*
or six nest* are placed together ; and the writer ha*
frequently, in a palm-grove, brought down ten
brace or more without moving from bis post. In
such camps as Elim a considerable supply of the**
doves may have been obtained.
From its habit of pairing for life, and its fidelity
for its mate, it was a symbol of purity and an
appropriate offering (comp. Pun. Nut. Hist, x. 52).
The regular migration of the turtle-dove and its
return in spring are alluded to in Jer. viii. 7, "The
turtle and the crane and the swallow observe the
time of their coming ;" and Cant. ii. 11, 12, " The
winter is past . . . and the voice of the turtle is
beard in our land." So Pliny, " Hyeme mutis, a
vera vocalibus;" and Arist. Hist. An. ix. 8,
" Turtle-doves spend the summer in cold countries,
the winter in warm ones." Although elsewhere
(viii. 5) be make* it hybernate («>*»Xei> There is,
indeed, no more grateful proof of the return of
spring in Mediterranean countries than the voice
of the turtle. On* of the first birds to migrate
northwards, the turtle, while other songsters are
heard chiefly in the morning, or only at inter-
vals, immediately on its arrival pours forth from
eveiy garden, grove, and wooded hill its melan-
choly yet soothing ditty, unceasingly from early
dawn till sunset. It is from it* plaintive note
doubtless that David in Ps. lxxiv. 19, pouring forth
his lament to God, compares himself to a turtle-
dove.
From the abundance of the dove tribe and their
importance a* an article of food the ancient* discri-
minated the species of CohmbHas, more accurately
than of many others. Aristotle enumerate* fiva
species, which are not all easy of identification, a*
but four species are now known commonly to in-
habit Greece. In Palestine the number of specie*
is probably greater. Besides the rock-dove {Co-
lumba lima, L.), very common on all the rocky
parte of the coast and in the inland ravines, where
it remain* throughout the year, and from which
all the varieties of the domestic pigeon are derived,
the ringdove (Columba palvmbut, L.) frequents all
the wooded districts of the country. The stock-dove
{Columba aenas, L.) is as generally, but mere
sparingly distributed. Another species, allied either
to this or to Columba livia, ha* been observed in
the valley of the Jordan, perhaps Col. Itueonola,
Vig. See Ibil, vol. L p. 85. The turtle-dove
' Twrtw auritus, L.) is, as has been stated, most
abundant, and in the valley of the Jordan, an allied
species, the palm-dove, or Egyptian turtle (TVtur
atgyptiacvu, Temm.), is by no means uncommon.
This bird, most abundant among the palm-tree* in
Egypt and North Africa, is distinguished from tha
common turtle-dove by its ruddy chesnut colour,
its long tail, smaller size, and the absence of the
collar on the neck. It does not migrate, but from
the similarity of its note and habits, it is not |«o>
bul-lr tha' it was distinguished by the ancients.
tt>70
TtCHICUS
The luge Indian turtle (7Vhir gehstct, Temm.)
has also been stated, though without authority, to
occur in Palestine. Other species, as the well-
known collared dove(T«rfiir risoria, L.)have been
incorrectly included as natives of Syria. [H. B. T.]
-
TY'OHIOUS (T»x"»»)- A companion of St.
Paul on aome of his journeys, and one of his fellow-
labourers in the work of the Gospel. He is men-
tioned in fire separate books of the New Testament,
and in four cases explicitly, in the rifth ray pro-
bably, be it connected with the district of Asia.
(1) In Acts xx. 4, he appears as one of those who
accompanied the Apostle through a longer or
shorter portion of his return-journey from the
third missionary circuit. Hue he is expieasly
called (with Trophimns) 'Ainarij : but while
Tropbimus went with .St. Paul to Jerusalem
(Actsxxi. 29), Tycliicus was lett behind in Asia,
probably at Miletus (Acts xx. 15,38). (2) How
Tyehicus was employed in the interval before St.
Paul's first imprisonment we oannot tell : but in
that imprisonment he was with the Apostle again,
as we an from Col. iv. 7, 8. Here he h spoken
of, not only as " a beloved brother," bat as " a
faithful minister and Callow-servant in the Lord ;"
and be is to make known to the Colosnaw the
p r ese n t circumstances of the Apostle (to. kot" ipjk
a-eWa ymptrti), and to bring comfort to the
Colossiaua themselves (Era *«u>ajcaA<<rp t4j KopJfaj
iftmr). From this we gather that diligent serviie
and warm Christian sympathy were two features
of the life and character of Tycliicus. Colossne was
in Asia; but from the fact that of Onesimus, who
is mentioned immediately afterwards, it is said, ts
irrtr i{ isuiv, whereas Tyehicus is not so styled,
we naturally infer that the Utter was not a native
of that city. These two men were doubtless the
bearers both of this letter and the following, as well
as that to Philemon. (3) The language concerning
Tyehicus in Eph. ri. St, 22, is very simi js, though
not exactly in the same word;. And i' <s the more
Important to notice this passage careluKv. because
X is the only personal allusion in the jostle, and
T YUAN-DOS
is of some colrjdernble value as a suaMdian*/ wf>
meut for it* autlwnticity. It' this was a oucolat
letter, Tyehicus, who bore a ooamiwion to Colons',
and who was probably well known in various- pai*
of the province of Asia, weuld be a, Tary preper
person to see the letter duly delivered aud nasi.
(4) The next references aieinthe I'srfornl Epistles,
the first in chronological order being Tit. iii. 1 i.
Here St. Paul I writing possibly from Epbetus) sa_ »
that it is probable he may send Tyehicus to Crete,
about the time when he himself goes to Xieoxoii*.
(5) la 2 Tim. iv. 12 (written at Roma dnriajr, tin
second imprisonment) he says, " i am herewith
sending Tyehicus to Ephesus." At least it seems
natural, with Dr. Wordsworth, so to render 4s**-
ere-Ao, though Bp. Ellicott's suggestion is siss
worth considering, that this mission may hare been
connected with the carrying of the /rat Erostie.
(See their notes on the passage.) Howe-rer tikis
may be, we see this disciple at the end, as wa aaw
him at the beginning, connected locally with Aasa,
while also co-operating with St. Paul. Wa ham
no authentic information concerning Tycfakua ra
any period previous to or subsequent to thru
five Scriptuial notices. The tradition whidb pUen
him afterwards as bishop of Chakednn in Bitty us
is ap|«u-eutly of no value. But there is snu-db pro-
bability in the conjecture (Stanley's Osrcs-xiuaxats,
2nd ed. p. 493) that Tyehicus was oaa of the two
" brethren " (Trophimus being the other) wan. ware
associated with- Titus (2 Cor. viu. 16-24) an ass-
ducting the business of the collection far tat poor
Christians in Judaea. As arguments for this view
we may mention the association with Trocshaxous,
the probability that both were Epbesians, the oc-
currence of both names in the second Kpisck to
Timothy (sec 2 Tim. iv. 20), the chrcooasgacnl aae
geographical agwamsjat with thedrcinnstano »aftis>
third missionary journey, and the gcasral la-nsruasje
used concerning Tyehicus in Coloasians and r'prstsiiai
[Asia; Epuksus; Tboprisils.] [J. S. U.J
TYBANiajS (T»>arwf). The nasoeof a.™,
in whose school or place of audien-s Paul taught
the Gospel for two years, during his s oj u a u ra at
Ephesus (see Acta xix. 9). The halls or roearn ol
the philosophers were called s-x*Aci among the
later Giveks (Liddell and Scott, s. v.); and as Lake
applies that term to the avditorixm in this ■r'T a mi i .
the presumption is that Tyrannus himself ana s
Greek, and a public teacher of phiksaiaahy or
rhetoric. He arid Paul must hart occuaaad the
i«om at different hours ; whether he hired it eel
to the Christians or gave to them the use of it in
either case he must have been friendly to them ' -s
led uncertain. Meyer is disposed to consider thai
Tyrannus was a Jewish rabbi, and the owner cd
a private synagogue or house for <*■**»•■; (JVi
LTTip). But, in the Hrst place, bit Greek seas*.
and the fact that he is not mentioned as a Jrw
or proselyte, disagree with that supposition ; aud.
in the second place, at Paul repaired to that Sana's
school alter having been compelled to leave tat
Jewish synagogue (Acts xix. 9), it is evident that
he took this course as a nv-ans of gaining access ts
the heathen; on object which he would naturally
seek through the co-operation of one of their owi
number, and not by associating himself with a Jrs
or a Gentile adherent of the Jewish fiutfa. h
speaking of him merely as a certain Tyrsw-u.
(TvooWov th>o>), Luke indicates certainly taaC at
nas nut n believer at first : tbour,b it is
TYKE
trough to think that he may hare become men n
(he temlt of hi* acquaintance with the Apostle.
Hansen (7ter Apoetel Paulus, p. 218) throwi out
the idea that the' hall may have belonged to the
authorities of the city, and hare derived it* name
from the original proprietor. [H. B. H.]
TYBE (*nY, "flf, i.e. TioV: Ttpos: 7\/na:
Josh. xix. 29 ; 2 Sam. xxi . 7 ; b. xxiii. 1 ; Ez.
xxvi. 15, xxvii. 2, &c.). A celebrated commercial
city of antiquity, situated in l'hneuicia, on the eutern
ooaat ol the Mediterranean Sen, in latitude 33° 17'
N. (Admiral Smythe's Mediterranean, p. 469).
ha Hebrew name » Tzdr " signifies a rock ; which
well agrees with the site of Sir, the modern town,
on a rocky peninsula, formerly an island. From,
the word " Tz6r " wen derived two names of the
city, in which the first letters differed from each
other, though both had a feature of their common
parent : 1st, the Aramaic word Turn, whence the
Ureek woid Turns, probably pronounced Tyros,
which finally prevailed in Latin, and, with slight
changes, in the modern languages of the West ; and,
2ndly, Sara, or Sam, which occurs in Plautus
( True. ii. 6, 58, * purpuram ez Sara tibi attuli "),
and which is familiar to scholars through the well-
known line of Virgil, '• (It gemma bibat, et SarnUiO
dormiat astro" (Georg. ii. 506; comp. Aul. Gell.
xir. 6 ; Silius Italicas, xv. 203 ; Juvenal x. 30).
According to a passage of Probus (ad Virg. Qeory.
U. 115), as quoted by Mt.GtoU (History of Greece,
iii. 353), the form "Sara" would seem tc have
Occurred in one of the Greek epics now lost, which
passed under the name of Homer. Certainly, this
form accords best with the modem Arabic name of
Mr.
PALAETYBUg, or Old Tyre. There is no doubt
that, previous to the siege of the city by Alexander
the Great, Tyre was situated on an island ; but, ac-
cording to the tradition of the inhabitants, if we may
believe Justin (xt 10), there was a city on the main-
land before there was a city on the island ; and the
tradition receives some colour from the name of
Palaetyi-us, or Old Tyre, which was borne in Greek
tinea by a city on the continent, 30 stadia to the
south (Strata, zii. 11, 24). But a difficulty arises
in supposing that Palaetyrus was built before Tyre,
as the word Tyre evidently means " a rock," and
lew persons who have visited the site of Palaetyrus
can seriously suppose that any rock on the surface
there can have given rise to the name. To escape
this difficulty, Hengstenberg makes the suggestion
that Palaetyrus meant Tyre that formerly existed ;
** quae quondam fuit ;" and that the name was in-
troduced after the destruction of the greater part of
it by Nebuchadnezzar, to distinguish it from that
part of Tyre which continued to be in existence
\l)e rebut Tyrionm, p. 26). Movers, justly deem-
ing this explanation unlikely, suggests that the
original inhabitants of the city on the mainland
posiicai e . fl the island as part of their territoiy, and
named their city from toe characteristic features of
the island, though the island itself wss not then
inhabited {Das PhDnuisd* Altert/nm, vol. ii.
pt- i. p. 173). This explanation is possible; but
other explanations are equally possible. For ex-
TYBE
1577
• aocoidmg to Herodotus, the prints st Tyre told Dim
that their cliy bad been founded 2300 yean before his
vidL Supposing be was at Tyre Ic 460 u., Ala would
maka the date of Its foundation Jl&o sjc. Joeepbus
wakes the more sober stuteejsnt, probably founded on
Masunatr'a history, thai It «aj founded 230 (ears before
ample, the Phoenician name of it may hare been
the Old City : and this mav have been translated
" Palaetyrus" in Greek. Or, if the inhabitants ol
the mainland migrated to the island, they may
afterwards, at some time or other, have given to
the city which they left the name of Old Tyre,
without its being necessarily implied that the city
had ever borne simply the name of Tyre. Or some
accidental cjicnmi>tance, now beyond the reach ot
conjecture, may have led to the name ; just as for
some unaccountable reason Roma Vecchia, or Old
Rome, is the name given in the Roman Campagna
(as is stated on the high authority of Mr. H. E.
Bunbury) to ruins of the age of Caracnlla situated
b e t ween the roads leading to Frascati and Albann,
although there are no traces there of any Old Town,
and there is not the slightest reason to suppose that
there is any historical foundation whatever for the
name. And this again would tally with Mr. Grote's
remark, who observes (/. c.) that perhaps the Phoe-
nician name which the city on the mainland bora
may have been something resembling Palae-Tyrus
in sound but not coincident in meaning. It is im-
portant, however, to bear in mind that this question
regarding Palaetyrus is merely archaeological, and
that nothing in Biblical history is affected by it.
Nebuchadnezzar necessarily besieged the portion of
the city on the mainland, as he had no vessels with
which to attack the island; but it is reasonably
certain that, in the time of Isaiah and Ezekiel, the
heart or core of the city was on the island. The city
of Tyre was consecrated to Hercules (Melkarth)
who was the principal object of worship to the inha-
bitants (Quintns Curtius, iv. 2; Strabo, xvi. p.
757) ; and Arrian in hia History says that the
temple on the island was the most ancient of all
temples within the memory of mankind (ii. 16).
It cannot be doubted, therefore, that the island had
long been inhabited. And with this agree the ex-
pressions as to Tyre being " in the midst of the
seas" (Exek. xxvii. 25, 26); and even the threat
against it that it should be made like the top of a
rock to spread nets upon (see Pes Vignoles' CAro-
nologie de tHatmre Striate, Berlin, 1738, vol. ii.
p. 25). As, however, the space on the island was
limited, it is very possible that the population on
the mainland may hare exceeded the population on
the island (see Movers, I. c. p. 81).
Whether built before or later than Palaetyros,
the renowned city of Tyre, though it laid claims to
a very high antiquity • (Is. xxiii. 7 ; Herodot ii.
14 ; Quintus Curtius, jr. 4), is not mentioned
either in the Iliad or in the Odyssey ; but no infer-
ence can be legitimately drawn from this fact as
to the existence or non-existence of the city at the
time when those poems were composed. The tribe
of Cnnaanitea which inhabited the small tract of
country which may be called Phoenicia Proper
[Phoknioia] was known by the generic name of
Sidonians ( Judg. xviii. 7 J Is. xxiii. 2, 4, 12 ; Josh,
xiii. 6 ; Kz. zxxii. 30) ; and this name undoubtedly
included Tynans, the inhabitants being of the none
race, and the two cities being leas than 20 English
miles distant from each other. Hence when Solo-
mon sent to Hiram king of Tyre for cedar-trees out
the commencement of the building of Solomon's temple.
Under any dreumstsnees, Joeephus could not, with his
ideas and chronology, bars accepted the dale of the Ty ruin
priests i Tor then Tyre would have been founded before
ti,i era of the Deluge. Mee so Instructive pusses ss to the
co-onolegr of Josephus In ML Till. 3, (1.
1578
TYKE
af Lebino. to lw hewn by Hiram's subjects, he
reminds Hi -sni that " there is not among at uv
that can sail to hew timber like the Sidonians ''
{1 K. t. f ). Hence Virgil, who, in his very tint
mention af Carthage, expressly states that it was
founded by colonists from Tyre (Aen. i. 12), after-
wards, with perfect propriety and consistency, calls
it the Sidonian city {Aen. i. 677, 678, it. 545.
See Des Vignoles, /. c p. 25.) And in like manner,
when Sidoniansare ipoken of in the Homeric Poems
(//. ri. 290, xziii. 743 ; Od. iv. 84, xrii. 424), this
might comprehend Tynans ; and the mention of the
city Sidon, while there is no similar mention of Tyre,
wunld be fully accounted for — if it were necessary to
account for such a circumstance at all in a poem —
by Sidon's having been in early times more flour-
ishing than Tyre. It is worthy, likewise, of being
noted, that Tyre is not mentioned in the Penta-
teuch; but here, again, though an inference may
be drawn against the importance, no inference can
be legitimately drawn against the existence, of
Tyre in the times to which the Pentateuch refers,
in the Bible, Tyre is named for the first time in
the Book of Joshua (xix. 29), where it is adverted
to as a fortified city (in the A. V. "the strong
city "), in reference to the boundaries of the tribe of
Asher. Nothing historical, however, turns upon
this mention of Tyre; for it is indisputable that
the tribe of Asher never possessed the Tyrian terri-
tory. According to the injunctions of the Pentateuch,
indeed, all the Canaanitish nations ought to have
been exterminated ; but, instead of this, the Israelites
dwelt among the Sidonians or Phoenicians, who
were inhabitants of the land (Judg. i. 31, 32),
snd never seem to have had any war with that
intelligent race. Subsequently, in a passage of
ftunuel (2 Sam. xxiv. 7), it it stated that the
enumerators of the census in the reign of David
went in pursuance of their mission to Tyre, amongst
jther cities, which must be understood as implying,
not that Tyre was subject to David's authority, but
merely that a census was thus taken of the Jews resi-
dent there. But the first psssages in the Hebrew
historical writings, or in ancient history generally,
which afford glimpses of the actual condition of Tyre,
are in the Book of Samuel (2 Sam. v. 1 1), in connec-
tion with Hiram king nf Tyre sending cedar-wood
and workmen to David, for building him a palace ;
and subsequently in the Book of Kings, in connec-
tion with the buildiug of Solomon's temple. One
point at this period is particularly worthy or atten-
tion. In contradistinction from all the other most
celebrated independent commercial cities out of
Phoenicia in the ancient and modern world, Tyre
was a monarchy and not a republic ; and, notwith-
standing its merchant princes, who might have been
dwmed likely to favour the establishment of an
aristocratical commonwealth., it continued to pre-
serve the rconarchical form of government until its
•inal loss ot independence. Another point is the
skill in the mechanical arts which seems to have
Been already attained by the Tyrians. Under this
head, allusion is not specially made to the excel-
lence of the Tynans in felling trees; tor, through
vicinity to the forests of Lebanon, they would as
naturally lurre become skilled in that art as the back-
fe It niay be Interesting to compare the distance from
»MV* tbe limestone was brought with which St Pant's
CslMsnl mi built. It was hewn from quarries In tbe
ane of PurtUnd. anil was sent to London round the North
FenLand up the river Thames. The distance to London In
TYBJB
woodsmen of America. But what
noteworthy is that Tyrians had become workers to
brass or copper to an extent which implies cassnuer-
ahle advancement in art. In the ro usuq a rson el
tbe various works in brass executed by tbe Tyris-i
artists whom Solomon sent for, there are outs,
palm-trees, oxen, lions, and obernbhn (1 K. vi
13-45). The manner in which the <
fir-wood was conveyed to Jerusalem is
interesting, partly from the similarity of the am
voyage to what may commonly be seen on the
Rhine at the present day, and partly as giving a
vivid idea of the really short distance b etw ee n Tyre
and Jerusalem. The wood was taken in floats to
Joppa (2 Chr. ii. 16; 1 K. t. 9), a distance af
less than 74 geographical miles. In the Mediter-
ranean during summer there are times when thai
voyage along the coast would have been perfectly
sate, and when the Tyrians might have i — •— — «
confidently, especially at night, on light <
fill tbe sails which were probably
occasions. From Joppa to Jerusalem the i
was about 32 miles ; and it is eertoia that by
this route the whole distance between the too cele-
brated cities of Jerusalem and Tyre was sec nee*
than 106 k geographical, or about 124 FjvgHsn.
miles. Within such a comparatively snort distance
(which by laud, in a straight line, was about SO aulas
shorter) it would be easy for two s uv i s e ign e, to
establish personal relations with each other ; snare
especially as tbe northern boundary of So lu aa uu' a
ltin|rdom,ffioi)e direction, was the southern boasrfary
of Phoenicia. Solomon and Hiram may f ia qutatly
have met, and thus laid the foundations of a poGtaosl
alliance in personal friendship. If by im an agent
they sent riddles and problems for each other to
solve (Joseph. Ant. viii. 5, $3; c. Apian. L 17),
they may previously have had, on several mnikam ,
a keen encounter of wits in convivial intercourse.
In this way, likewise, Solomon may have becBtna
acquainted with the Sidonian women woo, with
those of other nations, seduced him to Poly th ei sm
and the worship of Astute in his old age. remflai
remarks apply to tbe circumstances which may have
occasioned previously the strong affection of Bixasn
for David (1 K. v. 1).
However this may he, it » evident that under
Solomon there was a close alliance between the
Hebrews and the Tyrians. Hiram supplied S«Jo-
mon with cedar wood, precious metals, and work-
men, and gave him sailors for the voyage to Qpbrr
and India, while on tbe other hand Solomon 5*ve
Hiram supplies of com and oil, ceded to him scene
cities, and permitted him to make ore of sense
havens on tbe Red Sea (1 K. ix. 11-14, 26-38.
x. 22). These friendly relations survived far a
time the disastrous secession of the Ten Tribes, and
a century later Ahab married a dsngbtrv of Un-
heal, king of the Sidonians (1 K. xvi. 31), who,
according to Henander (Josephns, Ant. viii. 13,
§2), was daughter of Ithobsl, king of Tyre. As
she was xealous for her national reugien, she scans
to have been regarded as an s humiliation by the
pious worshippers of Jehovah; but this led to xo
special prophetical denunciations against Tyre.
The case became different, however, when :
a straight line from the North Foreland alone is of i
about twelve miles greater than from Tyre to .
while the distance from the Isle of Portland to the ifcsrtt
Furelnd a actually three times as avast,
TYRE
tile cupidity indue" 4 , the Tyruuis and the neigh-
bouring Phoenicians to buy Hebrew captive* from
their enemies and to sell them as slaves to the
Greeks (Thoehicia, p. 1001] and Edomites.
From tii.n time commenced denunciations, and, at
first, threats of retaliation (Joel iii. 4-8 ; Amos i.
9, 10) : and indeed, though there might be peace,
there could not be sincere friendship between the
two nations. But the likelihood of the denuncia-
tions being fulfilled first arose from the progressive
conquests of the Assyrian monarchs. it was not
probable that a powerful, victorious, and ambitions
neighbour could resist the temptation of endeavour-
ing to tubjiigate the small strip of land between
the Lebanon and the sea, so insignificant in extent,
but overflowing with so much wealth, which by
the Greeks was called Phoenicia. [Phoenicia.]
Accordingly, when Shalmaneaer, king of Assyria,
had taken the city of Samaria, had conquered the
kingdom of Israel and carried its inhabitants into
captivity, he turned his arms against the Phoeni-
cian cities. At this time, Tyre had reached a high
point of prosperity. Since the reign of Hiram, it
and planted the splendid colony of Carthage (143
rears and eight months, Josephus says, alter the
building of Solomon's temple, o. Apim. i. 18) ; it
I os M s md the island of Cyprus, with the valuable
mines of the metal " copper " (so named from the
island) ; and, apparently, the city of Sidoo was
subject to its sway. But Shalmaneser seems to
have taken advantage of a revolt of the Cyprians ;
and what ensued is thus related by Menander, who
translated the archives of Tyre into the Greek lan-
guage (see Josephus, Ant. ix. 14, §2) : " Elulaeus
reigned 36 years (over Tyre). This king, upon the
revolt of the Kittaesns (Cyprians), sailed with a
fleet against them, and reduced them to submission.
On the other hand, the king of the Assyrians at-
tacked in war the whole of Phoenicia, but soon
made peace with all, and turned back. On this,
Sidoo and Ace (ia Akkd or Acre) and Palaetyms
revolted from the Tynans, with many other cities
which deli vered themselves up to the king of Assyria.
Accordingly, when the Tyrians would not submit to
him, the King returned and fell upon them again, the
Phoenicians having furnished him with 60 ships and
800 rower*. Against these the Tyrians sailed with
12 ships, and, dispersing the fleet opposed to them,
they took five hundred men prisoners. The reputa-
tion of all the citizens in Tyre was hence increased.
Upon this the king of the Assyrians, moving off his
army, placed guards at their river and aqueducts to
prevent the Tyrians from drawing water. This
continued for five years, and still the Tyrians held
out, supplying themselves with water from wells."
It is in reference to this siege that the prophecy
•gainst Tyre in the writings entitled Isaiah, chap,
•xiii., was uttered, if it proceeded from the Pro-
*w*t laaiah himself: but this point will be again
enticed.
After the siege of Tyre by Shalmnneser (which
must have taken place not long after 721 B.O.),
Tyre remained a powerful state with its own kings
(Jer. uv. 22, xxrii. 3 ; Ex. xxviii. 2-12), remark -
able for its wealth, irith territory on the main-
land, and protected by strong fortifications (Ex.
xxviii. 5, xxvi. 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, xxvii. 11 ; Zech.
ix. 'J). Our knowledge of its condition thencefor-
ward until the siege by Nebnchiidneuar -<>nends
entirely on venous notices of it by the Hebrew pro-
phets ; but some of these notices are siugulai ly full,
and especially, the raity-seventh .hspter of Exekiel
TYRE
1679
furnishes us, on some points, with details such as
have scarcely come down to us respecting any one
city of antiquity, excepting Rome and Athena. One
point especially arrests the attention, that Tyre,
like its splendid daughter Carthage, employed mer-
cenary soldiers (Ex. xxvii. 10, 11 V This has been
the general tendency in commercial cities on account
of the high wages which may be obtained by
artisans in a thriving community, compared with
the ordinary pay of a soldier ; and Tyre had been
unable to resist the demoralising temptation. In
its service then were Phoenicians from Arvad,
Aethiopians obtained through the commerce of
Egypt, and hardy mountaineers fiom Persia. This
Is the first time that the name of Persia occurs in
the remains of ancient literature, before ite sons
founded a great monarchy on the ruins of the
ChaUaean empire. We may conceive them like the
Swiss, who, poor, faithful, and brave, have during
many centuries, until the last few years, deemed en-
listment in foreign services legitimate source of gam.
Independently, however, of this fact respecting Tyrian
mercenary soldiers, Kiekiel gives interesting details
respecting the trade of Tyre. On this head, without
attempting to exhaust the subject, a few leading
points may be noticed. The first question is aa to
the countries from which Tyre obtained the precious
metals; and it appears that its gold came from
Arabia by the Persian Gulf (v. 22), just as in the
time of Solomon it came from Arabia by the Red
Sea [Ophir]. Whether the Arabian merchants,
whose wealth was proverbial in Roman classical
times (Horace, Od. i. 29, 1), obtained their gold
by traffic with Africa or India, or whether it was
the product of their own country, is uncertain ; bat
as tar aa the latter alternative is concerned, the
point will probably be cleared np In the progress of
geological knowledge. On the other hand, the
silver, iron, lead, and tin of Tyre came from a very
different quarter of the world, vis. from the South
of Spain, where the Phoenicians had established
their settlement of Torshish, or Tartessus. As to
copper, we should have presumed that it was ob-
tained from the valuable mines in Cyprus ; but it
is mentioned here in conjunction with Javan, Tubal,
and Meahech, which points to the districts on the
south of the Black Sea, in the neighbourhood of
Armenia, in the southern line of the Caucasus,
between the Block Sea and the Caspian. Tin
country whence Tyre wss supplied with whest was
Palestine. This point has been already noticed
elsewhere [Phoenicians, p. 1002] as helping to
explain why there is no instance on record of war
between Tyre and the Israelites. It may be added
that the value of Palestine ss a wheat-country to
Tyre was greatly enhanced by its proximity, as there
wss scarcely a part of the kingdom of Israel on the
west of the River Jordan which was distant more
than s hundred miles from that great commercial
city. The extreme points in the kingdom of Judsh
would be somewhat more distant; but the wheat
probably came from the northern part of Palestine.
Tyre likewise obtained from Palestine oil, honey,
and balm, but not wine apparently, notwithstand-
ing the abundance of grapes and wine in Judas
(Gen. xlix. 11). The wine was imported from
Damascus, and was culled wine of Helbon, which
was probably not the product of the coiutry ad-
joining the celebiated aty of that name, but came
from the neighbourhood of Damascus itself (set
Porter's Handbook for Syria, vol. ii. p. 495 1
compare ithenaeus, i. 51 V The Bednwln Arabs
1580 YTOE
supplied Tyre with lambs mud nam and pit*, for
the rearing of which their mode of life iuh well
adapted. Egypt furnished Mora for sails, nod doubt-
lea for other purposes, and the dyes from thell-
riafa, which afterward* became aiich a source of
profit to the Tyrians, were imparted from the
Peloponnesus (compare the " Laoonicas purpuma "
of Horace, (ML ii. 18, 7, and Winy ix. 40).
Lastly, from Dedan in the Persian Gulf, an island
oc cu pied possibly by a Phoenician colony, horns of
irory and ebony were imported, which must origi-
nally hare been obtained from India (Ez. xxvii. 10,
11, 22, 12, 13, 17, 18, 31, 7, 15).
In the midst of great prosperity and wealth,
which was the natural result of such an extensive
trade (Ex. xxviii. 4), Nebuchadnezzar, at the head
of an ■utut of tlie Chaldees, invaded Judaea, and
captured Jerusalem. As Tyre was so near to
Jerusalem, and ss the conquerors were a tierce
and formidable race (Hab. i. 6), led by a general
af undoubted capacity, who had not long before
humbled the power of the Egyptians, it would
naturally be supposed that this event would hare
excited alarm and terror amongst the Tynans.
Instead of this, we may infer from Exekiel's state-
ment (xxvi. 2) that their predominant feeling was
one of exultation. At tint sight this appears
strange and almost inconceivable; but it is ren-
dered intelligible by same previous eveuts hi Jewish
history. Only 34 years before the destruction of
Jerusalem, commenced the celebrated Reformation
of Jonah, B.C. 622. This momentous religions
revolution, of which a detailed account is given in
two chapters of the Book of Kings (2 K. xiii.
xxiii.), and which cannot be too closely studied by
any one who wishes to understand the Jewish
Annals, fully explains the exultation and malevo-
lence o( the Tynans. In that Reformation, Josiah
had heaped insults on the gods who were the
objects of Tyriau veneration and lore, he had con-
sumed with fire the sacred vessels used in their
woiihip, he had burnt their images and defiled
their high places— not excepting even the high
place near Jerusalem, which Solomon the friend of
Hiram had built to Ashtoreth the Queen of Heaven,
and which for more than 360 years had bean
a striking memorial of the reciprocal good-will
which once united the two monarchs and the two
nations. Indeed, he seemed to have endeavoured
to exterminate their religion, for in Samaria (2 K.
xxiii. 20) he hnd slain upon the altars of the high
places all their priests. These acts, although in
tbeir ultimate results they may have contributed
powerfully to the* diffusion of the Jewish religion,
must hare been regarded by the Tynans as a series
of sacrilegious and abominable outrages; and we
can scarcely doubt that the death in battle of
Jusiah at Megiddo. and the subsequent destrwtion
of the cfty and Temple of Jerusalem were hailed
by them with triumphant Joy as instances of divine
Mtributiou in human affairs.
This joy, however, must soon have given way
to other feelings, when Nebuchadnezzar invaded
Phoenicia, and laid siege to Tyre. That siege
lasted thirteen years ( Joseph, c. A/mm. I. 21), and
it is still a deputed pniut, which will be noticed
separately in this article, whether Tyre was actually
tkiten by Nebuchadnezzar on this occasion. How-
TTKE
■rer this may be, it is probable trott, en anas*
or other. Tyre submitted to the ChaloVsn TV*
wou>d explain, amongst other points, an exptxhiMt
of A pries, the Pharaoh-Hophra of Script ore, again*
Tyre, which probably ha|fmed not long after, > J
which may hare been dictated by obvious saot.rea
of self-defence in order to prevent the naval ftrt.tr
of Tyre becoming a powerful instrument of attack-
ing Egypt in the nands of the Chaldees. In this
expedition Apries besieged Sidon, fought a naval
battle with Tyre, and reduced the whole of the canst
of Phoenicia, though this could not have had lantrn-
eflecte (Heiod. ii. 161 ; Died. i. 68; Movers, I»a
PsJAimscW AitertkmA, vol. ii. p. 431). The rale
of Nebuchadnezzar over Tyre, though real, may
have been light, and in the nature of an aiuaaee;
and it may have been in this sense that Mortal, a
subsequent Tynan king, was sent for to Babyism
(Joseph, c. Apio*.\. 21). During the Persian dotso-
nation the Tynans were subject in name to the Pes*
sian king, and may have given him tribute. With
the rest of Phoenicia, they had submitted to the
Persians, without striking a blow ; perhaps, through
hatred of the Chaldees; perhaps, solely frees pru-
dential motives. But their connexion with tht
Persian king was not slavish. Thus, when Caae-
byses ordered them to join In an expedition a g ain s t
Carthage, they refused compliance, on a e uusl af
their solemn engagements and parental retention ta
that colony: and Cambysea did not deem it right ta
use force towards tbem (Herod, iii. 19). After-wars*
they fought with Persia against Greece, and fur-
nished vessels of war in the expedition af Xerxes
against Greece (Htaod. tin 98); sad Mspta, the
son of Sirom the Tyrian, is mentioned amongst, these
who, next to the commanders, were the saoat re-
nowned in the Beet, It is worthy of notice) that
at this time Tyre seems to have been iafersor _a
power to Sidon. These two cities were lean thaw
twenty English miles distant from each other ; and
it is easy to conceive that in the course of cesxtstnes
their relative importance might fluctuate, as srexjd
be very possible in our own country with two nvarh-
bouring cities, such, lor example, ss Liverpool anl
Manchester. It is possible also that Tyre may hare
been seriously weakened by its long struggle against
Nebuchadnezzar. Under the Persian doaniinon.
Tyre and Sidon supplied cedar wood again ta> the
Jews for the building of the second Temple ; and
this wood was sent by sea to Joppa, and Irnssi
to Jerusalem, as had been the case with the mate-
rials for the first Temple in the time of ii u l u s isu a
(Exra, iii. 7). Ouder the Persians likewise Tyre
was visited by an historian, from whom we asoght
hare derived valuable information I <| *J s; iaa
condition (Herod, ii. 44). But the
actually supplied by him is scanty, as the i
of his voyage seems to have been solely to Tiat
the celebrated temple of Metkarth (the Ptsseaucxaa
Hercules), which was situated in the island, ana*
was highly venerated. He gives no detain as to
the city, and merely specifies two eolunsr* wtucL
he observed in the temple, one of gold, aaal the
other of emerald ; or rather, as is reasonably eco-
jectured by Sir Gardiner Wilkinson, or green
gists ( Kawlittson s lltrodotux, ii. 81, 82). Towards
the dose of the following century, B.C. U3i,
Tyre was assailed for the third time by a gr e at
• Itwatowtog is UasRrtbrnuifbnol JosUh that trben msnyof them probabr/ tree tram
las Jaws wan carried talo captivity by Netaxxauhiezsar a I ncss to ceremonial
axaerauuo bad uIku unuiuiul |i> uvlairy. and »et j ouanujr.
the In tease sarsnsss*
TYKE
MHqueror : and it mom uncertainty hangs over the
eiege by Nebiicnailnezsar, the multa of the siege
by Alexander were deer and undeniable. It vat
essential to th« suucess of hU military plana that
•lie Phoenician fleet ihould be at his command, and
that he ahonld not be liable through their lwetility
tr. !iave his communications by sea with Greece and
Macedonia suddenly cut off; and be accordingly
summoned all the Phoenician citiea to submit to
hi* rule. All the red of them, deluding Aradua,
Br bins and Sidon, complied with hi* demands, and
the .seamen of those cities in the Persian fleet brought
away their ships to join him. Tyre alone, calculat-
ing probably at rirnt on the support of those seamen,
refused to admit him within it* walls— and then
niMiril a memorable siege which lasted seven months,
and the success of which was the greatest of all the
achievement* which Alexander up to that time had
attempted. It is not necessary to give here the
details of that siege, which may be found in A man
ind Quintus Ciirtius, and in all good Grecian his-
tories, such aa those of Bishop Thirlwall and Mr.
Crote. It may be sufficient to say, that at that
time Tyre was situated on an island nearly half a
mile from the mainland — that "it was completely
surrounded by prodigious walla, the loftiest portion
of which on the side fronting the mainland reached
• height not less than 150 feet;" and that not-
withstanding his persevering effort*, he could not
hare succeeded in his attempt, if the harbour of
Tyre to the north had not been blockaded by the
Cyprians, and that to the south by the Phoenicians,
thus affording an opportunity to Alexander for
uniting the island to the mainland by an enormous
artificial' male. Moreover, owing to internal dis-
turbances, Carthage was unable to afford any assist-
ance to its parent state.
The immediate results of the capture by Alex-
ander wen most disastrous to it, as its brave
defenders were pot to drath ; and, in accordance
with the barbarous policy of ancient times, 30,000
of its inhabitants, including slaves, fie* females
and free children were sold as slave* (Arrian, iv,
24, §9 ; Diodorus, xvii. 46). It gradually, how-
ever, recovered its prosperity through the immi-
gration of fresh settlers, though its trade is said to
have suffered by the vicinity and rivalry of Alex-
andria. Under the Macedonian successors of Alex-
ander, it shared the fortunes of the Seleubdae, who
bestowed on it many privileges ; and there are still
in existence coins of that epoch with a Phoenician
and Greek inscription (Eckhel, Voctr. Jimmormn
Vft. vol. iii. p. 379, etc ; Gesenius, Uomamnia
Phoenicia*, pp. 262-264, and Tab. 34). Under
the lionans, at tint it continued to enjoy a kind
of freedom ; for Josephii* mentions that when Cleo-
patra preased Antony to include Tyre and Sidon
in a girt of Phoenician and Jewish territory which
he road* to her, he steadily refused, knowing them to
have bean " free cities from their ancestors" (Awl.
ST. 4, §1). Subsequently, however, on the arrival
* That Tyre was on an Island, previous to Its stage by
Alexander, Is one of lbs most certain facts of history ; bat
on examining the locality al tbe present day few persons I
would suspect from existing appearances that there wss i
■nrlhlng sitlflcUl tn tbe furmation of tbe present
■euJnsnls. I
• Pliny tbe elder elves an account of the Phoenician
atasH-ash (tx. so, •!). and stale* that from the larger ones
the dye wss estnwted, sfter tolling elf the shell : but that
lbs small ash were crushed sllve together with ihc shells. |
Tlr U'Ude, an 'nleltlgent mudern traveller, observed at i
TYRE
1681
of Aurnstu* in the Kast, he is said to liavedepcvred
the two cities of their liberties for seditions conduct
(•'SovAsVara, Dion Casaius, txiv. 7). Still the
prosperity of Tyre in the time of Augustus was
undeniably great- Strabo gives an account of it at
that period (xvi. 2, 23), and speaks of the great
wealth which it derived fmm the dyes of the cele-
brated Tyrian purple, which, as is wall known,
were extracted from shell-fish found on the coast,
belonging to a species of the genus Mnrex. In the
days of Exekiel, the Tyrians had imported pnmle
from the Peloponnesus ; but they had since learned
to extract the dye for themselves ; and they had the
advantage of having shell-fish on their coast better
adapted for this purpose even than those on the
Lacedaemonian coast (Pausanias, iii. 21, §6). Strabo
adds, that the great number of dyeing works ten-
dered the city unpleasant as a place of residence.*
He further speaks of the houses as consisting of
many stories, even of more than in the houses at
Rome — which is precisely what might be expected
in a prosperous fortified city of limited area, in
which ground-rant would be nigh. Pliny the Elder
gives additional information resptcting the city, for
in describing it he says that the circumference of
the city proper (i. t. the city on the peninsula) was
22 stadia, while that of the whole city, includ-
ing Palaetyrus, was 19 Roman miles (Nat. Hut.
v. 17). The accounts of Strabo and Pliny have
a peculiar interest in this respect, that they tend te
convey an idea of what the city must have been,
when visited by Christ (Matt. XT. 21 ; Mark vii.
24). It was perhaps more populous than Jeru-
salem [Jerusalem, p. 1025], and if so, it was un-
doubtedly the largest city which he is known tc
have visited. It was not much more than thirty
miles distant from Nazareth, where Christ mainly
lived as a cariienter's son during the greater part
of his life (Matt, ii. 23, iv. 12, 13, 18; Mark
vi. 3). We may readily conceive that He may
often have gone to Tyre, while yet unknown to the
world ; and whatever uncertainty there may be as
to the extent to which the Greek language was
likely to be spoken at Nazareth, at Tyre and in its
neighbourhood there must have been excellent oppor-
tunities for conversation in that language, with which
He seems to hare been acquainted (.Mark vii. 26).
From the time of Christ to the beginning of the Ath
century, then is no reason to doubt that, as far aa was
compatible with the irreparable loss of independence,
Tyre continued in uninterrupted prosperity; and
about that period Jerome ha* on record vary striking
testimony on the subject, which has been often
quoted, and is a landmark in Tyrian history (sec
Gesenius's Jctaia, vol. i. p. 714). Jerome, in his
Commentaries on Eaekiet, cornea to the passage in
which tbe prophet threatens Tyre with the approach
of Kcbuchadncasxiir, king of Babylon (Ex. xxvi. 7) ;
and he then, aiiwugst other points, refers to the
verse in which tbe prophet predict* of Tyre, " Thou
shalt be built ao more," saying that this raises a
Tyn n um e rou s round holes cut m tbe solid ssndatone
rock, tn which shells seem to have been crushed. They
were perfectly smooth on tbe tnstde ; and msny of them
wen shaped exactly like a modern Iron pot, broad and list
■i the button, and narrowing toward the top Msny of
these were filled with s breccia of shells ; tn other places
this breeds lay In beans In the neighbourhood An the
shells were of one spedes, and were undouMeaiy Uk>
Mum TnnKviiK. See .Varratit* a/a ravage la MwUrm,
TrneWjfe, and along M* Skorti tf tie MsdiCrr iiwm
lUblln. 1S44.
1682
TYBB
Question as to how a city ran be said not to be
r .rilt any mora, which we see at the present day
the most noble and the moat beautiful city of Phoe-
nicia. " Quodque sequitur: nee nedificaberis ultra,
videtar facer* quaestionem qnotnndo non ait aedifi-
cata, (fiam hodie cernima Phoenices nobilimmam
et piUcherrimam (Mitotan." He afterward*, in his
remarks on the 3rd Terse of the 27th chapter, in
which Tyre ia called, " a merchant of the people
for many fides," says that this continues down to
his time, so that commercial dealings of almost all
nations are carried on in that citr — " qvod quidem
tuque hodie pergeverat, ut omnium pmpemodo gew-
tium at i'Ja exerctantur commercial Jerome's
Commentaries on Ezekjd are supposed to hare been
written about the years 411-414 a.d. (see Smith's
Dictionary of Oreek and Soman Biography, vol.
fi. p. 465), so that his testimony respecting the
prosperity of Tyre bears date almost precisely a
thousand years after the capture of Jerusalem by
Nebuchadnezzar, B.C. 588. As to the passage in
which Ezrkid states that Tyre shall be built no
mora, Jerome says the meaning is, that " Tyre will
be no more the Queen of Nations, baring its own
king, as was the case under Hiram and other kings,
but that it was destined to be always subject, either
to the Chaldeans, or to the Macedonians, or to the
Ptolemies, or at last to the Romans.'' At the same
time Jerome notices a meaning given to the passage
by some interpreters, that Tyre would not be built
in the hut days ; but he asks of such interpreters,
" How they will be able to preserve the part attri-
buted to Nebuchadnezzar, especially as we read
in what fellows, that Nebuchadnezzar besieged
Tyre, but had no reward of his labour Cxxix. 18),
and that Egypt was given over to him because in
besieging Tyre he had served the purpose of God."
When Jerome spoke of Tyre's subjection to the
Romans, which had then lasted more than four hun-
dred years, he could scarcely hare anticipated that
another subjugation of the country was reserved for
it from a new conquering power, coming not from
the North, but from the South. In the 7th century
A. n. took place the extraordinary Arabian revolution
under Mahomet, which has given a new religion
to so many millions of mankind. In the years 633-
638 A.D. all Syria and Palestine, from the Dead
Sea to Antioch, was conquered by the Khalif Omar.
This conquest was so complete, that in both those
countries the language of Mahomet has almost totally
supplanted the language of Christ. In Syria, there
are only three villages where Syriac (or Aramaic)
is the vernacular language. In Palestine, H is not
the language of a single native : and in Jerusalem, to
a stranger who understands what is inrolred in this
momentous revolution, it is one of the most sug-
gestive of all sounds to hear the Muezzin daily call
Mahometans to prayers in the Arabic language of
Mahomet, within the sacred precincts where once
stood the Temple, in which Christ worshipped in
Hebrew, or in Aramaic (As to the Svriac language,
see Porter's Handbook for Syria and Palatine, vol.
ii. p. 551 .) But even this conquest did not cause
the overthrow of Tyre. The most essential condi-
tions on which peace was granted to Tyre, as to
other Syrian cities, were the payment of a poll-tax,
the obligation to give board and lodging for three
days to trtry Muskm traveller, the wearing a
peculiar dress, the admission of Muxlems into the
churches, the doing awny with all crosses and all
sounds of bells, the avoiding of all insulting ex-
lacasions towards the Mahometan religion, and the
TTBE
r nihibition to ride on hor se back or to boJU ss»»
churches. [txeVtdVtGetotnchteder CkaGfer, J«U
81-82.) Some of these conditions woo banrilmi me;
and nearly heart-breaking ; but if submitted to. Its
lives and private property of the iiilsslal— Is re-
mained untouched. Accordingly, at the tone of uW
Crusades Tyre was still a flourishing city, when t
surrendered to the Christiana on the 27th of Jose.
1124. It had early been the aeat of a Chnstsu
bishopric, and Cassiua, bishop of Tyre, is named *
having been present at the Council of Caesars
towards the close of the 2nd oentnry {Rrfcmt
Palatine, 1054); and now, in the year after is
capture by the Crusaders, William, a Frerrchenm.
a made its archbishop. This archbishop has let*
on record an account of the city, which gives a Mrs
idea of its wealth and great military strength. '««»
Wilheimi Tyrensi* Hittoria, lib. xrii. asp. 5U Aral
his statements are confirmed by Benjamin of TonVti.
who visiter! it in the same century. (See Pnrehas'i
Pilgrims, ii. 1448.) The latter writer, who died ia
1173, says: "Nor do I think any hams in the
world to be like unto tnis. The* city itself, as I
hare said, far goodly, and in it there are ahon« fan
hundred Jews, among whom some are very strife)
in disciplinary readings, and especially Epfcrahn the
Egyptian judge, and Mair, and Ganhesoaa, sat
Abraham, the head of the unireraity. Some of the
Jews there have ships at sea for the cause of gar.
There are artificial workmen in ghost there, wK-
make glass, called Tynan glass, the most exceileri.
and of the greatest estimation in all countries. TV
best and most approved sugar is also found there.*
In feet, at this period, and down to the dose of the
13th century, there was perhaps no city ia the
known world which had stronger claims than Tvrr
to the title of the " Eternal City," if experience rod
not shewn that cities as well as inxhridiiaJs wrr«
subject to decay and dissolution. Tyre had b*r-
the parent of colonies, which at a distant prnoi
had enjoyed a long life and had died ; and it b»l
survired more than fifteen hundred years Ha greatest
colony, Carthage. It had outlived Aegyptian Thebes,
and Babylon, and ancient Jerusalem. It had seat
Grecian cities rise and fell ; and although older thsa
them all, it was in a state of great prosperity wbea
an illustrious Kornan, who had been sailing frost
Aegiua to Megan, told Cicero, in imperishabs.
words, of the corpses or carcases of cities, tat
oppidorwn cadavera, by which in that voyage he
had been in every direction encompassed (Ep. ad
Familiar, ir. 5). Rome, it is true, waa still iz
existence in the 13th century; but, in compxrisot
with Tyre, Rome itself was of recent date, its now
twice consecrated soil having been merely the haunt
of shepherds or robbers for some hundred years after
Tyre waa wealthy and strong. At length, howew.
the evil day of Tyre undoubtedly arrived. It hal
been more than a century and a half in the haadt
of Christiana, when in March, a.d. 1291, the Sulua
of Egypt and Damascus invested Acre, then k»».i
to Europe by the name of Ptolemais, and took it t-t
storm after a siege of two months. The resort war
told in the beginning of the next century tt
Marinas Sanutus, a Venetian, in the foliowin
words : " On the same day on which Ptolcmx*
was taken, the Tyrians, at vespers, leaving the nt«
empty, without the stroke of a sword, without tot
tumult of war, embarked on board then- must
and abandoned the city to be occupied freely b*
their conquerors. On the morrow the
entered, no one nttempt : ng to promt
TYKE
Uicy d'<l what taey pleased." [Liber Secretonm
Udelimn Crvois, lib. iii. cap. 22.)'
This fu the tornlng-point in Vie history of Tyre,
1879 rears after the capture of Jtruaaleni by Nebu»
chndnezxar ; and Tyre has not yet reooveietl from
the blow. In the first half of the 14th century it
was visited by Sir John Haunderille, who says,
■peaking of " Tyre, which is now called Sflr, here
was once a great and goodly dry of the Christians :
but the Saracens have destroyed it in great part ;
and they guard that haven carefully for fear of tha
Christians" (Wright's Early Travels in Palestine,
p. 141). About A.D. 1610-11 it was visited by
Sandys, who said of it : " But this once famous
Tyre is now no other than a heap of ruins; yet
have they a reverent aspect, and do instruct the
pensive beholder with their exemplary frailty. It
bath two harbours, that on the north side the
fairest and best throughout all the Levant (which
the cursours enter at their pleasure) ; the other
choked with the decayes of the city." (Purchas 's
Pilgrims, ii. 1393.) Towards the close of the same
century, in 1697 A.D., Maun/lrell says of it, " On the
n wth side it has an old Turkish castle, besides which
there is nothing here but a mere Babel of broken
walla, pillars, vaults, be., there being not so much
as an entire house left. Its present inhabitants are
only a few poor wretches that harbour in vaults
and subsist upon fishing." (See Harris, Voyages and
Travels, ii. 846.) Lastly, without quoting at length
Dr. Richard Pococke, who in 1737-40 A.D. stated
(see vol. x. of Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels,
p. 470) that, except some janizaries, there were few
other inhabitants in the city than two or three
Christian families, the words of Hasrelquist, the
Swedish naturalist, may be recorded, as they mark
the lowest point of depression which Tyre seems to
have reached. He was there in May 1751 A.D.,
and he thus speaks of his visit : " We followed the
sea shore and came to Tyre, now called Zur,
where wo lay all night. None of these cities, which
formerly were famous, are so totally ruined as this
except Troy. Zur now scarcely can be called a
miserable village, though it was formerly Tyre, the
queen of the sea. Here are about ten inhabitant!,
Turks and Christians, who lie* by f thing" (See
Haaselquist, Voyages and Travels in the Levant,
I-oudon, 176C) A slight change for the better
began snon after. Tolney states that in 1766 A.D.
the Mettwileh took possession of the place, and
tuilt a wall round it twenty feet high, which existed
when he visited Tyre nearly twenty years afterwards.
At that time Volney estimated the population at
fifty or sixty poor families. Since the beginning of
the present oentury there has been a partial revival
ef prosperity. But it has been visited at different
times d uriug the last thirty years by biblical scholars,
such as Professor Robinson (Bib. Res. ii. 463-471),
Canon Stanley (Sinai and Palestine, 270), and M.
Ernest Returns (Letter in the Momtev, July 11,
TYRB
1583
I A copy of this work Is in O—tm Bel per PMmuM.
slxaeeiae, MIL.
« if. Ernest llenraaiys there Das been mittafsscaef of
the land, owing to earthquakes or other causes; and that
.the west of the Ukind bus the same level ss In ancient
Janes. Mr. Wilde had spoken with great caution on this
point, pp. 383-30S. It Is Hill very desirable that the
peolDanla and the adjoining coast should be minub-ly
examined by an experienced practical geologist. There
seems to be no doubt that the city has snnered trra
earthquakes. Bee Porter, I. c. : and compare aenvca, A'ot.
t?iiai vL 1-1 1. 8trabt av. p. 167. and i-jtl\ xl. 2. 1.
1861), who all concur in the account of lb genera
aspect of desolation. M r. Porter, who resideu several
years at Oamaacus, and had means of obtaining cor-
rect Information, states in 1858 that "tne modern
town, or rather village, contains from 3000 to 4000
inhabitants, about one-half being Mettwileh, and
the other Christians" (Handbook for Travellers in
Syria and Palestine, p. 39 1). Its great inferiority
to Beyrout for receiving vessels suited to the re-
quirements of modem navigation will always pro-
vent Tyre from becoming again the most important
commercial city on the Syrian coast. It is reserved
to the future to determine whether with a good
government, and with peace in the Lebanon, it may
not increase in population, and become again com-
paratively wealthy.
In conclusion, it is proper to consider two ques-
tions of much interest to the Biblical student, which
hare been already noticed in this article, but which
could not then be conveniently discussed fully. 1st.
The date and authorship of the prophecy against
Tyre in Isaiah, chap, xxiii. ; and 2ndly, the ques-
tion of whether Nebuchadnezzar, after his long
siege of Tyre, may be supposed to bars actually
taken it.
On the first point it is to be observed, that as
there were two sieges of Tyre contemporaneous
with events mentioned in the Old Testament, viz.
that by Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, in the reign
of Hezekiah, and the siege by Nebuchadnezzar, king
of the Chaldees, after the capture of Jerusalem in
588 B.C., and as Isaiah was living during the
former siege, but must have been dead considerably
more thou a hundred years at the time of the latter
siege, it is probable, without denying piedictive pro-
phecy, that the prophecy relates to the first siege, if
it wss written by Isaiah. As the prophecy is iu the
collection of writings entitled " Isaiah," there would
formerly not have been any doubt that it was written
by that prophet. But it has been maintained by
eminent Biblical critics that many of the writings
under the title of his name were written at the time of
the Babylonian Captivity. This seems to be the least
open to dispute in reference to the prophecies com-
mencing with " Comfort ye, comfort ye my people,"
in the 1st verse of the 40th chapter, concerning
which the following facts seem to the writer of
the present article to be well established.' 1st.
These prophecies are different in style from the un-
disputed writings of Isaiah. 2ndly. They do not
predict that the Jews will be carried away into
captivity at Babylon, but they presuppose that the
Jews are already in captivity there at the time
when the prophecies are uttered ; that Jerusalem is
desolate, and that the Temple is burnt (Is. Ixiv.
10, 11, xliv. 26, 28, xlv. 13, xlvii. 5, 6, Iii. 2, 9,
li.3, 11, 17-23). 3rdly. The name of Cyrus, who
conquered Babylon probably at least a hundred mid
fifty years after the death of Isaiah is mentioned in
them twice (xliv. 28, xlv. 1): and 4thly, there is
a Doubta as to the authorship of these chapters were
first angzested by Underlain in 1781. In a review of Kopp's
traualation of Lowtb's Isaiah. Since 17(1 their later
date has been accepted by Elchbom, Rosemnlltler, De
Wette, Oesenlus, Winer, Ewald, Hl'zlg, KnoM, Rere-
feld, Bleek, Gelger, and Davidson, and by namerrus other
Hebrew scholars. The evidence has been nowhere slated
more clearly than by Qeeeniu* In his Jesata fpart 1L
pp. 18-35, folpiig, 18a I). [On tor other hand, the writer
of the article Isaiah In the present W irk maintaUK the
unity of the book.— to.]
1584
TYRE
U. external contemporary evidence between the
tine of Isaiah and the time of Cyrus to prove that
th-iee prophecies were then in existence. But al-
though In this way the evidence of a lab r date
at peculiarly cogent in reference to the 40th and
following chapters, then is also reasonable evidence
o> the later date of several other chapters, such, for
example, as the 13th and 14th (on which observe
particularly the four first verses of the 14th chapter)
and chapters xxiv.-xxvii. Hence there Is no A priori
difficulty in admitting that the 23nl chapter, re-
rpecting Tyre, may likewise have been written at the
time rf the Chaldean invasion. Yet this is not to be
assumed without something in the nature of pro-
bable proof, and the real point is whether any such
proof can be adduced on this subject. Now although
Hitaig (Dtr Prophet Jtsojo, Heidelberg, 1833,
\. ?.Tii undertakes to show that there is a difference
of language between Isaiah's genuine prophecies and
♦iie 23rd chapter, and although Ewald (Die Pro-
pketf dee Alien Bundes, vol. i. p. 238), who
refers it to the siege of Tyre by Shalmaneser, be-
lieves the 23rd cha|iter, on the grounds of style
and language, to have been written by a younger
contemporary and scholar of Isaiah, not by Isaiah
•imselt', it is probable that the majority of scholars
will be mainly influenced in their opinions as to
the date of that chapter by their view of the
meaning of the 13th verse. In the A. V. the be-
ginning of the verse is translated thus : " Behold
the land of the Chaldeans, this people was not till
the Assyrian founded it for them that dwell in the
wilderness " — and this has been supposed by some
able commentators, such as Rosenmuller and Hitzig
'ml he.), to imply thai the enemies with which the
Tyrians were threatened were the Chalilees under
Nebuchadnezzar, and not the Assyrians under Shal-
maneser. If this is the meaning, very few critics
would now doubt that the piophecy was composed
in the time of Nebuchadnezzar ; and there is cer-
tainly something remarkable in a supposed mention
of the Chaldees by such an early writer as Isaiah,
inasmuch as, with the possible exceptions in the
mention of Abraham and Abraham's family as
having belonged to " Or of the Chaldees" (Gen. zi.
28, 31, zt. 7), the mention of the Chaldees by
Isaiah would be the earliest in the Bible. The only
other passage respecting which a doubt might be
raised is in the Book of Job (I. 17) — a work, how-
ever, which s eems to the author of this article to
have been probably written later than Isaiah.' But
the 13th verse of the chapter attributed to Isaiah by
no means necessarily implies that the Chaldees under
Nebuchadnezzar were attacking Tyre, or were abont
to attack it. Accepting the ordinary version, it would
be amply sufficient that Chaldees should be formid-
able mercenaries in the Assyrian army. This is
the interpretation of Oesenius (Oommentar sow den
Jesaia, aid lot), who goes still father. Founding
his reasoning on the frequent mention by Xenophon
of Chaldees, as a bold, warlike, and predatory tribe
in the neighbourhood of Armenia, and collecting
sc att ered notices round this fundamental fact, he
conjectures that bands of them, having served either
as mercenaries or m volunteers in the Assyrian
army, had received lands for their permanent settle-
1 In the total absence of external evidence nothing In
**vour of an earlier date can be adduced to outweigh one
arcumsuuice long since noticed among numerous others
ty Oessolus (.OachtdtU dsr SebrSitdun Spradte and
MrWX that the Aramaic plural fTO occurs twelve
TYKK
merit on the banks of the Euphrasia nat Ictf Hbt
the invasion of Srnlmantser (see Xeaaadsaa, 'V»
paed. iii. 2, {{7, 12; Auab. ir. 3, $*, v. 5. f>.
vii. 8, §14). So great fa) oar i gnorance of tto
Chaldees previous to their mention in the BtWe.
that this conjecture of Oesenius cannot be disprove!.
There is not indeed snfficunt positive evidence far
it to justify its adoption by aa historian at* tat
Chaldees; bat the possibility of its being trot
should make us hesitate to assume that the i.tth
verse is incompatible with the date orrlinsriry as-
signed to the prophecy in which it ocean. Bat.
independently of these considerations, the begmairy
of the 13th verse is capable of a totally diBenta
translation from that in the Authorized Version. K
may be translated thus: •* Behold the land of tat
Chaldees, the people is no more, Assyria has gives
it [the land] to the dwellers in the wilderness.'
This is partly in accordance with Ewald's tiasaiaa
tion, not following him in the substitution of "*Ca-
naanites " (which he deems the correct re n ding far
"Chaldees" — and then the passage might reterw
an unsuccessful rebellion of the Chakleea agswet
Assyria, and to a consequent desolation of the bed
of the Chaldees by their victorious rulers. tee
point may be mentioned m favour of this view, that
the Tynans are not warned to look at the Oonsaa
in the wav that Habakknk threatens bis casseajse-
raries with the hostility of that "terrible sad
dreadful nation," but the Tyrians are w ant ed t»
look at the land of the Chaldees. Here, again, we
know so little of the history of the ChaMees, that
this interpretation, likewise, cannot be o a sjs roT ez
And, on the whole, as the burden of prase" ma
with any one who denies Isaiah to have bean tar
author of the 23rd chapter, as the 13th rarae is a
very obscure passage, and as it cannot bo prove!
incompatible w'th Isaiah's authorship, it is per-
missible to acquiesce in the Jewish tradition on ta>
subject.
2ndly. The question of whether Tyre was acrnsurr
taken by Nebuchadnezzar after his thirteen i sa i s'
siege has been keenly d iscussed . Geseataa, Water,
and Hitzig decide it in the negative, while Henr-
stenberg has argued most fully on the other seek
Without attempting to exhaust the subject, sad
assuming, in accordance with Movers, that Tyre, ss
well as the rest of Phoenicia, submitted al last ss
Nebuchadnezzar, the following potato may be
observed respecting the s up p o s ed capture: — ltx.
Tbe evidence of Kzekiel, a contemporary, anas
to be against it. He says (xxix. 18) that •» Neaa-
chadnexzar king of Babylon caused hja arasy Is
nerve a great service against Tyre*" that <*enry
head was made bald, and every shoohirr was
peeled, yet had he no wages, nor his army far
Tyros, for the service that he served a s j sae)
it ;" and the obvious inference is that, heasi i ir
great the exertions of the army may ham bars
in digging entrenchments or in casting nt>
works, the siege was unsuccessful. This is
firmed by the following verses (19, 20V '
it is stated that the land of Egypt will be grven as
Nebuchadnezzar as a compensation, or wages. «c
him and his army for their baring served s an ie s*
Tyre. Movers, indeed, asserts that the only swan
times In (be book (hr. 1; xti 111 *v. tt; a-vss. t:
xxvL 4; xxxlL II, 14; xxxllLs, 31; xxxtv. S; xzz-t
Is; xzxvilL J). [Bat then are stmog miisai *w e»
signing sn earlier date to the book: aae Jos, b. is»
TYKR
ing of the expression that Nebuchadnezzar end his
army had no wages for their service against Ty-.v
is that thoy did not plunder the city. But to a
virtuous coiDnvndtr the best reward of besieging a
city is to capture it ; and it is a strange t>entimeiit
to attribute to the Supreme Being, or to a prophet,
that * general and his armv received no wages for
5optur.ng a city, because they did not plunder it.
2udly. Josephus, who had access to historical
writings on this subject which have not reached
our times although he quotes Phoenician writers
who show that Nebucruulnezzar besieged Tyie
(Ant. z. 11, §1 ; e. Apim. 23), neither states
on his own authority, nor quotes any one else
as stating, that Nebuchadnezzar took it. 3rdly.
The capture of Tyre on this occasion is not men-
tioned by any Greek oi Roman author whose writ-
ings are now in existence. 4thly. In the time of
Jerome it was distinctly stated by some of his con-
temporaries that they had read, amongst other his-
tories on this point, histories of Greeks and Phoe-
nicians, and especially of Nicolaus Damascenus, in
which nothing was said of the * siege of Tyre by the
Chaldees : and Jerome, in noticing this fact, does
not quota any authority of any kind for a counter-
statement, but contents himself with a general alle-
gation that many fact* are related In the Scriptures
which «re not found in Greek works, and that " we
ought not to acquiesce in the authority of those
whose perfidy and falsehood we detest " (see Com-
ment, ad Ezedtielem, xxvl. 7). On this view of
the question there would seem to be small reason
for believing that the city was actually captured,
were it not for another passage of Jerome in his
Commentaries on the passage of Ezekiel already
quoted (xxix. 18), in which he explains that the
meaning of Nebuchadnezzar's having received no
wages tor his warfare againrt Tyre is, not that he
failed to take the city, but that the Tynans had
previously removed everything precious from it
in ships, so that when Nebuchadnezzar entered
the city he found nothing there. This interpreta-
tion has been admitted by one of the most distin-
guished critics of our own day (Kwald, Die
Propketen des Altm Bmda, ad loo.) who, deeming
it probable that Jerome had obtained the informa-
tion from some historian whose name is not given,
accepts as historical this account of the termination
of the siege. This account therefore, as far as in-
quirers of the present day are concerned, rests solely
oo the authority of Jerome ; and it thus becomes
important to ascertain the principles and method
which Jerome adopted in writing his Commentaries.
It is psouliarlv fortunate that Jerome himself has
left on record some valuable information on this
point in a letter to Augustine, for the understanding
of which the following brief preliminary explanation
will be sufficient:— In Jerome's Commentaries on
trie second chapter of the Epistle to the Gnlatians,
when adverting to the passage (vers. 11-14) in
which St. Paul states that be had withstood Peter
to thefkee, "because he was to be blamed" for
requiring Christians to comply with the observsnees
a/ the Jewish ritual law, Jerome denies that there
was any real difference of opinion between the two
Apostles, and asserts that they had merely made
» preconcerted arrangement of apparent difference,
k Hengstenberg (0e rubut Tyriorum, p. lb) .says that
this silence of tbe Greek and Phoenician historians proves
joo much, ss mere Is no doubt that tbe city wss bateotl
by N'bucbsdneszar. To 'his Hitxlg replise, that lit
VOL. til.
TYHK
1600
in order that those who approved of circumcision
might plead the example of Peter, and (hat those
who were unwilling to be circumcised might extol
the religious liberty of Paul. Jerome then goes
en to say that " the fact of simulation being
ijieiu], and occasionally permissible, is taught by
the example of Jehu king of Israel, who never
would have been able to put the priests of Baal
to death unless he had feigned willingness to
worship an idol, saying, ' Ahab sened Baal a
little, but Jehu shall serve him much.' " On
this Augustine strongly remonstrated with Jerome
in two letters which are marked 56 and 67 in
Jerome's Correspondence. To these Jerome re-
turned an answer in a letter marked 112, in which
he repudiates the idea that he is to be held re-
sponsible for all that is contained in his Com-
mentaries, and then frankly confesses how he com*
posed them. Beginning with Origen, he enumerates
several writers whose Commentaries be had read .
specifying, amongst others, Laodicenus, who had
lately left the Church, and Alexander, an old heretic.
He then avows that having read them all he sent
for an amanuensis, to whom he dictated sometimes
his own remarks, sometimes those of others, with-
out paying strict attention either to the order or
the words, and sometimes not even to the meaning.
" Itaque ut simpliciter fatear, legi haec omnia, et in
mente inea plurima coacervans, accito notario, vel
mea, vel aliens dictavi, nee ordinis, nee verburum,
interdum iiec aensuum memor " (see Migne's Edi-
tion of Jerome, vol. i. p. 918). Now if the bearing
of the remarks concerning simulation for a pious
f purpose, and of the method which Jerome fol-
owed in the composition of his Commentaries is
seriously considered, it cannot but throw doubt on
his uncorroborated statements in any case wherein
a religious or theological interest may have ap
paired to him to be at stake.
Jerome was a very learned man, pel haps the most
learned of all the Fathers. He was also one of the
very few among them who made themselves ac-
quainted with the Hebrew language, and in this, as
well as in other points, he deserves gratitude for
the services which he has rendered to Biblical lite-
rature. He is, moreover, a valuable witness to facts,
when he can be suspected of no bias concerning
them, and especially when they seem contrary to
his religious prepossessions. But it is evident, from
the passages in his writings above quoted, that he
had not a critical mind, and that he can scarcely be
regarded as one of those noble spirits who prefer
truth to supposed pious ends which may be attained
by its violation . Hence, contrary to the most natural
meaning of the prrphet Ezekiel's words (xxix. 18),
it would be unsafe to rely on Jerome's sole authority
for the statement that Nebuchadnezzar and his army
eventually captured Tyre.
Literature. — For information on this head, see
Phoenician*, p. 1006. In addition to the works
there mentioned, see Robinson's Bibl. Set. ii. 461-
471 I Stanley's Sinai aid Palestine, 364-268 ;
Porter's Handbook far S.-ria and Patertine, pp. 890-
396 ; Hengstenberg, Dt Rebut Tyrionm, Berlin,
1832 ; and Hitter's Erdkmie, vol. xvii. 1st part,
3rd book, pp. 320-379. Professor Robinson, in
addition to his instructive history of Tyre, lias pub-
hlstorisns could only have omitted to meatlcn Ihe stcr**,
because the- siege had not been followed by the capvnre ol
toe citv (Asr frofket Jaaja. p. ITS).
6 I
1689
TYBUS
Med, in the Appendix to hU third rolune, * detailed
lilt, which n useful for the knowledge of Tyre, of
works by authors who had themselves travelled or
resided in Palestine. See likewise an excellent ae-
esunt of Tyre by Gesenios in his Jexria, i. 707-719,
and by Winer, «. v., in his BM. Realtctrt. [E. T.]
oakiirfiyn.
TY'BUS. This form a> employed in the A. V.
af the Books of Jeremiah. EsekM, Hoses (Joel has
"Tyre"), Amos, Zecbariah, 2 Esdraa, Judith, and
the Maccabees, as follows: Jer. xxt. 22, xxrii. 3,
xlvii.4; Kxek. xzri. 2,3, 4,7,15, xxrii. 2,3,8,32,
axriii.2, 12, xxix. 18; Hos.ix. 13; Am. i.9, 10;
Zseb.ii. 2.3; 2EaLi.ll; Jud.ii.28; 1 Mace
v. 15; 2 Maoc it. 18, 32, 44, 49.
TJ
TTOAL (fett, and in some copies ?3tt). Ae-
enrding to the received text of Prov. xxx. 1, Ithiel
and Ucal must be regarded as proper names, and if
so, they most be the names of disciples or sons of
Agar the son of Jakeh, an unknown sage among
the Hebrews. But there is great obscurity about
the passage. The LXX. translate roif rurrefoweri
fee? col waiofuu: the Vulgate, cum quo est Dmu,
el qm Deo tecum moronU oemfortotut. The Arabic
follows the LXX. to some extent ; the Targum re-
produces Ithiel and Ucal as proper names, and the
Syriac is corrupt, Ucal being omitted altogether.
Luther represents the names as Leiikiel and Uchol.
De Wette regards them as proper names, as do most
translators and commentators. Junius explains
both as referring to Christ. The LXX. probably
read fetfl htt WDt6. The Veoeto-Greek has nl
T -T - - mY
s-vrsjo-o/iai = piKl. Coooeius must have pointed
the words thus, 7S^\ bvt Wl6, " I ban laboured
for God and hare obtained," and this, with regard
to the first two words must hare been the reading
•f J. D. Michaelis, who renders, " I hare wearied
myself for God, and hare given up the investiga-
tion," applying the words to a man who had be-
wildered himself with philosophical speculations
about the Deity, and bad been compelled to give up
the starch. Bertbeau also {Die Sprite** Sol. Em!,
aril.) seas in the words, " I have wearied myself
for God, I have wearied myself for God, and nave
tainted " (7DK1), an appropriate commencement to
the series of proverbs which follow. Hitxig's view
is substantially the same, except that he point* the
last word ?SK1 and renders, " and I became dull ;'
applying it t» the dimness which the investigation
prodrnd upon the eye of the mind {Die Spr. SoL
p. Slo). Bunean (B&etaerk, i. p. clxxx.) follows
tJUU
Berthea a punctuation, but regards 7M *lTtO «■
its first occurrence as a symbolical name ««f tit
speaker. " The sating of the man * I-have-ws a i iwi -
myself-for-God ;' I hare wearied myself for Go*,
and hare fainted away." There is, however, as*
fatal objection to this view, if there wen do others,
and that n, that the verb H|6, "t* be — i iii L "
nowhere takes after it the accusative of tfc* eh"*.-:
of weariness. On this account alone, therefore, we
must reject all the above explanations. If B i tl issi t
pointing be adopted, the only legi timate llsaalsli—
of the words is that given by Dr. Davidson (fntrvd.
ii. 338), " I am weary, O God, I am weary, t>
God, and am become weak." Ewald t ii mrinVta krti
Ithiel and Ucal as symbolical names, la as jil t j t l by
the poet to designate two classes of thiaaiit to
whom be addresses himself, or rather he n — taste
both names in one, " God-wiU wn e and t-aso-t ljo a t,. *
and bestows it upon an imaginary character, wncaa
be introduces to take part in the dia logrse. The
name ' God-with-roe,' says Keil (Haveraick, Emi.
iii. p. 412), "denotes each as gloried in a aaoir es-
timate communion with God, an-* a higher aaatr:.*.
and wisdom obtained thereby," while ' I- a m ii u i c
indicates " the so-called strong spirits who boast .<
their wisdom and might, and deny the holy Gat), *>
that both names most probably repre se nt at cams <•
freethinkers, who thought themselves sta n aris* tt
the revealed law, and in practical atheism aariulsj '
the lusts of the flesh." It is to be wished thai, in taa
case, as in many others, commentators had oaaerrai
the precept of the Talmud, " Teach thy tcaara* ts
say, « I do not know.' " [W. A. W.;
tTBLfbtttK: OtyA: FW). One of that fos> >
of Bani, who during the Captivity had married s
foreign wile (Exr. x. 34). Called Jew. in 1 £jsL
ix.34.
TTKNAZ(t3p1: KeWf: Onus). la thai
of 1 Chr. iv. 15 : the words "even Kenax" ia tat
text are rendered " Uknax," as a proper name
Apparently some name has been omitted bekrt
Kenax, for the clause begins •* and the tome af Eba."
and then only Kenax is given. Both the LXX. and
Vulg. omit the conjunction. In the PeshHo Syrisc
which is evidently corrupt, Kenax is the third sea
of Caleb the son of Jephunneh.
ULA'I («^K: Oifiix: Ulat) is mentioDed ly
Daniel (riii. 2, 16) as a river near ta Sun, where ae
saw his vision of the ram and the ht fos t . Itaashora
generally identiSed with the Enlaens of the Great
and Roman geographers (Mara. HeracL av. IS
Arr. Exp. At. vii. 7; Stash, xv. 3, $22 ; HoL n.
3 ; Pliny, H. X. vi. 31), a large atreaat in the as-
mediate neighbourhood of that city. This i
cation may be safely allowed, resting aa it •
the double ground of dose verbal
the two names, and complete agreement as to tat
situation.
Can we, then, identify the Eulaeus with arrr
existing stream ? Not without opening a cnatn-
versy, since there is no point more disputed a i iisa t
comparative geographers. The Knlarns has bsa
by many identified with the Cho ss pr s. whack s
undoubtedly the modern Kerkhak, aa amoeat af
the Tigris, flowing into it a little below fare*.*.
By others it has been rega r ded as the Astnaa, a br -
river, considerably further to the eastward, wk' *
enters the Khcr Banitkir near ifohammrrvx
Some have even suggested that at may aave bo.
IILAI
tfie Skapur or Ska'w, a amiili stream which rim
a few miloi N. W. of Sum, and flows by the ruins
into the Duful stream, an affluent of the Koran.
The general grounds on which the Eulaeus has
heen identified with the Choaspea, and so with the
Kerkhah fSalmaahu, Rosenmttller, Wahl, Kitto,
tic.) are, thi mention of each separately by ancient
writer! as " the river of Sum, ' and (more espe-
cially) the statements made by some (Strebo, Plin.)
tliat the water of the Eulaeus, by others (Herod.,
Atoau, PluL, Q. Curtius), that that of the Cho-
upai was the only water tasted by the Persian
kings. Against the identification it must be no-
ticed that Strata, Pliny, Solium, and Polyclitua
(ap. Strab. xv. 8, §4) regard the rivers as distinct,
and that the lower course of the Eulaeus, aa de-
scribed by Arrkn {Exp. Al. Tii. 7) and Pliny {H. N.
ri. 36), is such as cannot possibly be reconciled with
that of the Kerkhah river.
The grounds for regarding the Eulaeus as the
Kurrm are decidedly stranger than those for identi-
fying it with the Ktrkkak or Choaspea. Mo one
can co mpar e the voyage of Nearchus in Arrian's
Indie* with Arrian's own account of Alexander's
descent of the Eulaeus (vii. 7) without seeing that
the Eulaeus of the one narrative is the Pasitigria of
the other ; and that the Pasitigria is the Kuran is
almost universally admitted. Indeed, it may be
said that all accounts of the lower Eulaeus — those
of Arrian, Pliny, Polyclitua, snd Ptolemy — identify
H, beyond the possibility of mistake, with the
ioteer Kuran, and that so far there ought to be
no controversy. The difficulty is with respect to
the upper Eulaeus. The Eulaeus, according to
Pliny, surrounded the citadel of Snaa (vi. 27),
whereas even the Ditful branch of the Kuran does
not come within six miles of the ruins. It lay to
the west, not only of the Pasitigris (JTto-an), but
also of the Coprates (river of Dizfvl), according to
Diodonu (six. 18, 19). So far, it might be the
Skapur, but for two objections. The Shapw is too
small a stream to have attracted the general notice
of geographers, and its water is of so bad a character
that it can never have been chosen for the royal
table (Qeagraph. Journ. ix. p. 70). There is also
an important notice in Pliny entirely incompatible
with the notion that the short stream of the Skapur,
which rises in the plain about five miles to the
N. N. W. of Snaa, can be the true Eulaeua. Pliny
nays (vi. 31) tbe Eulaeus rose in Media, and flowed
through Mesobateue. Now this is exactly true of
the upper Kerkhah, which rises near Hamndm
(Kcbetana), and flows down the district of Mah-
mabadaH (Mesobatene).
The result is that the various notices of ancient
writers appear to identify the upper Eulaeus with
the upper Ktrkkak, and the lower Eulaeus (quite
unmistakaably) with the lower Aura*. Does this
apparent confusion snd contradiction admit of expla-
nation and reconcilement?
A recent survey of the ground has suggested a
satisfactory explanation. It appears that the Ker-
khah once bifurcated at Pai Pul, about 20 miles
N. W. of Sues, sending out a branch which passed
east of the ruins, absorbing into it the Skapur, and
flowing on across the plain in a S. S. E. direction
till it fell into the Koran at Akvxu (Loftus,
Chaldata and Sutiana, pp. 424, 425). Thus, the
upper Ktrkkak and the lower Kuran were to old
UNCLEAN MEAi"a
)£>87
• This looks at first sight lute a mtoplacencnt of the
game Recbob from its proper position farther on an the
•me Reckon, however, Is usually Tup*
times united, snd might be viewed as forming s
single stream. The name Kulaeua ( U/ai) seems tc
have applied most properly to the eattern brancn
stream from Pai Put to AAuwur ; the stream above
Pai Pol was sometimes called the Eulaeus, but was
more properly the Choaspea, which was also tbe
sole name of the western branch (or present course;
of the Kerkhah from Pai Pal to the Tigris. The
name Pasitigris was proper to the upper Kuran
from its source to its junction with the Eulaeus,
after which the two names we'-e equally applied to
the lower river. The Ditful stream, which was
not very generally known, was called the Coprates.
It ia believed that this view of (he river names will
reconcile and make intelligible all the notices ol
them contained in the ancient writers.
It follows from this that the water which the
Persian kings drank, both at tin court, and when
they travelled abroad, was that of the Kerkhah,
taken probably from the eastern branch, or proper
Eulaeus, which washed the walls of Sues, and
(according to Pliny) was used to strengthen its
defences. Thia water was, and still ia, believed to
possess peculiar lightneu (Strab. xv. 3, §22 ; Qeo-
graph. Journ. ix. p. 70), and is thought to be at
once more wholesome and more pleasant to the
taste than almost any other. (On the controversy
concerning this stream the reader may consult Kin-
neir, Persian Empire, pp. 100-106; Sir H. Raw-
linson, in Olograph. Journ. ix. pp. 84-93 ; Layard,
in the same, xvi. pp. 91-94 ; and Lottos, Chaldata
and Sutiana, pp. 424-431.) [O. R.]
ITLAM (oVlK: OfcaV: Utam). 1. A <k
scendant of Gilead the grandson of Manasseh, and
father of Bedan (1 Car. vii. 17).
3. (AlAd>; Alex. Otod>.) The first-bom of
Eshek, the brother of Axel, a descendant of the
house of Saul. His sons were among the famous
archers of Benjamin, and with their sons and grand-
sons made up the goodly family of 150 (1 Chr.
viii. 39, 40).
UI/LA (K^»: 'OXd*; Kkx.'nxi: Otta). An
Asherite, head of a family in his tribe, a mighty
man of valour, but how descended does not appeal
(1 Chr. vii. 39). Perhaps, as Junius suggests, he
may be a son of Ithran or Jether ; and we may
further conjecture that his name may be a cor-
ruption of Ara.
TJH'MAH (fiey ; 'Apx»j3>; 'Aiuw: Ammo).
One of the cities of the allotment of Asher (Josh.
xix. 30 only). It occurs in company with Aphek
and Rehob ; but as neither of these have been iden-
tified, no clue to the situation of Ummah Is gained
thereby. Dr. Thomson (WW. Sacra, 1855, p.
822, quoted by Van de Velde) was shown a place
called 'Alma m lh* highlands on the coast, about
five miles E.N.E. of St.) en-Xakkira, which ia not
dissimilar in name, and which he conjectures may
be identical with Ummah. But it is quite uncer-
tain. 'Alma is described in The Land and the
Book, chap. xx. [G.]
UNCLEAN MEATS. These were things
strangled, or dead of themselves, or through beasts or
birds of prey ; whatever beast did not both part the
hoof and chew the cud; and certain other smaller ani-
mals rated as " creeping things " » (fits') ; certain
» lev. xl. sn-30 Ibrblds eating the weasel, tbe myatn,
the tortoise, the ferret, tbe chameleon, tbe ltsard, the
snail, sod tao mole. Tbe I.XX. has In place of Uie tor-
S 1 2
l6at»
OHOLEAN MEATS
dims of birds • mentioned m Lev. xi. and Dent,
riv. twenty or twenty-one in all ; whatever in the
w-»rs had no? both fins and scales; whatever
w i.yed insect had not besides four legs the two
niixl-iegs for leaping; 1 besides things offered in
sacrifice to idols ; and all blood or whatever con-
tained it (sa-e perhaps the blood of fish, as would
appear from that only of beast and bird being for-
bidden, Lev. vii. 26), and therefore flesh cut from
the live animal ; as also all fat, at any rate that
disposed in masses among the intestines, and pro-
bably wherever discernible and separable among
the flesh (Lev. Hi. 14-17, vii. 23). The eating of
blood was prohibited even to "the stranger that
sojoarneth among you " (Lev. zvii. 10, 12, 13, 14),
an extension which we do not trace in other dietary
precepts ; e. g. the thing which died of itself was
to be given " unto the stranger that is in thy gates,"
Deut xiv. 21. As regards blood, the prohibition
indeed dates from the declaration to Nosh against
" flesh with the life thereof which is the blood
thereof," in Gen. ix. 4, which was perhaps regarded
by Moses as still binding upon all Nosh's descendants.
The grounds, however, on which the similar pre-
cept of the Apostolic Council, in Acta xr. 20, 21,
appear! based, relate not to any obligation resting
still unbroken on the Gentile world, but to the risk
of promiscuous offence to the Jews and Jewish
Christians, "for Moses of old time bath in every
city them that preach him." Hence this abstinence
is reckoned amongst " necessary things " (to. ewdV
aryasf ), and " tilings offered to idols," although not
solely, it may be presumed, on the same grounds,
are placed in the same class with " blood arid things
strangled " (eWexecrvoi f ISetXofoVor col tSfiarot
col vtlktov, w. 28, 29). Besides these, we find
the prohibitum twice recurring against " seething
a kid in its mother's milk." It is added, as a final
injunction to the code of dietary precepts in Deut.
xiv., after the crowning declaration of ver. 21, "for
thou art an holy people unto the Lord thy God ;"
but in Exod. xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26, the context relates
to the bringing firstfruits to the altar, and to the
"Angel" who was to "go before" the people.
To tnis precept we shall have occasion further to
return.
The general distinction of dean and unclean is
rightly observed by Michaelis {Smith') Iraiuhtion,
Mas, the tfxxdSnXin a grpmlot, and Instead of the snail
(put before the lizard, nvpa\ the x«A«£^nrr.
• In the LXX of Lev. xL 14, two birds only are men-
Honed, re* yvn «u rar ucrirov, and tn lbs parallel pas-
sage of Dent. xiv. IS the same two ; but In the Heb. of
the latter passage only our present text has fares birds'
nsaes. It Is therefore probable that one of these, HiO
rendered " gtede " by the A.V., is a mere corruption of
?1t<n, round both In Deut. and in Lev, for whkh the
LXX. gives yv+, and the Vulgate MHviui. So Maimon.
took It (Bochart, Bierm. U. as, 353). Thus we have
twenty birds named ss unclean, alike In the Heb. and
In the LXX. of Lev. xt 13-19, and of many of these the
Identification Is very doubtful. Bochart says (p. 3M),
" nomlna avium lmrouDdsrum recenset Maimon, Inter-
preter! ne eonatna qnldem nst-" In the Heb. of Dent xiv.
we have, allowing for the probable corruption of one
name, lbs same twenty, but In toe LXX. only nineteen j
" every raven after hla kind " (rorra ebpeuta kuX to
ipaui ovr**), of Lev. being omitted, and the other names,
although the same as those of Lev., yet having a different
srder and grouping after the first eight. Thus Lev. xL IT,
eoaststs of the three, «i nnxxipax*, «u aaroourev,
««i ifhr; whereas Dent stv. lg, which should corres-
ONOLKAN KEATS
Art oat. tits.) to bare its parallel
nations, there being universally mi lass i
regarded as dean, i.e. fit mr food, and that rest aa
the opposite (comp. Lev. xi. 47). With that j? e n try
number of nations, however, this is only a tradi-
tional naage based merely perhaps either on an sa-
stinct relating to health, or on a repugnance which
is to be regarded as an ultimate fast in ftsent and
of which no further account is to be given. Thos
Michaelis (as above) remarks that in a certain past
of Germany rabbits are viewed aa imciesaa, a. «•- are
advisedly exduded from diet. Our feelings s» re-
gards the frog and the snail, contrasted with those
of continentals, supply another dose paraUeL Now,
it is not unlikely that nothing more than this is
intended in the distinction between " dean ** and
" unclean " in the directions given to Noah, The
intention seems to have been that creatures ivaasr-
nixed, on whatever ground, as un6t for human fond.
should not be preserved in so huge a p r o po r ti on as
those whose number might be dimmkhed by that
consumption. The dietary code of the Egyptians,
and the traditions which have desc e nded nanism, al
the Arabs, unfortified, certainly down to the trust
of Mahomet, and in some eases later, by any legis-
lation whatever, so mr as we knew, may illoatrate
the probable state of the Israelites. If that Law
seized upon such habits as were current among the
people, perhaps enlarging their scope and nance, the
whole scheme of tradition, instinct, and neage so
enlarged might become a ceremonial barrier, haiiiii.
a relation at once to the theocratic idea, to the
general health of the people, and to their aemearate-
ness as a nation.
The same personal interest taken by Jehovah hi
his subjects, which is expressed by the dp—mi lor
a ceremonially pure state on the part af every
Israelite as in covenant with Him, reg ard ed nh»
thu particular detail of that purity, via. diet.
Thus the prophet (Is. lxvi. 17), sneaking in Bis
name, denounces those that " sanctify llnsaaalm
(consecrate themselves to idolatry), eating swine's
flesh, and the abomination, and the moose."* and
those " which remain among the graves and lodge in
the monuments, which eat swine's flesh, and broth
of abominable things is in their vessels ** (hrr. 4 ...
It remained for a higher Lawgiver to ania wi a a that
" there U nothing from without a man that ■
pond, ■*» ifrh— ami cpoStar, sol arfevor, ni «Bu*. AX*
the (vow, "hoopoe," and the aaafra w . "coot," IfH
In both the LXX. lists. , t ,
* In Lev. xL U the Ifri has 17**aglj. again it tar
ttVxVoftheoslate. It la best to adopt the finer.
VI
and view the last part of the versa ascomtrmtug a com
that may be eaten from among a larger doobtfhl das >i
"flying creeping-things," the oXferotfaa naiianliig tn
their having four feet, and a pair of fated-legs to ajraaj
with. The A.V. Is ben obscure. -AH
creep," and " every Bring creeping thing."
Lev. XL 20, 11 for predaely the same Heb. ]
dered by the LXX ri eowva tmv trmiirj ant "has
atom their feet to leap." not showing thai the a Y a T ia rt
larger springing tegs or the locust or i
where the Heb. ?VOD, and LXX <
express the upward projection of these lags above tn
creature's back. So Bochart takee It (p. SOX whs aws
prefers \) to the reading abova given; -ita enrni faVoov
oirmes;" and so, he adds, the Samar. Pont. Be euuat
that locusta are salted for rood In Egypt (Vv. T. UK,
crap. HaaaaVjoUt, 231-333). The edible caaaa at eav
merated In four species. No precsp*. la fcend ka Da*
relating to these.
UNCLEAN HEATS
ing iito hiia can defile him " (Mark vfi. 15}. TV
Ait wu clemmed u a burnt offering and the blood
enjoyed the highest sacrificial ecteem. In the two
combined the entire tictim was by representation
offered, and to transfer either to human ate was to
deal pretumptaoualy with the moet holy things.
Bat betides this, the blood was esteemed as " the
life " of the creators, and a mysterious sanctity be-
yond the sacrificial relation thereby attached to it.
Hence we read, " whatsoever soul it be that eateth
any manner of blood, even that soul shall be cut
off from hie people" (Lev. vii. 27, oomp. xvii. 10,
14). Whereas the offender in othtr dietary respects
was merely " unclean until even " (xi. 40, xvii. 15).
Blood was certainly drank in certain heathen
rituals, especially those which related to the solemn-
ization of a covenant, but also as a pledge of idola-
trous worship (Ps. xvi. 4 ; Exek. uiiii. 25). Still
there is no reason to think that blood has ever been
a common article of food, and any lawgiver might
probably reckon on a natural aversion effectually
fortifying his prohibition in this respect, unless
under some bewildering influence of superstition.
Whether animal qualities, grosser appetites, and
inhuman tendencies might be supposed by the He-
brews transmitted into the partaker of the blood of
animals, we have nothing to show : see, however,
Josephus, Ant. iii. 11, §2.
It is noteworthy that the practical effect of the
rule laid down is to exclude all the carnirora
among quadrupeds, and, so far as we can interpret
the nomenclature, the raptor et among birds. This
suggests the question whether they were excluded
as being not averse to human carcases, and in most
Eastern countries acting as the servitors of the
battle-field and the gibbet. Even swine have been
known so to feed ; sod, further, by their constant
runcation among whatever lies on the ground, sug-
gest impurity, even if they were not generally foul
leaders. Amongst fish those which were allowed
contain unquestionably the most wholesome) va-
rieties, save that they exclude the oyster. Pro-
bably, however, sea-ashing was little practised by
the Israelites; and the Levitical rules must be
understood as referring backwards to their experi-
ence of the produce of the Mile, and forwards to
their enjoyment of the Jordan and its upper lakes.
The exclusion of the camel and the hare from
allowable meats is less easy to account for, save
that the former never was in common use, and is
generally spoken of in reference to the semi-barba-
rous desert tribes on the eastern or southern border
land, some of whom certainly had no insuperable
repugnance to his flesh f although it is so impos-
sible to substitute any other creature for the camel
as the " ship of the desert," that to eat him, espe-
cially where so many other creatures give meat so
much preferable, would be the worst economy pos-
sible in an Eastern commissariat — that of destroying
UNCLEAN MEATS
1599
• The camel. It may be observed. Is the creators most
near the Une of separation, tor the foot is psrtlaUr cloven
bat Ineompleietj so, and he Is also a romlnsnt
' The JEB*. ■coney," A.V„ Lev. xl. 5, Dent. xiv. 1,
Pa. dv. IS, Piov. xxx. 16, Is probably the jerboa.
s See a correspondence on the question In TksStUntard
and most other London newspapers, April 2nd, 18*3.
■ Bochart (Hfcree. II. S3, sss, 1. 43) mentions various
KvmboUcal meanings as conveyed by the precepts regard-
ing birds : " Aves rapsces prohitralt ot a raplna averteret,
noctnmns, nt abjlcerent opera tenebraram et se proderent
bids flllns. taenstrrs et rlpsriss, quarmn vtctos est ba-
the best, orratiier the only conveyance, in order to
obtain the most indifferent food. The hare' was
long supposed, even by eminent* naturalists^ to
ruminate, and certainly was eaten by the Fgyptit ns.
The horse snd ass wculd be generally spared frtm
similar reasons to those which exempted the camel.
As regards other cattle the young males would be
those universally preferred for food, no more of
that sex reaching maturity than were needful for
breeding, whilst the supply of milk suggested the
copious preservation of the female. The dnties of
draught would require another rule in rearing neat-
cattle. The labouring steer, man's fellow in the
field, had a life somewhat ennobled snd sanctified
by that comradeship. Thus it seems to have bees
quite unusual to slay for sacrifice or food, ss in 1 K.
xix. 21, the ox accustomed to the yoke. And per-
haps in this case, as being tougher, the flesh was not
roasted but boiled. The esse of Araunah's oxen is
not similar, as cattle of all ages were useful in the
threshing floor (2 Sam. xxiv. 22). Many of these
restrictions must be esteemed ss merely based on
usage, or arbitrary. Practically the law left among
the allowed meats au ample variety, and no incon-
venience was likely to arise from a prohibition to eat
camels, horses, and asses. Swine, hares, be- would
probably as nearly as possible be exterminated in pro-
portion as the law was observed, and their economic
room filled by other creatures. Wunderbar (Biblisch-
Talm. Sfedicin, part ii. p. 50) refers to a notion
that " the animal element might only with great
circumspection and discretion be taken up into the
life of man, in order to avoid debasing that human
life by assimilation to a brutal level, so that thereby
the soul might become degraded, profaned, filled
with animal affections, and disqualified for drawing
near to God." He thinks also that we may notice
a meaning in *■ the distinction between creatures of
a higher, nobler, and less intensely animal organ-
ization as dean, and those of a lower snd incom-
plete organisation as unclean," and that the insects
provided with four legs and two others for leap-
Xare of a higher or more complete type than
rs, and relatively nearer to man. This seems
fanciful, but may nevertheless have beau a view
current among Kabbinical authorities. As regards
birds, the raptora have commonly tough and in-
digestible flesh, and some of them are in all warm
countries the natural scavengers of all sorts of
carrion snd offal. This alone begets an instinctive
repugnance towards them, and associates than with
what was beforehand a defilement. Thus to kill
them for fond would tend to multiply various sources
of uncleanniw.* Porphyry (Abstin. iv. 7, quoted by
Winer) ssys that the Egyptian priests abstained from
all fish, frrii all quadrupeds with solid hoofs, oi
having claws, or which were not horned, and from
all carnivorous birds. Other curious parallels have
been found amongst more distant nations. 1
purlastaras, at ab omnl immunda cor arceret. Strnthlo-
nem d>ntque,qnl e terra non eUollltur.ut terrenlx rellctb
ad ea tenderent quae snrsom sunt. Quae InterpretaUo non
nostra eat sed veteram." He refers to Bsrosbu, £pUI. >. ;
Clemens Alex. Strom, v.; Origen, Homil in Uvit.; No-
vatlan, D* Cibii Judaic cap. 111. ; Cyril, contra Julian.
Hb.!x.
' Winer refers to Von Bohlen (Genesis, as) as rind-
ing tbe origin or the clean and unclean animals In the
Zendavesla, In that tbe latter are tbe creation ofAhrt-
man, whereas man Is ascribed to that of Ormusd. He
rejects, however, and qnlte rightly, the notion that Par.
elan institutions exercised any Influence over Hebrew n, t ee
1590
UNCLEAN MEATS
Bat as Orientals hart minds sensitive to teaching ■
by types, there can be little doubt that inch cere-
monial distinctions not only tended to keep Jew and
Gentile apart, but were a perpetual reminder to the
former that be and the latter were not on on level
before God. Hence, when that economy was changed,
we find that this was the rery symbol selected to
instruct St. Peter in the truth that God was not a
"respecter of persons." The Teasel filled with
* fbnrfboted beasts of the earth, and wild beasts,
and creeping things, and fowls of the air," was ex-
pressive of the Gentile world, to be put now on a
level with the Israelite, through God's " purifying
their hearts by faith." A sense of this their pre-
rogative, however dimly held, may have fortified
'he members of the privileged nation in their struggle
with the persecutions of the Gentiles on this very
point. It was no mere question of which among
several means of supporting life a man chose to
adopt, when the persecutor dictated the alternative
of swine's flesh or the loss of life itself, but whether
he should surrender the badge sod type of that
privilege by which Israel stood ss the favoured
nation before God (1 Mace i. 63, 64 ; 2 Msec. vi.
IS, rfS 1). The ssme feeling led to the exagge-
ration of the Mosaic regulations, until it wss
' unlawful for a man that was a Jew to keep com-
pany with or come unto one of another nation "
(Acts x. 28) ; and with such intensity were badges
of distinction cherished, that the wine, bread, oil.
cheese, or anything cooked by a heathen,' were
declared unlawful for a Jew to eat. Nor was this
strictness, however it might at times be pushed to
an absurdity, without foundation in the nature of
the case. The Jews, as, during and after the return
from captivity, they found the avenues of the world
opening around them, would find their intercourse
with Gentiles unavoidably increased, and their only
way to avoid an utter relaxation of their code
would lie in somewhat overstraining the precepts of
prohibition. Nor should we omit the tendency of
those who have no scruples to "despise" those who
bar*, and to parade their liberty at the expense of
these latter, and give piquancy to the contrast by
wanton tricks, designed to beguile the Jew from
his strictness of observance, and make him un-
guardedly partake of what be abhorred, in order to
heighten his confusion by derision. One or two
instances of such amusement at the Jew's expense
would drive the latter within the entrenchments of
an universal repugnance and avoidance, and make
him seek the asm side at the cost of being counted
• churl and a bigot. Thus we may account for
the refusal of the " king's meat " by the religious
captives (Dan. i. 8), and for 'he similar conduct
recorded of Judith (xii. 2) and Tobit (Tob. i. 11);
and in a similar spirit Shakspeare makes Shylock say,
" I will not eat with you, drink with you, nor pray
with yon" (JfereAaat if Venice, Act I. Sc. hi.).
As regards tilings offered to idols, all who own one
God meet on common ground ; but the Jew viewed
the precept as demanding a literal objective obe-
dience, and bad a holy horror of even an uncon-
scious infraction of the law: hence, as he could
never know whst had received idolatrous conse-
cration, his only safety lay in total abstinence;
whereas St. Paul admonishes the Christian to ab-
stain, " for his sake that showed it and for oooacience
tt tbe earliest period of the latter, and connects It with the
e$irt* of some " den Pentateuch reoht Jnng und die liieen
|ui Zcodsvesta recht sit su mscban." See Uscusasns
UNCLEAN MEAT*
sane," from a thing said to have been
to a false god, but not to parade his <
scruples by interrogating the botcher at has stal
or the host in his guest-chamber ( 1 Car. x. 25-29),
and to give opposite injunctions would doabtleas m
his view have been " compelling the Gentiles to srtv
ss did the Jews" (Io»8oiC«i», Gal. H. 14).
The prohibition to " seethe a kid in has mother's
milk " has caused considerable differen ce of ta ss n sw
amongst commentators. Michadis (Ait. eex.)
thought it was meant merely to encourage the asp
of olive oil instead of the milk or batter of am
animal, which we commonly use in ninety, ssu i
the Orientals use the former. This will not sanWy
any mind by which the cine of symbolism, so laundry
held by the Eastern devotee, and so deeply aster-
woven in Jewish ritual, has been once duly aesaad.
Mercy to the beasts is one of the under-cmrreans)
which permeate that law. To soften the f i i l i nj i
and humanise the character was the higher seal
more general aim. When St. Paul, umm will lag sa
a somewhat similar precept, says, " Doth God care
for oxen, or with He it altogether for oar sakea ? "
he does not mean to deny God's care for oxen, bat
to insist the rather on the more elevated sad. more
human lesson. The milk was the destined support
of the young creature : viewed in reference to it,
the milk was its " li.e," and had a relative samc-rttv
resembling that of the forbidden blood (conrp. Jot.
xi. 68, " qui plus lactis hahet quam SMgwirbs,"
speaking ofa kid destined for the knife). No dear*
the abstinence irom the forbidden action, in the case
of a young creature already dead, and a dun «a-
cooscious probably of its less, or ilium i lain kisssi a
such an use of her milk could in nowise qtneaxa.
was bawd ou a sentiment merely. But the practical
consequence, that milk must be foregone or cm. a Inn
obtained, would i revest the sympathy from beat;
an empty one. It < ould not be the passive eaa.4ra
which becomes weaker by repe ti tio n , for waart of an
active habit with which to ally itself. And taas its
operation would lie in indirectly quickening sym-
pathies for the brute creation at all other times.
The Talmudists took an extreme view of the p en upt ,
as forbidding generally the cooking of flesh sa milk
(Mishna, Chottim, viii. ; Hettinger, Leg. Heir.
117, 141, quoted by Winer).
It remains to mention the sanitary aspect af the
case. Swine are said to be peculiarly hable to ass-
ease in their own bodies. This probably means that
they are more easily led than other o e atium to the
foul feeding which produces it ; and where the ave-
rage heat is great, decomposition rapt], and a u a laih )
easily excited, this tendency in the asanas is mere
mischievous than elsewhere. A sss a atl ar asaasf.
from whence we have " measled pork," at the old
English word for a " leper," and it is a nai l ad that
eating swine's flesh in Syria and Egypt tanas ts
produce that disorder (Bartholin!, De tlarim JeV.
viii. ; Wunderbsr, p. 51). But there is an st-
definiteness about these saartioni which pineali
our dealing with them scientifically. JVearsas at
mezel may well indeed represent 'leper,** sax
which of all the morbid symptoms classed msdsr
that head it is to stand for, and whether it Bases
the ssme, or at least a parallel diander, in nam ml
in pig, are indeterminate questions. [Lepesl] Tat
prohibition on eating fat was salubrious m a i
I
for other
» Winer
tusnsr, Ug.
between Perslsn snaBi an ■ mal
refers to .Asm JSera, U. va. V a. JBU
r. III. 141.
UNCLEANNE8S
<rhere akin diseases are frequent and virulent, and
that on blood bad, no doubt, a similar tendency.
The caaa of animals dying of themselves needs no
remark: the mere wish to ensure avoiding disease,
in case they had died in such a state, would dictate
the rule. Vet the beneficial tendency is veiled
under a ceremonial difference, for the " stranger "
dwelling by the Israelite was allowed it, although
the latter was forbidden. Thus is their distinctness
before God, as a nation, ever put prominently for-
ward, even where more common motives appear to
have their torn. As regards the animals allowed
for food, comparing them with those forbidden,
there can be no doubt on which side the balance
of wholesomeness lies. Nor would any dietetic
economist fail to pronounce in favour of the Levi-
ties! dietary code as a whole, as ensuring the maxi-
mum of public health, and yet of national distinct-
ness, procured, however, by a minimum of the
inconvenience arising from restriction.
Bochart's Hierozqioon; Forskai's Descriptimes
AnintMtm, tic., quae in f finer* Oriental* Observa-
nt, with his lama Serum Naturalium, and Rosen-
rafiller s Bandhtch der Bibl AHerthunuhmde, vol.
i». t Natural History, may be consulted on some of
the questions connected with this subject ; also more
generally, Moses Maimonides, De Cibit Vetitis;
Rdnhard, De CSnt Htbraeorum ProWiiit. [H. H.]
UNCLEANNE88. The distinctive idea at-
tached to ceremonial oncleanneas among the Hebrews
was, that it cat a person off for the time from
social privileges, and left his citizenship among God's
people for the while in abeyance. It did not merely
require by law a certain ritual of purification, in
order to fti»n*« the importance of the priesthood,
but it placed him who had contracted an unclean-
ness in a position of disadvantage, from which
certain ritualistic acts alone could free him. These
ritualistic acts were primarily the means of recalling
the people to a sense of the personality of God, and
of the reality of the bond in which the Covenant had
placed them with him. As regards the nature of
the acts themselves, they were in part purely cere-
monial, and in part had a sanitary tendency ; as also
had the personal isolation in which the unclean were
placed, acting to some extent as a quarantine, under
circumstances where infection was possible or sup-
G sable. It is remarkable that, although many acts
ving no connexion specially with cleansing entered
into the ritual, the most frequently enjoined method
of removing ceremonial pollution was that same
washing which produces physical cleanliness. Nor
can we a de qu at ely comprehend the purport and
spirit of the Lawgiver, unless we recognise on either
side of the merely ceremonial acts, often apparently
enjoined for the sake of solemnity alone, the spiritual
and moral benefits on the one side, of which they
spake in shadow only, and the physical correctives
or preventives on the other, which they often in
substance conveyed. Maimonides and some other
expositors, whilst they apparently forbid, in reality
practise the rationalizing of many ceremonial precepts
(Wunderbar, BMukA- Talmuditche Medicm, 2"
Hoft, 4).
There is an intense reality in the fact of the
Divine Law taking hold of a man by the ordinary
infirmities jf flesh, and setting its stamp, aa it
were, in the lowest clay of which he is moulded.
* Compare the view of the modern Persians In this
ksbkI Caonttr* Vmaga, voL II. 343, chap. tv. "Le
x>-ps sr present* devsnt Dtw» comma lime ; il fsol done
UNCLEANNE88
151M
And indeed, things which would be unsated to the
spiritual dispensation of the New Testament, and
which might even sink into the ridiculous by toe
close a contact with its sublimity, have their prorer
place in a law of temporal sanctions, directly effect-
ing man's life in this world chiefly or solely. The
sacredness attached to the human body is parallel to
that which invested the Ark of the Covenant itself.
It is as though Jehovah thereby would teach them
that the " very hairs of their head were oil num-
bered" before Him, and that "in His book were all
their members written." Thus was inculcated, so
to speak, a bodily holiness.* And it is remarkable
indeed, that the solemn precept, " Te shall be holy;
for I am holy," is used not only where moral duties
are enjoined, ss in Lev. xix. 2, bat equally so where
purely ceremonial precepts are delivered, as in xi.
44, 45. So the emphatic and recurring period,
- 1 am the Lord your God," is found added to the
clauses of positive ooservance aa well as to those re-
lating to the grandest ethical barriers of duty. The
same weight of veto or injunction seems laid on all
alike : «. g. " Ye shall not make any cuttings in
your flesh for the dead, nor print any marks upon
you : I am the Lord," and " Thou shalt rise up
before the hoary head, and honour the face of the
old man, and fear thy God : I am the Lord " (xix.
28, 32). They had His mark set in their flesh,
and all flesh on which that had island had received,
as it were, the broad arrow of the king, and was
really owned by him. They were preoccupied by
that mark of ownership in all the leading relations
of lift, so as to exclude the admission of any rival
badge.
Nor were they to be only " separated from other
people," but they were to be " holy lotto Ood"
(xx. 24, 26), " a kingdom of priests, and a holy
nation." Hence a number of such ordinances re-
garding outward purity, which In Egypt they had
seen used only by the priests, were made publicly
obligatory on the Hebrew nation.
The importance to physical well-being of the in-
junctions which required frequent ablution, noder
whatever special pretexts, can be but feebly appro
dated in our cooler and damper climate, where
there seems to be a less rapid action of the atmo-
sphere, as well as a state of the frame leas disposed
towards the generation of contagion, and towards
morbid action generally. Hence the obvious utility
of reinforcing, by the sanction of religion, obser-
vances tending in the main to that healthy state
which is the only solid basis of comfort, area
though in certain points of detail they were bur-
densome. The custom of using the bath also on
occasions of ceremonious introduction to persons of
rank or importance (Ruth iii. 3 ; Judith x. 3), well
explains the special use of it on occasions of religious
ministration, viewed aa a personal appearing befbie
God ; whence we understand the office of the levers
among the arrangements of the Sanctuary (Ex.
xxx. 18-21 ; 1 K. vii. 38, 39 ; corop. Ex. xix. 10, 14 j
1 Sam. xvi. 5 ; Josh. iii. 5 ; 2 Chr. xxx. 17). The
examples of parallel observances among the nations
of antiquity, will suggest themselves easily to the
classical student without special references. The
closest approximation, however, to the Mosaic ritual
in this respect, is said to be found in the code of
Menu Winer, » Reinigkeit," 313, note).
qo'il solt pur. tsnt pour psrter a Dkm qos pour cntfef
dans le lieu consscri a son caMa,*
1692
UNCLEANNESS
To the i -jtgti was ordinarily referred the expun-
tioo of the law of undennness, u may be gathered
from lUgg. ii. 1 1. Uiideaiineat., as rata red to man,
may be arranged in three degrees ; ( 1 ) that which
defiled merely " until even," and was removed by
battling and washing the clothes at the end of it —
•uch were all contacts with dead animals; (") that
graver sort which defiled for seven days, anl was
removed by the use of the " water of separation " —
such were ail defilements connected with the human
corpse ; (3) anclean^ess from the morbid, puerperal,
or menstrual state, lasting as long as that morbid
state lasted — but see further below ; and in the case
of leprosy lasting often for life.
It suffices barely to notice the spiritual signi-
ficance which the law of carnal ordinances veiled.
This seems sometimes apparent, as in DeuL xxi.
6-8 (comp. Pa. xxvi. 6, lxxiii. 13), yet calling for
a spiritual discernment in the student ; and this is
the point of relation between them " divers wash-
ings" and Christian Baptism (1 Pet. iil. 21).
Those who lacked that gift were likely to confound
the inward with the outward purification, or to fix
their regards exclusively on the latter.
As the human person was itself the seat of a
covenant-token, so male and female had each their
ceremonial obligations in proportion to their sexual
differences. Further than this the increase of the
nation was a special point of the promise to Abra-
ham and Jacob, and therefore their fecundity as
parents was under the Divine tutelage, beyond the
general notion of a curse, or at least of God's dis-
favour, as implied in barrenness. The " blessings
of the breasts and of the womb " were His (Gen.
xlix. 25), and the law takes accordingly grave and,
as it were, paternal cognizance of the organic func-
tions connected with propagation. Thus David
could feel, "Thou hast possessed my reins: thou
hast covered me in my mother's womb" (Pa.
exxxix. 13) ; and St. Paul found a spiritual analogy
in the fact that " God had tempered the body to-
gether, having given more abundant honour to that
part which lacked " (1 Cor. xii. 24). The changes
of habit incident to the female, and certain abnormal
states of either sex in regard to such functions, are
touched on reverently, and with none of the
Aesculapian coldness of science — for the point of
view is throughout from the Sanctuary (l.ev. xv.
31); and the puiity of the individual, both moral
mid physical, as well as the preservation of the
race, seems included in it. There is an emphatic
rein ider of human weakness in the fact of birth
and death— man's passage alike into and out of his
■nortal state — being marked with a stated pollution.
Thus the birth of the infant brought defilement on
* Comp. Herod. II. *4, where It appear* that after such
•otercourse an Egyptian could not eater a sanctuary
without first bathing.
• Ancient Greek physicians assert that. In southern
countries, the symptoms of the puerperal stale conilnue
kmger when a woman has borne a daughter than when a
.to. Mcbseus (.s'ntM'i Translation), Art. 214.
< Winer quotes a remarkable passage from Pliny,
V II vil. IX specifying the mysteriously mischievous pro-
perties ascribed in popolar superstition to the menstrual
flax ; e. g., buds and fruits being blighted, steel blunted,
dogs driven mad by it, and the like. But Pliny has evi-
dently raked together all sorts of "old wives' fables,"
without any attempt at testing their truth, and is there-
for* utterly untrustworthy. More to the purpose Is his
quotation of Oilier, fleas, rkytbi. vn. i««, to the ■ ttect
that this opfni m of the vtrulcnf sod baneful • fleets of
UNCLEAN NE88
it. mother, which she, except so far so nexesenr ij
isolated by the nature of the circumstances, pi u f
gated around her. Nay, the conjugal act scscsf ■
or aiy act resembling it, though doc* involun-
tarily (vv. 16-18), entailed undennneas for a
day. The corpse, on the other hand, bequeathed
a defilement of seven days to all who bandied is,
to the " teut " or chamber of death, sxd to sundry
things within it. Nay, contact with one sham as
the held of battle, or with even a human basse or
grave, was no leas effectual to pollute, thaaa than
with a corpse dead by the course of nature (Keen.
xix. 11-18). This shows that the source of pollu-
tion lay in the mere fact of death, and o ee e as <e
mark an anxiety to fix a sense of the cosnaenrian si
death, even as of birth, with sin, deep in tare b e aut
of the nation, by a wide pathology, if we may a*
call it, of defilement. It is aa though the pool cf
human corruption was stirred anew by whatever
passed into or out of it, For the spedal caves at"
male, female, and intersexual defilement, ace Lev.
xii., xv. Wunderbar, Biblisci- Talmud tsafcr JsfeaV
cn», pt. Hi. 19-20, refers to Mishna, Zaorest, a. t,
Atuur, ix. 4, as undeiYtandiog by the seauutuua
mentioned in Lev. xv. 2-8 the doenrraWs aessaxa*
The same authority thinks that the plague - las
Poor's sake" (Num. xxv. 1, 8, 9; Ueut. fv. 3;
Josh. xxii. 17), was possibly a sypoilitic artectjac
derived from the Moabites. '[IttVE ; MEDseun-".
The duration of defilement caused by the birth ci
a female infant, being double that due to a soak.
extending respectively to eighty' and forty days as.
(Lev. xii. 2-6), may perhaps represent the woni'r
heavier share in the first sin and first carec iltu.
iii. 16 ; 1 Tim. ii. 14). For a man's " iaease," be-
sides the uncleannesa while it lasted, a pnesttjan af
seven days, including a washing on the third day.
is prescribed. Similar was the period In the) caee it*
the woman, and in that of intercourse with a weenae
so affected (Lev. xv. 13. 28, 24). Suck an act
during her menstrual separation* was regarded as
incurring, beyond uncleannesa, the penalty of both
the persons being cut off from among their people
(xx. 18). We may gather from Gen. xm. oi
that such injunctions were agreeable to established
traditional notions. The propagation of nni lass
ness from the person to the bed, saddle, csattsnv
&c, and through them to other p e rs o ns , is apt u,
impress the imagination with an idea of the Usath-
someness of such a state or the beinoasneas of such
acts, more forcibly by far than if the defilement dove
to the first person merely (Lev. xv. 5, 6, 9, 12.
17, 20, 22-24, 26, 27). It threw a broud aarrs
around them, and warned all off by amply detuwc
boundaries. One expression in vex. 8. a mas s as
this secretion proceeded from Asia, and wan
Into Europe by the Arabians; which,
foundation, and which Pliny's hrngnage so tar
The laws of Menn sre said to be more
bead than the Mosaic The menstrual aflecthaa
at an earlier age, and has periods ot longer donna
oriental women than with those of our own clanaSe
Greek religion recognized some of the Levftfcal
tlons Is plain from Kurlp. IpHf. mar. SM fctt,
we read of a god dess — \ns, fori* ,tir v' re
**Vov. v ««* Aoxe£at, , Maxw* *n„ xaasw, A
iiwtifrftt, snmpey sk fr yoss W r a . A fragment of tea*
poet, adduced by Mr. faley ad lee. est, far even
closely In point. It is, vmUUvca f i»«r
yiyiviv n fifivrmr or ees po*4 s wc J* xe «|i oni s wv
Titi+vx-tv ^pwtfir cotoTMe wv+oAa j psi Oaaaa,
lneophr. Caor . IX.
Thsc
l/NOLEANNESS
bat»v misled Winer into supposing that is issue of
rheum (SchMmfluts) was perhaps intended. That
' spitting," in some cases where there was co
disease in question, conveyed defilement, seem?
implied in Num. xii. 14, and much more might
«uch an act so operate, from one whose malady
made him a source of pollution even to the touch.
As regards the propagation of uncleanness the
Low of Moses is not quite clear. Wo read (Num.
zix. 22), *' Whatsoever the unclean person toucheth
shall be unclean;" but there uncleanness from con-
tact with the corpse, grave, tie., is the subject of the
chapter which the injunction closes ; and this is con-
firmed by Haeg. ii. 13, where " one that is unclean
6y a dead body " is similarly expressly mentioued.
Also from the command (Num. v. 2-4) to "put
the unclean out of the camp ;" where the " leper,"
the one " that hath an issue," and the one " defiled
oy the dead," are particularized, we may assume
that the minor pollution for one day only was not
communicable, and so needed not to be "put forth."
It is observable also that the major pollution of the
" issue " communicated by contact the minor pollu-
tion only (Lev. xv. 5-11;. Hence may perhaps be
deduced a tendency in the contagiousness to exhaust
itself; the minor pollution, whether engendered by
the major or arising directly, being non-communi-
cable. Thus the major itself would expire after
one remove from its original subject. To this
pertains the distinction mentioned by Lightfoot
( {for. Nebr. on Matt. ,xr. it), viz. that between
KOO "unclean," and 71DB "profane" or "pol-
luted," in tnat the latter does not pollute another
beside itself nor propagate pollution. In the
ancient commentary on Num. known as " Siphri " •
(ap. (Jgol. Tha. xv. 346), a greater transmissibility
of polluting power seems assumed, the defilement
being there traced through three removes from the
original subject of it ; but this is no doubt a Rab-
binical extension of the original Leritical view.
Michaelis notices a medical tendency in the restric-
tion laid on coition, whereby both parties were un-
clean until even ; he thinks, and with some reason,
that the law would operate to discourage polygamy,
and, in monogamy, would tend to preserve the
health of the parents and to provide for the healthi-
ness of the offspring. The uncleanness similarly
imposed upon self-pollution (Lev. XT. 16 ; Deut.
xxiii. 10), even if involuntary, would equally
exercise a restraint both moral and salutary to
health, and suggest to parents the duty of vigilance
.iter their male children (Michaelis, Art. cciiv.-
ccxvfi.).
With regard to uncleanness arising from the
lower animals, Lightfoot (If or. Hear, on Lev.
xi.-xr.) remarks, that all which were unclean to
touch when dead were unclean to eat, bat not
conversely ; and that all which were unclean to eat
were unclean to sacrifice, but not conversely ; since
•* murSa edere licet quae non sacriheari, et multa
tangere licet quae non edere." For uncleanness in
matters of food see Uncleak Meats. All ani-
mals, however, if dying of themselves, or eaten
with the blood, wore unclean to eat. [Blood.] The
carcase also of any animal unclean as regards diet,
however dying, defiled whatever person it, or any
part of it, touched. By the same touch any gar-
ment, sack, skin, or vessel, together with its con-
* The passage in the Latin version U. "SI vsssquac
feangunt homlnem, qui tangat vast, quae tangant mor*
tatun, mm Immunda," Ice
l Uisbop Colenan appears to have mtMpptk'd this, as
UNOUEANNJES8
1593
tents, became unclean, and was to be punned by
washing or scouring ; or if an earthen vessel, was tc
be broken, just as the Brahmins break a vessel out
of which a Christian has drunk. Further, the
water in which such things had been purified com-
municated their uncleanness; and even seed for
sowing, if wetted with water, became unclean by
touch of any carriqn, or unclean animal when dead.
All these defilements were " until even " only, save
the eating " with the blood," the offender in which
respect was to " be cut off" (Lev. xi. xvii. 14).
It should further be added, that the same sentence
of "cutting off," was denounced against all who
should " do presumptuously " in respect even of
minor defilements ; by which we may understand
all contempt of the legal provisions regarding them.
The comprehensive term " defilement,'' also in-
cludes the contraction of the unlawful marriages
and the indulgence of unlawful lusts, as denounced
in Lev. xvui. Even the sowing heterogeneous
seeds in the same plot, the mixture of materials in
one garment, the sexual admixture of cattle with a
diverse kind, and the ploughing with diverse ani-
mals in one team, although not formally so classed,
yet seem to fall under the same general notion,
save in so far as no specified term of defilement or
mode of purification is prescribed (Lev. xii. 19;
Deut. xxiL 9-11; comp. Michaelis, as above, cexx.).
In the first of these cases the fruit is pronounced
" defiled," which Michaelis interprets as a consecra-
tion, i. e. confiscation of the crop for the uses of the
priests.
The fruit of trees was to be counted " as uncir-
cumcised," i. i. unclean for the first three years, in
the fourth it was to be sot apart as " holy to praise
the Lord withal," and eaten commonly not till the
fifth. Michaelis traces an economic effect in this
regulation, it being best to pluck off the blossom in
the early years, and not allow the tree to bear
fruit till it had attained to some maturity {ibid.
cexxii.).
The directions in Deut. xxiii. 10-13, relate to
the avoidance of impurities in the case of a host en-
camped,' as shown in ver. 9, and from the mention
of " enemies " in ver. 1 4. The health of the army
would of course suffer from the neglect of suca
rules; but they are based on no such ground of
expediency, but on the scrupulous ceremonial purity
demanded by the God whose presence was in the
midst of them. We must suppose that the rule
which expelled soldiers under certain circumstances
of pollution from the camp for a whole day, was
relaxed in the presence of an enemy, as otherwise it
would have placed them beyond tho protection of
their comrades, and at the mercy of the hostile
host. As regards the other regulation, it is pait
of the teaching of nature herself that an assembl>id
community should reject whatever the human body
itself expels. And on this ground the Levities)
Law seems content to let such a matter rest, for it
annexes no stated defilement, nor prescribes any
purification.
Amongst causes of defilement should be noticed
the fact that the ashes of the red heifer, burnt
whole, which were mixed with water and became the
standing resource for purifying uncleanness in the
second degree, themselves became a source of defile*
ment to all who were clean, even as of purification
though It were required of the host of Israel &«. tin
whole body of the people, throughout the whole of then
wnn'erlng In tit vilderoeas. The fmiaUwK, its. oh. vt
3*
1594
0NCLEANNE88
to the unclean, and no the water. Thu* the prist
and Levite, who administered this purification in
thuir respective degrees, were themselves made un-
clean thereby, but in the first or lighteat degree
only (Num. xix. 7, roll.). Somewhat similarly the
•cape-goat, who bore away the aim of the people,
defiled him who led him into the wilderness, and
the bringing forth and burning the sacrifice on the
Great Day of Atonement had a similar power. This
lightest form of uneleanneas was expiated by bath-
ing the body and washing the clothes. Besides the
water of purification made as aforesaid, men and
women in their " issues," were, after seven days,
reckoned from the cessation of the disorder, to bring
two turtle-doves or young pigeons to be killed by
the priests. The purification after child-bed is well
known from the N. T. ; the law, however, pri-
marily required a lamb and a bird, and allowed the
poor to commute for a pair of biids as before.
That ibr the leper declared clean consisted of two
stages: the first, not properly sacrificial, though
involving the shedding of blood, consisted in bring-
ing two such birds, the one of which the priest
killed over spring-water with which its Mood was
mingled, and the mixture sprinkled seven times on
the late leper, with an instrument made of cedar-
wood, scarlet wool, and hyssop ; the living bin! was
then dipped in it, and let fly away, symbolizing?
probably the liberty to which the leper would be
entitled when his probation and sacrifice were com-
plete, even as the slaughtered bird signified the
discharge of the impurities which his blood bad
contained during the diseased state. The leper
might now bathe, shave himself, and wash his
clothes, and come within the town or camp, nor
was every plaje which he entered any longer pol-
luted by him (Mishna, Negaim, xiii. 1 1 ; Ctlim, i. 4),
be was, however, relegated to his own house or
tent for seven days. At the end of that time he
whs scrupulously to shave hi* whole body, even to
his eyebrows, and wash and bathe as before. The
final sacrifice consisted of two lambs, and an ewe
sheep of the first year with flonr and oil, the poor
being allowed to bring one lamb and two birds as
before, with smaller quantities of flour and oil.
For the detail of the ceremonial, some of the features
of which are rather singular, see Lev. xiv. Lepers
were allowed to attend the synagogue worship,
where separate seats were assigned them {Negaim,
xiii. 12V
All these kinds of undeanness disqualified for
hcly functions: as the layman so affected might
not approach the congregation and the sanctuary,
so any priest who incurred defilement must abstain
from the holy things (Lev. xxii. 2-8). The High-
Priest was forbidden the customary signs of mourning
for father or mother, " for the crown of the anointing
oil of his God is upon him " (Lev, xxi. 10-12), and
beside his esse the same prohibition seems to have
been extended to the ordinary priests. At least
we have an example of it in the charge given to
Eleaxar and Ithamar on their brethren's death (Lev.
x. 6). From the specification of u father or mother,"
we may infer that he was permitted to mourn for
bis wile, and so Maimouides (de Luctu, cap. ii., iv.,
■ C e. Conveying bi symbol only s relesse from tbs
■late to which the leper, whilst such, wss sentenced.
It Is probable, however, that the duality or the symbol
arose from the natural Impossibility of representing life
ant death In the same creature, aui that both the birds
Involve s complete representation of the Drain, Resor-
rectliw, aad Ascension which procure the Christian
UKCLEAXNES8
T.) optima the text Further, from the i
prohibition of Kiekiej, who was a priest, to mum
for his wife (Ex. xxiv. 15, foil.), we snow that a>
mourn for a wife was generally permitted to the
priests. Among ordinary Israelites, the rasa or
woman who had an iasne, or the latter while it,
the menstrual or puerperal state, might not, ac-
cording to the Rabbins, enter even the monni or
which the Temple stood ; nor might the intra a amil
space be entered by any Israelite in mourning, la
Jerusalem itself, according to the same authorities,
a dead body might not be allowed to paas the aught,
nor even the bones of one be carried throngh its
streets ; neither was any cultivation allowed there,
for fear of the dung, sax, to which it might grr.
rise (Maimouides, ConttU. dt Temp. cap. to. xiv.-
xvi.). No bodies were to be interred within tons,
unless seven chief men, or the public voice, bade tat
interment there; and every tomb within a town
was to be carefully walled in (Aid. xisLV. If a
man in a state of pollution presumed to enter the
sanctuary, he was obliged to offer a sacrifice at wel
as suffer punishment. The sacrifice is» due nads
the notion that the pollution of the aamlieii
needed expiation, and the pnnjshmeot was ssshcr
whipping, the " rebel's beating," which linnet ir*v-
ing the offender to the mercies of the mob, •* cnttaat
off from the congregation," or death ** by the haai
of heaven " (Lightfoot, Hor. Heir, en Lcrit. xv.;
Ugolini, Thes. xvi. 126).
As regards the special case of the leper, sat
Leprosy. To the remarks there made, it may bt
added that the priests, in their contact with tat
leper to be adjudged, were exempted from the Saw
of defilement; that the garb and trea tm e n t of dat
leper seems to be that of one dead in the eye of nV
Law, or rather a perpetual mourner for has sea
estate of death with "clothes rent and head ban.*
the latter being a token of profound affliction aral
prostration of spirit among an Oriental fry."
which no conventional token among ourselves ran
adequately parallel. The fatal cry, KOO. ICC
- unclean, unclean I" was uttered not only by the
leper, but by all for whose undeanness no remedy
could be found {PendkOut, $2; CgoL Ties, xvv
40). When we consider the aversion ts> leprae.'
contact which prevailed in Jewish seciery, aaa
that whatever the leper touched was, at if tsmchsd
by a corpse, defiled seven days, we see the hapiy
significauce of our Lord's selecting the touch as
his means of healing the leper (lightfoot, B jr.
Hear, on Matt. viii. 2); as we
better the bold faith of the
daringly she overstepped conventional image base,
on the letter of the Law, who having the " issue C
blood," hitherto incurable, M came behind kirn and
touched the hem of his garment," confident thai not
pollution to him but cleansing to herself wwuld as
the result of that touch (Luke viii. 43, mil.).
As regards the analogies which the cea-eaaaeaat
of other Oriental nations offer*, it may he sne*-
tioned that amongst the Arabs the touching a cor**
still defiles (Burckhardt, 80). Beyond this, H.
Chaidin in his account of the religion of the Per-
Atonement This would of coarse, however, secaaw tat
notice or the worshipper. Christ, with His own Moat
"entered the holy places not made with hsssja,** as a»
living bird soared np to lbs visible I
blood of its fellow. We est
completing apparently one asmilar J
daj of Atonement.
UNDEBGIBDING
nan* ( Voyages en Pent, vol. ii. 348, foil.), enters
into particulars which show a singularly close cor-
respondence with the Levitical code. This will be
seen by quoting merely the headings of some of- his
chapters and sections. Thus we find under " chap.
it. 1"* partie, Ces purifications qui se font avec
d'eau. 2"» partie, De l'immondicite' ; 1"* section, De
t'iirt;<urebs qui se contract* semme coilta; 2*"
section, De I'.mpnraM qni arrive aux femmes par
lea pertes di sang, De l'impurete' den pertes de sang
ordinaire*, De l'impurete' des pertes de sang extra-
ordinairts, De rimpuretd des pertes de sang des
eottcbcs. 3* m * partie, De la purification des corps
morts." We may compare also with certain Levi-
tical precepts the following : " Si un chien boit
dans un vase ou leche quelqne plat, il faut ecurer
le rase arec de la terre nette, ct puis le laver deux
fois d'eau nette, et 11 sera net.' It is remarkable
also that these precepts apply to the people not qua
they are Mahomedans, but qua they are Persians, as
they are said to shun even Mahomedans who are not
of the same ritual in regard to these observances.
For certain branches of this subject the reader
nay be referred to the treatises in the Mishna
named Niddah (memtruatd), Parah (vacca rufa),
Tehorvth (Pmitates\ Zabbim Jluxu laborantes),
Celim (van), Mucath Arlah (arborwn praeputia) ;
also to Maimon. lib. v. Inure Biah (prvhibitae
coitiona), Niddah Out sap.), Maccalotk Amroth
(cibi prohibit,). ' [H. H.]
UNDEBGIBDING, Acta xxvii. 17. [Ship,
p. 1283a.]
UNIOOBN (Din, rUm; Dnn> rUym; or
D*l, rtym: pava/tlpm, aSpit: rhinoceros, uni-
cornis), the unhappy rendering by the A. V.,
following the LXX., of the Hebrew Riim, a word
which occurs seven times in the 0. T. as the name
of some large wild animal. More, perhaps, has
been written on the subject of the unicorn of the
ancient* than on any other animal, and various are
the opinion* which have been given as to the crea-
ture intended. The Riim of the Hebrew Bible, how-
ever, has nothing at all to do with the one-homed
animal mentioned by Ctesias (Indka, iv. 25-27),
Aelian (Nat. Anim. xvi. 20), Aristotle (Hat. Anim.
ii. 2, §8), Pliny (N. B. viu. 21), and other Greek
and Roman writer*, as is evident from Deut. xxxiii.
1 7, where, in the blessing of Joseph, it is said, " His
glory is like the firstling of hi* bullock, and hi*
horn* are like the born* of a um o o rm " (\JT{5
D*rp, not, a* the text of the A. T. renders' it,
" the boms of unicorns." The two horu of the
Riim are " the ten thousands of Ephraim and the
thousands of Manasseh " — the two tribes which
■prang from one, t. e. Joseph, as two horns from one
head. This text, most appropriately referred to by
Schultens {Comment, in Job. xxxix. 9), puts a one-
homed animal entirely out ot the question, and in
consequence dispose* of the opinion held by Bruce
( Trav. v. 89) and others, that some species of rhino-
ceros is denoted, or that maintained by some writers
that the RUm is identical with some one-horned
animal laid to have been seen by travellers in South
Africa and in Thibet (see Barrow's Traoeti in S.
Africa, i. 312-318, and Asiatic Journal, xi. 154),
and identical with the veritable unicorn of Greek
and Latin writers I Bochart (Bieros. ii. 335) con-
tend* that the Hebrew RUm is identical wi'h the
.Viable Rtm (*Jj). whim Is usually referred to
UNIOOBN
1595
the Oryx leueoryx, the white antelope of North
Africa, and at one time perhaps an inhabitant at
Palestine. Bochart has been followed by Rosen-
mailer, Winer, and others. Arnold Boot (Animad.
8acr. iii. $, Loud. 1644), with much better reason,
conjectures that some species of Unit or wild-ox i*
the Riim of the Hebrew Scriptures. He has been
followed by Schultens (Comment, in Jobum xxxix.
9, who translates the term by Bet syhestris : this
learned writer has a long and most valuable note
on this question), by Parkhurst (Beb. Lex. a. v.
wX"N. Maurer (Comment, in Job. 1. c), Dr. Harris
(Nat. Bat. of the Biblt), and by Cary (Notes on
Job, 1. cA Robinson (Bib. Res. ii. 412) and Ge-
senius (That. s. v.) have little doubt that the
buffalo (Bubalus buffalus) is the RUm ot the Bible.
Before we proceed to discuss these several claimants
to represent the Riim, it will be well to note the
Scriptural allusions in the passages where the term
occurs. The great strength of the RUm is men-
tioned in Mum. xxtti. 22, Job xxxix. 1 1 ; his having
two horns in Deut. xxxiii. 17 ; his fierce nature in
Ps. xiii. 21 ; his indomitable disposition in Job
xxxix. 9-11 ; the active and playful habit* of the
young animal are alluded to in Pa, xxix. 6 ; while in
la. mi v. 6,7, where Jehovah is (aid to be preparing
" a sacrifice in Boxrah," it is added, " the RUmtm
shall come down, and the bullocks with the bulls."
The claim of any animal possessed of a single
horn to be the RUm has already been settled, for
it is manifestly too mnch to assume, as some
writers have done, that the Hebrew term does not
always denote the same animal. Little can be
urged in favour of the rhinoceros, for even allow-
ing that the two-horned specie* of Abyssinia (R.
bioornis) may have been an inhabitant of the
woody districts near the Jordan in Biblical times,
this pachyderm must be oat of the question, as one
which would have been forbidden to be sacrificed
by the Law of Moses, whereas the RUm is men-
tioned by Isaiah as coming down with bullock*
and rams to the Lord's sacrifice. " Omnia ani-
malia," says Rosenmnller (Schoi. in Is.), a), '* ad
aacrificia idonea in nnum congregantur." Again,
the skipping of the young RUm (Ps. xxix. 8) is
acarcely compatible with the habit* of a rhinoceros.
Moreover this animal when unmolested i* not
generally an object of much dread, nor can we
believe that it ever existed so plentifully in the
Bible lands, or even would have allowed itself t»
have been sufficiently often seen so sa to be the
sutject of frequent attention, the rhinoceros being
an animal of retired habits.
With regard to the claims of the Oryx ieucoryx,
it must be observed that this antelope, like the r»t
of the family, is harmless unless wounded or hard
pressed by the hunter, nor is it remarkable for the
possession of any extraordinary strength. Figures
of the Oryx occur frequently on the Egyptian
sculptures, " being among the animals tamed by
the Egyptians and kept in great numbers in thrjr
preserves " (Wilkinson's Anc. Egypt, i. 227, ed.
1854). Certainly this antelope can never be tb;fi:roe
indomitable Riim mentioned In the Book of Job.
Considering therefore that the Riim is spoken
of a* a two-horned animal of great strength and
ferocity, that it was evidently well known and
often seen by the Jews, that it is mentioned as nn
animal fit for sacrificial purpose*, and that it is
frequently associated with bulls and oxen, we think
there can be no doubt that some spsciea of nil t-o»
is intended. The allusion in Pa, xeii. 10, " But
15!>6
vvnsa
diou shalt lif if, u a RUtftn, my horn,'
to point to t.<i mode in which the Booida* use
•Jieir horns, lowering the bead and then teasing it
up. But it ii impossible to determine what
particular species of wild-ox is signified. At pre-
sent there is no existing example of any wild
bovine animal found in Palestine ; bot negative
•videuce in this respect must not be interpreted as
affording testimony against the supposition that
wild cattle formerly existed in the Bible lands.
The lion, for instance, was once not untreqnently
met with ia Palestine, as is evident from Biblical
illusions, but no traces of living specimens exist
now. Dr. Roth found lions' bones in a gravel bed
of the Jordan some few year* ago, and it is not
improbable that some future explorer may succeed
in discovering bones and skulls of some huge ex-
tinct Unit, allied perhaps to that gigantic ox of
the Hercynian forests which Caesar {Bell. Gall.
vi. 20) describes as being of a stature scarcely
below that of an elephant, and so fierce as to spare
neither man nor beast should it meet with either.
" Notwithstanding assertions to the contrary," ays
CoL Hamilton Smith (Kitto's CycL art "Reem"),
" the Urus and the Bison were spread anciently
from the Rhine to China, and existed in Thrace
and Asia Minor ; while they, or allied species, are
still found in Siberia and the forests both of
Northern and Southern Persia. Finally, though
the Buffalo was not found anciently farther west
than Aracoria, the gigantic Sow (Bibot gaunt*)
and several congeners are s~.*ead over all the
mountain wildernesses of India and the Sheriff-al-
Wady ; and a further colossal species roams with
other wild bulls in the valleys of Atlas."
Some have conjectural that the £Um denotes
the wild buffalo. Although the Chamta, or tame
buffalo, was not introduced into Western Asia until
the Arabian conquest of Persia, it is possible that
some wild species, Bubalut armee, or B. brachycenu,
may have existed formerly in Palestine. We are,
however, more in favour of some gigantic c7rus. a
Numerous references as to the uovoccpoif of the
ancients will be found in Bocbart (Sitroz. iii.
cap. 27), Winer {Bib. Reahe. " Einhora" ;) bat no
further notice of this point is taken here except to
observe that the more we study it the more con-
vinced we are that the animal is fabulous. The
supposed unicorns of which some modern traveller*
speak have never been seen by trustworthy wit-
nesses.* [W. H.]
UNTO. 1. (>*}>: 'EXur^X, 'HA***!; FA An:
Am.) One of the Levite doorkeepers (A. V.
" porters ") appointed to play the psaltery " on
alamoth " in the service of the sacred Tent, as
settled by David (1 Cbr. xv. 18, 20).
2. (MJ?, but in A'eri *i% : Vat. and Alex, omit :
VA lorol: Ami.) A second Levite (unless the
family of tlie foregoing be intended) concerned in
the sacred office atler the Return from Babylon
(Neb. »ii. 9).
U'PHAZ (TWK: Mexpaf, '04*C- 0p>»".
obryztm), Jer. x. 9 j Dan. x. 5. [Ophib, p. 637 6.]
TJR (INt : Xtipa: Ur) oocnrs ia Ceteris eaW
and s there mentioned as the land «f Haras's u>
tivitr (Gen. xi. 28), the place from which Tine
and Abraham started " to go into the bad a
Canaan" (xi. 31). It is called in Genesis - Ur I
the Chaldaeant" (D«TfeO "fet), while a the An.
St. Stephen places it, by implication, an Measea-
tamia (vii. 2, 4). These are all the if war—
which Scripture furnishes as to its locality. As the?
are clearly insufficient to fix its site, the chief ta>
ditions and opinions on the subject will be first ea>
sidered, and then an attempt will be made te> decae,
by the help of the Scriptural notices, between tarn
One tradition identifies Ur with the moari
Orfah. There ia some ground for beUevisa; that
this city, called by the Greeks Edeaaa, had aba tat
name of Orrba as early a* the time of Isidore ,aa.
B.C. 150); and the tradition uaiu e Ui us; it was
Abraham is perhaps not later than St. Ephraaa
(a.d. 330-370), who makes Nimrod knxf of Earns,
among other places (Couuwai. as Otn. Op- vat. u
p. 58, B.). According to Poosck (Dt tu tpt im at
the East, vol. i. p. 159), that Or is Edesea ar
Orfah is " the wmertal opinion of that Jews:*
and it is also the local belief, as is indicated by tat
title, " Mosque of Abraham," home by the cast
religious edifice of the place, and the deaagaauo.
" Lake of Abraham the Beloved," — — »— » to las
pond in which are kept the sacred fish (Aiaswerta.
Travels m tht Track, fcc, p. 64; oonxp. Paces,
i. 159, and Niebuhr, Voyage eat Araii t, p. 330V
A second tradition, which appears ia taw Taaawi,
and in some of the early AiaUaa w iilern , teals Cr
in Warka, the 'Opx<*» of the Greeks, and proasUy
the Erech of Holy Scripture (called 'Of*X "7 tbt
LXX.). This place bears the name of Bunk m
the native inscriptions, and was in Use
known to the Jews as " the land of the C
A third tradition, less distinct than either af
these, but entitled to at least equal artomrine. 4a-
tinguishes Or from Warka, while soil f'** im t rt B
the same region (see Journal of Asiatic Sacarft.
vol. xii. p. 481, note 2). There can be little decjt
that the city whereto this tradition poises is teat
which appears by its bricks to have been called Bur
by the natives, and which ia now iiprias ileal by
the ruins at Mughcir, or Ungktir, on the rsrkt
bank of the Euphrates, nearly opposite to its janr-
tion with the Shot-el- Hie. The oldest Jewish tra-
dition which we possess, that quoted by KiaeUm
from EupoOemus' {Praep. Ev. ix. 17), who lived
about B.C. 150. may be fairly said to ixtaeod tae
place ; for by identifying Ur (Uria) with the Baay-
lonian city, known also as Camarina and ~3aakUe-
opolis, it points to a city of the Moon, wkuJe M\r
was — Kamar being " the Moon " in Arabic, aad
Khaldi the same luminary in the Old Araeeaiea
An opinion, unsupported by any tradition, re-
mains to be noticed. Borhart, Cabaet, ***>«■—■■
and others, identify «■ Ur of the Child—- w-tt
a place of the name, mentioned by a aaagia taar
writer— Ammianus Marcellinus —
existing in his day in Eastern Mesopotamia, heti
Hatra (El Hadhr) and Nisibis (Am ""
• Tbere appears to be no duobt lost the indent lake- of the Ancients " In the writer's article la He Jaws, an*
Inhabitant* of Switzerland towards the dose or the stone Mag. of Mat. BUL November, 1M2.
pi-rlod succeeded In taming the urus. M In a tame * The words of Euseblsa an : Ammrt |wiiy. 4>pe»
sUte." says Sir a LyeU r Antiquity of Han, p. 34), - Its [EvmAuut], <V viXn -n\s Ba£uA»»w Ti ( laf s, w>
kaoes were somewhat lesa massive sod heavy, and its nam A*V,u> aaAte Oipii*, abet U jiiT in I i i.
boma were somewhat smaller than to wild iudlvMuala." ' Te>tai«« wUur, iv ratrat teawa f"i saajja,
'The reader will find a fall discussion of ibe '• Unicorn "
OB
xiv. 8). The chief argument! in favour of this
site seem to ha the identity of name and the posi-
tion of the plan between Arrapachitis, which is
thought to hare been the dwelling-place of Abra-
ham'! anoNtors in the time of Arphaxod, and
Haran (Harran). whither he went from Ur.
It will be seen, that of the four localities thought
to hare a claim to be regarded as Abraham's city,
two are situated in Upper Mesopotamia, between
Ui.? Moos Masios and the Sinjar range, while the
.rther two are in the alluvial tract near the sea, at
least 400 miles further south. Let us endeavour
lirst to decide in which of these two regions Ur is
more probably to be sought.
riiat Chaldaea was, properly speaking, the
southern part of Babylonia, the region bordering
upon the Golf, will be admitted by all. Those
who maintain the northern emplacement of Ur
argue, that with the extension of Chaldaean power
the name travelled northward, and became co-
extensive with Mesopotamia ; but, in the first place,
there is no proof that the name Chaldaea was ever
extended to the region above the Sinjar; and
secondly, if it was, the Jews at any rate mean by
Chaldaea exclusively the lower country, and call
the upper, Mesopotamia or Padan-Aram (see Job i.
17; Is. xdii. 19, xliii. 14, Ac.). Again, there is
no reason to believe that Babylonian power was
established beyond the Sinjar in these early times.
On the contrary, it seems to have been confined to
Babylonia Proper, or the alluvial tract below Hit
and Tekrit, until the expedition of Chedorlaomer,
which was later than the migration of Abraham.
The conjectures of Ephraem Syrus and Jerome,
who identify the cities of Nimrod with places in
the upper Mesopotamian country, deserve no credit.
The names all really belong to Chaldaea Proper.
Moreover, the best and earliest Jewish authorities
place Ur in the low region. Eupolemus has been
already quoted to this effect. Josephus, 'though
less distinct upon the point, seems to have held
the same view {Ant. i. 6). The Talmudists also
are on this side of the question; and local tra-
ditions, which may be traced back nearly to the
Hegira, make the lower country the place of Abra-
ham's birth and early life. If Orfah has a Mosque
and a Lake of Abraham, Cutha near Babylon goes
by Abraham'! name, as the traditional scene of all
his legendary miracles.
Again, it is really in the lower country only that
a name closely corresponding to the Hebrew "WK
is tbund. The cuneiform ffur represents "UK letter
for letter, and only differs from it in the greater
strength of the aspirate. Isidore's Orrha (fofta)
differs from 'Ur considerably, and the supposed Ur
of A mmiamiB is probably not Ur, but Adur.*
The argument that Ur should be sought in the
neighbourhood of Arrapachitis and Seruj, because
the names Arpbaxad and Serug occur in the gene-
alogy of Abraham (Bunsen, Egypl't Place fa,
iii. 366, 367), has no weight till it is shown
thnt the human names in question are really con-
nected with the places, which is at present assumed
somewhat boldly. Arrapachitis cornea probably from
Arapkha, an old Assyrian town of no great conac-
quencn on the left bank of the Tigris, above Nineveh,
which has only three letters in common with Ar-
pbaxad (1BOBTK) ; and Seruj is a name which
OB
does not appear in Mesopotamia till *
Christian era. It is rarely, if ever
extract genqraphical information from „
an historical genealogy ; and certainly in w.
sent case nothing seems to have been gained by ttiv
attempt to do so.
On the whole, therefore, we may regard it as
tolerably certain that «• Ur of the Chaldees" was s
place situated in the rail Chaldaea — the low country
near the Persian Gulf. The only question that
remains in any degree doubtful is, whether Warka
or Mugheir is the true locality. These places are
not far apart ; and either of them is sufficiently
suitable. Both are ancient cities, probably long
anterior to Abraham. Traditions attach to both,
but perhaps more distinctly to Warka. On the
other hand, it seems certain that Warka, the native
name of which was Huruh, represents the Erech of
Genesis, which cannot possibly be the Ur of the
same Book. Mugheir, therefore, which bore the
exact name of ' Vr or /fur, remains with the beet
claim, and is entitled to be (at least provisionally)
regarded as the city of Abraham.
If it be objected to this theory that Abraham,
having to go from Mugheir to Palestine, would net
be likely to take Haran (ffarran) on his way, more
particularly aa he must then have crossed the Eu-
phrates twice, the answer would seem to be, tha,
the movement was not that of on individual but o»
s tribe, travelling with large flocks and herds,
whose line of migration would have to be deter-
mined by necessities of pasturage, and by the friendly
or hostile disposition, the weakness or strength of the
tribes already in possession of the regions which
had to be traversed. Fear of Arab plunderers (Job
i. 15) may very probably have caused the emi-
grants to cross the Euphrates before quitting Baby-
lonia, and having done so, they might naturally
follow the left bank of the stream to the Belik, up
which they might then proceed, attracted by its
excellent pastures, till they reached Harran. As a
pastoral tribe proceeding from Lower Babylonia to
Palestine must ascend the Euphrates as high as the
latitude of Aleppo, and perhaps would find it best
to ascend nearly to Mr, Harran was but a little
out of the proper route. Besides, the whole tribe
which accompanied Abraham was not going to
Palestine. Half the tribe were benton a less distant
journey ; and with them the question must have
been, where could they, on or near the line of route,
obtain an unoccupied territory.
If upon the grounds above indicated Mugheir
may be regarded as the true " Ur of the Chaldees,"
from which Abraham and his family set out, some
account of its situation and history would seem to
be appropriate in this place. Its remains have been
very carefully examined, both by Mr. Loftus and
Mr. Taylor, while its inscriptions hare been deci-
phered and translated by Sir Henry Rawlinson.
'Ur or Hur, now Mugheir, or Um-Mugheir, " the
bitumened," or " the mother of bitumen," is one of
the most ancient, if not Vie most ancient, of the
Chaldaean sites hitherto discovered. It lies on the
right bank of the Euphrates, at the distance of about
sis miles from the present course of the stream, nearly
opposite the point where the Euphrates receives the
S/uit-el- Hie from the Tigris. It is now not less
than 125 miles from the sea ; but there are ground >
for believing that it was anciently a maritime town,
* The M3. reading Is " Adur venere;" "ad Ur" Is
so emendation of the eommentatom. The former Is to
be preferred, stnos Ammlanus does not use "ad* after
/
lots
UR
UB1
/
/
-~5*"fc55
Ium Tvxpla •> SUfMr (loftaa^
»nd that iU present inland position hu l*en caused
by the rapid growth of the alluvium. The remains
cf buildings are generally of the moat archaic cha-
racter. They cover an oral apace, 1000 yards
long by 800 broad, and consist principally of a
number of low mounds enclosed within an enceinte,
which on most sides is nearly perfect. The most
remarkable building is near the northern end of the
ruins. It is a temple of the true Chaldaean type,
built In stages, of which two remain, and composed
of brick, partly sun-burnt and partly baked, laid
chiefly in a cement of bitumen. The bricks of this
building bear the name of a certain Uru&h, who is
regarded as the earliest of the Chaldaean monu-
mental kings, and the name may possibly be the
tame as that of Orchamus of Ovid (Meiaph. iv.
312). His supposed date is B.C. 2000, or a little
earlier. 'Ur was the capital of this monarch, who
had a dominion extending at least as far north
aa Niffer, and who, by the grandeur of his con-
structions, is proved to have been a wealthy
and powerful prince. The great temple appears
to have been founded by this king, who dedi-
cated it to the Moon-god, Hurki, from whom the
town itself seems to have derived its name. Ilgi,
son of Urukh, completed the temple, as well as
certain other of his father's buildings, and the kings
who followed upon these continued for several gene-
rations to adom and beautify the city. 'Ur retained
its metropolitan character for above two centuries,
and even after it became second to Babylon, was a
great city, with an especially sacred character. The
notions entertained of its superior sanctity led to its
being used as a cemetery city, not only during the
time of the early Chaldaean supremacy, but through-
out the Assyrian and even the later Babylonian
period. It is in the main a city of tombs. By far
the greater portion of the space within the enceinte is
occupied by graves of one kind or another, while out-
side the enclosure, the whole space for a distance of
several hundred yards is a thickly-occupied burial-
ground. It is believed that 'Ur was for 18u0 years
a at* to which the dead were brought from wst
distances, thus resembling such places as Ker*a
and Xedjif, or Methtd Ali, at the present d»r.
The latest mention that we find of 'Ur as an exist mc
place is in the passage of Eupolemus already qoot-i.
where we learn that it had changed its name, and
was called Camarina. It probably fell into dear
under the Persians, and was a mere ruin at the tmw
of Alexander's conquests. Perhaps it was the pls»
to which Alexander's informants alluded when tbrr
told him that the tombs of the old Assyrian kinei
were chiefly in the great marshes of the lower
country (Arrian, Exp. Alex. vii. 22). [G. ft]
TJEBA'NE (OiofWds: Urbamu). It wool!
have been better if the word had been written Urbax
in the Authorised Version. For unlearned reader*
sometimes mistake the sex of this Christian disripk
who is in the ong list of those whom St. Paul salutes
in writing to Rome (Rom. xvi. 9). We hrve so
means, however, of knowing more about Urbanas
except, indeed, that we may reasonably conjecture
from the words that follow (to* vmpjl* i«»"
Ir Xpiorp) that he had been at some time u
active religious co-operation with he Apostle. Lwn
of those who are saluted just before and just after
is simply called Tor eVycnrnToV siov. The name n
Latin. [J. S. H.l
U'BI 0"WN : Ovoefos, Ex. xxxi. 2 ; OisXas, Ex
xxxv. 30, 2 Chr. i. 5; Obpl, 1 Chr. ri. 20 ; Vko.
Oiipl, exctpt in 2 Chr. : £W). 1. The father of
Bezaleel me of the arcniteca o>" the tabernacle
(Ex. xxxi. 2, xxxv. 30, xxxviii. 22; 1 Chr. Ii. SO;
2 Chr. i. 5). He was of the tribe of Judas, sal
grandson of Caleb hen-Hexron, his father heirac
Hur, who, according to tradition, was the Busted
of Miriam.
2. ('Aeaf.) The father of Geber, Sriossm's
commissariat officer in Gilead (I K. iv. 19).
3. {'Otoie ; Alex. 'fioW.) One of tk» gate-
keepers of the temple, who had married a £««i
wife in the time of Exra (Ext. x. 24i
URIAH
URI* AH CinW, " light of Jehovah :" Otplas :
Vria). 1. One of the thirty commanders of the
thirty bands into which the Israelite army of David
»as divided ( 1 Chr. li. 41 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 39). Like
others of David's officer! (Ittai of Gath ; lahbosheth
the Canaanite, 2 Sam. xxiii. 8, LXX. ; Zelek the
Ammonite, 2 Sam. xxiii. 37) he was a foreigner — a
Hittite. Ilia name, however, and his manner of
speech (2 Sam. xi. 11) indicate that he had adopted
the Jewish religion. He married Batheheba, a
woman of extraordinary beauty, the daughter of
Klinm— possibly the same as the son of Ahithopliel,
and one of his brother officers (2 Sam. xxiii. 34) ;
and hense, perhaps, as Professor Blunt conjectures
( Coincidence*, II. x.), Uriah's first acquaintance
with Bathsheba. It may be inferred from Nathan's
parable (2 Sun. xii. 3) that he was passionately
devoted to hia wife, and that their union was cele-
brated in Jerusalem as one of peculiar tenderness.
He had a bouse at Jerusalem underneath the palace
(2 8am. xt 2). In the first war with Ammon he
followed Joab to the siege, and with him remained
rucamped in the open field (ib. 11). He returned to
Jerusalem, at an order from the king, on the pre-
text of asking news of the war, — really in the hope
that hia return to hia wife might cover the shame
of hia own crime. The king met with an unex-
pected obstacle in the austere, soldier-like spirit
which guided all Uriah's conduct, and which gives
ua a high notion of the character and discipline of
David's officers. He steadily refused to go home,
or partake of any of the indulgences of domestic
life, whilst the ark and the host were in booths and
his comrades lying in the open air. He partook of
the. royal hospitality, bat slept always at the gate
of the palace till the last night, when the king at a
feast vainly endeavoured to entiap him by intoxi-
cation. The soldier was overcome by the debauch,
but still retained his sense of duty sufficiently to
insist on sleeping at the palace. On the morning
of the third day, David sent him back to the camp
with a letter (as in the story of Belleroplion), con-
taining the command to Joab to cause his destruc-
tion in the battle. Josephus (Ant. vii. 7, §1) adds,
that he gave as a reason an imaginary offence of
Uriah. None such appears in the actual letter,
l'robably to an unscrupulous soldier like Joab the
absolute will of the king was sufficient.
Tbe device of Joab was, to observe the part of
the wall of Rabbath-Ammon, where the greatest
force of the besieged was congregated, and thither,
is a kind of forlorn hope, to send Uriah. A sally
took place. Uriah and the officers with him
advanced as tar as the gate of the city, and were
there shot down by the archers on the wall. It
seems as if it had been an established maxim of
Israelitieh warfare not to approach the wall of a
besieged city ; and one instance of the fatal result
was always quoted, as if proverbially, against it —
Jhe sudden aud ignominious death of Abimelech at
Thebes, which cut short the hopes of the then rising
■nooarol y. This appears from the fact (as given in
the LXX.) that Joab exactly anticipates what the
king will say when he hears of the disaster.
Just as Joab had forewarned the messenger, the
king broke into a furious passion on hearing of the
loss, and cited, almost in the very words which
Joab had predicted, the case of Abimelech. (The
only variation is the omission of the name of the
grandfather of Abimelech, which, in the LXX., fa
>er instead of Joash.) The messenger, as instructed
Mr Juab, calmly ccatinued, and ended the story with
URIAH
1599
trie words : •' Thy Mi-vant aiw, Uriah the H: It te, is
dead." In a moment David's anger is appoasrd. He
sends an encouraging message to Joab on the unavi id-
able chances of war, and urges him to continue ihe
siege. It is one of the touching parts of the story
that Uriah falls unconscious of his wife's dishonour.
She hears of her husoand's death. The narrative
gives no hint as to her flume or remorse. She
"mourned "with the usual signs of grief asawidow;
and theu became the wife of David (2 Sam. xi. 27).
Uriah remains to us, preserved by this tragical
incident, an example of the chivalrous and devoted
characters that were to be found amongst tbe
Canaanites serving in the Hebrew army. [A. P. S.]
2. High-priest in the reign of Ahax (Is. viii. 2 ;
2K.xvi. 10-16). We first hear of him as a witness
to Isaiah's prophecy concerning Maher-shalal-hash-
baa, with Zechariah, the son of Jeberechiah. He is
probably the some as Unjah the priest, who built
the altar for Ahax (2 K. xvi. 10). If this be so.
the prophet sujimoned him as a witness probably on
account of his position as high-priest, not. on
account of hia personal qualities ; though, as the
incident occurred at the beginning of the reign ot
Ahax, Uriah's irreligious subserviency may not
yet have manifested itself. When Ahax, after his
deliveiance from Resin and Pekah by Tiglatb-Pileser,
went to wait upon his new master at Damascus, he
saw there an altar which pleased him, and sent the
pattern of it to Uriah at Jerusalem, with orders to
have one made like it against the king's return.
Uriah zealously executed the idolatrous command,
and when Ahax returned, not only allowed him to offer
sacrifices upon it, but basely complied with all hia
impious directions. The new altar was accordingly
set in the court of the temple, to the east of where
the brazen altar used to stand ; and the daily sacri-
fices, and the burnt-offerings of the king and people,
were offered upon it ; while the brazen altar, Laving
been removed from its place, and set to the north
of the Syrian altar, was reserved as a private altar
for the king to inquire by. It is likely, too, that
Uriah's compliances did not end here, but that he
was a consenting party to the other idolatrous and
sacrilegious acts of Ahax (2 K. xvi. 17, 18, xxiii. 5,
11, 12; 2 Chr. xxviii. 23-25).
Of the parentage of Uriah we know nothing.
He probably succeeded Azariah, who was high-
priest in the reign of Uzxiah, aud was succeeded by
that Azariah who was high-priest in the reign of
Hezekiah. Hence it ia probable that he was son
of the former and father of the latter, it being by
no means uncommon among the Hebrews, as among
the Greeks, for the grandchild to have the grand-
father's name. Probably, too, he may have been de-
scended from that Azariah who must hare been
high-priest in the reign of Asa. But he has no
place in the sacerdotal genealogy (1 Chr. vi. 4-15),
in which there is a great gap between Amariah ia
ver. 1 1 , and Shallum the father of Hilkiah in ver.
13. [Hioh-Pjuest, p. 810.] It ia perhaps a legi-
timate inference that Uriah's Hue terminated in his
successor, Azariah, and that Hilkiah was descended
through another branch from Amariah, who waa
priest in Jehoahaphat's reign.
3. A priest of the family of Hakkox (in A. V.
wrongly Koz), tl.e head of the seventh course of
priests. (See 1 Chr. xxir. 10.) It does not ap-
pear when this Urijah lived, as he is only named
as the father or ancestor of Heremoth in the days
of Ezra and Nehemiah (Ear. viii. SB; Nah. ni.
4, 21;. In Neh. his name is UhjjaH. | A. C. IL]
1600
UBIA8
UBI'AS (Oiofat: Una*). 1. Uriah, tie
husband of Bathsheba (Matt. i. 6).
2. Uruah, 3 (1 Esd. ix. 43; ootnp. Neh
Tiii. 4).
UTUEI., * the fire of God," an angel named
only in 2 Esdr. iv. 1, 36, t. 20, x. 28. In the
•coond of these passages be is called " the archangel."
U KIEL 6«»"flK : Otyijk : Uriel). 1. A
Kohathite Levite, son of Tahath (1 Chr. tri. 24 [9] ).
If the genealogies wei-e reckoned in this chapter from
father to son, Uriel would be the same as Zephaniah
in Ter. 36 ; but there is no reason to suppose that
this is the case.
2. Chief of the Kohathitea in the reign of David
(1 Chr. xv. 5, 11). In this capacity he assisted,
together with 120 of his brethren, in bringing up
the ark from the house of Obed-edom.
3. Uriel of Gibeah was the father of Haachah, or
Hichaiah, the favourite wife of Rehoboam, and mother
of Abijah (2 Chr. riii. 2). In 2 Chr. xi. 20 she is
called "Maachah the daughter of Absalom;" and
Josephu* {Ant. viii. 10, §1) explains this by saying
that her mother was Tamar, Absalom's daughter.
Rashi gives a long note to the effect that Hichaiah
eras called Maachah after the name of her daughter-
in-law the mother of Asa, who was a woman of
renown, and that her lather's name was Uriel Abi-
ahalom. There is no indication, however, that
Absalom , 1 ike Solomon, had another name, although
in the Targum of R. Joseph on Chronicles it is said
that the rather of Maachah waa called Uriel that
the name of Absalom might not be mentioned.
UBI'JAH (finw : Otofai : Vria). 1. Urijah
the priest in the reign of Abas (2 K. xvi. 10),
probably the same as Uriah, 2.
2. (Obpla.) A priest of the family of Kox, or
hal-Kox. the came as Uriah, 3.
3. (Ovplas: Uria.) Oneoftlie priests who stood
at Ezra's right-hand when he read the law to the
people (Neh. viii. 4).
4. (*n**n« : Uriat). The son of Shemaiah of
Kirjath-jearim. He prophesied in the days of Je-
hoiakim concerning the land aud the city, just as
Jeremiah had done, and the king sought to put him
to death ; but he escaped, and (led into Egypt. His
retreat was soon discovered : Elnathan and his men
brought him up out of Egypt, and Jehoiakim slew
him with the sword, and cast his body forth among
the graves of the common people ( Jer. xxvi. 20-23).
The story of Shemaiah appears to be quoted bv
the enemies of Jeremiah as a reason for putting him
to death ; and, as a reply to the instance of Micah
the Morasthite, which Jeremiah's friends gave as
a reason why his words should be listened to and
his life spared. Such, at least, is the view adopted
by Rashi. [W. A. W.]
UBIM AND THTJMMIM (DnWt, D»©n :
HlKmois xal akriOem: doctrina et veritat).
I. (1.) When the Jewish exiles were met on
their return from Babylon by a question which they
had no data for answering, they agreed to postpone
the settlement of the difficulty till there should rise
* 1 ne exceptions to the consensus are Just worm notlc-
mg. (1) Beaarmine wishing to defend the Vulg. trans-
lation, suggested the derivation of Urim from flT =
■to tiaut i" snd Thununim from JDK, "to be true."
mcxtort Diet, it Or. et. Th.) 11) Itnuomlm has teen
(jiuu and THxriansi
! up " a Priest with Urim and Thummhn " {tat. a
63 ; Neh. vii. 65). The inquiry, what those Cms
and Thummim themselves were, seems likely fc.
wait as long for a final and satisfying answer. On
every side we meet with confessions of ignorance—
" Nou constat" (Kimchi), "Nescimus" (Aben-
Kzra), " Difficile est invenire " (Augustine), vsrwl
only by wild and conflicting conjectures. It wouU
be comparatively an easy task to give a catalogue ot
these hypothees, and transcribe to any extent the
learning which has gathered round them. To
attempt to follow a true historical method, and »
to construct a theory which shall, at least, inclulc
all the phenomena, is a more arduous, but may be
a more profitable task.
(2.) The starting-point of such an inquiry nw«t
be from the words which the A. V. has left untnur-
lated. It will be well to deal with each separately.
(A.) In Urim, Hebrew scholars, with hardly
an exception, hare seen the plural of "MK (=light,
or fire). The LXX. translators, however, appear
to have had reasons which led them to another
rendering than that of *>•»», or its cognates. They
give t) ftJAaKns (Ex. xxviii. 30 ; Ecclns. xlr. 10),
and tijkoi (Num. xxvii. 21; Deut. xxxiii. 8;
1 Sam. xxviii. 8), while in Ear. ii. 63, and Nth.
vii. 65, we have respectively plural ami singular
participles of dwrffei. In Aquila and Theodetiun
we find the more literal dMrruruof. The Vulc,
following the lead of the LXX., but going further
astray, gives doctrina in Ex. xxviii. 30 and Deut.
xxxiii. 3, omits the word in Num. xxvii. 21, pen.
phrases it by "per sacerdotee" in 1 Sam. xxvm.
6, and gives "judicium " in Eccliu. xlv. 10, as the
rendering of cHAanru. Lutber gives Licit. Tbelite-
ral English equivalent wouid of comae be " lights ;"
but the renderings in the LXX. and Vuhj. indicate,
at least, a traditional belief among the .lews that
the plural form, as in Elohim and other like words,
did not involve numerical plurality.
(B.) Thummim. Here also there is almost a
consensus ■ as to the derivation from D«(=p»* c "
tion, completeness) ; but the LXX., as before, uses
the closer Greek equivalent reXeios but once (Eu.
ii. 63), and adheres elsewhere to oA^eW; ami the
Vulg., giving "perftctue" there, in like manner
gives "twites* in all other passages. Aquila
more accurately chooses T<Aetcio~et>. Lnther, in
his first edition, gave Vglligieit, but afterwai*
rested in Reekt. What has been said as to the
plural of Urim applies here also. " Light and Per-
fection " would probably be the best English equi-
valent. The assumption of a hendtadrji, so that the
two words = "perfect illumination " (Carpaov, Aff.
Grit. i. 5; BShr, Symbolik, ii. p. 135), is unneces-
sary and, it is believed, unsound. The mere phrase,
as such, leaves it therefore uncertain whether earh
word by itself denoted many things of a given kin J,
or whether the two taken together might he re-
ferred to two distinct objects, or to one and the tame
object. The presence of the article n, and yet more
of the demonstrative nM before each, is rather is
favour of distinctness. In Deut xxxiii. g.wejian
separately, " Thy Thummim and thv Urim," th«
first order being inverted. Urim is found alone in
Num. xxvii. 21; 1 Sam. xxviii 6; Thummia
derived from DRB eontr. OB = " a twtn." o* the tbeorj
that the two groups of gems, six on each side the bresr
plate, were what constituted thn Urha sot 11
(R. Asanas, In Buxtorf, f e.)
TJHIM AND THUMMXM
otver by itself, unless with Zullig we find it m
Ps. iTi. 5.
II. (1.) Scrqtural Statements,— The mysterious
wards meet us for the first time, aa if they needed
Be explanation in the description of the High-
Priest's apparel. Over the Ephod there is to be a
''breastplate of judgment" (DBtTtprl JBTI, \oytioy
■•tvesir,* ratioaale judicii), of gold, scarlet, purple,
and fine linen, folded square and doubled, a " span "
in length and width. In it are to be set four rows
•f precious stones, each atone with the name of a
tribe of Israel engraved on it, that Aaron may
" bear them upon his heart." Then comes a fur-
ther order. Inside the breastplate, aa the Tables of
the Covenant were placed inside the Ark (the pre-
position TtH Is used in both cases, Ex. ixv. 16,
xxviii. 30), are to be placed " the Urim and the
Thommim," the Light and the Perfection; and
they, too, are to be on Aaron's heart, when he
goes in before the Lord (Ex. xxviii. 15-30). Not
a word describes them. They are mentioned aa
things already familiar both to Hoses and the
people, connected naturally with the functions of
the High-Priest, aa mediating between Jehovah and
His people. The command is fulfilled (Lev. viii. 8).
They pass from Aaron to Eleaxar with the sacred
Ephod, and other pontificalia (Num. xx. 28). When
Joshua is solemnly appointed to succeed the great
hero-lawgiver, he is bidden to stand before Eleaxar,
the priest, " who shall ask counsel for him after
thj judgment of Urim," and this counsel is to deter-
mine the movements of the host of Israel (Num.
xxvii. 21). In the blessings of Hoses, they appear
as the crowning glory of the tribe of Levi (" Thy
Thummim and thy Urim are with thy Holy One ").
the reward of the zeal which led them to dose
their eyes to everything but "the Law and the
Covenant " (Deut. sxriii 8, 9). Once, and once
ouly, are they mentionea by name in the history of
the Judges and the monarchy. Saul, left to his
wit-chosen darkness, is answered "neither by
dreams, nor by Urim, nor by prophet" (1 Sam.
xxviii. 6). There is no longer a priest with Urim
and Thummim (voir dwrffowri col voir reXeleir,
Est. ii. 63 ; i don-lew, Neh. vii. 65) to answer
hard questions. When will one appear again ? The
Son of Sirach copies the Greek names (SijAot,
Mj$*m) in his description of Aaron's garments,
but throws no light upon their meaning or tbeir
lue (Kcclus. xlv. 10).*
(2.) Besides these direct statements, there are
others in which we may, without violence, trace a
reference, if not to both, at least to the Urim.
When questions precisely of the nature of those
described in Num. xxviL 21 are asked by the
leader of the people, and answered by Jehovah
(Judg. i. 1, xx. 18) — when like questions are asked
by Saul of the High-Priest Ahiah, " wearing an
ephod " (1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18) — by David, as soon as
he has with him the presence of a High-Priest with
* The ITT rendering, so different from the literal
snesnlng. most have originated either (1) from a lalse
etymology, as If the word was derived from BTU = "to
divine "(Itwi.xIW. IS); or (2) from the oracular use made
of the breast-plate; or (3) from other assocUtkoa connected
with both the former (irtfra I. The Villa, simply Wows
tfaeLXX. feb. Schmidt gives the more literal -pectorals."
" sweaat-ssoss" Is. perhaps, somewhat misleading.
• The A. V., singularly enough, retranslates the Greek
weeds hack Into the Hebrew, and gives "Urim and
Tbtuaanun " as It tbey were proper names.
TOU III.
URDl AND THUMMIM l«OX
his ephod (1 Sum. xxiii.2, 12, xxx.7, 8)— Wemaji
legitimately infer that the treasures which the
ephod contained were the conditions and medio
of his answer. The questions are in almost all
cases strategical,* " Who shall go up for us against
the C*nsnnites first?" (Judg. i. l.soxx. 18), " Will
the men of Keilah deliver me and my men into the
haad of Saul?" (1 Sam. xxiii. 12), or, at least, na-
tional (2 Sam. xxi. 1). The answer is, in all cases,
very brief, but more in form than a simple Tea or
No. One question only is answered at a time.
(3.) It deserves notice before we pass beyond the
range of Scriptural data, that in some cases of de-
flection from the established religious order, wa
find the ephod connected not with the Urim, but
with the Tebapuim, which, in the days of Labau,
if not earlier, had been conspicuous in Aramaic
worship. Hicah, first consecrating one of his own
sons, and then getting a Levite aa his priest, makes
for him " an ephod and teraphim " (Judg. xvil. 5,
xviii. 14, 20). Throughout the history of the
northern kingdom their presence at Dan made it •
sacred place (Judg. xviii. 30), and apparently de*
terminal Jeroboam's choice of it as a sanctuary!.
When the prophet Hoses foretells the entire sweep-
ing away of the system which the Ten Tribes had
cherished, the point of extremest destitution is,
that " they shall be many days.. .. without an
ephod, and without teraphim " (Hos. iii. 4), de-
prived of all counterfeit oracles, In order that they
may in the end " return and seek the Lord."' lit
seems natural to infer that the teraphim were, in
these instances, the unauthorised substitutes for
the Urim. The inference is strengthened by the
fact that the LXX. uses here, instead of teraphim,
the same word (ti)As>v) which it usually gives
for Urim. That the teraphim were thus used
through the whole history of Israel may be inferred
from their frequent occurrence in conjunction with
other forms of divination. Thus we have in 1 Sam.
xv. 23, "witchcraft'" and "teraphim" (A. V.
"idolatry",, in 2 K. xxiii. 24, "familiar spirits,"
" wizards, and teraphim " (A. V. " images "). The
king of Babylon, when he uses divination, consult*
than (Ex. xxi. 21). They speak vanity (Zeoh. x. 2).
III. Theories— (I.) For the most part we have
to deal with independent conjectures rather than
with inferences from these data. Among the
latter, however, may be noticed the notion that, aa
Hoses is not directed to mat* the Urim and Thum-
mim, they must have had a supernatural origin,
specially created, unlike anything upon earth (K.
ben Nachman and Hottinger in Buxtorf, Dim. de
U. et T. in Ugolini, xii.). It would be profitless
to discuss so arbitrary an hypothesis.
(2.) A favourite view of Jewish and of some
Christian writers has been, that the Urim and
Thummim were identical with the twelve stones
on which the names of the Tribes of Israel were
engraved, and the mode in which an oracle was
given was by the illumination, simultaneous or
' On this account, probably, the High-Priest wss to go
out to battle (Nam. xxxl. t% as. In his absence, there ni
to be s goccrdoi catfrcntu. [Priests.)
• The writer cannot bring himself with Posey (Osmai.
in lac), to refer the things named by the Prophet, partly U
the true, partly to the lalse ritual; still less with Spencer
(Diu. de Or. tt TV), to see In all of them things which
the Prophet recognises ss right and good. It Is simpler
to take them aa describing the actual polity and ritual
In which the Northern kingdom had gloried, and of wekp
tt was to be deprived.
5 hi
J 602 UEIM AND THUMMIM
rocwJTt, of the letters which were to make np the
rarer fjalkut Sifre, Zohar m Exod. f. 105;
Maimonidea, R. ben Nachman, in Burtorf, I. e. ;
Drosias, in Crit. Sac. on Ex. xxriii. ; Chryaostom,
Grotius, at <rf.). J o aophns (Art. iii. 7, §5) adopt*
mother form of the aame atory, and. apparently
identifying the (Jrim and Thommim with the sar-
donyxai on the abouldera of the epbod, aaya that
(hey were bright before a victory, or when the aacri-
tira waa acceptable, dark when any disaster was
impending. Epiphanius (oV zii. gtmm.), and the
writer quoted by Suidaa (s. v. 'EdtKo'), present the
saius thought in yet another form. A single dia-
mond (Atdfias) placed in the centre of the breast-
plate prognosticated peace when it was bright, war
when it was red, death when it was dusky. It is
conclusive against such riews (1) that, without
any evidence, without even an analogy, they make
unauthorized additions to the miracles of Scripture ;
(2) that the former identify two thing* which, in
Ex. xxriii., are clearly distinguished ; (3) that
the latter makes no distinction between the Urim
and the Thnmmim, such as the repeated article leads
ns to infer.
(3.) A theory, involving fewer gratuitous as-
sumptions, is that in the middle of the epbod, or
within its folds, there waa a stone or plate of gold
on which waa engraved the sacred name of JehoTah,
the SkmJtamnujAorcak of Jewish eabbaliats,' and
that by virtue of this, fixing his gaze en it, or
reading an invocation which was also engraved with
the name, or standing in his ephod before the;
mercy seat, or at least before the veil of the
sanctuary, he became capable of prophesying, hear-
ing the Divine voice within, or listening to it as it
proceeded, in articulate sounds, from the glory of
the Shechinah (Burtorf, /. e. 7: Lightfoot, vi.
878; Braunins, de Kofite ffebr. it; Saalachatx,
Archtoiog. ii. 363). Another form of the same
thought is found in the statement of Jewish writers,
that the Holy Spirit spake sometimes by Urim,
somet im es by prophecy, sometimes by the Bath-Kol
(Seder 01am, c. xiv. in Braunins, /. c), or that the
whole purpose of the unknown symbols was " ad
axqtandam prophetiam" (R. Levi ben Gershon, in
Buxtorf, /. c ; Kimchi, in Spencer, L c). A more
eeoantnc form of the " writing " theory was pro-
pounded by the elder Carpzov, who maintained that
the Urim and Thummim were two confessions of
faith in the Messiah and the Holy Spirit (Carpzov,
Am. CHt. i. 5).
(4.) Spencer (d» U. et T.) presents a singular
union of sentences and extravagance. He rightly
recognises the distinctness of the two things which
others had confounded. Whatever the Urim and
Thnmmim were, they were not the twelve stones,
and they were distinguishable one from the other.
They were placed inside the folds of the doubled
CAosAfn. Besting on the facts referred to, be
inferred the identity of the Urim and theTeraphim.*
This was an instance in which the Divine wisdom
accommodated itself to man's weakness, and allowed
the debased superstitions Israelites to retain a frag-
aunt of the idolatrous system of their fathers, in
order to wean them gradually from the system as
a whole. The obnoxious name of Tersphim was
' A wilder form or this better k mood In the cabba-
listic book Zohsr. There the TJrbn is add to have bad
Uw DMne name to 42, the Trnumnlm hi »a letters. The
nrrtea waa probably derived from the Jewish Invocations
tt books W» the Clminda SaUmamtx. [aounrew.]
* He bad been preceded la 'his view by Joseph Kate
UBIM AND THUHKm
dropped. The thing itaalf was retained. The very
name Urim was, he argued, identical in w isa ni iag
with Teraphim> It was, therefore, a email imase
probably in human form. So far the hypothesis
has, at lent, the merit of bang mdnctU* and
historical, but when he comes to the question hew
it was instrumental oracularly, be passes ieto the
most extravagant of all asnunpfaena. The smage,
when the High-Priest questioned it, spoke by the
mediation of an angel, with an articulate aussaan
voice, just as the Teraphim spoke, in Kke zean-
ner, by the intervention of a demon 1 In den t ing
with the Thnmmim, which he eitl ode s altogether
from the oracular functions of the Urim, Qpinur
adopts the notion of an Egyptian ar che typ e, which
will be noticed further on.
(5.) Michselis (Lam of Mown, v. $52) gives
his own opinion that the Urim and Thnnpnito were
three stones, on one of which was written Tea, en
another No, while the third was left blank as
neutral. The three were used as lots, and the High-
Priest decided according as the one or the other
was drawn out. He does not think it worth wink
to give one iota of evidence; and the notion does
nnt-uppear to have been more than a peering cafwice.
It obviously fails to meet the phenomena. Lea
were familiar enough among the leraeiites (Knaa.
xxvi. 55; Josh. xiii. 6, tt of.; 1 Sam. xjr. 41;
Prov. xvi. 33), but the Urim was ""»«>»i"g (asanas
and peculiar. In the cases where the Urim was
consulted, the answers were always more than a
mere negative or affirmative.
(6.) The conjecture of Z<tg (Cbaam. i
£rc. ii.) though adopted by Winer (Bui.)'
hardly be looked on as more satisfying. With ana
the Urim are bright, i. *. cut and rsihshad.
diamonds, in form like dice ; the Thusamim per-
fect, t. «. whole, rough, uncut ones, each das* with
inscriptions of some kind engraved on it. He ma-
poses a handful of these to have been carried in the
pouch of the High-Priest's Cfoatm, and when he
wished for an oracle, to have been taken out by
him and thrown on a table or, more probably, an
the Ark of the Covenant. As they fell their pac-
tion, according to traditional rales known only to
the high-priestly families, indicated the answer.
He compares it with fortune-telling by cards or
coffee-grounds. The whole scheme, it need hardly
be said, is one of pure invention, at once arbitrary
and offensive. It is at least questionable whether
the Egyptians had access to diamonds, or knew the
art of polishing or engraving them. [DiAjaowa.]
A handful of diamond cubes, large enough te> bares
words or monograms engraved on them, is n I"
which has no parallel in Egyptian archaeology, i
indeed, any where eke.
(7.) The latest Jewish interpreter ef isniaiaia
(Kalisch, on Ex. xxviii. 31), combining parts el
the views (2) and (3), identifies the Urim and
Thnmmim with the twelve tribal gems, looks an
the name as one to be explained by a hasadsarrea
(Light and Perfection = Perfect iUnminaHrm). and
believes the High -Priest, by concentraxrna; his
thoughts on the attributes they represented, to have
divested himself of all selfishness and prejodace. and
so to have passed into n true prophetic assess, in
(Ha. L a at), who pointed oat tana
If not the identity, of the two.
■ The rjrooets of proof Is InawnJoo
Urtra «= " Ugbta. meat"
word, with an Arzmsio
*n»*r- mm *
TJBIM AND THDMMIM
what he ay* on this point there i* much that is both
beautiful and •true. Lightfbot, it mny be added, had
taken the tame view (ii. 407, vi. 278), and that given
■bore in (3) converge* to the same result.
IV. One mare Theory. — (I.) It may seem
venturesome, after so many wild and conflicting
conjectures, to add yet another. If it ia believed
that the risk of falling into one as wild and baseless
need not deter us, it is because there are materials
within oar reach, drawn from our larger knowledge
of antiquity, and not less from our fuller insight
into the leas common phenomena of consciousness,
which were not, to the same extent, within the
react of our fathers.
(2.) The starting-point of our inquiry may be
found in adhering to the conclusions to which the
Scriptural statements lead us. The Urim were not
identical with the Thummim, neither of them
identical with the tribal genu. The notion of a
hendiadys (almost always the weak prop of a weak
theory) may be discarded. And, seeing that they
are mentioned with no description, we must infer
that they and their meaning were already known,
If not to the other Israelites, at least to Moses. If
we are to look for their origin anywhere, it must
be in the customs and the symbolism of Egypt.
(S.) We may start with the Thummim, as pre-
senting the easier problem of the two. Here there
is at once a patent and striking analogy. The
priestly judges of Egypt, with whose presence and
gj»rb Moses must have been familiar, wore, each of
them, hanging on his neck, suspended on a golden
chain, a figure which Greek writers describe sa an
image of Truth {'Ajdfitut, as in the LXX.) often
with closed eyes, made sometimes of a sapphire or
>ther precious stones, and, therefore nec e s sar ily
small. They were to see in this a symbol of the
parity of motive, without which they would be
unworthy of their office. With it they touched
the lips of the litigant as they bade him speak the
truth, the whole, the perfect truth (Diod. Sic. I.
49, 75; Aellsn, Var. Hilt. xlv. 34). That this
parallelism commended itself to the most learned of
the Alexandrian Jews we may infer (1) from the
deliberate but not obvious use by the LXX. of the
word iXtfitia as the translation of Thummim;
(2) from a remarkable passage in Phflo (</» Vat.
Jfos. iii. 11), in which he says that the breastplate
'\6yttr ) of the High-Priest was made strong that
he might wear aa an image (fro, iyaXfiarofepp)
the two virtues which were so needful for his
office. The connexion between the Hebrew and
the Egyptian symbol was first noticed, it is believed,
by Spencer (/. c). It was met with cries of alarm.
No single custom, rite, or symbol, could possibly
have been transferred from an idolatrous system
into that of Israel. There wss no evidence of the
antiquity of the Egyptian practice. It was pro-
bably copied from the Hebrew (Witsius, Aegypttaca,
ii. 10, 11, 12, in Cgolinl, i.; Riboudenl'dus, de
Urim et Tk. in Cgolini, xii. ; Patrick, Oman, m
Ex. xxriii.). The discussion of the principle
involved need not be entered on here. Spencer's
way of putting the case, assuming that a debased
> It nay be iisinisMy urged Indeed that in snch cases
the previous annexion with a lalse system is a rea s o n
for, and not again* the nss of* symbol In Itself expres-
sive. The Priests of Israel were taught that they were
not to have lower thoughts of the light and perfection
which they needed than the Priests of tU.
a It M right to add that the Egyptian origin is rejected
0MB by Bear (aVataUk, II. p. 1*0 and EwaM (aiter-
URIM AND THUMMIM 1603
form of religion was given in condescension to th«
supersti lions of a debnsed people, made it, indeed,
needlessly offensive, but it remains true, that a
revelation of any kind must, to be intelligible,
use pre-existent words, and that those words,
whether spoken or symbolic, may therefore be
taken from any language with which the recipients
of the revelation are familiar.' In this instance the
prejudice has worn away. The most orthodox ot
German theologians accept the once startling theory,
and find in it a proof of the veracity of the Penta-
teuch (Hengstenberg, Egypt and the five Books o/
Jfbses, c. vl.). It is admitted, partially at least,
by a devout Jew (Kalisch, on Ex. xxviii. 31).*
And the missing link of evidence cu been found.
The custom was not, aa had been said, of late origin,
but ia found on the older monuments of Egypt.
There, round the neck of the judge, are seen the
two figures of Thmei, the representative of Themis,
Truth, Justice (Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians,
v. 28). The coincidence of sound may, it ia true,
be accidental, but it is at least striking. In the
words which tell of the tribe of Levi, in close con-
nexion with the Thummim as its chief glory, that
it did the stern task of duty, blind to all that could
torn It aside to evil, " saying to his father and his
mother, I have not seen him 8 (Dent, xxxui. 9), we
rosy perhaps trace a reference to the closed eyes of
the Egyptian Thmei.
(4.) The way is now open for a further inquiry.
We may legitimately ask whether there waa any
symbol of Light standing to the Urim in the same
relation as the symbolic figure of Truth stood to the
Thummim. And the answer to that question is as
follows. On the breast of well-nigh every member
of the priestly caste of Egypt there hung a pec-
toral plate, corresponding in position and in sixe to
the Chmhen of the High-Priest of Israel. And in
many of these we find, in the centra of the peetorale,
right over the heart of the priestly mummy, aa the
Urim waa to be " on the heart of Aaron, what
waa a known symbol of Light (see British Museum,
first Egyptian Boom, Oases 67, 69, 70, 88, 89.
Bemud ditto, Cases 68, 69, 74). In that symbol
were united and embodied the highest religious
thoughts to which man had then risen. It repre-
sented the Sun and the Universe, Light and Life,
Creation and Resurrection. The material of the
symbol varied according to the rank of the wearer.
It might be of blue porcelain, or jasper, or cornelian,
or lapis laxuli, or amethyst. Prior to our knowing
what the symbol was, we should probably think it
natural and fitting that this, like the other, should
have been transferred from the lower worship to the
higher, from contact with falsehood to fellowship
with truth. Position, sixe, material, meaning, every-
thing answers the conditions of the problem.
(5.) But the symbol in this case was the mystao
Scnrabneus ; and it may seem to some startling end
incredible to suggest that such an emblem could
have been borrowed for such a purpose. It is
perhaps quite as difficult for us to understand how
It could ever have come to be associated with such
ideas. We have to throw ourselves back into a
Minn. p. sot-*), hut without sufficient grounds. EwaU'a
treatment of the whole subject Is, Indeed, at coos snper
fldsl snd inconsistent In the AltaHmur (L c) bs
speaks or the Urim and Thummim ss lots, adopting Mi-
chaeiia's view. In his Pn/hetm (I. Is) he speaks of the
High-Priest Atlas: his gate on them to bring hlmsslf Ints
the prophetic slats.
ill
1604 01CIM AND THUMMTJft
•tag* of human progress, a phase of human thought,
the most utterly unlike any that comes within our
experience. Out of the mud which the Nile left
in its flooding, men saw myriad forms of life issue.
That of the Scarabseua was the most conspicuous.
It seemed to them self-generated, called into being
by the light, the child only of the sun. Its glossy
wing-cases reflecting the bright rays made it seem
like the sun in miniature. It became at once the
emblem of Ra, the sun, and its creative power
(Clem. Alex. Strom, t. 4, §21; Euseb. Praep.
Evang. iii. 4; Brugsch, Liber Metemptychoseoi,
p. 83; Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptian, iv. 295,
T, 26, 476). But it came also out of the dark
earth, after the flood of waters, and was therefore
the symbol of life ruing out of death in new forms ;
of a resurrection and a metempsychosis (Brugsch,
t\ c. and Aegypt. Attain, p. 32). So it was that
not in Egypt only, but in Etruria and Assyria aud
other countries, the same strange emblems reap-
peared (Dennis, Citie* and Sepulahres of Etruria,
*ntrod. lxxiii. ; Layard, A'metxiA, ii. 214). So it
was that men, forgetting the actual in the ideal,
invested it with the title of Woroytriis (Horapollo,
Hierogl. 1. c. 10), that the more mystic, dreamy,
Gnostic sects adopted it into their symbolic lan-
guage, and that semi-Christian Scarabaei are found
with the sacred words Jao, S^aoth, or the names
of angels engraved on them (Bellermann, Oeber die
Sajratoen-Gemmcn, i. 10), just as the mystic
Tau, or Crux anaata, appears, in spite of its original
meaning, on the monuments of Christian Egypt
(Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, v. 283). In older Egypt
it was, at any rate, connected with the thought of
Divine illumination, found in frequent union with
the symbolio eye, the emblem of the providence of
God, and with the hieroglyphic invocation, "Tn
radius das vitam puris hominibus" (Brugsch's
translation, Liber Metemps. p. 33). It is obvious
that in such a case, as with the Crux anaata, the
Scaiabaeus is neither an idol, nor identified with
idolatry." It is simply a word as much the mere
exponent of a thought as if it were spoken with
the lips, or written in phonetic characters. There
is nothing in its Egyptian origin or its animal
form which need startle us any mom than the like
origin of the Ark or the Thummijj, or the like
form in the Brazen Serpbst, or the fourfold
symbolic figures of the Cherubim. It is to be added,
that Joseph by his marriage with the daughter of
the Priest of On, the priest of the sun-god Ra, and
Hoses, as having been trained in At learning of
the Egyptians, and probably among the priests of
toe same ritual, and in the same city, were certain
to be acquainted with the sculptured vmrd, and
with ita meaning. For the latter, at any rate, it
would need no description, no interpretation. Deep
art in the CAosAen, between the gems that repre-
sented Israel, it would set forth that Light and
- The symbolic language of one nation or age will, of
course, often be unintelligible, and even seem rodkroos
to another. They will take fcr granted mat men have
worshipped what they manifestly respected. Would It
be easy to nuke a Mahometan understand dearly the
meaning of the symbols of the four Evangelists as need in
Ibe ornamentations of English Churches? Would so
English congregsuou, not archaeologists, bear to be told
that they were to engrave on their sealsa pelican or a
Oak, ass type of Christ t (Clem. Alex. AaSdaf.HL 11, {**.)
• The words of Epipnantus are ncaarkabk), t IfWni, I
• fa the reasons stated above, at aaruaUng ZUUg^i j
obim and rmnatTji
Truth were the centre of the nation's life. ITihasi
ing to the breastplate of judgment, it i
witness that the High-Priest, in hi* i
needed above all things spotless integrity and Drriaa
illumination. It fulfilled all the cooditieaii and
taught all the lessons whiA Jewish ear Christian
writers have connected with the Diss.
(6.) (A.) Have we any data ibr a VUiui imt;
the material of the symbol? The following tmd
at least to a definite condnsion : (1) If the stear
was to represent light, it would probably be one
in which light was, as it were, embodied in n
purest form, colourless and dear, diamond or rock-
crystal. (2) The traditions quoted above trees
Suidas and Epiphanius confirm this iiiinmi ■
(3) It is accepted as part of ZOlhg'a theory, by
Dean Trench {Epistles to Seven Cfcarcfa*, p. VIS'
The "white stone " of Rev. it 17, like the
rewards of him that oveicometh, de cla red the truth
of the Universal Priesthood. What had fan the
peculiar treasure of the house of Aaron sfeoedd he
bestowed freely on all believers.
(B.) Another fact connected with the synrhri
enables us to include one of the best supported of
the Jewish conjectures. As seen on the bodies ef
Egyptian priests and others it almost always bare
an inscription, the name of the god whom the pnes
served, or, more commonly, an invocation, tram tie
Book of the Dead, or some other Egyptian tU^i i
(Brugxch, Lib. Metetnps. I.e.). There would here.
also, be an analogy. Upon the old emblem, eeanc
it may be, to bear its old distinctive form,* the*
might be the " new name written," the Tetragranv
maton, the ShemJtammephorask of later Judaism,
directing the thoughts of the priest to the trw
Lord of Life and Light, of wham, unlike the Lord
of Life in the Temples of Egypt, there
form or similitude, a Spirit, to be
therefore in spirit and in truth.
(7.) We are now able to approach the questm.
" In what way was the Urim instrumental a
enabling the High-Priest to give a true sararsatr
response ? " We may dismiss, with the mart
thoughtful writers already mentioned (Karachi, at
2 Sam. xxv., may be aiH.M), Ihe grataitoas av
digies which have no existence but in the xancsrs of
Jewish or Christian dreamers, the articulate veiar
and the illumined letters. There i tiu ais j a the ea-
dusion that, in some way, they helped him %» rist
oat of all selfishness and hypocrisy, out of ail cere-
monial routine, and to pass into a state anaJorvce
to that of the later prophets, and so to BHsreaa*
capable of a new spiritual illumination. The
modus operandi in this case may, it is befirwd,
be at least illustrated by some lower i
the less common phenomena of os
Among the most remarkable of such
is the change produced by concmtrtdtlrar, -i»
thoughts on a single idea, by gazing stedfesxlr eat a
theory, the writer nods UmaeU unsafe to agree v
Trench as to the diamond being certainly as
question. So far as he knows, no ntemnsrh bt
been found among the Jewels of Egypt,
seems therefore the more probable or the two.
» Changes In the form of an emblem to.
bear any actual resemblance to Its
are familiar to all students of symboHam
axsata, the fan, which was the sign of mV,
the moat striking instance (WDrJoaoo, Jmt
283). Gesenlaa, In Ilka manner, In Iris
nicia ii. 68, 69, 70), gives csuEravina* ef
wlikb nothing bat the oval form b led.
UBEM AWU THUMMIM
Ittigle fixed point. The blighter and more dazzling
the point upon which the eyes are turned the more
rapidly u the change produced. The life of per-
ception is interrupted. Sight and hearing tail to
fulfil their usual functions. The mind passes into
a state of profound abstraction, and loses all distinct
personal consciousness. Though not asleep it may
see riaons and dream dreams. Under the sug-
gestions of a will for the time stronger than itself,
it may be played on like " a thinking automaton." 1
When rot so played an, its mental state is deter-
mined by the "dominant ideas" which were im-
pressed upon it at the moment when, by its own
act, it brought about the abnormal change (Dr. W. B.
Carpenter in Quarterly Sev. xciii. pp. 610, 522).
(8.) We are familiar with these phenomena
chiefly as they connect themselves with the lower
fomn of mysticism, with the tricks of electro-
biologists, and other charlatans. Even as such
U>ey present points of contact with many facts of
interest in Scriptural or Ecclesiastical History.
Independent of many facts in monastic legends of
which this is the most natural explanation, we
may see in the last great controversy of the Greek
Church a startling proof how terrible may be the
influence of these morbid states when there is no
healthy moral or intellectual activity to counteract
them. For three hundred yean or more the rule
of the Abbot Simeon of Xeroceroos, prescribing a
process precisely analogous to that described above,
was adopted by myriads of monks in Mount Athos
and elsewhere. The Christianity of the East
seemed in danger of giving its sanction to a spiritual
suicide like that of a Buddhist seeking, as his
highest blessedness, the annihilation of the Nir-
vana. Plunged in profound abstraction, their eyes
fixed on the centre of their own bodies, the
Quietist* of the 14th century (^ofxaoTal, oua)a-
AosVvxural) enjoyed an unspeakable tranquillity,
believed themselves to be radiant with a Divine
glory, and saw visions of Hie uncreated light which
had shone on Tabor. Degrading as the whole matter
seems to us, it was a serious danger then. The
mania spread like an epidemic, even among the laity.
Husbands, fathers, men of letters, and artisans gave
themselves up to it. It was important enough
to be the occasion of repeated Synods, in which
emperors, patriarchs, bishops were eager to take
part, and mostly in favour of the practice, and the
corollaries deduced from it (Ffeury, Nat. Eccla.
xcv. 9; Gieseler, Ch. Bat. §1S9; Maury, La
Magie rt 'Attrolofie, pp. 429-30).
(*.) It u at least conceivable, however, that,
within given limits, and in a given stage of human
progress, the state which seems so abnormal, might
have a use as well as an abuse. In the opinion
of one of the foremost among modern physiologists,
the pr o ct p s e i of hypnotism would have their place
in a perfect system of therapeutics ( Quart. Smiew,
1, c). It is open to us to believe that they may,
in the less perfect stages of the spiritual history of
mankind, have helped instead of .hindering. In this
way only, it may be, the sense-bound spirit could
abstract itself from the outer world, and take up
the attitude of an expectant tranquillity. The
« las word is used, of course, lu its popular sense, as a
toy moving by machinery. Strictly speaking, automatic
force la Just the element which has, for the tune, dis-
f los prayer of Pa. xllIL 3, " Seed out thy light and thy
troth," though it does not contain the words Uriui and
Thixnuulm, speaks obviously of that which they nytu-
DEIM AND THUMMTM 1605
entire suppression of human consciousness, as is the
analogous phenomena of an ecstatic state [corop.
Trance], the surrender of the entire man to be
played upon, as the hand plays upon the harp, may,
at one time, have been an actual condition of the
inspired state, just as even now it is the only concep-
tion which some minds are capable of forming of the
tact of inspiration in any form or at any time. Bear-
ing this in mind, we may represent to ourselves the
process of seeking counsel " by Urim." The question
brought was one affecting the well-being of the nation,
or its army, or its king. The inquirer spoke in a low
whisper, asking one question only at a time (Gem.
Bab. Joma, in Mede, /. c). The High-Priest, fixing
his gaze on the " gems oracular " that lay "on his
heart," fixed his thoughts on the Light and the
Perfection which they symbolised, on the Holy
Name inscribed on them. The act was itself a
prayer, and, like other prayers, it might be an-
swered.' After a time, he passed into the new,
mysterious, half- ecstatic state.* All disturbing
elements — selfishness, prejudice, the fear of man —
were eliminated. He received the insight which
he craved. Men trusted in his decisions as with us
men trust the judgment which has been purified
by prayer for the help of the Eternal Spirit, more
than that which grow* only out of debate, and
policy, and calculation.
(10.) It is at least interesting to think that a
like method of passing into this state of insight was
practised uu blamed in the country to which we have
traced the Urim, and among the people for whose
education this process was adapted. We need not
think of Joseph, the pure, the heaven-taught, the
blameless one, as adopting, still less as falsely pre-
tending to adopt, the dark arts of a system of im-
posture (Gen. xliv. S, 15). For one into whose
character the drenm-element of prevision entered so
largely, there would be nothing strange in the nsi
afmtdia by which he might superinduce at will the
dieam-st&te which had come to him in his youth
unbidden, with no outward stimulus ; and the use
of the cup by which Joseph "divined" was pre-
cisely analogous to that whicu has been now de-
scribed. To fill the cup with water, to fix the eye
on a gold or silver coin in it, or, more frequently,
on the dazzling reflection of the sun's rays from it,
was an essential part of the mXixo/iayrtla, the
\fKayofuuntla of ancient systems of divinatior
(Maury, La Magie et I'Asti-olugit, pp. 426-28;
Kalisch, Qenoa, in he.). In the most modem
form of it, among the magicians of Cairo, the boy't
fixed gaze upon the few drops of ink in the palm ol
his hand answers the same purpose and produces
the same result (Lane, Mod. Egypt. I.e. rii). The
difference between the true and the false in these
cases ia however far greater than the superficial
resemblance. To enter upon that exceptional state
with vague stupid curiosity, may lead to an im-
becility which is the sport of every casual suggestion.
To pass into it with feelings of hatred, passion, lust.
may add to their power a fearful intensity for evil,
till the state of the soul is demoniac nther than
human. To enter upon it as the High-Piiest
entered, with the prayer of faith, might m like
bollsed. and may be looked upon as an echo of the High
Priest's prayer In a form in which It might be need by
any devout worshipper.
* The striking exclamation of Saul, "Withdraw thy
band I " when It seemed to him that the Urim was n<
longer needed, was clearly an micrrnpUoi, of ttrie pro*
roe (1 Sain. xlv. 1»).
1606 OBD( AND THUMMIM.
manner intens'ty what wm noblest and truest in him,
sad fit him to bt for the time a vessel of the Truth.
(IK) It may startle as at tint to think that
amy physical media should be used in a divine order
to bring about a spiritual result, still more that
those media should be the same as are found else-
where in systems in which evi j at least prepon-
derant ; yet here too Scripture and History present
us with very strjdng analogies. In other forms of
worship, in the mysteries of Ida, in Orphic and
Corybantian revels, music was used to work the
worshippers into a state of orgiastic frenxy. In the
mystic fraternity of Pythagoras it was employed
before sleep, that their visions might be serene and
pure (Plutarch, De It. «t Otit. ad fin.). Tet the
«sme instrumentality bringing about a result analo-
gous at least to the latter, probably embracing
dements of both, was used from the first in the
gatherings of the prophets (1 Sam. x. 5). It
soothed the vexed spirit of Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 33) ;
it wrought on him, when it came in its choral
power, till he toe l-rst into the ecstatic song
(1 Sam. xix. 20-24). With one at least of the
greatest of the prophets it was as much the pre-
paration for his receiving light and guidance from
above as (Le gaae at the Urim had been to the
High-Priest. "Elishasaid . . . 'Now bring me a
minstrel.' And it came to pass, when the minstrel
played, that the hand of the Lord came upon him "
(2 K. iii. 15).«
(12.) The facts just noticed point to the right
answer to the question which yet remains, as to
the duration of the Urim and the Thummim, and
the reasons of their withdrawal. The statement of
Josephus (Ant. iii. 7, §5-7) that they had con-
tinued to shine with supernatural lustre till within
two hundred years of his own time ia simply a
Jewish fable, at variance with the direct confession
of their absence on the return from the Captivity
(Ear. u. 63), and In the time of the Maccabees
(1 Mace. iv. < 8, xiv. 41). As little reliance ia to
be placed on the assertion of other Jewish writers,
that they continued in activity till the time of the
Babylonian Exile (Sota, p. 43; Midrash on Song
of Sol. in Bttxtorf, /. c). It is quite inconceivable,
had it been so, that there should have beau no
single instance of an oracle thus obtained during
the whole hutory of the monarchy of Judah. The
facts of the case are few, but they are decisive.
Never, after the days of David, is the Ephod, with
its appendages, connected with oonnsel from Jehovah
(so Carpaov, App. Orit. i. 5). Abiathar ia the last
priest who habitually uses K for that purpose
(1 Sam. xxiii. 6, 9, xxviii. 6 ; probably also 2 Sam.
ixi. 1). His name is identified in a strange tradi-
tion embodied in the Talmud (SanJtedr. f. 19, 1, in
Lightfoot, xi. 386) with the departed glory of the
Urim and the Tuummim. And the explanation of
these facta is not far to seek. Men had been
taught by this time another process by which the
spiritual might at once assert its independence of
the sensuous life, and yet retain its distinct per-
sonal consciousness — a process less liable to per-
• That -the band of toe Uxa - was the recognised ex-
IMasston lor this awful consciousness of the IMvtne pre-
sence we find from the visions of BsaUel (I. S, 111. 14,
et si.), and I K. xvuX it. It helps us obviously to de-
termine the sense of the corresponding phrase, "with
the finger of God," in Ex. xxxL II. Oomp. too, the
■qalvalenos. In our Lord's teaching, of the two forms.
■If I with ihe finger of God (Lake xl. 10«='by U>
BstrU of Qui,' Matt, xii. 3S) cast out devils."
UBTJKT
version, lending to higher and mere i
illumination. Through the sense of bearing, as*
through that of sight, WW to be wrought tie
subtle and mysterious change. Music— in its mar-
vellous variety, its subtle sweetness, its •onrit-
stirring power — was to be, for all time to come,
the lawful help to the ecstasy /praise and prayer,
opening heart and soul to new and higher thoughts.
The utterances of the prophets, speaking by the
word of the Lord, were to supersede the oracles of
the Urim. The change which about this period passed
over the speech of Israel was a witness of the moral
elevation which that other change involved. " He
that is now called a prophet was beforetinae called
a seer" (I Sam. ix. 9). To be the mouthpiece, the
spokesman, of Jehovah was higher than to see visions
of the future, however dear, whether of the armies
of Israel or the lost asses of Kisk.
(13.) The transition was probably not mads
without a struggle. It was accompanied by, even
if it did not in part cause, the transfer of the Pon-
tificate from one branch of the priestly family to
another. The strange opposition of Abiathar ts
the will of David, at the close of his reign, it intel-
licr K, e on the hypothesis that he, long accustomed,
ss holding the Ephod and the Urim, to guide tat
king's councils by his oracular s tu we i s, viewed,
with some approach to jealousy, the growing influ-
ence of the prophets, and the arreiaiuii of a nrtoce
who had grown up under their training. With him
at any rate, so far as we have any knowledge, the
Urim and the Thummim passed out of sight. It
was well, we may believe, that they did so. To
have the voices of the prophets in their stead was
to gain and not to lose. So the old order changed,
giving place to the new. If the fond yearning of
the Israelites of the Captivity had been fulfilled,
and a priest had once again arisen with Urim sad
with Thummim, they would but have taken their
place among the "weak and beggarly dements "
which were to pass away. All attempts, from the
Rule of Simeon to the Spiritual Exordia of Loyola,
to invert the Divine order, to purchase spiritual ecsta-
sies by the sacrifice of intellect and of conscience,
have been steps backward into darkness, not for-
ward into light. So it was that God, in many dif-
ferent measures and many different fashions (tsAs-
fupSs awl woAirraeVart ), spake in time past nntt
the Fathers (Heb. LI). So it ia, in words that
embody the same thought, and draw from it a
needful lesson, that
-God fulfils himself In many wave.
Lest one food custom should corrupt the world."'
[B. H. P.]
TJSUBY. Information on the subject of lending
and borrowing will be found under Loajc. It need
only be remarked here that the practice of mort-
gaging land, sometimes at exorbitant interest, grew
up among the Jews during the Captivity, in direct
violation of the law ( Lev. xxv. 36, 37 ; En. xvin. 8,
13, 17). We find the rate reaching 1 in 100 per
month, corresponding to the Roman t ft r n i f
usurae, or IS per cent, per annum— a rate which
• In addition to the authorities dsad ts sba text, see
has to be named to which the writer has ass hesn
able to (el access, sad which he knows oily asrosajh ma
Taessta-Mi of Gesentna. Bellennaao, whose naiHsai ea
the Sosrabsst are qnoted above, has also written, *fe
Grist wast Tatamaan, die fttmtm Gtmmm Bs safer-
enUy (dentines the Ursa ami lb
of the breastplate.
OTA
wlebueur considers to have been borrowed froto
ibiwl, and which it, or hai been till quite lately,
a very usual or even a minimum rate in the East
(Nieb. But. of Sane, iii. 57, Engl. Tr.j Volney,
IVov. ii. 254, note; Chardin, Voy. vi. 122). Yet
the law of the Kurio, like the Jewish, forbids all
usury (Lane, M. E. i. 132 ; Sale, iTurrU, c 30).
The laws of Menu allow 18 and even 24 per cent,
as an interest rate ; but, as was the law in Egypt,
atnimiilfitwi interest was not to exceed twice the
original sum lent (Lowt of Menu, c. viii. 140, 141,
151 ; Sir W. Jones, Works, vol. iii. p. 295 ; Diod.
i. 9, 79). This Jewish practioe was annulled by
Nehemiah, and an oath exacted to ensure its discon-
tinuance (Seh. t. 3-13 ; Selden, Da Jur. Hot. vi.
10 ; Hofmann, Lazk. " Usura "). [H. W. P.]
XTTA (OoVa: Utha) 1 Esdr. v. 30. It appears
to be a eorroption of Akkub (Est. ii. 45).
ITTHAICnW: ryrfi: Alex.re.flf: Othef).
1. The son of Ammihud, of the children of Phares,
the son of Judah (1 Chr. ix. 4). He appears to
have been one of those who dwelt in Jerusalem after
the Captivity. In Neh. xi. 4 he is called "Athaiah
the son of Uxxiah."
2. (Oiitat: Dlhai.) One of the sons of Bigvai,
who returned in the second caravan with Earn
(Ear. viii. 14).
UTHII (OMQ 1 Esdr. viii. 40. [Unui 2].
VZ(fV; OKf, 'Or, *n»: Ut, Btu). This
name is applied to — 1. A son of Aram (Gen. x. 23),
and consequently a grandson of Shem, to whom be
is immediately referred in the more concise gene-
alogy of the Chronicles, the name of Aram being
omitted • (1 Chi. i. 17). 2. A son of Nahor
by MOcsh (Gen. xxii. 21; A. V. Huz). 3.
A son of Diahan, and grandson of Stir (Gen.
xxxvi. 28). 4. The country in which Job lived
(Job i. 1). As the genealogical statements of the
Book of Generis are undoubtedly ethnological, and
in many instances also geographical, it may be
fairly surmised that the coincidence of names in
the above esses is not accidental, but points to a
fusion of various branches of the Sheroitic race in a
certain locality. This surmise is confirmed by the
circumstance that other connecting links may be
discovered between the same branches. For in-
stance, Mos. 1 snd 2 have in common the names
Aram (comp. Gen. x. 23, xxii. 21) and Maachah
as a geographical designation in connexion with the
former (1 Chr. six. 6), and a personal one in con-
nexion with the latter (Gen. xxii. 24). Nos. 2 and
4 have in common the names Bus and Buxite
SGen. xxii. 21 ; Job xxxii. 2), Cbesed snd Chasdim
Geo. xxii. 22; Job i. 17, A.V. - Chaldaeans "),
Shush, a nephew of Nahor, and Shuhite (Gen. xxv.
3 ; Job ii. 11), and Kedem, as the country whither
Abraham sent Shush, together with his other chil-
dren by Keturah, and also as the country where Job
lived (Gen. xxv. 6; Job i. 3). Nos. 3 and 4,
again, have in common Eliphax (Gen. xxxvi. 10 ; Job
ii. 11), and Teman and femamte (Gen. xxxvi. 11 ;
Job ii. 11). The ethnological act embodied in
the above coincidences of names appears to be as
follows; — Certain branches of the Aramaic family,
being both more ancient and occupying a more
TJZAL
1607
northerly position than the others, coalesced with
branches of the later Abrahamlds, holding a some-
what central position in Mesopotamia and Palestine,
and again with branches of the still later Edomitea
of the south, after they had become a distinct race
from the Abrahamids. This conclusion would re-
ceive confirmation if the geographical position of
Ux, as described in the Book of Job, harmonised
with the probability of such an amalgamation. As
far as we can gather, it lay either out ur touu-east
of Palestine (Jcb i. 3 ; see Bkhe-Kedxm) ; adja-
cent to the Kabaoans and the Chaldaeans (Job i.
15, 17), consequently northward of the southern
Arabians, and westward of the Euphrates; and,
lastly, adjacent to the kMomites of Mount Seir, who
at one period occupied Is, probably as conquerors
(Lam. iv. 21), and whose troglodyte habits are
probably described in Job xxx. 6, 7. The posi-
tion of the country may further be deduced from
the native lands of Job's friends, Eliphaz the
Temanite being an ldumesn, Elihu the Buxite
being probably a neighbour of the Chaldeans,
for Bus and Cliesed woe brothers (Gen. xxii.
21, 22), and Bildad the Shuhite being one of the
Bene- Kedem. Whether Zophar the Naamathite is
to be connected with Naamah in the tribe of Judah
(Josh. xv. 41} may be regarded as problematical:
if be were, the conclusion would be further esta-
blished. From the above data we infer that the
land of Ux corresponds to the Arabia Denrta at
classical geography, at all events to so much of it
as lies north ol the 30th parallel of latitude. This
district baa in all ages been occupied by nomadic
tribes, who roam from the borders of Palestine to
the Euphrates, and northward to the confines ol
Syria. Whether the name of Ux survived to clas-
sical times is uncertain: a tribe named Aeritae
(Aio-rroj) is mentioned by Ptolemy (v. 19, §2):
this Bochart identifies with the Ux of Scripture
by altering the reading into Afro-Trot (Pkaltg, ii. 8) J
but, with the exception of the rendering in the LXX.
(eV x*>of tf AiairiXt, Job i. 1; comp. xxxii. 2),
there is nothing to justify such a change. Gesenius
(Thtt. p. 1003) is satisfied with the form Aesitae
as sufficiently corresponding to Ux. [W. L. B.]
U'ZAICTUt: Eofot; FA. EM: Osi). The
father of Palal, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding
the city wall (Neh. in. 25).
U'ZAL tf>MK ; Samar. S'K : AjffjA, AuHiK
Uical, Suxal). The sixth son of Joktan (Gen.
x. 27 ; 1 Chr. i. 21), whose settlements are clearly
traced in the ancient name of Son's, the capital
city of the Yemen, which was originally Awxil,
JU.I (Ibn-Khaldoon, ap. Caussm, Stat, I 40,
foot-note ; AfardsH, s. v. ; Gesen. Lex. s. v. ; Bun-
sen's Bibeltcerk, &&)> It has disputed the right
to be the chief city of the kingdom of Sheba from
the earliest ages of which any traditions have come
down to us; the rival cities being Sheba (the
Arabic Seba), and Sephar (or Zafar). Unlike
one or both of these cities which passed occasionally
into the hands of the people of Hazarkaveth
(Hadramawt), it teems to have always belonged to
the people of Sheba; and from its position in the
' The LXX. Inserts the wonts «2 *& 'Apop before the Oosdl, and sirs, -It Is Mid that its asms
suttee of Oi snd Ms brothers: but tor this there is no
■■ n ssilty la the Hebrew. For a parallel natsnee of
sasaasresss ses ver. 4.
► The pruned edition of the Mariiid writes the
and when tbs Abysslnlans srrtved at It, i
be beauUfoL ibey said ■BsnV whkh I
therefore It wsa called Sen's."
1608
UZZA
centra -of the best portion of that kingdom; it
aJwnvK hare been an important city, (hough pro-
bably of i«M importance than Seba itself. Niebuhr
yDacr. 201, teq.) says that it is a walled town,
situate in an elevated country, in 1st. 15° 2', and
with a stream (alter hoary rains) running through
it (from the mountain of Sawafee, tl-ldreesee, i.
60), and another larger stream a little to the wait,
with country-houses and Tillages on its banks-
It has a citadel on the site of a famous temple,
called Beyt-Ghumdin, said to hare hem founded
by Shoorabeel; which was rased by order of
Othman. The houses and palaces of Sen's, Nie-
buhr says, are liner than those of any other town
of Arabia; and it possesses many mosques, pub-
lic baths, and caravanserais. El-ldreeaee's account
of its situation and flourishing state (i. 50, quoted
also by Bochart, PkaUg, xii.) agrees with that
of Niebuhr. Yttoot says, "Saul U the greatest
city in the Yemen, and the most beautiful of
them. It resembles Damascus, on account of
the abundance of its trees (or gardens), and the
rippling of its waters" (MuihtaraJt, t. v., comp. Ibn-
El-Waraee MS.) ; and the author of the Manual
(said to be Yfkcot) says, •' It is the capital of the
Yemen and the best of its cities ; it resembles
Damascus, on account of the abundance of its
fruits" (s.e, San'a).
Uxal, or Awznl, is most probably the same ss the
Ausara (ACfapa), or Ausara (AtVaoa) of the
essssics, by the common permutnt«»i of I and r.
Pliny (N. H. xii. 16) speaks of this as belonging
to the Gebanitae ; and it is curious thst the ancieut
division (or " mikhlai' ") of the Yemen in which it
is situate, and which is called Sinhan, belonged to a
-very old confederacy of tribes named Jenb, or
Genb, whence the Gebanitae of the classics ; another
division being also called Mikhlaf Jenb (Marasid,
«. t*. mikhldf and jenb, and Mruktarak, t. v. jenh).
Bochart accepts Ausara as the classical form of
Dial (Pholtq, 1. c), bat his derivation of the name
of the Gebanitae is purely fanciful.
Usal Is perhaps referred to by Exek. (xxrii. 19),
translated in the A.V. " Javan," going to and fro,
Hob. TtlMQ. A city named Yawan, or Yawan,
in the Yemen, is mentioned in the Kamoos (see
Gesenius, Lex. and Bochart, I.e.). Commentators
are divided in opinion respecting the correct reading
of this passage ; but the most part are in favour of
the reference to Usal. See also Javan. [E. S. P.]
UZ'ZA(W}J: 'Afd: Ota). 1. A Benjamite
of the sons of Ehud (1 Chr.riii.7), TheTargnmon
Esther makes him one of the ancestors of Mordecai.
2. ("Ofi.) Elsewhere called Uzzah (1 Chr. ziii.
7,9. 10, It).
3. ('AG*, 'OQ ; 'kCi, 'OP : Aza.) The children
of Una were a family of Nethinim who returned
With Zerubbabel (Ear. ii. 49 ; Neh. vii. 51).
4. (n$: '0&; Alex-'Afd: Oza). Properly
Uriah." As the text now stands, Usxah is a
ekveendaut of Henri (1 Chr. *i. 29 [14]); but
thn-e appears to be a gap in the verse by which the
sons of (iershom are omitted, for Libni and Shimei
an elsewhere descendants of Gershom, and not of
Merari. Perhaps he is the same as Zina (fU^T), or
Zixah (nrj), the son of Shimei (1 Chr. xxui. 10,
11); for these names evidently denote the same per-
son ami, in Hebrew character, are not unlike Uriah.
UZZA. THIi GARDEN OF (Jtt? ]i : <d r
VZXAti
was *0(5 : Aorrus Aza). The spot in wbj* sfautwer
king of Judah, and his eon Amoa, were both
buried (2 K. rri. 18, 26). It was the gardes
attached to Haussseh's palace (ver. 18, and 2 Chr.
xxxiii. 20), and therefore presumably was in Jen-
salem. The met of its mention shows that it nisod
where the usual sepulchres of the kings wee. N«
cine, however, is atibrded to its position. Jostpbu
(Ant. x. 3, §2) simply reiterates the statement of
the Bible. It is ingeniously sugcested by Corne-
lius a Lapide, that the garden was ss called from
being on the spot at which Uxxa died during the
removal of the Ark from Kirjuth-jtarim to Jeru-
salem, and which is known to have retained k»
name for long after the event (2 Ham. vi. 8).
There are some grounds for placing this in Jem-
salem, and possibly at or near the threslniig-ooor
of Araunah. [Nachon, p. 455, and note.]
The scene of Cxxa's death was itself a threshing-
floor (2 Sam. vi. 6), and the change of the word
from this, goren, pi, into gan, ]i, garden, wouM
not be difficult or improbable. Bnt nothing certain
can be said on the point.
Bunsen (Bibelvxrk, note on 2 K. xii. 18) on tht
strength of the mention of " palaces " in the same
paragraph with Ophel (A.V. "forts") in s denus-
ciation of Isaiah (xxxiL 14), asserts thst a pslsw
was situated in the Tyropoeon valley at the fix*
of the Temple mount, and that this was in all pro-
bability the palace of Manasseh and the site of tht
Garden of Uxxa. Surely a slender foundation for
such a superstructure 1 [G-]
UZ'ZAH (rttJJ in 2 Sam. vi. 3, elsewhere ST$:
'Ofd; Alex.'ACd'.'Affd: Oza). One of the sou
of Abinadab, in whose house at Kirjath-jearim tht
ark rested for 20 years. The eldest sou of Abba-
dab (1 Sam. vii. 1) seems to hare been Eleaxtr,
who was consecrated to look after the ark. rush
i probably was the second, snd Ahio ■ the third.
They both accompanied its removal, when Dsvid
first undertook to carry it to Jerusalem. Ahio
apparently went before the cart — the new cart
(1 Chr. ziii. 7) — on which it was placed, and
Usxah walked by the side of the cart. The proces-
sion, with all manner of music, advanced is far as
a spot variously called " the threshing-floor " (1 Chr.
xiii. 9), "the threshing-floor of Chidon " (is.
Heh. LXX. ; Jos. Ant. vii. 4, §2), "the threshing-
floor of Nachor" (2 Sam. vi. 6, LXX.), "the
threshing-floor of Nachon " (ib. fftb.). At this
point — perhaps slipping over the smooth rock — the
oxen (or, LXX., " the calf") stumbled (#so.) or
•'overturned the ark" (LXX.). Uriah caught it
to prevent its falling.
He died immediately, by the side of the ark. His
death, by whatever means it was accomplished, was
so sudden and awful that, in the sacred language el
the Old Testament, it is ascribed directly to the
Divine anger. " The anger of the Lord was kindled
against Usxah. and God smote him there." "For Ins
enor," T^iTT^, adds the present Hebrew text,
not the LXX. ; " because he put his hand to the
ark" (1 Chr. xiii. 10). The error or tin is not
explained. Josephus (Ant. vii. 4, §2) makes it te
be because be touched the ark not being a priest
Some have supposed that it was because the ark wst
in a cart, and not (Ex. xxv. 14) carried on the
shoulders of the Levitea. But the narrative, seeaa
The I,XX. for - AWo" read •' b'a
TrzZKN-SHKKAH
to imply tlmt it wu simply the rough, nasty
Handling of the Mcred oofier. The event produced
a deep Miration. David, with a mixture of awe
and refentment, wu afraid to carry the ark further ;
and the place, apparently changing it* ancient name, k
wu henceforth called " Perex-Uzzah,*' the " break-
ing," or " disaster" of Uzzah (2 Sam. vi. 8 ; 1 Chr.
sUI. II ; Joe. Ant. >ii. 4, §2).
There ia no proof for the assertion that Uaxah
wu a Levite. [A. P. &]
UZ'ZEN-8nEBAH (iTT«^ ]1$i k*4 viol
'OQw, Sejant : Otentara). A town founded or re-
fcvUt by Sherah, an Ephraimite woman, the daugh-
ter either of Ephraim himself or of Beriah. It ia
named only in 1 Chr. vii. 24, in connexion with
the two Beth-horoua. These latter still remain
probtbly in precisely their ancient position, and
called by almost exactly their ancient names ; but
no trace of Uzzen-Sherah appears to hare been yet
discovered, unless it be in Beit Sira, which is
shown in the maps of Van de Velde and Tobler u
ou the N. side of the Wady Suleiman, about three
miles S.W. of Beitir et-tahta. It is mentioned by
Kobinson (in the lists in Appendix to voV iii. of
II. R. 1st edit p. 120); and also by Tobler (3tt«
Wandenmg, 188).
The word ona in Hebrew signifies an " ear ; "
and assuming that sum ia not merely a modifi-
cation of some unintelligible Canaanite word, it
may point to an earlike projection or other natural
feature of the ground. The same may be said of
Axnoth-Tabor, in which atnoth is perhaps related
to the same root.
It hu been proposed to identify Uzzen-Sherah
with Timnath-Serah ; but the resemblance between
The two names exists only in English (rPttC and
rflO)i and the identification, tempting u it is from
the fact of Sherah being an ancestress of Joshua,
cannot be entertained.
It will be observed that the LXX. (in both
M.SS.) give a different turn to the passage, by the
addition of the word *3^ before Uzzen. Sherah,
in the former part of the verse, is altogether
omitted in the Vat. MS. (Hal), and in the Alex.
given u iaapa. [G.]
UZ'ZI(»f»: 'OQ: OH: abort for njf?. " Je-
hovah is my strength.'* Compare Uzziah, Dzxiel).
1. Son of Bukki, and father of Zerahiah, in the
line of the high-priests (1 Chr. vi. 5, 51 ; Ear.
vii. 4). Though Uzzi wu the lineal ancestor of
Zadok, it does not appear that he wu ever hlgb-
piiest. Indeed, he is included in thote descendants
of Phhwhu between the high-priest Abishua ('loS-
nrroi) and Zadok, who, according to Josephua
<A*t. viH. 1), were private persons. He most
have been contemporary with, but rather earlier
than, Eli. In Jasephui's list Uzzi is unaccountably
transformed into JoitATHAH.
2. Son of Tola the son of bsachar, and father of
five sons, who were all chief men (1 Chr. vii. 2,3.)
5. Soa of Bala, of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr.
Tii.7).
4. Another, or the same, from whom descended
•ome Benjamite houses, which were settled at
Jerusalem after the return from captivity (1 Chr,
is. 8).
6. A Levite, son of Bant, and overseer of the
•> For the eonjeetare that this was the Gaod« of
Dat raealksad ia the later history, sec the preceding
arlfcie.
UZZIAH
160S
Levites dwelling at Jerusalem, in the lime of Nehe>
miah (Neh. xi. 22).
6. A priest, chief of the fatberVhoase of Je»
daiah, in the time of Joiakim the high-priest (Neb.
xii. 19).
7. One of the priests who assisted Etas in the
dedication of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 42)
Perhaps the same u the preceding. [A. C H.]
TJZZI'A (**>$*: "Ofla; Alex. 'Ofefa: Ozia).
One of David's guard, and apparently, from his
appellation " the Ashteratlute, a native of Ashta-
roth beyond Jordan (1 Chr. xi. 44).
UZZTAH(rW»: 'Afoplar in Kings, 'Offai
elsewhere ; Alex. "Oxoffas in 2 K. XT. 13 : Ozia*,
but Azariaa in 2 K. xv. 13).
1. Uzziah king of Judah. In some passages his
name appears in the lengthened form 'OT'W (2 K.
xy. 32, 34; 2 Chr. xxvi. xxvii. 2 ; Is. I 1, vi. 1,
vii. 1), which Gesenius atti-ibntes to an error of
the copyists, tftS and TVHflf being nearly identical,
or " to an exchange of the names u spoken by the
common people, as being pronounced for *r." This
is possible, but there are other instances of the
prince* of Judah (not of Israel) changing their
names on succeeding to the throne, undoubtedly
in the later history, and perhaps in the earlier,
as Jehoahu to Ahaziah (2 Chr. xii. 17), though
this example is not quite certain. [Ahaziah,
No. 2.] After the murder of Amaxiab, his son
Uzziah wu chosen by the people to occupy the
vacant throne, at the age of 16; and for the greater
part of his long reign of 52 years he lived in the
fear of God, and showed himself a wise, active,
and pious ruler. He began hi* reign by a suc-
cessful expedition against his father's enemies the
Edomitea, who had revolted from Judah in Jehoram'e
time, 80 years before, and penetrated u far u the
head of the Gulf of 'Akaba, where he took the im-
portant place of Elath, fortified it, and probably
established it u a mart for foreign commerce, which
Jehoshaphat had failed to do. This success is re-
corded in the 2nd Book of Kings (xiv. 22), but front
the 2nd Book of Chronicles (xxvi. 1, tie.) we learn
much more. Uzziah waged other victorious wars in
the south, especially against the Mehunim, or people
of Main, and the Arabs of Gurbaal. A fortified town
named Main still exists in Arabia Petraea, south
of the Dead Sea, The situation of Gurbaal is un-
known. (For conjectures, more or less probable,
see Ewald, Qetch. i. 321 ; Mehukim ; Gco-
baal.) Such enemies would hardly maintain a
long resistance after the defeat of so formidable a
tribe u the Edomitea. Towards the west, Uzziah
fought with equal success against the Philistines,
levelled to the ground the walls of Gath, Jabneh,
and Ashdod, and founded new fortified cities in the
Philistine territory. Nor wu he less vigorous in
defensive than offensive operations. He strengthened
the walls of Jerusalem at their weakest points,
furnished them with formidable engines of war,
and equipped an army of 307,500 men with the
best invention* of military art. He wu also a
great patron of agriculture, dug wells, built towers
in the wilderness for the protection of the flocks,
and cultivated rich vineyards and arable land on
his own account. He never deserted the worship of
the true God, and was much influenced by Zecha-
riah, a prophet who is only mentioned in connexion
with him (2 Chr. xxvi. 5; ; for, u he must have
died before Uzziah, he cannot be the same a* the
1610
m.ZTAH
eVchariali at U viii. 2. So the southern kingdom
was raiaed U a condition of prosperity which it had
cit knows since the death of Solomon; and aa the
Ciwer of brael was gradually felling away in the
tter period of Jehu a dynasty, that of Jndah ex-
tended itself over the Ammonite* and Moabites, and
other tribe* beyond Jordan, from whom Uzxiah
exacted tribute. See 2 Chr. xxvi. 8, and Is, xvi,
1-5, from which it would appear that the annual
tribute of sheep (2 K. Hi. 4) waa revived either
during this reign or soon after. The end of Uzxiah
was less prosperous than his beginning. Elated
with his splendid career, he determined to burn
incense on the altar of God, but waa opposed by the
nigh-priest Axariah and eighty others. (See Ex. xxx.
7, 3: Num. xri. 40, xviii. 7.) The king was en-
nu;ad at their resistance, and, as he pressed forward
with his censer, waa suddenly smitten with leprosy,
a disease which, according to Gerlach (in toco), is
often brought out by violent excitement. In 2 K.
xt. 5 we are merely told that * the Lord smote
the king, so that he waa a leper unto the day of
his death, and dwelt in a several house ;" but his
invasion of the priestly office is not specified. This
catastrophe compelled Uzxiah to reside outside the
city, so that the kingdom was administered till bis
death by his son Jotham as regent. Uzxiah was
buried " with his fathers," yet apparently not
actually in the royal sepulchres (2 Chr. xxvi. 23).
During his reign an earthquake occurred, which,
though not mentioned in the historical books, was
apparently very serious in its consequences, for it
is alluded to aa a chronological epoch by Amos
(i. 1), and mentioned in Zcch. xiv. 5, as a con-
vulsion from which the people "fled." [Earth-
quake.] Josepht" {A*t. ix. 10, §4) connects it
with Uxsiah's sacrilegious attempt to offer incense,
but this is very unlikely, as it cannot have occurred
later thin the 17th year of his reign [Amos], The
first six chapters of Isaiah's prophecies belong to
this reign, and we are told (2 Chr. xxvi. 22) that
a full account of it was written by that prophet.
Soma notices of the state of Judah at this time
may also be obtained from the contemporary pro-
phets Hoses and Amos, though both of these
laboured more particularly in Israel. We gather
from their writings (Has. iv. 15, vi. 11 ; Am. vi. 1),
as well as from the early chapters of haiah, that
though the condition of the southern kingdom waa
far superior, morally and religiously, to that of the
northern, yet that it was by no means free from
the vices which are apt to accompany wealth and
prosperity. At the same time Hoses conceives
bright hopes of the blessings which were to arise
from it ; and though doubtless these hopes pointed
to something far higher than the brilliancy of
Uxsiah's administration, and though the return of
the Israelites to " David their king " can only be
adequately explained of Christ's kingdom, yet the
prophet, in contemplating the condition of Judah
at this time, was plainly cheered by the thought
that there God was really honoured, and His wor-
ship visibly maintained, and that therefore with it
was bound up every hope that His promises to His
nle would be at last fulfilled (Hos. i. 7, iii. 3).
to be observed, with reference to the general
character of Uxsiah's reign, that the writer of the
Second Book of Chronicles distinctly states that his
lawless attempt to bum incense was the only ex-
ception to the excellence of his administration
!2 Chr. xxvii. 2). His reign lasted from B.c.
608-9 to 756-7. fG. E. L. C]
VAJEZATHA
S. ( Of>: (him.) A Kobathite Levite, and aa
c* Samuel (1 Chr. vi. 24 [•]).
8. A priest of the sons of Hsrim, who had taint
a foreiga wife in the days of Ezra (Ear. x. 91).
4. ('Afja : Axiom.) Father of Athaah, or Uthxl
(Neh. xU 4).
5. (Vljjjf: 'OQas: Omu). Father of Jebo.
nathan, one of David's ov ers e a!* (1 Chr. xxvii. 25,.
TJZ'ZIEL^WfJ?: 'Ofsrfc, Ex. vi. 18; else-
where 'OfWJA: Oziel: "God H my strength").
1. Fourth son of Kohath, father of Mishael, Eha-
phan or Ehzaphan, and Zithri, and uncle to Aaron
(Ex. vi. 18, 22 ; Lev. x. 4). The family descended
from him were called Uzsielites, and Ehzaphan,
the chief of this family, was also the chief father of
the Kohathites, by Divine direction, in the time of
Moses (Num. Hi. *19, 27, 30), although he seems
to have been the youngest of Kohath's sou (1 Chr.
vi. 2, 18). The house of Uzziel numbered IIS
adults, under Amminadab their chief, at the thne
of the bringing up of the ark to Jerusalem by King
David (1 Chr. xv. 10).
2. A Simeonit* captain, son of tshi, who, after
the successful expedition of his tribe to the valley of
Gedor, went with his three brethren, at the bead
of five hundred men, in the days of Hezekiah, t*
Mount Seir, and smote the remnant of the An*
lekites, who had survived the p ievio ns slaughter
of Saul and David, and took possession of their
country, and dwelt there " unto this day " (1 Chr.
ir. 42 ; see Bertheau).
3. Head of a Benjamin house, of the sons sf
Bela (1 Chr. vii. 7).
4. A musician, of the sons of Heman, in Davids
reign (1 Chr. xxv. 4), elsewhere called Axareel
(ver. 18). Compare Uzxiah and Axariah.
6. A Levite, of the sons of Jeduthon, who in the
days of King Hezekiah took an active partia disusing
and sanctifying the Temple, after all the pollutions
introduced by Ahax (2 Chr. xxix. 14, 19).
6. Son of Harhaiah, probably a priest in the
days of Nehemiah, who took part in repairing the
wall (Neh. iii. 8). He is described as "of the
goldsmiths," i. «. of those priests whose hereditary
office it was to repair or make the sacred vessels, at
may be gathered from the analogy of the apothe-
caries, mentioned in the same verse, who are de-
fined 1 Chr. ix. 80. The goldsmiths are also men-
tioned Neh. iii. 31, 32. That this Uzziel was s
priest is also probable from his name (No. 1), and
from the circumstance that Malchiah, the gold-
smith's son, was so. [A. C H.J
UZ'ZIELrTE8, THE (*Wp»jm: J'Ofta,
'OfWJA : Ozieliiae, Oiihetitae). The descendants
of Uzziel, and one of the four great families into
which the Kohathites were divided (Num. in. 37 ;
1 Chr. xxvi. 23).
VAJEZATHA. (WW: tafioMkt; FA
Za0ouSc0ay : Jetatha). One of the ten sons el
Human whom the Jews akw in Shushan (Esth.
ix. 9). Qusenius derive* his nam* from the Pen.
x4j «• " white, "Germ, toeus ; but Ffirst suggests
as more probable that it is a cuenpeuaa sf th*
VALE, VALLEY
Zend vakfa, " better," an epithet of the lied tmoma,
mod sota, "bora," nod ao "born of the lied
haoeaa." Bat each etymologies are little to be
trusted.
VALE, VALLEY. It is hardly necessary to
state that these words signify a hollow sweep of
ground between two more or less parallel ridges of
high land. Vale is the poetical or provincial form.
It is in the nature of the case that the centre of a
valley should usually be occupied by the stream
which forms the drain of the high land on either
side, and from this it commonly receives its name ;
as, the Valley of the Thames, of the Colne, of the
Nile. It is also, though comparatively seldom,
called after some town or remarkable object which
it contains ; as, the Vale of Evesham, the Vale of
White-horse.
Valley is distinguished from other terms mors
or less closely related ; on the one hand, from " glen,"
" ravine," " gorge," or " dell,'' which all express a
depression at once more abrupt and smaller than a
valley ; on the other band, from " plain," which,
though it may be used of a wide valley, is bet
ordinarily or necessarily so.
It is to be regretted that with this qussi-precision
of meaning the term should not hare been em-
ployed with more restriction in the Authorised
Version of the Bible.
The structure of the greater part of the Holy
Land does not leod itself to the formation of valleys
in oar sense of the word. The abrupt transitions
of its crowded rocky hills preclude the existence of
any extended sweep of valley ; and where one such
does occur, as at Hebron, or on the south-east of
Gerudm, the irregular and unsymmetrical positions
of the enclosing hills rob it of the character of a
valley. The nearest approach is found in the spate
between the mountains of Gerixim and Ebal, which
contains the town of' ilTooMs, the ancient Shecbem.
This, however, by a singular chance, is not men-
tioned m the Bible. Another is the " Valley of
Jexreel " — the undulating hollow which intervenes
between Gilboa (Jtbel fWau), and the so-called
Little Hermon (/«*«/ Dvhy).
Valley is employed in the Authorised Version to
render fare distinct Hebrew words.
1. 'iWi (pOJ: aytoa-yf, KtnS.it, also very
rarely rttlov, aliAur, and Ep<« or A/tec). This
appears to approach more nearly to the general
sense of the bnglish word than any other, and it is
satisfactory to Hud that our translators have inva-
riably, without a single exception, rendered it by
" valley." Its root is said to have the force of
dee p ne ss or seclusion, which Professor Stanley has
ingeniously urged may be accepted In the sense of
lateral rather than ot vertical extension, as in the
modem expression,— a deep house, a deep recess. It
is connected with several places ; but the only one
which can be identified with any certainty is the
Emtk of Jezreel, already mentioned as one of the
nearest approaches to an English valley. The other
Emckt are: — Achor, Ajalon, Baca, Berachah, Beth-
rehob, Elah, Gibson, Hebron, Jeboahaphat, Kexix,
Kephaim, Shaven, Siddim, Suoooth, and of ha-
Cfaaruts or " the decision " (Joel lit. 14).
3. Q&m 64 (JM or Wl : <p4ptty&- Of this
natural feature there is fortunately one example
remaining which can be identified with certainty—
the deep hollow which encompasses file S.W. and
t. of Jerusalem, and whijh is withort doubt iden-
VALE, VALLEY
1011
ties] with the Ge-hinnom or Ge-ben-hinnom of the
O. T. This identification appears to establish the
Sen a deep and abrupt ravine, with steep sides
and narrow bottom. The term is derived by the
lexicographers from a root signifying to flow to-
gether ; but Professor Stanley, influenced probably
by the aspect of the ravine of Hinnom, proposes to
connect it with a somewhat similar root (IVI),
which has the force of rending or bunting, and
which perhaps gave rise to the name Ginon, the
famous spring at Jerusalem.
Other Oa mentioned in the Bible are those of
Gedor, Jiphthah-el, Zebolm, Zephathah, that of
salt, that of the craftsmen, that on the north aide
of Ai, and that opposite Beth Peor in Hoab.
3. Nachal (*}T\3 : fvtporf, xeifut#o»»). This
is the word which exactly answers to the Arabia
toady, sod has been already alluded to in that con-
nexion. [Palestine, p. 676 a ; River, p. 1045 o.l
It expresses, as no single English word can, the bed
of a stream (often wide and shelving, and like a
" "tlley " in character, which in the rainy season
may be nearly filled by a foaming torrent, thoogn
for the greater part of the year dry), and the
vtream itself, which after the subsidence of the
rains has shrunk to insignificant dimensions. To
autumn travellers in the south of France such
appearances are familiar; the wide shallow bed
•itrewed with water-worn stones of all sixes, amongst
which shrubs are growing promiscuouslv, perhaps
crossed by a bridge of four or five arches, under
the centre one of which brawls along a tiny stream,
the sole remnant at the broad and rapid river which
a few months before might have carried away the
structure of the bridge. Such is the Dearest like-
ness to the wadys of Syria, excepting that — owing
to the demolition of the wood which formerly shaded
the country, and prevented too rapid evaporation
after rain — many of the latter are now entirely
and constantly dry. To these last it is obvious that
the word " valley" is not inapplicable. It is em-
ployed in the A. V. to translate nachal, alternating
with "brook," "river," and "stream." For a
list of the occurrences of each, tee Sinai and Pat.
App. §38.
4. BXi\ (rrjJpS : nUw). This term appears
to mean rather a plain than a valley, wider than
the latter, though ao far resembling it as to be en-
closed by mountains, like the wide district between
Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, which is still called the
Beka'a, as it wss in the days of Amos. [Plain,
p. 889 6.] It is rendered by "valley" in Deut.
xxxiv. 8; Josh. xi. 8, 17,xii. 7; 2 Chr. xxxv.22;
Zech. xii. 11.
5. Aat-BMfilah (n^BB>PI : re weMor, A. xeJ.H)).
This is the only case in which the employment cl
the term "valley" is really unfortunate. The
district to which done the name hat-Sht/ilAA is
applied in the Bible has no resemblance whatever
to a valley, but is a broad swelling tract of many
hundred miles in area, which sweeps gentry down
from the mountains of Judah
• To Bungle with the bounding mam"
of the Mediterranean. [See Palestine, p. 679;
Plaiju, p. 890 6 ; Sephela, p. 1 199, he. J It is
rendered "the vale" in Dent. L 7; Josh. z. 40;
lK.x.27; 2 Chr. i. 15; Jer.xxxiil. 13; sad "the
valley" or "valleys" in Josh. ix. 1, at 8, 16,
xii. 8, zv. 33 ; Judg. '• 9 i J*r. xxxfi. 44. [O.l
,612
VAmAH
VANTAH(IVS1: Ovovoruj; Alex. Oiovria;
PA. Oit*f4: Viitna). One of the sons of Bsni,
who put away his foreign wile at Ezra's command
'Exr. x. 36).
VASH'NIOXh: W: ranmi). The first-
born of Samuel as the text now stands (1 Chr. vi
48 [23]). But in 1 Sam. viii. 2 the name of his
firstborn is Joel. Most probably in the Chronicle*
the name of Joel has dropped out, and " Vashni '
ia a corruption of '3(71, " and (the) second." The
Peshito Syriac has amended the text, and rendered
* The sons of Samuel, his firstborn Joel, and the
name of his second son Abiah." In this it ia fol-
lowed by the Arabic of the London PolygloU.
VASHTI Own: 'AtrrtV; Ofchrrw, Joseph. :
FoaWi: "a beautiful woman," Pets.). The
" queen " (n3?Qri) of Ahasuenn, who, for re-
vising to show herself to the king's guests at the
royal banquet, when sent for by the king, incurred
his wrath, and was repudiated and deposed (Eeth.
i.)j when Esther was substituted in her place.
Many attempts hare been made to identify her
with historical personages ; aa by Ussher with
Atoasa, the wife of Darius Hystaspis, and by J.
Capellua with Paryaatis, the mother of Ocntis;
but, as was said of Esther (like the " threescore
queens'* in Cant. vi. 8, 9*), it is far more pro-
bable that she was only one of the inferior wives,
dignified with the title of queen, whose name
has utterly disappeared from history. [Esther.]
This view of Vashti'a position seems further to
tally exactly with the narrative of Ahasuerus's
order, and Vashti's refusal, considered with refer-
ence to the national manners of the Persians. For
Plutarch (Conjug. praecept. c 16) tells us, in
agreement with Herod. T. 18, that the kings of
Persia hare their legitimate wives to sit at table
with them at their banquets, but that, when they
choose to riot and drink, they send their wives
away and call in the concubines and singing-girls.
Hence, when the heart of Ahasuerus " was merry
with wine," be sent for Vashti, looking upon her
only as a concubine ; ahe, on the other hand, con-
sidering herself as one of the novpiSlai yuvaum,
or legitimate wives, refused to come. See Winer,
JSeattcb. Josephus's statement (Ant. si. 6, §1),
that it is contrary to the customs of the Persians
for their wives to be seen by any men but their own
husbands, is evidently inaccurate, being equally
contradicted by Herodotus, v. 18,* and by the Book
of Esther itself (v. 4, 8, 12 , &c.). [A. C. H.]
. VEIL. Under the head of Dress we have
already disposed of various terms improperly ren-
dered "veil'' in the A.V., such aa mitpackath
(Roth iii. 15), Isaiph (Gea. xxiv. 65, xxxviii. 14,
19), and ridid (Cant. v. 7 ; Is. iii. 23). These
haie been explained to be rather shawls, or
mantles, which might at pleasure be drawn over
the face, but which were not designed for the
special purpose of veils. It remains for us, to notice
the following terms which describe the veil proper :
• ya a f o iiO T V ckoovoc avrwr vaAAdc fwv xovpt&ac
trmuut, nMf t kn tMw nAAasor mrrat (Herod,
usl
U6>
»"It Is Uk custom of as Persian*, when
we make a
VKTL
—(1.) Jfosoe*,' used of the veil wfcLk Mat
assumed when he came down from the nsoosst , b>
xxxiv. 33-35). A cognate word, sskta/ occurs ia
Gen. xlix. 1 1 aa a general term for a mam's rai-
ment, leading to the inference that the aanl
also was an ample outer robe which might bs
drawn over the face when requiml. The tOLtert.
however, in Ex. xxxiv. is conclusive aa to the objnl
for which the robe was assumed, and, whate*.*
may have been its sue or form, it muat hare beta
used as a veil. (2.) Mupadtttk* used of xU
veils which the false prophets placed upon taar
heads (Exek.xiii. 18,21; A. V. " kerehiet. " - The
word is understood by Gesenius ( Tkn. p. 9t>5 j at
cushions or mattresses, but the etymology \,»mptajk.
to pour) is equally, if not more favourable, to U«
seuse of a flexing veil, and this accords better w:ta
the notice that they were to be placed ** open uw
head of every stature," implying that the length .
the veil was propoitiooed to the height of t »
wearer f Kftrst, Lex. s. v. ; Hitxig ia £». I. c .
(3.) Rt'ilSthf used of the light veils wore It
females (Is. iii. 19; A.V. " mufflers "X wko
were so called from their rustling motion. Tae
same term is applied in the Miahna {Sab. S, |e> .
to the veils wom by Arabian women. (4. ', 7Vaa>-
mahfi understood by the A.V. of "locks" of saor
(Cant, it. 1, S, vL 7; Is. xlviL 2), and so I r
Winer (Rwb. " Schlder "j ; but the contents il
the passages in which it is used favour the sense «f
veil, the wearers of the article being in each ease
highly born and handsomely d re ss ed . A ongoatr
word is used in the Tsigum (Gen. xxiv. 65) of thr
robe in which Rebecca enveloped herself.
With regard to the use of the veil, it is i
taut to observe that it was by no means so (
iu ancient as in modern times. At present, trKsln
are rarely seen without it in Oriental countries. »
much so that in Egypt it is deemed more requisite
to conceal the face, including the top and back of
the head, than other parte of the person (Lane. i.
72). Women are even delicate about exposing
their heads to a physician for medical ti a utimj
(Russell's Aleppo, I 246). In remote district.,
and among the lower classes, the practice m not as
rigidly enforced (lane, i. 72). Much of the aera-
pulousness in respect to the use of the veil dales
from the promulgation of the Koran, which fiiilndi
women appearing unveiled except in the pres e nce of
their nearest relatives (/Tor. xxxiii. 55, 59). la
ancient times, the veil was adopted only in excep-
tional cases, either as an article of ornamental dros
(Cant. iv. 1, 3, vi. 7), or by betrothed imiilins ■
the presence of their future husbands, especially at
the time of the wedding (Gen. xxiv. 65, xxu. 25
[Marriage]), or, lastly, by women of loose cha-
racter for purposes of concealment (Gea. xxxvas.
14). But, generally speaking, women both soar-
tied and unmarried appeared in public with thar
faces exposed, both among the Jews (Gen. xa. 14,
xxiv. 16, xxix. 10 ; 1 Sam. 1. 12), and among tat
Egyptians and Assyrians, as proved by the as-
variable absence of the veil in the sculptures sad
paintings of these peoples.
Among the Jews of the New Testament age »
appears to have been customary for the weave h
■rest feast, to Invite both onr
to sit down with ns."
• moo. * iwd.
nbf\.
•ns*.
nV-aot?.
VK28IONB, ANCIENT (AETHIOFIG)
1613
cover thch heads (not necessarily their faces) when
engaged in public worship. For, St. Paul repro-
beta the disuse of the veil by the Corinthian
women, as implying an assumption 01 equality
with the other sex, and enforces the covering of the
head as a sign » of subordination to the authority of
the men (1 Cor. xi. 5-15). The same passage
leads to this conclusion that the use of the talith,
with which the Jewish males cover their heads in
prayer, is a comparatively modern practice; inas-
much as the apostle, putting a hypothetical case,
Mates that every man having anything on his head
dishonours his head, i.e. Christ, inasmuch as the use
of the veil would imply subjectiou to his fellow-men
rather than to the Lord (1 Cor. xi. 4). [W.L.B.]
VEIL OF THE TABEBNAOLE AND
TEMPLE. [Tabehsacle; Temple.]
VEB8ION8, ANCIENT, OF THE OLD
AND NEW TESTAMENTS. On the amW.
versions in general, see Walton's Prolegomena;
Simon, BitMre Critique ; Marsh's Michaelis ;
Kichhom's Emleitung ; Hug's EMmtung ; De
Wette's EMeittmg j Hivemick's Einleitmg ; Da-
vidson's Introduction ; Reuse, Oackichte del
Jfeuem Testaments; Home's Introduction by Ayre
(vol. ii.) and Tregelles (vol. iv.) ; Scrivener's Plain
Introduction ; Bleak's EMeitung.
There were two things which, in the early cen-
turies after the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ,
were closely connected : the preaching of the
(iospel, leading to the diffused profession of the
Christian faith amongst nations of varied lan-
guages ; and the formation of versions of the Holy
Scriptures for the use of the Churches thus gathered
in varied countries. In fact, for many ages the
spread of Christianity and the appearance of ver-
nacular translations seem to have gone almost con-
tinually hand in hand. The only exceptions,
perhaps, were those regions in which the Christian
profession did not extend beyond what might be
called the civilized portion of the community, and
in which also the Greek language, diffused through
the conquests of Alexander, or the Latin, the con-
comitant of the dominion of Home, had taken a
deeply-rooted and widely-extended hold. Before
the Christian era, the Greek version of the Old
Testament, commonly termed the Septuagint, and
the earlier Targums (if, indeed, any were written
v early) supplied every want of the Jews, so far
as we can at all discover. And it cannot be doubted
that the Greek translation of the Old Testament
had produced some considerable effect beyond the
mere Jewish pale : tor thus the comparatively
large class of proselytes which we find existing in
the time of our Lord and his Apostles most appa-
rently have been led to embrace a religion, not then
commended by the holiness of its professors or by
•sternal advantages, but only accredited by its
do ctr i ne s , which professed to be given by the Reve-
lation of God fas, indeed, they were); and which,
ia setting forth the unity of God, and in the con-
demnation of all idolatry, supplied a need, not
furnished by anything which professed to be a
system of positive religion as held by the Greek,
Latin, or Egyptian priests.
In making inquiry as to the versions formed
• The term ifanvU m 1 Cor. xi. tv~«fe» of authority.
|ast as fkwduia m DM. Sic I. 41 =«V of royalty.
after the spread of Christianity, we rarely find any
indication as to the translators, oi ths particular dr>
cumstances under which they were executed. All
we can say is, that those who had learned that the
doctrines of the Apostles, — namely, that in the name
of Jesus Christ the Son of God there is forgiveness o*
sins and eternal life through faith in his propitiator}
sacrifice, — are indeed the truth of God ; and who
knew that the New Testament contains the reuoids
of this religion, and the Old the prepaiation of God
for its introduction through promises, types, and pro-
phecies, did not long remain without possessing
these Scriptures in languages which they under-
stood. The appearance of vernacular translations
was a kind of natural consequence of the formation
of Churches.
We hare also some Indications that parts of the
New Testament were translated, not by those who
received the doctrines, but by those who opposed
them ; this was probably done in order the more
successfully to guard Jews and proselytes to Ju-
daiim against the doctrines of the Cross of Christ,
" to the Jews a stumbling-block."
Translations of St. John's Gospel and of taw
Art* of the Apostles into the Hebrew dialect, are
mentioned in the very curious narration given by
Epiphanius (l. xxx. 9, 12) respecting Joseph of
Tiberias ; be speaks of their being secretly pre-
served by the Jewish teachers of that city. But
these or any similar versions do not appear to have
been examined, much less used, by any Christians.
They deserve a mention here, however, as being
translations of parts of the New Testament, the
former existence of which is recorded.
In treating of the ancient versions that have
come down to us, in whole or in part, they will be
described in the alphabetical order of the languages.
It may be premised that in roost of them the Old
Test, ia not a version from the Hebrew, but merely
a secondary translation from the Septuagint in some
one of its early forms. The value of these second-
ary versions is but little, except as bearing on the
criticism of the text of the LXX., a department or
Biblical learning in which they will be found of much
use, whenever a competent scholar shall earnestly
engage in the revision of that Greek version of the
Old Test., pointing out the corrections introduced
through the labours of Origen. [S. P. T.]
AETHIOPIC VERSION.— Christianity was in
traduced into Aethiopia in the 4th century, through
the labours of Krumentius and Aedesius of Ty.-e,
who had been made slaves and sent to the king
(Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. i. 23 ; Soar. i. 19 ; Soxo-
men, ii. 24). Hence arose the episcopal see of
Axum, to which F rumen tim was appointed by
Athanasius. The Aethiopic version which we
possess is in the ancient dialect of Axum; hence
some have ascribed it to the age of the earliest mis-
sionaries; but from the general character of the
version itself, this is improbable ; and the Abyssi-
nians themselves attribute it to a later period ;
though their testimony is of but little value by
itself; for their accounts are very contradictory,
and some of them even speak of its having been
translated from the Arabic ; which is certainly in-
correct.
The Old Testament, as well as the New, was
executed from the Greek.
Ia 1513 Potken published the Aethiopic Psalter
at Rome: he received this portion of the Scriptures
from some Abyssinian* with whom he had met*
1614
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (ARABIC)
whom, however, he called Chaldaeans, and their
language (JhaUee.
In 1548-9? the Aethiopic New Teat n alao
printed at Rome, edited by three Abfasmians : they
sadly complained oi'the difficulties under which
they laboured, from the printers hairing been occu-
pied on what they were unable to read. They
apeak of having had to fill up a considerable portion
of the Book of Acts by translating from the Latin
and Greek : in this, however, there seems to be
some overstatement. The Roman edition was
reprinted in Walton's Polyglott ; but (according to
Ludolf ) all the former errors were retained, and
new ones Introduced. When Bode in 1753 pub-
lished a careful Latin translation of the Aethiopic
text of Walton, be supplied Biblical scholars in
general with the means of forming a judgment as
to this version, which had been previously impos-
sible, except to the few who were acquainted with
the language.
In 1836-30, a new edition, formed by a collation
of HSS., was published under the care of Mr.
Thomas Pell Piatt (formerly Fellow of Trinity
College, Cambridge), whose object was not strictly
critical, but rather to give to file Abyssimans their
Scriptures tor ecclesiastical use in as good a form
as he conveniently could, consistently with MS.
authority. From the notes made by Mr. Piatt in
the course of his collations, it is evident that the
translation had been variously revised. The differ-
ences of MSS. had appeared so marked to Ludolf
that he supposed that there must have been two
ancient versions. But Mr. Piatt found, in the
course of his examination, that where certain MSS.
differ widely in their readings, some other copy
would introduce both readings either in a conflate
form, or simply in the way of repetition. The
probability appears to be that there was originally
one version of the Gospels ; but that this was after-
wards revised with Greek MSS. of a different com-
plexion of text; and that succeeding copyists either
adopted one or the other form in passages ; or else,
by omitting nothing from teat or margin, they
formed a confused combination of readings. It
appears probable that all the portion of the New
Test, after the Gospels originated from some of the
later revisers of the former part ; its -paraphrastic
tone accords with this opinion. We can only form
a judgment from the printed texts of this version,
until a collation of the MSS. now known shall be
so executed as to be available for critical use.
As it is, we find in the copies of the version,
readings which show an affinity with the older
class of Greek MSS., intermingled with others
decidedly Byzantine. Some of the copies known
show a stronger leaning to the one side or the
other; and this gives a considerable degree of
certainty to the conclusion on the subject of
revision.
An examination of the version proves both that
it was executed from the Greek, and also that the
translator made such mistakes that be could hardly
have (wen a person to whom Greek was the native
tongue. The following instances (mostly taken
from C. B. Michaelis) prove this: torn is con-
founded with Iota (or tori); Matt. iv. 13, "in
monte Zabulon ; " xix. 1, " in monies Judseae trans
Jordanem." Acts iii. 20, Tpomixtiptvfttror is ren-
dered as "quern praeururit (a-osacxfHO'usW); ii.
37, xartriyi)aay " aperti rani quoad cor eorum "
lunupol/oo-ar) ; xvL 25, trniKpomrro atrrir of
lorauot, " ptrcuma sunt vinculo coram " <tnitpo&-
orro cuVrsn> « SerswT). Matt. r. <5y vaWsV ■
rendered as inUMgen* (wnsV); Lake ran. ».
ml s-eoau ontKaevipuint, **
tus," aa if nuMau. Rom. vH. 11, i
" cooculcavit," as if efeawn fw. Her. ir. &
Toil, "aseerdotea," aa if htma. The moahg a
words alike in spelling is con f ou nd ed : trine, I Car,
xii. 28, « Posuit Dominos auras inrlfsioi." trass
the differing meanings of OTX Also wrong m-
denngs sometimes seem to have
false etymology: thus, Matt. v. 29,«QoS
dixerit fratrem suum pmmomtm," hunt 1
connected with *«unu.
Bode's Latin version, to which
already been made, enabled critical seksaon to a*
the Roman text with much confidence. The bar
Mr. L.A. Prevost, of the British Moaeoaa, eaecstsd
for Dr. Ttegdles a comparison of the text of xtr.
Piatt with the Roman, as reprinted in Wallas.
together with a literal rendering of the l ai aa tiu a s ;
this gave him the critical use of both text*. Tan
present Bishop of Gloucester, Dr. Eilioott, i
with the personal advantage poBsesssd by a <
himself able to use both Aethiopie texts of the- Hew
Test., draws attention to the su pa i e sity of that
edited by Mr. Piatt: after sperdring (Adds IS) ML,
p. 381) of the non-psjaphrastic character of tks
ancient versions of the New Test, in general. Dr.
EUicott adds inanete: "It may be noticed thai
we have specified the Aethiopic version as that
edited by Mr. Pell Piatt. The Aethiopic verses
found in Walton's Polyglott often degenerates iass
a paraphrase, especially in difficult passages.**
The Old Test, of this version, made firm tat
LXX. (as has been already specified), haa bee* sab-
jected apparently (with the exception of the Psahra .
to very little critical examination. A cssopieti
edition of the Aethiopic Old Test, haa been oors-
menced by DillmanD ; the first portion of siui
appeared in 1853.
Literature.— Potken, Preface to the Aetkmpk
Plotter, Rome, 1513; C. B. Michaelis, Prtixa
to BooVe Collation of St. Matthea, Halle, 17«;
Bode, Lotto Translation of the Aethiopic Sea
Tett. Brunswick, 1753; T. P. Piatt, MS. Seta
mode m the OoOotion of Aethiopic Jr/SK, ad
Private Letter* tent to TregeUet ; L. A. Prevon.
US. Collation of the Text of Piatt *ith the Ramm*
and TraneUdim ef Variation*, treated for Ire-
gella; A. DUlmann, Aethiopieche Bi U U ki mt x-
ung in Herxog's SeoJ-Encyklopidie. [S. P. T.]
ARABIC VERSIONS.— To give a detailed so
count of the Arabic versions would be wnpejsrihie.
without devoting a modi larger space to tho sabjpn
than would be altogether in its place in a Dictiaosrr
of the BiUe : for the versions themselves do net.
owing to their comparatively lata date, psaseas an
p i imaiy importance, even for critical studies; ml
thus many points connected with these txa i i hli's a
are rather of literary than strictly Biblical intaret.
The versions of the Old Test, must bo nan ■dual
separately from those of the New; and those trass
the Hebrew text must be treated apart from tfcsat
formed from the LXX.
(I.) Arabic version* of the OH Tad.
(A) Made from the Hebrew text
Rabbi Saadiah Haggaon, the Hebrew coasaenater
of the 10th century, translated portions (assae
think the whole) of the 0. T. into Arabic H*
version of the Pentateucn was printed at Oaastsa-
tinople, in IMS. The Paris Polyglot! ■miiia Iht
VEB8I0NB, ANCIENT (ARABIC)
161b
seine veraon from ft MS. bjnerrng m many of its
readings : this wa reprinted by Walton. It Man*
ftp if copyists bed in parts altered the vetsfou coo-
tiderabfy. Ths version of Isaiah by Saadiah was
Minted by Paalos, at Jena, in 1791, from a Bod-
leian MS. : the same library contains a MS. of his
version of Job and of the Psalms. Kimchl quotes
his version of Hoses*
The Book of Joshua in the Paris and Walton's
Polyglotts is also from the Hebrew; and this Ro-
diger states to be the tact in the case of the Poly
glott text of 1 K.xii.j 2 K. xU. 16; and of Neh.
Mx.27.
Other portions, translated from Hebrew in later
times, do not require to be even specified here.
But it was not the Jews only who translated into
Arabic from the original. There is also a version
of the Pentateuch of the Samaritans, made by Aba
Said. He fa) stated to have clearly had the transla-
tion of Saadish before him, the phraseology of
which he often follows, and at times he musthave
need the Samaritan vertim. It is considered that
this work of Abu Said (of which a portion has been
printed) is of considerable nae in connection with
the history of the text of the Samaritan Pentateuch.
[See Samahitax Pentateuch, ti. 3.]
(B.) Hade from the Peshito Syriac.
This is the bass of the Arabic text contained in
the Polyglotts of the Books of Judges, Ruth,
Samuel, Kings, and Nebemiah (with the exception
mentioned above in these last-named books).
In some MSS. there is contained a translation
from the Hexaplar-Sjr\ac text, which (though a
recent version) is of some importance for the criti-
cism of that translation.
(C.) Hade from the LXX.
The version in the Polyglotts of the books not
specified above.*
Another text of the Psalter in Justinianj Psalter-
ium Octuplum, Genoa, 1516.
The Arabic versions existing in MS. exhibit very
various forms: it appears as if alterations had been
made in the different countries in which they had
been used ; hence it is almost an endless task to
discriminate amongst them precisely.
(II.) Arabic wrstoas of the New Tat.
The printed editions of the Arabic New Test.
most first be specified before their tut can be de-
scribed.
1. The Roman editio p i iu ceps of the four Gospels,
1590-91 (issued both with and without an ioter-
Euear Latin version. Reissued, with a new title,
p. 1619 ; and again, with a bibliographical preface,
1774).
2. The Erpenian Arabic. The whole New Test,
edited by Erpeuius, 1616, at Leyden, from a MS.
of the 13th or 14th century.
3. The Arabic of the Paris Polyglott, 1645. In
the Gospels this follows mostly the Roman text; in
the Epistles a MS. from Aleppo was used. The
Arabic in Walton's Polyglott appears to be simply
taken from the Paris text.
4. The Cankum Arabic text ({. e. in Syriac let-
» Cardinal Wiseman (Osi OS Miracla <f Ms JVSw
Tta.- Essays L m-Hs, X40-M4) (Wee a curious lavesu-
gation of the origin snd translation of this Arabic
Palter, sad of lbs occasional nss of the Hebrew teat,
asad •oaMtunea of ths Syriac version.
s juicr (feist aaca Horn, p. 1(4) eVrea a dUUcn from
D. Tlasaasaht Josa ds Ustsnosa, who says In als Jrasw
tars;, toe Syriac and Arabic New Test, published at
Rome, in 1703. For this a MS. brought from
Cyprus was need.
Storr proved, that in all these editions theGospels
an really the same translation, however it may
have been modified by copyists; especially whoa
the Syriac, or Memphitic, stand by the side.
Juynboll, in his description of an Arabic Codex
at Franeker (1838), threw new light on the origin
of the Arabic Gospels. He proves that the Frane-
ker Codex coincides in its general text with the
Roman editio princeps, and that both follow the
Latin Vulgate, so that Raymundi, the Roman
editor, must not be accused of having Latinised
the text. The greater agreement of the Polyglott
text with the Greek be ascribes to ths influence
of an Aleppo MS., which the Paris editor used.
Juynboll then identifies the text of the Franeker
MS. (and of the Roman edition) with the version
made in the 8th century by John, Bishop of Se-
ville. The question to be considered thus becomes,
Was the Latin the basis of the version of the Gos-
i«ls? and did some afterwards revise it with the
Greek ? or, was it taken from the Greek ? and
wis the alteration to suit the Latin a later work ?
If the former supposition be correct, then the ver-
sion of John of Seville may have been the first ; if
the latter, then all that was dona by the Spanish
bishop must have been to adapt an »«i«ting Arabic
version to the Latin.
GUdemeister, in his communications to Teschen-
dorf (Gr. Test 1859. Prolegg. cexxxix.), endea-
vours to prove, that all the supposed connexion of
this (or apparently of any) version with John of
Seville is a mistake. The words, however, of
Mariana, the Spanish historian, are express. He
says, under the year 737, " His aeqnalis Joannes
H-spalensis Praesul divines librae lingua Arabic*
donabat utriusque nationis saluti consulens; quo-
niam Arabicae linguae mnltus usus erat Chrintianis
aequo atque Mauris; Latins passim ignorabatur.
Ejus interpretationis exempts ad nostrsm aetatem
(•'. t. A.D. 1600) conservata sunt, extantqus non
uno in loco in Hispania."* Gildemeister says,
indeed, that this wss entirely caused from a mis-
understanding of what had been stated by Roderie
of Toledo, the first who says anything on the sub-
ject. He sdds that John of Seville lived really in
the 10th century, and not In the 8th : if so, he
must be a different person apparently from the
Bishop, of the same name, about whom Mariana
could hardly have been misinformed. It does not
appear as if Juynboll's details and arguments were
likely to be set aside through the brie? fragments of
Gildemeister's letters to Teschendorf, which the
latter has published.
In the Lrpenian Arabic the latter part is a trans-
lation from the Peehito-Syrisc ; the Epistles not
found in that version and the Apocalypse are said
to be from the Memphitic.
The latter part of the text in the Polvglotts is
from the Greek. Various Arabic translations of
portions of the New Test, exist in MS. : they do not
require any especial enumeration here.
it f« MtddOai daamoddoM, Hoescs, 164S, p lis, « KI
ssnlo Arcoblspo Don Juan traduxo la stands escriura
en Arebigo, par curs tnumsstva biso Dice machos mils-
gros I los Moms Is luunsvsn Caid alsutenm." AJlec
conjectures this designation to be I.L.,11 jj£
or • ■• it te*^^^ s»
1616
VKB8I0NS. ANCIENT ABMKN1AK)
Literature. — Malaniiueus, Preface to ties remue,
m 1774, of ihe Soman edition of the Arabia Got-
fob ; SSrr, Diseertatio tnauguralit eritica de
Kvangeliie Arabicu, Tubingen, 1775 ; Juynboll,
Letterkundige Bijdragen(Tu:etde Stakje. Beechrif-
vmg van een Arabuchen Codex der franeher Bib-
Votheek, bevattende de tier EvangeUen, geooigd van
eenige opwieringen, vcethe de letterkundige Getchie-
dentt van de Arabieche Vertalma der Evangelien
betreffen), Leyden, 1838; Wiseman, On the Mi-
radai of tit New Testament. [S. P. T. j
AKMENIAN VERSION.— Before the 5th cen-
tury the Armenians are said to have used the Syriac
alphabet ; but at that time Miesrob is stat«d to have
invented the Armenian letters. Soon after this it
U said that translations into the Armenian language
commenced, at first from the Syriac Miesrob, with
his companions, Joseph and Eznak, began a version
of the Scriptures with the Book of Proverbs, and
completed all the Old Test. ; and in the New, they
used the Syriac as their basis, from their inability
to obtain any Greek books. But when, in the year
431, Joseph and Eznak returned from the council
of Epbesus, bringing with them a Greek copy of
the Scriptures, Isaac, the Armenian Patriarch, and
Miesrob, threw aside what they had already done,
ja order that they might execute a version from
the Greek. But now arose the difficulty of their
wantof a competent acquaintance with that language:
to remedy this, Eznak and Joseph were sent with
Moses Chorenensis (who is himself the narrator of
these details) to study that language at Alexandria.
There they made what Hoses calls their third
translation; the first being that f om the Syriac,
wd the second that which had been attempted
without sufficient acquaintance with the Gieek
tongue. The tact seems to be that the firmer
attempts were used as tar as they could be, and
that the whole was remodelled so as to suit the
Greek.
The first printed edition of the Old and Hew
Testaments in Armenian appeared at Amsterdam
in 1666, under the care ot a person commonly
termed Oscan, or Uscan, and described as being an
Armenian bishop (Hug, however, denies that Uscan
was his name, and Eichborn denies that he was a
bishop). From this editio princepe others were
printed, in which no attempt was made to do more
than to follow its text ; although it was more than
suspected that Uscan had by no means faithfully
adhered to MS. authority. Zohrab, in 1789, pub-
lished at Venice an improved text of the Armenian
New Test.; and in 1805 he and his coadjutors
completed an edition of the entire Armenian Scrip-
tures, tor which not only MS. authority was used
throughout, but also the results of collations of
MSS. were subjoined at the foot of the pages. The
basis was a MS. written in the 14th century, in
Cilicia ; the whole number employed is said to have
been eight of the entire Bible, twenty of the New
Test., with several more of particular portions,
such aa the Psalms. Tischbidorfstates that Aucher,
of the monastery of St. Lazarus at Venice, informed
hm that he and some of his fellow-monks had
undertaken a new critical edition : this probably
would contain a repetition of the various collations
of Zohrab, together with those of other MSS.
The critical editors of the New Test, appear all
of then to bare been unacquainted with the Anne-
aim language ; the want of a Latin translation ot '
*hi& version ha* made it thus impossible for them
to use it aa a critical authority, except by the a
of others. Some readings wen thus ootLUiozucMtk
to Mill by Louis Piques; Wetstein re m in d «i
more from La Croze ; Griesbacb was aided It i
collation of the New Test, of 1789, zeade by B*
denkamp of Hamburg. Scbolz apeak* of sirjt
been furnished with a collation of the text of law
but either this was done very partially aid ian»
rectly, or else Scbolz made but little use (aaJux
without real accuracy) of the
partial collations, however, were by no i
as to supply what eras needed tor th* real i
use of the version ; and as it was known that Caoa «
text waa thoroughly untrustworthy far critical aa-
poses, an exact collation of the Venice text ot laui
became a desideratum; Dr. Charles Bint at tat
British Museum undertook the task for Traeauca,
thus supplying him with a valuable partus of ta»
materials for his critical edition of the Greek Testa-
ment. By marking the wonts, and eating us
import of the various readings, omd its Otan-
poncin of Utcon't text, Eieo did all that ej
practicable to make the whole of the btbour at
Zohrab available for those not like hiirarlf Arme-
nian scholars.
it bad been long noticed that in the iraas:
New Test, as printed by Uscan 1 John v. T a
found: those who a*e only moderately aoqosus^rf
with criticism Wuuld feel assured that this must •■»
an addition, and that it could not be part of at
original translation. Did Uscan then mtroden *.
from the Vulgate ? he seems to hare admitted tai!
in some things be supplied detects in his MS. kj
translations from the Latin. It was, ho wever. *u
that Haitho king of Armenia (1224-70;, had a>
serted this vera: that he revised the Anneua
version hy means of the Latin Vulgate, and that »
translated the prefaces of Jerome (and also ta-ss
which are spurious) into Armenian. Hence a fcu
of sutpidon attached itself to the Armenian vrsok
and its use waa accompanied by a kind of oWf
whether or not it was a critical authority iL^
could be safely used. The known tact that Zafcutt
had omitted 1 John T. 7, was felt to be so Bur seta-
factory that it showed that he had not found it at
his MSS., which were thus sees to be earlier lass
the introduction of this corruption. But the eo-
lation of Dr. Bieu, and Ins statement of the Ajar-
nian authorities, set forth the character of the verses
distinctly in this place aa well as m the text «
general. Dr. Bieu says of 1 John v. 7, that oat C
eighteen MSS. used by Zohrab, one only, and taar
written A.D. 1656, has the passage aa in the M»-
phanic Greek text. In one ancient MS. the rtasit
is found from a recent correction. Thus th*:* »
no ground for supposing that it was inserted 1%
Haitho. or by any one till the time when Cinas
lived. The wording, bowerei, of L'scaa aa tea
place, is not in accordance with the MS. of lix» .
so that each seems to have been indepeodeoxly bor-
rowed from the Latin. That Uscan did lbs, ten
can be no reasonable doubt ; for in the lmmc' j»r
context Uscan accords with the Latin in otaautje
to all collated Armenian MSS. : thus ixt ver. 6, t*
follows the Latin " Chrithu est Veritas ;" izt m.
20 he has, instead of eVucr, the subjunctive an-
swering to annus: even in this minute pooat ti»
Armenian MSS. definitely vary from Cacao. h>
iii. 1 1, for oVyaa-w/itr, Uscan stands alone m ane*>
■ug with the Vulgate diligatiM, These are ptoses si
the employment of the Vulgate either by Uaaac, ar
by some one else who prepared the MS. Iron < "
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (EGYPTIAN)
1617
be printed. There art many other passages in
•hid) alterations or considerable additions (see for
mstanoa Matt. xvi. 2, 3, xxiii. 14; John viii. 1-11 ;
Acts xt. 34, xxiii. 24, xxviii. 25), are proofs that
Uxcan agrees with the Vulgnte against all known
MSS. (These variations in the two texts of Uscan
and Zohrnb, as well as the material readings of
Armenian MSS. are inserted in Tregelles's Greek
Test, on Dr. Rien's authority.)
Hnl ayttetnntic revision with the Vulgate is not
to be round even in Uscan 'a text : they differ greatly
in characteristic readings ; though here and there
throughout there is some mark of an iuHuence
drawn from the Vulgate. And as to accordances
with the Latin, we have m reason to believe that
there is iny proof of alterations having been made
in the days of Kin? Ilaitho.
Soma have spoken of this version as though it
had been made from the Peshito Syriac, and not
from the Greek; the only grounds for such a notion
can be the facts connected with part of the history
if its execution. There are, no doubt, a few read-
fni-s which show that the translators had made
some use of the Syriac ; but these are only excep-
tions to the general texture of the version : an addi-
tion fiom John xx. 21, brought into Matt, xxviii.
1 8, in both the Arn-.enian and the Peshito ia pro-
bably the most marked.
The collations of MSS. ahow that tome amongst
them differ greatly from the rest : it seems as if the
variations did not in such cases originate in Arme-
nian, but they must have sprung from some recast-
ing of the text and its revision by Greek copies.
There may perhaps be proofs of the difference
between the MS. brought from Ephesus, and the
copies afterwards used at Alexandria; but thus
much at least is a certain conclusion, that compa-
rison with Greek copies of different kinds most at
some period have taken place. The omission of
the last twelve verses of St. Mark's Gospel in
the older Armenian copies, and their insertion in
the later, may be taken as a proof of some effective
revision.
The Armenian version in its general texture is a
valuable aid to the criticism of the text of the New
Test. : it was a worthy service to rehabilitate it as
a critical witness as to the general reading of certain
Greek copies existing in the former hall of the 5th
century.
Literature. — Moses Chorenensis, Bistoriae Ar-
mmnnicae Libri iii. ed. Guliel. et Georg. Whis-
ton, 1736; Rieu (Dr. Charles), MS. collation of
the Armenian text of Zohrab, and translation of the
various readingt made for TregeUn. [S. P. T.]
CHALDEE VERSIONS. [Tabouxs, p. 1637.]
EOriTIAN VERSIONS.— I. The Memphitic
Veksios. — The version thus designated was for a
considerable time the only Egyptian translation
known to scholars ; Coptie was then regarded as a
sufficiently accurate and definite appellation. But
when the fact was established that there were at
least two Egyptian versions, the name Coptic was
fiund to he indefinite, and even unsuitable for the
t analation then so termed : for in the dialect af
Upper Egypt there was another ; and it is from the
ancient, Coptot in Upper Egypt that the term Coptic
s* taken. Thus Coipto-Memphitrr, or more simply
Memphitic, is the better name fbi the version in the
dialect of Lower Egypt.
When Egyptian translations were made we do
aot Know: we find, however, that in the middle of
V»l . III.
the 4th century the Egyptian language was m great
use amongst the Christian inhabitants of thai
country ; tor the rule of Pachomius for the monks is
stated to have been drawn up in Egyptian, and to
have been afterwards translated into Greek. It was
prescribed that every one of the monks (estimated
at seven thousand) for whom this rule in Egyptian
was drawn up, was to learn to read (whether' so
disposed or not), so as to le able at least to read
the New Test, and the Psalms. The whole narra-
tion presupposes that there was in Upper Egypt s
translation.
So, too, also in Lower Egypt in the same century.
For Palladia* fonnd at Nitria the Abbot John of
Lycopolis, who was well acquainted with the New
Test., bnt who was ignorant of Greek ; so that he
could only converse with him through an inter-
preter. There seems to be proof of the ecclesiastical
rue of the Egyptian language even before this time.
Those who know what the early Christian worship
was, will feel how cogent is the proof that the Scrip-
tures had then been translated.
When the attention of European scholars was di-
rected to the language and races of modern Egypt,
it was found that while the native Christians use
only Arabic vernacularly, yet in their services and
in the public reading of tire Scriptures they employ
a dialect of the Coptic. This ia the version now
termed Memphitic. When MSS. had teen brought
from Egypt, Thomas Marshall, an Englishman, pre-
pared in the latter part of the 16th century an edi-
tion of the Gospels ; the publication of which was
prevented by his death. From some of the readings
having been noted by him Mill was able to use them
for insertion in his Greek Test. ; they often difler
(sometimes for the better) from the text published
by Wilkins. Wilkins was a Prussian by birth;
in 1716 he published at Oxford the first Memphitic
New Test., founded on MSS. in the Bodleian, and
compared with some at Ronre and Paris. That
he did not execute the work in a very sntisftc-
tory manner would probably now be owned by ev ery
one ; but it must be remembered that no oueelae did
it at all. Wilkins gave no proper account of the
MSS. which he used, nor of the variation! which
he found in them : his text seems to be in many
places a confused combination of what he took from
various MSS. ; so that the sentences do not properly
connect themselves, even (it is said) in grammatical
construction. And yet for 130 years this was the
only Memphitic edition.
in 1846-8, Schwartxe published at Berlin an
edition of the Memphitic Gospels, in which he em-
ployed MSS. in the Royal Library there. These
were almost entirely modern transcripts ; but with
these limited materials he produced a tar more satis-
factory work than that of Wilkins. At the foot of
the page he gave the variations which he found m
his copies ; and subjoined there was a collation of
the Memphitic and Thebaic versions with Lach
mann's Greek Test. (1842), and the firtt of T.sch-
endorf (1841). There are also such references to
the Latin version of Wilkins, that it almost eeeins
xs if he supposed that all who used his edition
would also have that of Wrlkins before them.
The death of Schwartxe prevented the continua-
tion of his labours. Since then Boetticher's editions,
first of the Acta and thrn of the Epistles, hive ap-
pea-ed ; these are not in a form which ia available
for the use of those who are themselves unacquainted
with Egyptian: the editor gives as his reason for
issuing a bare text, that he intended soon to nubjjfe
& I
1618
VEK8IOVS, ANCIENT (EOTFTUN)
» work of his own in which he would fully employ
tna authority of the ancient versions. Several years
hire since passed, and Boetticher does not seem to
give any further prospect of the issue of such volume
on the ancient versions.
In 1848-52, a magnificent edition of the Mem-
phitic New Test was published by the Society for
Promoting Christian Knowledge, under the editorial
care of the Rer. R. T. Lieder of Cairo. In its pre-
paration he followed HSS. without depending: on
the text of Wilkjns. There is no statement of the
variations of the authorities, which would have
hardly been a suitable accompaniment of an edition
Intended solely for the use of the Coptic churches,
and in which, while the Egyptian text which is
read aloud is printed in large characters, there is at
the side a small column in Arabic in order that the
readers may themselves be able to understand some-
thing of what they read aloud.
It is thus impossible to give a history of this
version: we find proof that such a translation ex-
isted in early times, we find this now (and from
time immemorial) in church use in Egypt; when
speaking of its internal character and its value as
to textual criticism (after the other Egyptian ver-
thns have been described), it will be found that
there are many considerations which go far to prove
the identity of what we now have, with that which
must have existed at an early period.
The Old Testament of this version was made from
the LXX. Of this, Wilkins edited the Pentateuch
in 1731 ; the Psalter was published at Rome in
1744. The Rev. Dr. Tattam edited the Minor Pro-
phets in 183$, Job in 1846, and the Major Prophets
in 1852. Bardelli published Daniel in 1849.
II. Tmt Thebaic Vemioic.— The examination
of Egyptian MSS. in the last century showed that
besides the Memphitic there is also another version
in a cognate Egyptian dialect. To this the name
8ahidic was applied by some, from an Arabic de-
signation for Upper Egypt and its ancient language.
It is, however, far better to assign to this version a
name not derived from the language of the Arabian
occupants of that land: thus Copto-Tbebajc (as
styled by Giorgi), or simply Thebaic, is far prefer-
able. The first who attended much to the subject
of this version was Woide, who collected readings
from MSS. which he oommunicated to Cramer in
1779. In 1785 Mingarelli published a few por-
tions of this version of the New Test, from the
Nanian MSS. In 1789 Giorgi edited very valu-
able Greek and Thebaic fragments f St. John's
Gospel, which appear to belong to the pfth century.
Mflnter, in 1787, had published a fragment of
Daniel in this version ; and in 1789 be brought out
portions of the Epistles to Timothy, together with
■endings which he had collected from MSS. in other
puts of the New Test. In the following vear
Mingarelli printed Mark xi. 29-xv. 22, from MSS.
which bad recently been obtained by Mam; but
swing to the editor's death the unfinished sheets
were never, properly speaking, published. A few
copies only seem to have been circulated : they are
the more valuable from the fact of the MSS. having
been destroyed by the persons into whom hands they
fell, and from their containing a portion of the New
Test. Dot found, it appears, in sny known MS. Woide
was now busily engaged in the collection of portions
of the Thebaic Scriptures: he had even issued a
Proepoctus of such an edition in 1778. Woide's
death took ]<lace before his edition was completed.
In 1799, boverer, it appealed u: ter the edifc-ial ,
care of Fard. In this work all the
by Woide himself were given, as well as these po-
lished by Mingarelli in his lifetime ; bat ssst osCj
were Mingsrelli's posthumous sheets passed by, he
also all that had been published by Mania sac
Giorgi, as well as the transcripts of Manser frost
the Borgian MSS., which Ford might have used f '
his edition. This collection of fjagiuuita «— ■ — —
the greater part of the Thebaic New Test. Tars
might, however, be greatly amplified oat of wksr
are mentioned by Zoega, as found m the Bo-pa-
MSS. (:.ow in the Propaganda), in his cstakar t
published in 1810 after his death. It could hard i
have been nought that this definite account «/ «■
isting Thecaic fragments would have rcsnooaed > •
more than half a century without some Egy|c_ii
scholar having rescued the inedited portico* at In-
version from their obscurity ; and surely txnis war „
not have bean the case if Biblical critics had km
found who posisw Egyptian learning.
In the Memphitic Gospels of Scbwartse then a
not only, as has been alreadv mentioned, a coUatas
subjoined of the Thebaic text, but alas Use arojcaaB
of that learned editor on both Ford sad Wtsdt,
neither of whom, in his judgment, pmajetd nes-
cient editorial competency. In this opinion he was
perhaps correct; but still let it be Bases, red, that i
it had not been for the labours of Woide (of was a
Ford was simply the conn'nuer), there is a* reasas
to suppose but that the Thebaic New Tot. wo *
remain imprinted still. Had this bean the case u»
loss to textual criticism would have been great.
ill. A Third Eotptias Vebsiox. — Son
Egyptian fragments were noticed by both Manas
and Giorgi amongst the Borgian MSS, which a
dialect differ both from the Memphitic and Thence
These fragments, of a third Egyptian *•—-'——
were edited by both these scholars radepeadesuv a
the same year (1789). In what part of Egypt as
third dialect was used, and what anoedd he -m
distinctive name, has been a good deal aaasnasd.
Arabian writers mention a third E gyptian dnarl
under the name of Bashmuric, and this has ay sasat
been iH ia m s q aa the appellation for this in —
Giorgi supposed that this was the dialect of the
Ammouian Oasis ; in this Mflnter agreed with sen :
and thus they called the version tha lis— s
There is in fact no certainty on tha subject: hat a
the affinities of tr> dishy* t-r -'.zvlj sir*4 to ut
Thebaic, and ss it n>» uean shown that Jtaataaar *
the district of Lower Egypt to the east of the Dnaw
it seems by no means likely that it can whan. a> i
region so far from the Thofaaid. Indeed it has heat
reasonably doubted whether the alight difference
(mostly those of orthography) entitle this t» is
considered to be a really different dialect
Thebaic itself.
After the first portions of this veraioi
were transcribed independently by Zoega sad Eas>£-
breth, and their transcripts appeared
in 1810 and 1811. Tha Utter of these'
accompanied his edition with critical
the text of the other Egyptian versions on tha anas
page for purposes of comparison.
The Character ami critical aat of tie rjaw/iis
Versions. — It appears that the Thebaic vendee ant
reasonably claim a higher antiquity than the Mas
phitic The two translations are iiahaasiih al «f
each ^tber, and both spring from Greek nii|— Tie
Thebaic has been considered to be the older at ths
two, partly from it having ham thanght that s
book in the Thebaic dialect quotes this I
VERSIONS. ANCIENT (GOTHICS
1618
fton. »hat ww judged to be the antiquity nf th«
book no lefen-e-'. to. There are other grounds 1ms
precarious. If the Memphitic version «rhir»its ^
general agreement with tlie text current at Alex-
sndria in the third century, it is not unreasonable
to suppose that it either belongs to that age, or at
least to one not very remote. Now while this is
the case it ii also to be noticed that the Thebaic
seems to hare keen framed from a, text in which
there was a much greater admixture, find that not
wising from the later revisions which moulded it
into the transition text of the fourth century (com-
mencing probably at Antioch), but exactly in the
opposite direction : so that the contents of the two
versions would seem to show that the antiquity of
the Thebaic is most to be regarded, but that the
Memphitic is often preferable as to the goodness of
Us readings, as well w in respect to dialect.
!t is probable that the more Hellenixed region of
Lcwer Egypt would not require a vernacular ver-
sion at so early a period as would the more
thoroughly Egyptian region of the Thebaid. There
are some marks of want of polish in the Thebaic ;
the Greek words which are introduced are changed
into a barbarous form ; the habitual introduction of
an aspirate shows either an ignorance of the true
Greek sounds, or else it seems like a want of polish
in the dialect itself. That such a mode of express-
ing Greek words in Egyptian is not needed, we can
see fiom its non-existence in the Memphitic.
The probable conclusions seem to be these :— that
the Thebaic version was made in the early part of
the third century, for the use of the common people
among the Christiana in Upper Egypt ; that it was
formed from MSS. such as were then current in
the legions of Egypt which were distant from Alex-
andria ; that afterwards the Memphitic version was
executed in what ww the more polished dialect,
from the Greek copies of Alexandria ; and that thus
in process of time the Memphitic remained alone in
ecclesiastical use. Possibly the disuse of the Thebaic
in the Egyptian churches did not take place until
Arabic was fast becoming the vernacular tongue of
that land. Jt will be well for those whose studies
enable them personally to enter on the domain of
Egyptian literature, to communicate to Biblical
scholars the results of new researches.
The value of these versions in textual criticism,
even though they are known only through defective
channels, is very high. In some respect they afford
the same kind of evidence relative to the text cur-
rent in Egypt in the early centuries, as do the Old
Latin and the version of Jerome for that in use in
the West. [Vcloate.]
A few remarks only need be made respecting the
third Egyptian version. The fragments of this fol-
low the Thebaic so closely as to hare no independent
■hnracter. This version does however possess critical
rMluf, as furnishing evidence in a small portion not
snown in the Thebaic. The existence of the third
nersion is a faither argument as to the early ex-
istence and use ef the Thebaic, for this seems to be
oraied from it by moulding it into the colloquial
lialect of some locality.
Literature. — Sehwartze, Qxutuor Evangelia in
Oialfto Linguae Coptkae Jfempliitica, 1846-7;
Void*. Aon Testamenti Iragmmta SakHica
i.e. Thebnica), [Appendix ad Cod. Alex.], 1799;
lingarelii, Aegyptiorum Codicum Reliquiae, 1785,
►r. ; M (inter, Commmlatio de Mole Vertionit
f. T. Sahidicac, 1789 ; Giorgi, Franmmtitm En.
'. Joan. Oraeea-Cepto- Ifcbaiam, 1 7*9 ; Zoega,
Catalogue Codicum Co/tticortm ManmcriptorMH
am m Mvueo Boryiano Velitrii adeervantur, 1810;
Engelbretb, Fragmenta Basmurico-Coptica Veteril
et JVoei Testamenti, 1811. [S. P. T.]
GOTHIC VERSION'.— In the year S18 the
Gothic bishop and translator of Scripture, Ulphilni,
was bom. He succeeded Theophilus as bishop ol
the Goths in 348, when he subscribed a confession
rejecting the orthodox cieed of Nicaea ; through
him it is said that the Goths in general adopted
Arianism; it may be, however, more correct to
consider that Arianism (or Semi-Arianism) had al-
ready spread amongst the Goths inhabiting within
the Roman Empire, as well as amongst the Greeks
and Latins. Theophilus, the predecessor of Ulphilas,
had been present at the council of Nicaea, and had
subscribed the Homo-ousion confession. . The great
work of Ulphilas was his version of the Scriptures,
a translation in which few traces, if any 'except in
Phil. ii. 6), can be found of his peculiar and erro-
neous dogmas. In 388 Ulphilas visited Constan-
tinople to defend his heterodox creed, and while
there he died.
In the 5th century the Eastern Goths occupied
and governed Italy, while the Western Goths took
possession of Spain, where they ruled till the be-
ginning of the 8th century Amongst the Goths
in both these countries can the use of this version
be traced. It must in fact have at one time been
the vernacular translation of a large portion ol
Europe.
In the latter part of the 16th century the ex-
istence of a MS. of this version was known, through
Morillon having mentioned that he had observed
one in the library of the monastery of Werden on
the Ruhr in Westphalia. He transcribed the Lord's
Prayer cad some other parts, which were after
wards published, as were other verses copied soot
after by Arnold Mercntor.
In 1648, almost at the conclusion of the Thirty
Years' War, the Swedes took that part of Prague
on the left of the Moldau (Kleine Seite), and
amongst the spoils was sent to Stockholm a copy ol
the Gothic Gospels, known as the Codex Argmteut.
This MS. is generally supposed to be the same that
Morillon had seen at Werden ; but whether the
same or not, it had been long at Prague when found
there by the Swedes, for Strenius, who died in 1601,
mentions it u being there. The Codex Argenteiu
ww taken by the Swedes to Stockholm ; but on the
abdication of Queen Christina of Sweden, a few
years Inter, it disappeared. In 1655 it was in tlie
possession of Isaac Vossius in Holland, who had
been the queen's librarian ; to him therefore it. is
probable that it had been given, and not to the
queen herself, by the general who brought it from
I'rague. In 1662 it was repurchased for Sweden
by Count Magnus Gabriel de la Gaidie, who caused
it to be splendidly bound, and placed it in tlie
library of the University of Upsal, where it now
While the book ww in the hands ol Vossius a
transcript wu made of its text, from which Junius,
his uncle, edited the first edition of the Gothic,
Gospels at Dort in 1665: the Anglo-Saxon Gospels,
edited by Marshall, accompanied the Gothic text.
The labours of other editors succeeded: Stieni-
hielm, 1671; Benxel and Lye, 1750; and others
comparatively recent. The MS. is written on Tell urn
that was once purple, iu silver letters, except tbnn
at the beginning of sections, which are golden The
5 L 2
1620
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (GREEK)
(impels have many lacunae: it is calculated that
when entire it consisted of 320 folios; there are
now but 188. The uniformity of the writing is
wonderful: so that it lias been thought whether
mrh letter was not formed by a hot iron impressing
the gold or silver, used just as bookbinders put on
the lettering to the back of a book. It is pretty
certain that this beautiful and elaborate MS. must
hare been written in the 6th century, probably in
Ujiper Italy when under the Gothic sovereignty.
Some in tlie last century supposed that the language
of this document is not Gothic, but Frankish — on
opinion which was set at rest by the discovery in
Italy of Ostro-Gothic writings, about which there
could be no question raised. Some VUi-Gothic
monuments in Spain were evidence on the same
aide.
KuitteL hi 1762, edited from a Wolfenbnttel pa-
'impsett some portions of the Epistle to the Romans
in (Vothic, in which the Latin stood by the side of
the vorsion of Ulphilas. This discovery first made
known the existence of any pait of a version of the
Epibtlcs. The portions brought to light were soon
afterwards used by Ihre in the collection of re-
marks on Ulphilas edited in 1773 by Busching.
But as it was certain that in obscure places the
Codex Argenteue had been not very correctly read,
Ihre laboured to copy it with exactitude, and to
form a Latin version : what he had thus prepared
was edited by Zahn in 1805.
New light dawned on Ulphilas and his version in
1817. While the late Cardinal Mai was engaged
in the examination of palimpsests in the Ambrosian
Library at Milan, of which he was at that time a
librarian, he noticed traces of some Gothic writing
under that of one of the codices. This was found
to be part of the Books of Ezra and Kehemiah. In
making further examination, four other palimpsests
were found which contained portions of the Gothic
Version. Mai deciphered these MSS. in conjunction
with Count Carlo Ottario Castiglione, and their
labours resulted in the recovery, besides a few por-
tions of the Old Test., ef almost the whole of the
thirteen Epistles of St. Paul and some parts of the
Gospels.
The edition of Gabelentz and Loebe (1836-45)
contains all that has been discovered of the Gothic
Version, with a Latin translatka, notes, and a
Gothic Dictionary and Grammar. These editors
"vere at the pains to re-examine, at Upsal and M ilan,
the MSS. themselves. They have thus, it appears,
succeeded in avoiding the repetition of errors made
by their predecessors. The Milan palimpsests were
chemically restored when the mode of doing this
was not aa well known as it is at present ; the
whole texture of the vellum seems stained and
spoiled, ard thus it is not an easy task to read the
ancient writing correctly. Those who hare them-
selves looked at the Wolfenbftttel palimpsest from
which Knittel edited the portions of Romans, and
who have also examined the Gothic palimpsests at
Milan, will probably agree that it is less difficult to
read the unrestored MS. at Wolfenbflttel than the
restored MSS. at Milan.* This must be borne in
mrod rf we would appreciate the labours of Oabe-
lentaand Loebe.
In 1854 UppstrSin published an excellent edition
of tike text of the Code* Argentina, with a beautiful
fhoeimile. Ten leaves of the MS. were then misa-
* Such Is the writer's judgment from his own ezaml-
oadon or the palimpsest at Wotfenbuttel, and of those <a
in», and Dppstrom tells a rather uugialif r i ax start
that they had been stolen br some English m-
reller. It is a satisfaction, however, that a w
years afterwards the real thief on bis deetn-eee'
restored the missing leaves ; and, thongs stale i. .
was not by anyone out of Sweden. Cresirom eaVtai
them as a supplement fn 1857.
In 1855-6 Massmann issued an excellent ana?
edition of all the Gothic portions ef the i-c iip *. - ^
known to be extant. He accompanies the Gotrc
text with the Greek and the Latin, and there are s
Grammar and Vocabulary subjoined. This eeSf-w
is said to be more correct than that of Ca b th ntx a- ■
Loebe. Another edition of Ulphilas by F. L. St
appeared at Paderbora in 1858.
As an ancient monument of the Gothic 1
the version of Ulphilas possesses great nt m t : »•
a version the use of which was once eaa ss rV *
widely through Europe, H is a meenxeaeart «f the
Christianization of the Goths; and as a vent-*
knoiat to have been made in the 4th u e utuiy . s: '.
transmitted to us in ancient MSS., it has its ral ■
in textual criticism, being thus a witness to nmlia
which were current in that age. In certain pa— ■:'
it has been thought that there is some proof at* rW
influence of the Latin ; and this has been regnrori
as confirmed by the order of the Gospels in f»
Codex Argentera, being that of some of the Old Late
MSS., Matthew, John, Luke, Mark. Bat if the jw—
liarities pointed out were b or row e d in the Gotbr
from the Latin, they most be considered rather a» n
ceptional points, and not such aa affect the g e ms '
texture of the version, for its Greek origin is art
to be mistaken. This is certain from the sneeze?
in which the Greek constructions and the tarns ef
compound words are imitated. The very mistaks
of rendering are proofs of Greek and not Lata
origin. The marks of conformity to the Latin nr*
have been introduced into the version in the caw
of MSS. copied in Italy during the rule in nV
land of the Gothic sovereigns. The WoliWbStv
palimpsest has Latin by the side of the Gothic.
The Greek from which the version waa saaoV
must in many respects hare been what ham bees
termed the transition text of the 4th esntarr
another witness to which is the rt v i s td bra
of the Old Latin, such as is found in the Cedes
Brixhmus (this revision being in fact the /tab
[Voxoate.]
In all cases in which the readings of the Goth*
confirm those of the most ancient anth uiitiia . tsi
united testimony must be allowed to paaweas eapeca.
weight.
Literature.— Waits, Veber dm Lcbeu aaacf At
Lekre da Utphila, 1840; Gabelentz and Lorbt
Ulphilas (Prolegomena), 1 836-43 ; Uppstrcjan,Cuau
Argenteus, 1854 (Decern Codicil Argemtti raJtrins
folia, 1857) ; Massmann, UlfiUu, 1857. [S. P. T.*
GREEK VERSIONS OF THE OLD TESTA-
MENT.
1. SxPTUAonrr. — In addition to the spatial
article on this version [Septdaoutt] a lew pezaat
may be noted here.
(I.) Nome. — In all discussions relative to the
name of BeptuagM, so universally appropriated u
the Greek version of Alexandria, the sdaaboii da>
eovered by Osann and published by Hitachi asarhl
to be considered. The origin of this Latin i
Milan ; but of course be never saw the latter prS* ■
their restoration.
YEKSIONS, ANCIENT (litfr^K,
1621
» curious . Tha substance of it is stated to hart
been extracted from Callimochus and Eratosthenes,
je Alexandrian Librarians, by Tietxes, and from
oia Greek note an Italian of the 15th century has
formed the Latin scholion in question. The writer
has been speaking of the collecting of ancient Greek
poems carried on at Alexandria under Ptolemy
PhiladeJphus, and then he thus continues : " Nam
rex ille philosophis affertiasimus (corr. ' diflertiau-
mus,' Kitschl, * aii'ectissimus,' Thiersch) et caeteris
omnibus auctoribua Claris, disquisitis impenss regise
muniiicentiae ubique terraram quantum valuit vo-
kiminibus opera Deraetrii Phalerei phzxa tenum
duas bibliothecas fecit, alteram extra regiam alteiam
autem in regis." The scholion then goes on to
speak of books in many languages : " quae summa
diligenua rax ille in suam linguam fecit ab optimis
inteYpi et/ous couverti." * Bernhardy reads instead
of "phzxa aenura," "et Ixx senum," and this
correction is agreed to by Thiersch, as it well may
Vn s some correction is manifestly needed, and thi*
apjieara to be right. This gives us leveniy elder*
aaacUted in the formation of the Library. The tes-
timony comes to us t'.om Alexandrian authority;
and this, if true (or even if believed to be true),
would connect the Septuagint with the Library ; a
designation which might most easily be applied to a
version of the .Scriptures there deposited; and, let
the translation be once known by such a name,
then nothing would be more probable than that the
designation should be applied to the translators.
This may be regarded as the tint step in the forma-
tjoii of the fables. Let the Septuagint be first known
as applying to the associates in the collection of the
Library, then to the Library itself, and then to that
particular book in the Library which to so many
had a tar ereater value than all its other contents.
Whether more than the Pentateuch was thus trans-
lated awl then deposited in the Royal Library is a
separate question.
(II.) The Connexion of the Pentateuch in the
LXX. toith the Samaritan Text. — It was long ago
remarked that in the Pentateuch the Samaritan
copy and the LXX. agree in readings which differ
from the Hebiew text of the Jews. This has been
pointed out as occurring in perhaps two thousand
places. The conclusion to which some thus came
was that the LXX. must have been translated from
a Samaritan copy.
But, on many grounds, it would be difficult to
admit this, even if it were found impossible to ex-
plain the coincidences. For (i.) it must be taken
into account that if the discrepancies of the Sama-
ritan and Jewish copies be estimated numerically,
the LXX. will be found to agree far more fre-
quently with the latter than the former, (ii.) In
the cases of considerable and marked passages oc-
curring in the Samaritan which are not in the
Jewish, the LXX. does not contain them, (iii.) In
the passages in which slight variations are found,
both in the Samaritan and LXX., from the Jewish
text, they often differ amongst themselves, and the
amplification of the LXX. is less than that of the
Samaritan, (iv.) Some of the small amplifications
tu which the Samaritan seams to accord with tha
LXX. are in such incorrect and non-idiomatic He-
brew that it ia suggested that these must be tram-
tatiane, and, if so, probably from the LXX. (v.)
* flee Thiersch, De PenlatewM -.anions Alexandria, on the soihorfty of Irenaeus, tnstesd of that of the Jen
jp. a, ». fcVlaoaen, 1M i. ailem Talmud, s oonhulon which needs u> be exjikluj
* eVhborn and those who have IjKowed him state this and not merely ladtly cutrecled.
The amplifications of the LXX. and Samaritan often
resemble each other greatly in character, as if similar
false criticirm had been applied to tha text in each
case. But as, in spite of all similarities such as
these, the Pentateuch of the LXX. is more Jewish
than Samaritan, we need not adopt the notion o'
translation from a Samaritan Codex, which would
involve the subject in greater difficulties, and leare
more points to be explained. (On some of the sup-
posed agreements of the LXX. with the Samaritr-u,
see Bishop Kitxgerald in Kitto's Journal of Sacred
Literature, Oct. 1848, pp. 324-332.)
(III.) The Liturgical Origin of Portion* of the
LXX. — This is a subject for inquiry which has
received but little attention, not so much, probably,
as its importance deserves. It was noticed by Tre-
gelles many years ago that the headings of certain
Psalms in the LXX. coincide with the liturgical
directions in the Jewish. Prayer-Book : the results
were at a later period communicated in Kitto's
Journal of Sacred Literature, April, 1852, pp.
207-9. The results may be briefly stated:— The
23rd Psalm, LXX. (24th, Hebrew), is headed in
the LXX., rjjr uiat e-afSjEfctrov ; so too in Hebrew, in
De Sola'* Prayer* of the Sephardim, JIBfcin 0V3 :
, Pa. xlvii., LXX. (Heb. xlviii.), Unrip* eafiftdrm,
I *%* DVS : Ps. xciii., LXX. (Heb. xdv.), rrroiti
e-oftBdVoi/, «jr>ai DV^: Ps. xdi., LXX. (Heb.
xciii.), eli rkr lipipap rov rpoaafiPirov, Or?
vi>. There appear to be no Greek copies extant
which contain similar headings for Psalms lxxxi
snd lxxx. (Heb. Ixxxii. and lxxxi.), which the Jewish
Prayer-Book appropriates to the third and fifth
days ; but that such once existed in the case of the
latter Psalm seems to be shown from the Latin
Psalterium Veto* having the prefixed quinta sab-
bati, <B«Dn BVS. Prof. Delitzsoh in his Com-
mentary on the Ptalms has recently pointed out
that the notation of these Psalms in the LXX. is in
accordance with certain passages in the Talmud.
It is worthy of inquiry whether variations in
other passages of the LXX. from the Hebiew text
cannot at times be connected with liturgical use,
and whether they do not originate in part from
rubrical directions. It seems to be at least plain
that the Psalms were translated from a copy pre-
pared for synagogue worship.
2. Aquila.— It is a remarkable fact that in the
second century there were three versions executed
of the Old Testament Serif tures into Greek. TU
first of these was made by Aquila, a native of Sinope
in l'nutus, who had become a froselyte to Judaism.
The Jerusalem Talmud (res Bai tolocci, Bibtiothtca
Rabb. iv. 281 )* describes him as a disciple of Kali/.
Akiba; and this would place him in some part oi
the reign of the Emperor Hadrian (a.d. 117-188).
' It is supposed that the object of his version was to
aid the Jews in their controversies with the Chris-
tians : and that as the latter were in the habit of
employing the LXX., they wished to liave a version
of their own on which they could rely. It la very
probable that the Jews in many Greek-speaking
countries were not sufficiently acquainted with He-
brew to refer for themselves to the original, and
thus they wished to hav« such a Gieek translation
I as they might use with confidence in their discus-
1622
VEBSIONS, ANCIENT 3BEEK1
•ions. Such controveixw were (it must be re-
membered) a new thing. Prior to the preachiug of
the Gospel, there were none besides the Jews who
used the Jewish Scriptures as a means of learning
God's rerealed truth, except those who either par-
tially or wholly became proselytes to Judaism.
But now the Jews saw to their grief, that their
Scriptures were made the instruments tor teaching
the principles of a religion which they regarded as
nothing less than an apostasy from Moses.
This, then, is s probable account of the origin of
this Tersion. Extreme literality and an occasional
polemical bias appear to be its chief characteristics.
The idiom of the Greek language is very often vio-
lated in order to produce what was intended should
be a very literal version ; and thus, not only sense
but grammar even was disregarded: a sufficient
instance of this is found in his rendering the Hebrew
particle J1K by rvr, as iu Gen. i. 1, *i>r ror
oipavhr xol ahv t4)» yvv, " quod Greece et
Latina lingua onuioo non recipit," as Jerome
says. Another instance is furnished by Gen. v. 5,
Koi ffno-fy 'Ats^i Tpidxoi-ra trot xoi ivraxiata
trot.
It is sufficiently attested that this version was
formed for controversial purposes: a proof of which
may be found in the rendering of particular pas-
sages, such as Is. vii. 14, when HDpV, in the
LXX. uapSimt, is by Aquila translated ream
such renderings might be regarded perhaps rather a
modes of avoiding an argument than as direct falsi-
Hcation. There certainly was room for a version
which should express the Hebrew more accurately
than was done by the LXX. ; but if this had been
thoroughly carried out it would have been found
that in many important points of doctrine — such,
for instance, as in the Divinity of the Messiah and
the rejection of Israel, the true rendering of the
Hebrew text would have been in far closer con-
formity with the teaching of the New Test, than
was the LXX. itself. It is probable, therefore, that
one polemical object was to make the citations iu
the New Test, from the Old appear to be incon-
clusive, by producing other renderings (often pro-
bably more literally exact) differing from the LXX.,
or even contradicting it. Thus Christianity might
seem to the Jewish mind to rest on a false basis.
But in many cases • really critical examiner would
have found that in points of important doctrine the
New Test, definitely rejects the reading of the
LXX. (when utterly unsuited to the matter In
hand), and adopts the reading of the Hebrew.
It is mentioned that Aquila put forth ~ second
edition (i. «. revision) of his version, in which the
Hebrew was yet more servilely followed, but it is
not known if this extended to the whole, or only to
three books, namely, Jeremiah, Kxekiel, and Daniel,
of which there are fragments.
Aquila often appears to hare to closely sought to
follow the etymology of the Hebrew words, that
not only does his version produce no definite idea,
but it does not even suggest any meaning at all.
If we possessed it perfect it would have been of
great value as to the criticism of the Hebrew text,
though often it would be of no service as to its
real understanding.
That this version was employed for centuries by
Ihe Jews themselres is proved indirectly by the
146th Novella of Justinian: »Ahr ol 8i« T>jr 'EA-
Va.-ISof hrar/ifmaiecvTtt rS rSr i&Son+ittrTa
\em\jorrtu wafaXiau . . . srAejv AAA' is &> pi) va» J
Aenref abrott aroaAcfetr > epulis fTwee
' re/at, aosiw SISo^cv irai rp 'AxvAe* scc sj sjs H as
jcoj* tl aAAds>uAos eVctVos mi 00 smvsmsw *vl
riK&r \4(tvr 1x9 'P 01 to4* j fitt f d j/ g mtw vV
tiwptnrlay.
3. Thkodotios.— The second version, of warn*
we have information as executed is the second ees-
tury, is that of Theodotion. He is stated to km
been sn Ephesian, and he seems to be most generatr
described as an Ebkmito : if this is correct, his ■«*
was probably intended for those sum HiiisIssm
who may have desired to use • v ersio n of tar
own instead of employing the LXX. wish ox
Christians, or thst of Aquila with the Jews.
But it may be doubted if the name of trnwri.il ««
can be rightly applied to the work of Tbeodetjg*
it is rather a revision of the LXX. with the Hsfcn-v
text, so as to bring some of the copies then sa sat
into more conformity with the original. Thai lr
wss able to do (with the aid probably of nee ■»-
structors) so as to eliminate portion* which had
been introduced into the LXX., without really beat:
an integral part of the version ; and also sal
bring much into accordance with the Hebrew a
other respects. But his own knowledge of Been*
was evidently very limited; and taws words ari
parts of sentences were left untranslated ; the He-
brew being merely written with Greek letters.
Theodotiot ss well as Aquila was quoted i*
Irenaeus; and against both there is the 1 11—11 im
charge laid of corrupting texts which relate to tfc:
Messiah: some polemical intention in snoh pat-
sages can hardly be doubted. The sialism ai .4°
Epiphanius that he made his translation in lis
reign of Commodus accords well with it* bav=;
been quoted by Irenaeus; but it cannot be carve
if it is one of the translations l e feu e d to by JoaLa
Martyr as giving interpretations 1
Christian doctrine of the New Test.
There can be no doubt that this
much used by Christians : probably many cheaps
in the text of the LXX. were adopted tram iW-
dotion : this may have begun before the Btblsai
labours of Origen brought the various v eisiaua «,*>
one conspectus. The translation of the Beak «/
Daniel by Theodotion was substituted for that of the
LXX. in ecclesiastical use as early at !eaat aa part
of the third century. Hence Daniel, as Retdered «
revised by Theodotion, has so long testa the pun
of the true LXX., that their version of this hex
was supposed not to be extant ; and it has only bars
found in one MS. In most editions of the LXX.
Theodotion's version of Daniel is still substituted tx
that which really belongs to that tnnslarjon.
4. Symmachus is stated by Eojebiusaad Jerosre
to have been an Ebkmite : so too in the Swiss ac-
counts given by Assemsni; Epiphanius, iwn,
and others style him a Samaritan. There oar bars
been Ebionitrs from amongst toe Samaritans, wh*
constituted a kind of separate sect ; and these teat
have desired a version of their own ; or it may e*
that aa a Samaritan he made this version for aavW
that people who employed Greek, and who bad learnrl
to receive more than the Pentateuch. Bat y e s basis
to such motives was added (if indeed this were v*
the only cause of the version) a desire for a Greet
translation not so unintelligiblv bald aa that 4
Aquila, and not displaying such a want of Hebrew
learning aa that of Theodotion. It is ptobable the
if this translation of Symmachos had appeale d prvx
to the time of Irenaeus, it would have bsea so
ttaord by him; and this agrees with what Krs-
VERSIONS. ANCIENT (GBEKK)
1623
sjnnhia says, namely, that ha lived under the
Emperor Severua.
1 he translation which he produced was probably
bettei than the others as to sense and general phrase-
ology. When Jerome speaks of a second edition he
(nay probably mean some revision, mora or less
complete, which he executed alter his translation
was first made : it could hardly be a retranslatiou.
or anything at all tantamount thereto.
5. The Fifti* Sixth, and Seventh Ver-
sions.— -Besides tne translations of Aquila, Sym-
mnchus, and Theodotion, the great critical work of
Origtn comprised as to portions of the Old Test
three other versions, placed for comparison with
the LXX. ; which, from their being anonymous,
are only known as the fifth, sixth, and seventh;
designations taken from the places which they re-
spective!) occupied in Origen s columnar arrange-
ment. Ancient writers seem not to hare been uni-
form in the notation which they applied to these
versions; and thus what is cited from one by its
number of reference is quoted by others under a
iiflerent numeral.
These three partia. translations wen discovered
by Origen in the course of his travels in connexion
with his great work of Biblical criticism. Euse-
Uus says that two of these versions (but without
designating precisely which) were found, the one at
Jericho, and the other at Nioopolis on the gulf of
Actium. Epiphanius says, that what he terms the
ifth, was found at Jericho, and the sixth at Nioo-
polis ; while Jerome speaks of the fifth as having
been found at the latter place.
The contents of the fifth verwion appear to have
been the Pentateuch, Psalms, Canticles, and the
minor prophets : it seems also to be referred to in
the Syro-Hexaplar text of the second book of Kings :
it may be doubted if in all these books it was com-
plete, or at least if so much were adopted by
Origan. The existing fragments prove that the
translator used the Hebrew original ; but it is also
certain that be was aided by the work of former
translators.
The tixtk tension seems to have been just the
wim in its contents as the fifth (except 2 Kings) :
and thus the two may have been confused: this
translator also seems to have had the other versions
before him. Jerome calls the authors of the fifth
and sixth " Jvdaiau tranalatores ;" but the trans-
lator of this must have been a Christian when he
exwuted his work, or else the hand of a Christian
■eviser must have meddled with it before it was
employed by Origen; which seems from the small
interval of time to be hardly probable. For in
Eiab. hi. If ie translation runs, tffihBtt rov am-
ffaA rbv Aadr ffav tia 'Itiffot) rov xpiorov cow.
Of the eeventh version very few fragments re-
main. It seems to have contained the Psalms and
minor prophets ; and the translator was probably a
Jtw.
From the references given by Origen, or by those
who copied from his columnir arrangement and its
results \ov who added to such extracts), it has been
rlw ght that other Greek versions were spoken of.
Of these o 'E/Spcuot probably refers to the Hebrew
wxt, or to something drawn from it: i lipot to
(h«* Old Syria? version : to Scuuukitiicoi' probably
a referent e o the Nimaritan text, or some Soman tan
jIims: o 'EAAnyiicOf, 6 "AAAot, i iveirlypaQos
some unspecified version or versions.
Tha exist Jg fragments of these varied versions
Ctf mostly Sc be found in the editions of the
relics of Origen'a Hexapla, by Montfaucon and by
Bardht.
[For an account of the use made of these vendons
by Origen, and its results, see Septdaowt.]
6. The Veseto-Greek Version. — a MS. of
the fourteenth century, in the library of St. Mark
at Venice, contains a peculiar version of the Pe-ta-
teuch, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Ruth. La-
mentations, and Daniel. All of these books, except
the Pentateuch, were published by Villoisou at
Straaburg in 1784; the Pentateuch was edited by
Ammon at Erlangen in 1790-91. The version
itself is thought to be four or five hundred years
older than the one MS. in which it has been trans-
mitted ; this, however, is so thoroughly a matter
of opinion, that there seems no absolute reason for
determining that this one MS. may not be the
original aa well a* the only one in existence. It is
written in one very narrow column on each page ;
the leaves follow each other in the Hebrew order,
so that the book begins at what we should call the
end. An examination of the MS. suggested the
opinion that it may have been written on the
broad inner margin of a Hebrew MS. : and that for
some reason the Hebrew portion had been cut away,
leaving thus a Greek MS. probably unique as to
its form and arrangement. Aa to the translation
itself, it is On any supposition too recent to be of
consequence in criticism. It may be said briefly
that the translation was made from the Hebrew,
although the present punctuation and accentuation
is often not followed, and the translator was no
doubt acquainted with some other Greek versions.
The language of the translation is a most strange
mixture of astonishing and cacophonous barbarism
with attempts at Attic elegance and refinement.
The Doric, which is employed to answer to the
Chaldean portions of Daniel, seems to be an indi-
cation of remarkable affectation.
The Greek or St. Matthew's Gospel. —
Any account of the Greek versions of Holy Scrip-
ture would be incomplete without some allusion
to the fact, that if early testimonies and ancient
opinion unitedly are to have some weight when
wholly uncontradicted, then It must be admitted
that the original language of the Gospel of St.
Matthew was Hebrew, and that the text which has
been transmitted to us is really a Greek transla-
tion.
It may be briefly stated that every early writer
who mentions that St. Matthew wrote a Gospel at
all says that he wrote in Hebrew (that is in the
Syro-Chaldaic), and in Palestine in the first cen-
tury ; so that if it be assumed that ha did not
write in Hebrew but in Greek, then it may well be
asked, what ground is there to believe that he wrote
any narrative of our Lord's life on earth ?
Every early writer that has come down to us
uses the Greek of St. Matthew, and this with '.ha
definite recognition that it is a translation ; hence
we may be sure that the Greek copy belongs to the
Apostolic age, having been thus authoritatively
used from and up to that time. Thus the question
is not the authority of the Greek translation, which
comes from the time when the Churches enjoyed
apostolic guidance, but whether there was a Hebrew
original from which it had been translated.
The witnesses to the Hebrew original were men
sufficiently competent to attest so simple a fact,
especially seeing that they are relied on in what is
far more important, — that St. Matthew wrote a
Gospel at all. Papias, in the beginning of the second
t«2<
century, repeats apparently the word* of Jonn the
Presbyter, mil immediate disciple of our Lord, that
•■ Mattliew wrote the oracles in the Hebrew dialect.*'
Irenaeus, in the latter part of the same century, is
equally explicit; in connexion with the Indian
mission of Pantaenns in the same age, we learn that
he found the Gospel of Matthew in the veiy Hebrew
letters. In the next century Origen, the laborious
iuTestigator and diligent inquirer, says, that the re-
ceived account was that St. Matthew had written the
first Gospel, and that it was in Hebrew. So too in
the next ceutury, Eptphanius and Jerome, both of
whom, like Origen, were acquainted with Hebrew.
Jerome also mentions the very copies of this Hebrew
01 iginal which were extant in his time, and which
he transcribed. He shows indeed that the copies
then circulated amongst the Nazarenes had been
variously interpolated : but this would not affect
the antecedent fact. So too Epiphanius shows that
the document had been variously depraved: but
this does not set aside what it originally was.
To follow the unanimous agreement of later
writers is needless ; but what can be said on the
other side? What evidence is adduced that St.
Matthew wrote in Greek? Kone whatever: but
simply some d priori notions that he ought to have
dona so are advanced : then it is truly stated that
the Greek Gospel does not read aa though it had
about it the constraint of a translation ; and then
it is laid that perhaps the witnesses for the
Hebrew original were mistaken.' " But (says
Principal Campbell) is the positive testimony of
witnesses, delivered as of a well-known fact, to be
overturned by a mere supposition, a perhaps ? for
that the case is really as they suppose no shadow of
evidence is pretended" ( Works, ii. 171).
For another theory, that St. Matthew wrote both
in Hebrew aud also in Greek, there is no evidence :
the notion is even contradicted by the avowed
ignorance of the early Christian writers as to whose
hand formed the Greek version which they accepted
as authoritative. To them there was nothing self-
contradictory (as some have said) in the notion of
an authoritative translation. As it can be shown
that the public use of the four Gospels in Greek was
universal in the churches from the apostolic age, it
proves to us that apostolic sanction must hare been
the ground of this usage ; this surely is sufficient
to authorize the Greek Gospel that we have.
Erasmus seems to have been the first to suggest
thai the Greek is the original of the Apostle : at
least no writer earlier than Erasmus has been
brought forward as holding the opinion: in this
many have followed him on what may be called very
" Tbe manner In which the testimony of competent
witnesses has been not our/ called In question, but set
aside, la such aa would cast doubt on any historical fact
oocpetemly attested; sod the terms applied to tbe wit-
nesses themselves, are such as seem to show that argu-
ment being vain. It la needful to have recourse to some-
thing else ; not mere assertion aa opposed to tbe definite
evidence, but s mode of speaking or the wttnewes them-
selves mud of misrepresenting their words, which would not
be ventured on In oommon matters. Thus s writer who
is well and Justly esteemed on other subjects, tbe Rev.
I It. Win. Lindsay Alexander, sets aside the evidence and
the statements of Jerome In this manner — ** The one
Mho says he bad seen the [Hejrew} gospel Is Jerome;
tat his evidence aboat It Is so conflicting that it Is not
irorih a rush. First be says be has seen it, and Is sure
that It Is tbe original of the Greek gospel; inen be
Juftena do*n with ' It Is coiled by most people Matthew's
authentic,' ' as moat believe,' and so un. Now he says.
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (SLAVONIC)
subjective grounds. El
opinion that Iienaeus against Her e sie s was arrittee by
him in Latin. For this be had just as good rmu
its tor the Greek original of St. Matthew. A* te
Irenaens no one appears to follow Erasmus; why
should so many adhere to his bold opinion fr ay s
bv so much evidence and supported by bob*
relative to St Matthew ? On the revival of Irttrs
there was much curiosity expressed for one mo-
very of a copy of St. Matthew's Hebrew original.
Pope Nicholas V. is said to have offered five thecKul
ducats for a copy : this probably suggested the re-
translations into Hebrew of this Gospel pabliaaed is
the following century by Sebastian M master sua
others. [S. 1*. T.]
LATIN VERSIONS. rVoxoiTB.]
SAMARITAN VERSIONS. [Samaxttxs Pes-
TATEUCH, p. 1113 6.]
SLAVONIC VERSION. In the yet K
there was a desire expr es se d , or an inquiry mask
for Christian teachers in Moravia, and in the t uOu w-
ing year the labours of missionaries began ssstarr *
them. We need not consider the Moravia is w*nu
these services were commenced to be ut e Us at y n>
stricted to or identified with the region winch new
bears that name, tor in the ninth century Grew.
Moravia was of far wider extent ; and it ww
amongst the Slavonic people then ocenpyixur tan
whole region, that tbe effort for Christiuuarm
was put forth. But while this farther extent W
Moravia is admitted, it is also to be recollected tea:
the province of Moravia, of which Brian s> the
metropolis, is not only the nucleus at Moravia, bet
that also the inhabitants of that country, st3l re-
taining aa they do their Slavonian tongue, rightly
consider themselves as the descendants saw] suc-
cessors of those who were then
Thus, in 1862 they commemorated the I
anniversary of their having taken this step, sad
in 1863 they celebrated the thousandth from tat
actual arrival of missionaries amongst them. Thaw
missionaries were Cyrillua and Methodic*, tw»
brothers from Thessalonica : to Cyrillus is s j s c rih ai
the invention of the Slavonian alphabet, asod tie
conmtencament of the translation of" the Scnptnr*-.
Neander truly says that he was ho n our a bly *»
tinguiahed from all other missionaries ef ttV*
period in not having yielded to the prejudice wanes
represented the languages of rude nations as tee
profane for sacred uses ; and by not hming ahrtms
from any toil which was necessary in order ts be-
come accurately acquainted with the ks ia g ussj e s>
'Who translated It into Greek Is unknown;' and sse
sently, with amusing self- complacency and eblivtssa-
ness, he tells ns, ' 1 myself translated It Into fareest sad
Latin I * Why there ts not a smaU-drbt com-t fa o»
country where such a witness would not be booted as uat
door." Would such modes of reasoning be adopted p i
were not desired to mystify the subject f Who cbbx* •
tee that Jerome says that It la unknown who bast swab
the Greek translation then current for centuries ? turn
who Imagines that he Identified with that verses* ttw
one which be bad recently made from the dm tains;
found at Beroea? But thus It la that tail Is satvejtwrt
for argument on this subject. Pr. Land, In the .a— aa
of Sacred Literature, Oct. 1858, toldly asserts, - W» aw
safely say that there Is, In probability aa well as r» ttr-o
testimony, a weight as heavy In tbe scale of" taw Jeiet
text as In that or the Hebrew, not to go (truer* lie.
In bet, there is no testimony, direct w baMrect, to
a Greek origins) «r8t- Matthew.
VEB8ION8, ANCIENT (SYBIAO)
162A
Is people amongst whom he laboured. Cyrillus
appears to have died at Rome in 868, while
Methodius continued Tor many yean to be the
bishop of the Slavonian*. He is stated to have
continued his brother's translation, although how
much they themselves actually executed is quite un-
certain; perhaps much of the Old Testament was
not translated at all in that age, possibly not for
many centuries after.
The Old Testament is, as might be supposed, a
version from the LXX., but what measure of re-
vision it may since have received seems to be by no
means certain. As the oldest known MS. of the
whole Bible is of the year 1499, it may reasonably
lie questioned whether this version may not in large
portioii!i be comparatively modern. This could only
he set at rest by a more full and accurate know-
ledge being obtained of Slavonic Biblical MSS.
l)obi owxky however mentions (Griesbach's Or. Tat.
ii., xuiii.) that this MS. (his 1), and two others
copied from it, an the only Slavonic MSS. of the
entire Bible existing in Russia, If it be correct
that the MSS. which he terms 2 and 3 are copied
fium this, there are strong reasons for believing that
it was not completed for some years subsequently
to 1499. The oldest MSS. of any put of this ver-
siou is an Evangeliariom, in Cyrillic characters, of
the year 1056; that at Rheims (containing the
Gospels) on which the kings of France used to take
their coronation oath, is nearly as old. One, con-
taining the Gospels, at Moscow, is of the year 1 144.
The first printed portion was an edition of the
Gospels in Wallachia, in 1512; in 1575 the same
portion was printed at Wilna; and in 1581 the
whole Bible was printed at Ostrog in Volhynia;
from this was taken the Moscow edition of 166.1, in
which, however, there was some revision, at least so
tiir as the insertiou of I John v. 7 is concerned.
Wetstein cited a few readings from this version ;
liter made more extracts, which were used by
iriesbach, together with the collations sent to him
">y Uobrowsky, both from MSS. and printed edi-
tions. We thus can say, with some confidence,
that the general text is such as would have been
expected in the ninth century : some readings from
the Latin have, it appears, been introduced in
places : this arises probably from the early Slavonian
custom of reading the Gospel in Latin before they
did it in their own tongue.
Uobrowsky paid particular attention in his colla-
tions to the copies of the Apocalypse : it has been,
however, long suspected that that book formed no
portion of this version as originally made. We can
now go farther and say definitely that the Apo-
calypse, as found in some at least of the Slavonic
copies, could not be anterior to the appearance of
the drat edition of the Gr. Test, of Erasmus in
151 6. Kor there are readings in the Apocalypse of
« HandschrlfUiche Funds von Frans Delluucb. Krstes
Heft, Die Erasmischen Enlstellungen des Testes der
.Apocalypse, nacbgewfesen aos dexn verloren geglaubten
Cotlcx Ueuchllnl. 1861.
HandachrtftUcbe Funds von Frans Delluscb, mil Bel-
tr'igco von 8. P. Treaclles. Zweites Heft, ueue Studlcn
Uber den Codex Reuchltnl, he, isei. [Also with the
Kngllsli Title, - Manuscript Discoveries by Frands De-
.ItZMh. with additions by & V. Tregelles. Part 1L, New
Kindles on the Codex Beocblini. and new results In she
textual history of the Apocalypse, drawn from the
libs-vie* of Munich, Vienna, Rome, tic. 1682.")
» Thl* Ureek authority ii the one denoted by M.
JTiorbetKiurf (following s misprint In Tregeues's Ire*
Krasmns which are entirely devoid of any suppor>
from Greek MSb. This can be said confidently,
since the one Greek copy used by Erasmus has been
identified and described by Prof. Dtlitxsch.f It v
now therefore known that peculiarities as to error
in Erasmus's text of the Apocalypse, as it first
appeared, are in several places due not to th*
MS. from which he drew, but to the want of can
in his edition. And thus, whatever agrees with
such peculiarities must depend on, and thus be
subsequent to, the Ernamian text. In Rev. ii. 13,
the Erasmian text has the peculiar reading, eV
rail iiitipau 4/uus ; for this no MS. was cited
by Griesuach, and all his authority, besides the
Erasmian edition, was in tact " Slav. 3, 4," i. e.
two MSS. collated by Dobrowsky ; one of these is
said by him to be copied from the oldest Slavonic
MS. of the whole Bible : if, therefore, it agrees
with it in this place, it shows that the Slavonic
MS. must, in that part at least, be later than the
year 1516. The only Greek authority for this
reading, i/uut, is the margin of 92, the Dublin
MS., famous as containing 1 John v. 7 : in which
the Gospels belong to the end of the fifteenth cen-
tury ; the Acts and Epistles are somewhat later, and
the Apocalypse was added about the year 1580.*
There seems to be another Slavonic text of the
Apocalypse contained in Dobrowsky's 10, but
whether it is older than the one already mentioned
u doubtful. [S. P. T.]
SYRIAC VERSIONS. I. Or the Old Testa-
ment.
A. From the Hebrew. — In the early time* of
Syrian Christianity there was executed a version
of the Old Testament from the original Hebrew, the
use of which must have been as widely extended aa
was the Christian profession amongst that people.
Ephraem the Syrian, in the latter half of the 4th
century, gives abundant proof of its use in general
by his countrymen. When he calls it OUB VSR-
v v
■ion, sjJLaaiCi it does not appear to be in op-
position to any other Ryriac translation (for no
other can be proved to have then existed), but in
contrast to the original Hebrew text, or to those
in other languages!* At a later period this Sy-
riac translation was designated Peshito, | A -*<»
(Simple) ; or, as in the preface of Bar-Hebraeus to
his Thesaurus Arcanorum, |S ^ *m~\ \hnc*,Kn
{Simple version). It is probable that this name "vas
applied to the version after another ha/1 octen
formed from the Hexaplar Greek text. In the
translation made from Origen's revision of the
I.XX., the critical marks introduced by him were
retained, and thus every page and every part was
and Kvalith Rndalim, 1M4) gives It 91". That wosid
signify a correction In a later hand In 81 ; which la the
modern supplement to the Vatican JUS., In which such
a correction has been sought in vsin.
> Ephraeml Opera Syr. 1. 380 (on 1 Sam. xxlv. *> Ha
Is simply comparing the Hebrew phrase and the syriae
» , i fie * v * v
version: — ]x0aJ» j-*^^ f] r *> ^vU
—©en O'toTnK 19$) -<na\|
ejscl yi-c^o 1^-cl ^aV-;)
1626
VERSIONS, ANCIEN1 (rJYBIACfl
narked with aaUritkt and obeli, from whfcn the
ransHfion from the Hebrew was free. It might,
therefore, be bat natural for 1 bare text to be thus
designated, in contrast to the marks and the cita-
tions of the different Greek translators found in the
version from the Hexaplar Greek. This translation
from the Hebrew has always been the ecclesiastical
vCTsion of the Syrians ; and when it is remembered
how in the 5th century dissensions and divisions
were introduced into the Syrian Churches, and how
from that time the MoLophysites and those termed
Nestorians hare been in a state of unhealed oppo-
sition, it shows not only the antiquity of this ver-
sion, but also the deep and abiding hold which it
must have taken on the mind of the people, that
this version was firmly held fast by both of these
opposed parties, as well as by those who adhere to the
Greek Church, and by the Maronites. Its existence
and use prior to their divisions is sufficiently proved
by Ephraem alone. But how much older it is than
that deacon of Edessa we have no evidence. From
Bar-Hebraeus (in the 13th century) we learn that
thae were three opinions as to its age ; some say-
ing that the version was made in the reigns of
Solomon and Hiram, some that it was translated
by Asa, the priest who was sent by the King of
Assyria to Samaria, and some that the version was
made in the days of Adai the apostle and of Anga-
ria, King of Osrhoene (at which time, he adds, the
Simple version of the New Test, was also made).*
The first of these opinions of course implies that
tlie books written before that time were then trans-
lated ; indeed, a limitation of somewhat the same
kind would apply to the second. The ground of
the first opinion seems to have been the belief that
the Tyrian king was a convert to the profession of the
true and revealed faith held by the Israelites ; and
that the possession of Holy Scripture in the Syriac
tongue (which they identified with his own) was a
necessary consequence of this adoption of the true
belief: this opinion is mentioned as having been
held by some of the Syrians in the 9th century.
The second opinion (which does not appear to have
been cited from any Syriac writer prior to Bar-
Hebraeus), seems to have some connexion with the
formation of the Samaritan version of the Penta-
teuch. As that version is m an Aramaean dialect,
any one who supposed that it was made immedi-
ately after the mission of the priest from Assyria,
might say that it was then first that an Aramaean
traiuJation was executed; and this might after-
wards, in a sort of indefinite manner, hare been
connected with what the Syrians themselves used.
James of Edessa (in the latter half of the 7th cen-
tury) had held the third of the opinions mentioned
by Bar-Hebraeus, who cites him in support of it,
and accords with it.
It is highly improbable that any part of the
Syiiac version is older than the advent of our Lord ;
those who placed it under Abgarus, King of Edessa,
seem to have argued on the account that the Syrian
people then received Christianity; and thus they
enpnosed that a version of the Scriptures was a
necessary accompaniment of such conversion. All
that the account shows clearly is, then, that it was
believed to belong to the earliest period of the
Christian faith among them: an opinion with
which all that we know on the subject accords well.
Thus Ephraem, iu the 4th century, not only shorn
that it was then current, but also giver the im-
k Wlsrmsn, Ant Syrians*. K
piession that this had even then easts Jesse the evt
For in his commentaries he gives i iphaaalii— st
terms which were even then obscure. This m . ■
have Leeu from age: if so, the version was. at*
comparatively long before his days: or it nr
be from its having been in a dialect different •. it
that to which he was acc us to med at EoVtsssu i
this case, then, the translation was made as sresr
other part of Syria; winch would hardly hiv
been done, unless Christianity had at sack a us
been more diffused there than it was st EdV«a,
The dialect of that city is stated to
purest Syriac ; if, then, the version
that place, it would no doubt have been ■ root
meat of such purer dialect. Probably the xngm *
the OH Syriac version is to be compared with t&st
of the Old Latin [see V ulo ate] ; and that it dia> W
as much from the polished language of Til is— m -4
the Old Latin, made in the African Pimiu uf, ir.w
the contemporary writers of Rome, such as Tacit.*.
Even though the traces of the origin af thai »
sion of the Old Test, be but few, yet it is of im-
portance that they should be marked; for the <>..'
Syriac has the peculiar value of being the first vi-
sion from the Hebrew original made for Chracjc
use ; and, indeed, the only translation of the ixu
before that of Jerome, which was made, sssae-
quently to the time when Ephraem wrote. Tat,
Syriac commentator may have termed it "or* vi-
sion," hi contrast to all others then enrrest nr
the Targura were hardly versions), which <***
merely reflections of the Greek and not of tar
Hebrew original.
The proof that this version was made tram tar
Hebrew is twofold : we have the direct staiess&a
of Ephraem, who compares it in plans with rat
Hebrew, and speaks of this origin as a tact ; m»
who is confirmed (if that had been needful) by saw
Syrian writers ; we find the same thing as eraast
from the internal examination of the varxaoa obb)l
Whatever internal change or lai iskm it sney haw
received, the Hebrew groundwork of the trastsklrr
is unmistakable. Such indications of l ev saiu n nasi
be afterwards briefly specified.
The first printed edition of this version was that
which appeared in the Paris Polyglott of Le J«y a
1645 ; it is said that the editor, Gabriel Saaasu. s
Maronite, had only an imperfect MS., ami iast,
besides errors, it was defective aa to whale passage*
and even as to entire books. This last charge asu
to be so made as if it were to imply that Uuw
were omitted besides those of the A p o cryp ha, s
part which Sionita confessedly had not. lie a
stated to have supplied the deficiencies by trae-lst-
ing into Syriac from the Vulgate. It csu. ha-Jt
be supposed but that there is some exaggerataoa a
these statements. Sionita may have filled tip occa-
sional hiatus in his MS. ; but it requires very <**-
nite examination before we can fully credit tbu s>
thus supplied whole books. It seems nenfej •
believe that the defective books were sunaty thaw
in the Apocrypha, which he did not supply. The
result, however, is, that the Paris edition it hot •*
infirm groundwork for our speaking with cnotVavn
of the text of this version.
In Walton's Polyglott, 1657, the Paris teal a
reprinted, but with the addition of the Apocrypha)
books which had been wanting. It was gwneiaBy
said that Walton had done much to anaead ue
texts upon MS. authority ; bat the late Prot Im
denies this, stating that " the only adchtaoa amis
by Walton was some Apocryphal look*." Yam
VEKSIONS, ANCIENT (SYRIAC)
US!
eTslWs Polj£ jtt, Kinch, in 1787, published a
separate edition of the Pentateuch. Of the Syriac
Psaltei there have been many editions. The first
of these, aa mentioned by Eichhorn, appeared in
1610; it has by the aide an Arabic veision. In
1 3*25 there were two editions; the one at Paris
edited by Gabriel Sionita, and one at Leyden by
Erpenius from two MSS. These have since been
repeated ; but anterior to them all, it is mentioned
tliat the seven penitential Psalms appeared at Rome
in 1584.
In the punctuation given in the Polyglotts, a
system was introduced which was in part a pecu-
liarity of Gabriel Sionita himself. Tins has to be
borne in mind by those who use either the Paris
I'olyglott or that of Walton ; for in many words
there is a redundancy of vowels, and the form of
•ace is thus exceedingly changed.
When the British and Foreign Bible Society pro-
posed more than forty years ago to issue the Syriac
Old Testament for the first time in a separate
volume, the late Prof. Lee was employed to make
such editorial preparations, as could be connected
with a mere revision of the text, without any speci-
fication of the authorities. Dr. Lee collated for the
purpose six Syriac MSS. of the Old Test, in general,
and a very ancient copy of the Pentateuch : he also
used in part the commentaries of Ephraem and of
Bar-Hebraeoa. From these various sources he
constructed his text, with the aid of that found
already in the Polyglotte. Of course the corrections
depended on the editor's own judgment; and the
want of a specification of the results of collations
leaves the reader in doubt as to what the evidence
mar be in those places in which there is a departure
from the Polyglott text. But though more in-
formation might be desired, we have in the edition
of Lee a veritable Syriac text, from Syriac autho-
rities, and free from the suspicion of having been
formed in modern times, by Gabriel Sionita' s trans-
lating portions from the Latin.
But we have now in this country, in the MS.
treasures brought from the Nitrian valleys, the
means of far more accurately editing this version.
Even if the results should not appear to be striking,
a thorough use of these MSS. would place thia
version on such a basis of diplomatic evidence as
would show positively how this earliest Christian
tianslation from the Hebrew was read in the 6th or
7th century, or possibly still earlier:' we thus
could use the Syriac with a fuller degree of con-
fi.lence in the criticism of the Hebrew text, just as
« e can the more ancient versions of the new for
the criticism of the Greek.
In the beginning of 1849, the late excellent
BiM'cn! scholar, the Rev. John Rogers, Canon of
KxetT, pubii&hjd "Beasont why a New Edition
of the Pexhito, or ancient Syriao Vertion of the
OUl Testament, should be published." In this in-
teiesting pamphlet, addressed to the late Abp. of
Canterbury, CaLon Rogers sneaks of the value of
the version itself, its importance in criticism, the
existing editions, their defects, the sources of emen-
dation now possessed by this country, in the
Nitrian MSS. especially, " now [1849 j under the
rare of the Kev. Wm. Cnreton, who is making
■mown to the public the treasures of the library of
tlit; Monastery of St. Mary Deipara, in the Nitrian
Jnw-rt In Egypt, thus happily obtained." He
• Tfc»- fentsteadi could probably be given on a basis
tf ihoji/tk century.
adverts to the facility which would be afforded tot
the proper publication of the proposed edition,
from type having been of late prepared representing
the proper Estrangelo Syriac character, of which
Dr. Cureton was even then making use in printing
his text of the Syriac Gospels, &c. If it had been an
honour to this country to issue the collations of
Kennicott for the Hebrew Old Test., and of Holmes
for the LXX., might not this proponed Syriac edi-
tion be a worthy successor to such works ? The
plan proposed by Canon Rogers for its execution
was this : — to take the Syriac MS. which appeared
to be the best in each portion of tb) Old Test, 'oth
on the ground of goodness and antiquity : let this
be printed, and then let collations be made by
various scholars in interleaved copies; the whole
of the results might then be published in the same
form as De Rossi's Variae Lectiones to On Hebrew
Bible. Canon Rogers gives a few hints as to what
he thought would be probable results from such
a collation. He did not expect that the differences
from the printed Syriac would be very great ; but
still there would be a far greater satisfaction as to
the confidence with which this version might be
quoted, especially in connexion with the criticism
of the Hebrew original. By way of illustration be
pointed out a good many passages, in which it can
hardly be doubted that the defects in the printed
Syriac arise from the defectiveness of the copy or
copies on which it was based. He also showed it
to be a point of important inquiry, whether in places
in which the printed Syriac agrees with the LXX.,
the Syriac has been altered ; or whether both may
preserve the more ancient reading of Hebrew copies
once extant. The reasons why such a Syriac text
should be prepared and published, and why snch
collations should be made, are thus summed up by
Canon Rogers : "1st. Because we have no printed
text from ancient and approved MSS. 2nd. Be-
cause the Latin version in Walton's Polyglot* often
fails to convey the sense of the Syriac. 3rd. Be-
cause there are many omissions in the printed text
which may perhaps be supplied in a collation of
early MSS. 4th. Because the facilities now giveu
to the study ot Hebrew make it desirable that new
facilities should also be given to the study of the
cognate languages. 5th. Because it is useless to
accumulate ancient and valuable Biblical MSS. at
the British Museum, if those MSS. are not applied
to the purposes of sacred criticism. 6th. Because
in comparing the Syriac with the Hebrew original,
many points of important and interesting investi-
gation will arise. Finally, Because it is neither
creditable to the literary character of the age, nor
to the theological position of the Church of Eng-
land, that one of our most ancient versions of the
Bible should continue in its present neglected state."
These consideration* of the late Canon Rogers are
worthy of being thus repeated, not only aa being
the deliberate judgment of a good Biblical scholar,
but also as pointing out practically the objects to
be sought in making proper use of the Biblical
materials which ate at our hands, and of which
the scholars of former ages hod not the benefit.
There was a strong hope expressed soon after the
issue of Canon Rogers's appeal, that the work would
have been formally placed in a nrooer manner in the
hands of the Rev. Wm. Cureton, and that thus it
would have been accompiisned under his superin-
tendence, at the Oxford University Press. Canon
Rogers announced this in an Appendix to hii
pamphlet. But this has not been etiertcd. It may
1628
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (BYRIACT,
'till be hoped tint Dr. Cureton will edit at least
the Pentateuch trom * very ancient copy: but
there is not now in this country the practical
bouragment to such Biblical studies a* require the
devotion of time, labour, and attention (as well as
pecuniary expense), which In the last oeutury Ken
oicott and Holmes received.
But if the printed Syriac text rests on by do
mourn a really satisfactory basis, it may be asked,
How can it be said positively that what we have u
the same version substantially that was used by
Ephraem in the 4th century? Happily, we have
the same means of identifying the Syriac with that
anciently used, as we have of showing that the
modem Latin Vulgate is substantially the version
executed by Jerome. We admit that the common
printed Latin has suffered in various ways, and yet
a*, the bottom and in its general texture it is un-
doubtedly the work of Jerome: so with the Peshito
ot hie Old Test, whatever errors of judgment were
committed by Gabriel Sionita, the first editor, and
however little h» been done by those who should
have corrected these things on MS. authority, the
identity of the version is too certain for it to be
thus destroyed, or even (it may be said) materially
obscured.
From the citations of Ephraem, and the single
words on which he makes remarks, we have suffi-
cient proof of the identity of the version : even
though at times he also furnishes proof that the
copies as printed ai« not exactly as he read. The
following may be taken as instances of accordance :
they are mostly from the places (see Wiseman, H.
Syr. 122, &c.) in which Ephraem thinks it needful
to explain a Syrian word in this version, or to
discuss its meaning, either from its having become
antiquated in his time, or from its being unused in
the same sense by the Syrians of Edessa. Thus,
Gen. i. 1, £^ is used in Syriac as answering to
the Hebrew f)M. The occurrence of this word
Ephraem mentions, giving his own explanation :
i. 2, oioao CIOZ; x. 9, for *TX 1131, the
Syriac has pZfswsVasI, which Ephraem men-
tions as being a term which the Persians also use.
Gen. zxx. 14, for D'tOW there is | —~.| ^ -, a
word which Ephraem mentions as being there,
and the possible meaning of which he discusses.
I* * *
Exod. xxviii. 4, \bLO\ f2> stands for the Hebrew
i **
JBTI ; Ephraem reads it [Sfn^-^i, and explains
* v
the meaning : — xxxriii. 4, ^£^0 (T330) i
# v
xxxriii. 16, jfp.Sr- (VnViyp) ; xxviii. 40,
)oSk3 (DtyaJD); Num. n. 7, for tl there is
[ /j^Tn^, a word equally, it seems, meaning
coriander ; which was, however, unknown to Eph-
Ryefc, sjec expounds it aa though it meant food of
ill kinds, as i \/y~\,% *^». 1 Sam. xxiii. 28,
• - . • #
*pv»T for JDD; I Sam. viii 7, tajXi,
merely retaining the Hebrew word *330 as «
Syriac form. 1 K. x, 11, JZqJDO (CPJcfettu
xn. 11, |I^3 (D'a???)- * K. Bt 4, ?^fil
Hgto); Job xxxix. 23, lOfj^U} (J\BC#),
xU. 13, «^oi^Z, toe Heb. OT&R. 1*. A 52,
lft.iSnNaSc (rtrtBOD); JerJUl, |2ua*\>|
(Iftte). Zech. r. 7, foV--> (TOW*), b timm
passages, and in several others, the words of tie
Peshito are cited by Ephraem bec au se of ther
obscurity, and of the need that they lad d
explanation.
The proof that the version which has cant dows
to us is substantially that used by the Syrians ia
the 4th century, is perhaps more definite from to*
comparison of words than it would have been treat
the comparison of passages of greater length ; W-
cause in longer citations there always might W
some ground for thinking that perhaps the MS. <i
Ephraem might have been conformed to later Sync
copies of the Sacred Text; while, with regard it
peculiar words, no such suspicion can have arj
place, since it is on such words still foauad ia t-«
Peshito that the remarks of Ephraem are based.
The tact that he sometimes cites it dUflenotly front
what we now read, only shows a variation of cojm.
perhaps ancient, or perhaps such a* ia found merely
in the printed text that we have.
From Ephraem having mentioned timuHni af
this version, it has been concluded that it was tre
work ot" several : a thing probable enough in iti*i.
but which could hardly be proved from the oo-vr-
renee of a casual phrase, nor yet from variatkc* _
the rendering of the same Hebrew word; such «*■
nations being found in almost all translations, rrt-
when made by one person — that of Jerome, ax
instance ; and which it would le almost itopoasLSSt
to avoid, especially before the time when oanoanl-
ances arid lexicons were at hand. Variation* ia
phraseology give a for surer ground for sutaissuf
several translators.
It has been much discussed whether this transla-
tion were a Jewish or a Christian work. &«,
who have maintained that the translator was a Jew,
have argued from his knowledge of Hebrew ar^
his mode of rendering. But these consideratru
prove nothing. Indeed, it might well be do.-.tn.
if in that age a Jew would have formed anytKaf
except a Chaldee Targum ; and thus ditruset.ea* a
paraphrase might be expected instead of domes, V
translation. There need be no reasonable ol jrctka
made to the opinion that it is a Christian *n
Indeed it is ditncult to suppose, that before ti.e a '
fusion of Christianity in Syria, the versioa cou.
have been needed.
It may be said that the Syriac m general im-
ports the Hebrew text that we have : how far argu-
ments may be raised upon minute ooincidenca u
variations cannot be certainly known until the an-
cient text of the version k better established. Oc-
casionally, however, it is clear that the Sytiar
translator read one consonant for another ia aw
Hebrew, and translated accordingly ; at toast
another vocalisation of the Hebrew waa followed.
A resemblance has been pointed out Vet* sen tks
VEB6ION8, ANCIENT (SYRIAC)
1629
Syriac Had the reading of some of the Chaldee Tar-
gums: if theTargum u the older, it is Dot unlikely
that the Syriac translator, using every aid in his
power to obtain an accurate knowledge of what ha
was rendering, examined the Targums in difficult
pus-ages. Tliis is not the place for formally discuss-
ing the date Mid oriein of the Targums [see below,
Targums] ; but if (as seems almost certain) the
Targums which have come down to us are almost
without exception more recent fhau the Syriac
version, still they are probably the successors of ear-
lier Targums, which by amplification have reached
their present shape. Thus, if existing Targums
are more recent than the Syriac, it may happen
that their coincidences arise from the use of a
roinmon source— an earlier Targum.
But there is another point of inquiiy of more
iin|<ortanoe: it is, how far has this version been
aiitvted by the I. XX. ? and to what are we to attri-
bute tliis influence? It is possible that the influence
of the LXX. is partly to be ascribed to copyists and
revisers; while in part this belonged to the version
as originally made. For, if a translator had access
to another version while occupied in making his
own, he might consult it In cases of difficulty ; and
thus he might unconsciously follow it in other
parts. Even knowing the words of a particular
translation may affect the mode of rendering in
another trawJation or revision. And thus a tinge
from the LXX. may have easily existed In this ver-
aion from the first, even though in whole books it
may not be foimd at all. But wheu the extensive
use of the I.XX. is remembered, and how soon it
■ras aupentitiously imagined to have been made by
iirect inspiration, so that it was deemed canonically
suthoritative, we cannot feel wonder that readings
from the LXX. should have been from time to time
introduced; this may have commenced probably
before a Syriac version had been made from the
hTexsptar Greek text ; because in such revised text
>f the LXX. the additions, &&, in which that rer-
lion differed from the Hebrew, would be so marked
hat they would liardly seem to be the authoritative
ind genuine text.
Some comparison with the Greek is probable even
pefore the time of Kphraem ; for, as to the Apocry-
ihal books, while he cites tome of them (though
iot as Scripture), the Apocryphal additions to
>aoiel and the books of Maccabees were not yet
mud in Syriac Whoever translated any of these
ooka from the Greek, may easily have also com-
ared with it in some places the books previously
: undated from the Hebrew.
lu the Book of Psalms this version exhibits many
eculiaritias. Either the translation of the Psalter
lust be a work independent of the Peshito in
aieral, or eke it has been strangely revised and
tend, not only from the Greek," but also from
turgical use. Perhaps, indeed, the Psalms are a
liferent version ; and that iu this respect the prac-
ce of the Syrian Churches is like that of the
oman Catholic Church and the Church of England
using liturgically a different version of the book
' much read ecclesiastically.
It is stated that, after the divisions of the Syrian
burch, there were revisions of this one version by
« Monopolies and by the Nestorians: probably
• Perhaps as to this toe version of the Psalms from
e Greek made by Polycarp (to be mentioned presently)
s not been saffldently taken into account. Indeed,
narkablr Utile attention appears to have been paid to
e evidence that roes a version existed.
it would be found, if the subject could be f-tlly
investigated, that there were m the hands of dif-
ferent parties copies in which the ordinary accidents
of transcription had introduced variations.
The Karkaphmtian recension mentioned by Bap.
Heiuraeus was only known by name prior to the
investigations of Wiseman ; it is found in two JVSS.
in the Vatican; it was formed for the use at
Monofhysitee; there is peculiarity in the punc-
tuation introduced, by a leaning towards the
Greek ; but it is, as to its substance, the Peshito
version.
B. The Syriac version from the Hexaplar Greek
Text.— The only Syriac version of the Old Test,
up to the 6th centuiy was apparently the Peshito.
The first definite intimation of a portion of the
Old Testament translated from the Greek is through
Moses Aghelaeus. This Syriac writer lived in the
middle of the 6th centuiy. He made a translation
of the Qlaphyra of Cyril of Alexandria from Greek
into Syriac ; and, in the prefixed Epistle, he speaks
of the versions of the Mew Test, and the Psalter,
" which Polycarp (rest his soul I), the Chorepiscopus,
made in Syriac for the faithful Xenaias, the teacher
of Mabug, worthy of the memory of the good."*
We thus see that a Syriac version of the Psalm?
had a similar origin to the Philoxenjan Syriac Mew
Test. We know that the date of the latter was
A.D. 508 ; the Psalter was probably a contempo-
raneous work. It is said that the Nestorian patri-
arch, Marabla, a.d. 552, made a version from the
Greek; it does not appear to be in existence, so
that, if ever it was completely executed, it was
probably superseded by the Hexaplar version o*
Paul of Tela ; indeed Paul may have used it
as the basis of his work, adding marks of refer-
ence, &c
This version by Paul of Tela, a Monophysite,
was made in the beginning of the 7th centuiy ; for
its basis he used the Hexaplar Greek text — that is
the LXX., with the corrections of Origen, the aster
isles, obeli, ic, and with the references to the othei
Greek versions.
The Svro-Hexaplar version was made on the
principle of following the Greek, word for word, as
exactly as passible. It contains the marks intro-
duced by Origen ; and the references to the versions
of Aquila, Srmmachus, Theodotion, &e. In fact,
it is from this Syriac version that we obtain our
moat accurate acquaintance with the results of the
critical labours of Origen.
Andreas Mttdua, in his edition of the Book ot
Joshua,' first used the results of this Syro-Hexa-
plar text ; for, on the authority of a MS. in his
possession, he revised the Greek, introducing aster-
isks and obeli, thus showing what Origen had done,
how much he had inserted in the teit, and » nr.t
he had marked as not found in the Hebrew. The
Syriac MS. used by Masius has been long lost;
though in this day, after the recovery of the Codex
Reuchlini of the Apocalypse (from which Erasmus
first edited that book) by Prof. Delitxsch, it could
hardly be a cause for surprise if this Svriac Codex
were again found.
It is from a MS. in the Ambroaian Library at
Milan that we possess accurate means of know iug
this Syriac verak J. The MS. in question contains
• Assemanf. BMietluca Oriaitalit, U. 13; where,
however, the obscure Syriac la tamed Into still mors ob-
scure Latin.
• Josuae lmperatoris ttstori* tllnstraui atqoe explicate
as Andrea stsslu. Antwerp, 1874.
1630
VERSIONS, ANCIENT V8TRIAC,
the IUidi, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles,
Wisdom, Kcclrsiasticus, minor prophets, Jeremiah,
Bnruch, Daniel. Ezekiel, and Isaiah. Norberg pub-
lished, at Lund in 1787, the Books of Jeremiah
and Exekiel, from a transcript which he had made
of the MS. at Milan. In 1788, Bugati published
at M ilan the Book of Daniel ; he also edited the
Psnlms, the printing of which had bten completed
before his death in 1816; it was published in
1820. The rest of the contents of the Milan Codex
(with the exception of the Apocryphal books) was
published at Berlin in 1885, by Middeldorpf, from
the transcript made by Norberg ; Middeldorpf also
added the 4th (2nd) Book of Kings from a MS. at
Paris.
Besides these portions of this Syriac version, the
MSS. from the Nitrian monasteries now in the
British Museum would add a good deal more:
amongst these there are six, from which much
might be drawn, so that part of the Pentateuch
and other books may be recovered.* These MSS.
are like that at Milan, in having the marks of Ori-
gan in the text ; the reference s to readings in the
margin ; and occasionally the Greek word itself is
thus cited iu Greek.
Dr. Antonio Ceriani, of the A.mbrrw'an Library
at Milan, after having for a considerable time pro-
posed to edit the portions of the Syro-Heiaplar
Codex of Milan which had hitherto remained in
MS., commenced such a work in 1861 {Montanenta
Sacra et Prcfana, Opera Cdlegii BiblMhecae
Ambrotianae), the first part of the Syriac text
being Barnch, Lamentations, and the Epistle of
Jeremiah. To this work Ceriani subjoined a colla-
tion of some of the more important texts, and cri-
tical notes. A second part has since appeared. It
is to be hoped that he may thus edit the whole
MS., and that the other portion* of this version
known to be extant may soon appear in print.
The value of this version for the criticism of the
LXX. is very great. It supplies, as far as a ver-
sion can, the lost work of Origen.
The list of versions of the Old Test, into Syriac
often appears to be very numerous ; but on exami-
nation it is found that many translations, the names
of which appear in a catalogue, are really either
audi as never had an actual existence, or else that
they are either the version from the Hebrew, or
else that from the Hexaplar text of the LXX., under
different names, or with some slight revision. To
enumerate the supposed versions is needless. It is
only requisite to mention that Thomas of Hirxel,
whose work in the revision of a translation of the
New Test, will have to be mentioned, seems also to
have made a translation from the Greek into Syriac
of some of the Apocryphal books — at least, the sub-
scriptions in certain MSS. state this.
* The tbuowhig la the notation of these MSS., and their
contents and dates: —
U.133 (besides the Peshito Exodus) ; Jatkw (defective),
cent vtl. "Translated fran a Greek MS. of the Hex-
apt*, collated with one of the Telrapla."
.1.134, Andua, a.d. «97.
I-M3J, llalmx formed from two MSS. cent. will, (with the
Bong of the Three Children subjoined to thr second).
Both MSS. an defective. Subscription, " According to
tbsLXX."
14A*I. Xumbtn and 1 Kingt, defective (cent vil. or
vii:.). The subscription to 1 Kings says that it was
translated into Syriac at Alexandria in the year Wt
(a.n. •!«).
II. The Syriac New TearAXStrr Vwearm
A. The feMto Syriac A". T. (Text of Wid-
manstadt, and Currton's Gospels.)
In whatever forms the Syriac New Test, raw
have existed prior to the time of Pailoxeans *rr
beginning of the tixtk century \ who raimd a new
translation to be made, it will be mare u u n i e ni ert
to consider all such most ancient * — ■ ' * ' ■ «r
revisions together ; even though there may be ree-
sons afterwards assigned for not regarding the verm
of the earlier ages of Christianity a* a h sed ox ety ear.
It may stand as an admitted fort that a ver-
sion of the New Test, in Syriac existed in thr
2nd century ; and to this we may l e iei the stata-
ment of Eusebius respecting Hegesippus, that h-*
" made quotations from the Gospel according to tV
Hebrews and the Syriac," fir re raw «a#* E#Vs--
ovs cooryyeAfov as) roi "Zvpuutow {Hist. JTi*".
iv. 22). It seems equally certain that xa the 4-s
century such a version was as well known at* tar
New Test, as of the Old. It was the c umuaua o . ■•
the Old Test, translation made from the Brora.
and as such was in habitual rae in the Syrsv
Churches. To the translation in common *■*
amongst the Syrians, orthodox, M u ua plitU te . cv
Nestorian, from the 5th century and onward, tie
name of Peshito has been a* commonly applied si
the New Test as the Old. In the 7th centaur e
least the version so current acquired the name M
I^Oa-Q, old, in contrast to that which was t»»
formed and revised by the Monophysites.
Though we have no certain data v. to the or—,
of this version, it is probable on every ground tr •
a Syriac translation of the New Test, wan an a>
companiment of that of the Old ; whatever theref re
bears on the oue, bears on the othei also.
There ram to be but few notice* of the uj
Syriac Version in early writers. Cosmas Indn»
pleustes, in the former half of the 6th century, a ,j-
dentally informs us that the Syriac translation due-
not contain the Second Epistle of Peter. 2 and 5
John, and Jude. This was found to he oral
when a thousand years afterwards this saofil
translation became again known to Western scaoiirv
In 1552, Moses of Mardin came to Rone to rose
Julius III., commissioned by Ignatius the Jaco-V'
(MoDophysite". patriarch, to state hia religious op-
nions, to effect (it is said) a union with the Kobo:
Church, and to get the Syriac New Tat. primlci.
In this last object Moses failed both at Roane r= !
Venice. At Vienna he was, however, aaooray- .
Widmanstndt, the chancellor of the Emperor Feri-
nand I., had himself learned Syriac from Tone*
Ambrosius many years previously ; and through s»
influence the emperor undertook the charge of sa
K.442. OenetiM, defective (with I Sam. Peatdlo). -A,
cording to the LXX." (cent. vL).
n.103, Judga and Jtutk, defective (cent. rfl. or vt 1
Subscription to Judges, * According to the LX1.; a
Ruth, '• From the Tetnipla of the ULX."
The notes on these MSS. made by the ]
In 1881 have been kindly compared and axatdlned I? Mr
William Wright of the British Museum.
Rordam lamed at Copenhagen in IKS* the first smia
or an edition or the Ma lt.103: another part has aan
been published. Some or these MSS. were wrirtra la tat
same century In which the version was saaa>. Tarj
may probably be depended on as gtvmv the mtt mnt
general soraracy.
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (BYBLAC,
1631
edition, which appeared in 1555, uniugh the joint
labours of Widmanstadt, Moses, end Postell. Some
copies were afterwards issued with the date of 1562
on the back of the title.*
In having only three Catholic epistles, this Syriae
New Test, agreed with the description of Cosmos ; the
Apocalypse was also wanting, as well as the section
John Tiii. 1-11 ; this last omission, and some other
points, were noticed in the list of errata. The
editors appear to have followed their MSS. with
great fidelity, so that the edition is justly valued.
In subsequent editions endeavours were made con-
jectnrally to amend the text by introducing 1 John
T. 7 and other portions which do not belong to this
translation. One of the principal editions is that
of Leuaden and Schaaf ; in this the text is made as
fall as possible by supplying every lacuna from
muj source ; in the punctuation there is a strange
peculiarity, that in the former part Leusden chose
to fellow a sort of Chaldee analogy, while on his
death Schaaf introduced a regular system of Syriae
vocalization through all the rest of the volume.
The Lexicon which accompanies this edition is of
gruel value. This edition was first issued in 1708 :
more copies, however, have the date 1709; while
acme have the false and dishonest statement on the
title page, " Secunda editio a mendis purgata," and
the date 1717. The late Professor Lee published
am edition in 1816, in which he corrected or altered
the text on the authority of a few HSS. This is so
far independent of that of Widmanstadt. It is,
however, very far short of being really a critical
edition. In 1828, the edition of Mr. William
Greenfield (often reprinted from the stereotype
plates), was published by Messrs. Bagster: in this
the text of Widmanstadt was followed (with the
vowels fully expressed), and with certain supple-
ments within brackets from Lee's edition. For the
collation with Lee's text Greenfield was not re-
sponsible. There are now in this country excellent
materials for the formation of a critical edition of
this version : it may, however, be said, that as in
its But publication the MSS. employed were ho-
nestly used, it is in the text of Widmanstadt in a far
better condition than is the Peshito Old Testament.
This Syriae Version has been variously esti-
mated : some have thought that in it they had a
genuine and unaltered monument of the second, or
perhaps even of the first century. They thus na-
turally upheld it as almost co-ordinate in authority
with the Greek text, and at being of a period ante-
rior to any Greek copy extant. Others finding in
It Indubitable marks of a later age, were inclined
to deny that it had any claim to a very remote an-
tiquity ; thus La Croxe thought that the commonly
printed Syriae New Test, is not the Peshito at all,
i The date of 19S6 appears repeatedly In the body of
the volume ; at the end of the Gospels, May 18, 1666 ;
St Rail's Epp.. July 18, 1556; Acts, Aug. 14, 1655;
Cath. Epp. and tbe conclusion, Sep. 27, 1666. The vo-
lume Is dedicated to the Emperor Ferdinand, and the
content* mention tares other dedications to other mem-
hen of the Imperial bouse. All of these three are often
warring, and two of them, addressed to the Archdukes
Ferdinand und Charley are not only generally wanting,
but tt Is even said that no copy If known in which they
are found.
' Orlrsbsca'e meet nutured Judgment on this subject
was thus given : — " Interpolations aotem t loda Evan-
sjeUorum parallells. qualea apod Syrum, Matt, xxvlll. 18,
Lk Ix. 38, item Matt xxll. Zl, 13, Mar. vl. 11, alii. 14,
Jtaa. It. II, deprebendnnlur, noo magis qtum sddita-
but the Philoienian executes in the beginni'.*/ oi
the 6th century The fact is, that this version is
transmitted to us contains marks of antiquity, and
also traces of a later age. The two things are so
blended, that if cither class :f phaenomena alone
were regaided, the most opposite opinions might be
formed. The opinion of Wetstein was one of the
most perverse that could be devised : he found in
this veision readings which accord with the Latin ;
and then, acting on the strange system of criticism
which he adopted in his later years, he asserted
that any such accrrdance with the Latin waft &
proof of corruption from that version : so that with
him the proofs of antiquity became the tokens of
later origin, and he thus assigned the translation to
the seventh century. With him the real indication*-
of later readings were only the marks of the very
reverse. Michaelis took very opposite fTouud to
that of Wetstein ; lie upheld its antiquity and au-
thority very strenuously. The former point could
be easily proved, if one class of readings alone were
considered ; and this is confirmed by the contents
of the version itself. But on the other hand there
are difficulties, for very often readings of a much
more recent kind appear ; it was thus thought that
it might be compared with the Latin as found in
the Codex Brixianus, in which there is an ancient
groundwork, but also the work of a reviser is ma-
nifest. Thus the judgment formed by Uriesbach
seems to be certainly the correct one as to the pecu-
liarity of the text of this version : he says (using
the terms proper to his system of recensions) ;
" Nulli harum recensionum Syruca versio, prout qui-
dem typis excusa est, similis, verum nee ulli prorsus
dissimilis est. In multis concinit cum Alexandrian
recensione, in pluribus cum Occidentali, in non-
nullis etiam enm Constantinopolitana, ita tamen ut
quae in banc posterioribus demum seculis invecta
sunt, pleraque repudiet. Diversis ergo temporibus
ad GraeoOs codices plane dwertos iterum iterumque
recognita esse videtur" {Not. Test. Proleg. lxxv.).
In a note Griesbach introduced the comparison of
tbe Codex Brixianus, " lllustrari hoc potest codi-
cum nonnullorum Latinorum exemplo, qui priscam
quidem versionem ad Occidentalem recensionem ac-
commodatam repreaentant, aed passim ad juniores
libros Graecos retictam. Ex hoc genere est Briti-
anus Codex Latmus, qui non raro a Graeco-Latinis
et vetustioribus Latinis omnibus solus discedit, et
in Graecornm partes transit."' Some proof that
the text of the common printed Peshito has been
re-wrought, will appear when it is compared with
tbe Curetonian Syriae Gospels.
Let it be distinctly remembered that this is 30
new opinion ; that it is not the peculiar notion of
Tregelles, or of any one individual; for as the
menta e lectionarnt Ubrta In sacrum contextum trsdncta
velut Luc. xv. 11, ant Uturglcum Ulud usumentum Matt
vi. 13, vitia snnt rg rotyjj propria. Quin pleraaqoe
interpolationea mode enumerates, cum alile ejusmooi
generis multis, quae nuno In versions Syriaca extant,
prlmltus ab ea abfulase et serlori demnm tempore in enm
lrrepelsse, plane mini penmasam est Veruwime enim
clar. Huglus ( . . . coll. prolegomenis in m&Jorem moan)
N. T. edlUiinem, Hal. 1J96, vol. 1. p. lxxv.) anlma.1
vertlt, versionem banc a Diortbote quodam viderl recoe-
nitam fuuwe ac caatlgatam. Id quod qilnto seculc
Inennte, antequam eccleslae orlentales Nestorlanle el
MonophyslUcIs rtxts dlsctnderentur, evenlsse susptooi
et In eplstolls magls adhuc quam In Kvangellis locate
liabulsM auinrao." Ccmmmtmriui Orltam JX MeUt*
n. hi. i*iu
1632
VKB8I0VB, ANCIENT (SYBIAC,
question baa been re-opened, .( has been treated as
if this Here some theory newly invented to serve a
purpose. The Rev. F. H. Scrivener, whose labours
in the collation of Greek MSS., and whose care in
editing Codex Augiensis of St. Haul's Epistles, de-
serve very high commendation, avowed himself
many years ago an ardent admirer of the Peshito-
Syriac. But even then he set aside its authority
very often when it happened to adhere to the
ancient Greek text, to the other ancient versions,
end to the early Fathers, in opposition to the later
copies. But when the judgment of Griesbach
respecting the common printed Syriac had been re-
peated and enforced by Tregelles (Home's Tntrod.
vol. iv. 265), Scrivener came forward as its cham-
pion. In his Introduction to Codex Augiensis, Mr.
Scrivener says, " How is this divergency of the
Peshito version from the text of Codex B explained
by Tregelles ? He feels of course the pressure of
the argument against him, and meets it, if not suo-
eessrally, with even more than his wonted boldness.
The translation degenerates in his hands into ' the
tertian oommonly printed at Me Peshito.' Now
let us mark the piecise nature of the d«sssd here
made on our faith by Dr. Tregelles. He would
persuade us that the whole Eastern Church, dis-
tracted as it has been, and split into hostile sections
for the spare of 1400 years, orthodox and Jacobite,
Keatorian and Maronite alike, those who could agree
in nothing else, have laid aside their bitter jealousies
in order to substitute iu their monastic libraries and
litingical services, another and a spurious version in
the room of the Peshito, that sole surviving mo-
nument of the first ages of the Gospel in Syria!
Kay, more, that this wretched forgery has deceived
Orientalists profound at Michaelis* and Lowth, has
passed without suspicion through the ordeal of
searching criticism to which every branch of Sacred
literature hat been subjected during the lost half
century 1 We will require solid reasons, indeed,
before we surrender ourselves to an hypothesis as
novel at it appears violently improbable (pp. xiv.
xv.). Mr. Scrivener's warmth of declamation might
have been spared : no one calls the Peshito " a spu-
rious version," " wretched forgery," Sic, it is not
suggested that the Syrian Churches agreed in some
strange substitution : all that is suggested is, that
at the time of the transition Greek text, before the
disruption of the Syrian Churches, the then existing
Syriac version was revised and modernized in a way
analogous to that in which the Latin was treated
in Cod. Brixianut. On part of Mr. Scrivener's
statements the Kev. F. J. A. Hort has well re-
marked : — " The text may have been altered and
corrupted between the first or second, and fifth cen-
turies. This is all that Dr. Tregelles has supposed,
though Mr. Scrivener assails him with unseemly
violence, at if he bad represented the vulgar text ii»
' a wretched forgery.' Mr. Scrivener's rashness it
no less remarkable in calling this a ' noret hypo-
thesis,' when in fact it is at least as old as Gries-
bach . . . There it neither evidence nor internal
probability "gainst the supposition that the Old
Syriac version was revised into its present form
... in the 4th or even 3rd century, to make
it accord with Greek MSS. then current at Antioch,
• Even Michaelis did not think It needful to assume
last the Peshito had been transmitted without any
change. 'In using the Syriac version, we mutt never
forget that our present editions are very imperfect, and
Ml omeinde that every reading of the Syrtuc prtntud
Edessa, or Nisi bit : and vitJumt tome suet sunposi
tim the Syriac text must remain an merpHsik
phaenomenon* unless we bring the Greek and Lathi
texts into conformity with it by contradicting tr«
full and clear evidence which we do possess respecting
them. All that we have now said might have beet
alleged before the Curetonian Syriac was discovered :
the case is surely strengthened in a high deem hy
the appearance (in a MS. assigned to the 5th cen-
tury) of a Syriac version of the Gospels, bents;
clear marks of the highest antiquity in its manifest
errors at well as in its choicest readings. The ap-
propriation of the name ' Peshito,' ippears to or
wholly unimportant, except for rhetorical pur-
poses."'
These remarks of Mr. Hort will suffice in resro-
ing the opinion stated by Tregelles from the chants
of novelty or rashness: indeed, the supposition at
stated by Griesbach, it a simple solution of rtrimn
difficulties ; for if this be not the tact, then rwry
ether most ancient document or monument of the
New Test, must have been strangely altered in its
text. The number of difficulties (otherwise inex-
plicable) thus solved, it about a demonttrauos «f
its truth. Mr. Scrivener, however, seems incsp.-i.le
of apprehending that the revision of the Peshito a
an opinion long ago held : he says since, " I know as
other cause for suspecting the Peshito, than that its
readings do not suit Dr. Tregelles, and if this fact
be enough to convict it of corruption, I am quite
unable to vindicate it."» Why, then, do not the
readings "suit" Dr. Tregelles? Because, if the;
were considered genuine, we should have to at
Mr. Hort't words) to "bring the Greek and Lauo
texts into conformity with it, by contradicting t»t
full and clear evidence which we do possess re-
specting them."
Whether the whole of this venron proceeM
from the same translator has been questioned. It
appeal's to the present writer probable that the
New Test, of the Peshito is not from the same hanJ
at the Old. Not only may Michaelis be right in
supposing a peculiar translator of the Epistle to tht
Hebrewt, but also other parts may be from diflereat
hands ; this opinion will become more general tin
more the version it studied. The rectstbnt to wbkr
the version was subjected may have succeeded u.
part, but notwholly.in effacing the indications of ;»
plurality of translators. The Ada and Kpisttei
seem to be either more recent than the Gospek
though far lest revised ; or else, if coeval, far men
corrected by -ater Greek MSS.
There i» no sufficient reason for supposing tha:
thit version t »er contained the four Catholi:
Epistles and tht Apocalypse, now absent from it.
not only in the printed editions but alto in tht
MSS.
Some variations in copies of the Peshito have bees
regarded at if they might be styled Monophyana
and Kestorian recensions: but the designation wools'
be far too definite ; for the differences art) not suf-
ficient to warrant the classification.
The MSS. of the Karkaphensian reosnsoon (as it
hat bean termed) of the Peshito Old Test, contait
also the New with a similar character of text.
The Curetontan Syriac Gospels. — " Cotnparttin
text was the reading of the lireek MS. of the ttn* tea
lury." Marsh's Jffctodil, 11. <•
> Jmrnal of Clauknl and Secret! f Mtan Jt) t^au
bridcV Feb. I860. 37s-».
• - Plain Introduction, t. «4,/«wi-eM>
VEX8I0NS, ANCIENT (SYRIAC!)
1633
criticism'' (hows Uu fa-ue character of every
document, whether previously known or newly
brought to light, which professes to contain the
early text of tJi» New Test. By comparative cri-
ticism ii not meant such a mode of examining
authorities as that to which Mr. Scrivener has
applied this term, but such a use of combined evi-
Jence as was intended and defined by the critic by
whom the expression was (for convenience sake)
introduced : that is, the ascertainment that readings
are in ancient documents, or rest on ancient evi-
dence (whether early citations, versions, or MSS.),
and then the examination of what documents con-
tain such readings, and thus within what limits the
inquiry for the ancient text may be bounded. Thus
* document, in itself modern, may be proved to be
ancient in testimony: a version, previously un-
known, may be shown to uphold a very early text.
For purposes of comparative criticism early read-
ings, known to be false, hare often as definite a value
in the chain of proof as those which are true. In
the process of comparative criticism nothing is as-
sumed, but point after point is established by inde-
pendent testimony ; and thus the character of the
text of MSS., of ancient versions, and of patristic
citations, is upheld by their accordance with facts
attested by other witnesses, of known age and cer-
tain transmission.
It was reasonable to suppose with Griesbach that
the Syrian version must at one time have existed in
a form different from that in the common printed
text : it was felt by Biblical scholars to be a mere
assumption that the name Pjehito carried with it
some hallowed prestige ; it was established that it
was a groundless imagination that this version,
as edited, had been known from the earliest ages
as the original monument of Syrian Christianity.
Hence if it could be shown that an earlier version
(or earlier basis of the same version) had existed,
there was not only no d priori objection, but even
a demonstrated probability (almost certainty) that
this had been the case. When it is remembered
how little we know historically of the Syiiac ver-
sions, it must be felt as an assuin|tion that the
form of text common from the fifth century and
onward was the original version. In 1848 Tre-
geJles (see Davidson's Introduction to toe New Tat.
vol. i. p. 429) suggested that " the Nitrian MSS.
when collated may exnibit perhaps an earlier text."
This was written without any notion that it was
an ascertained fact that such a MS. of the Gospels
existed, and that the full attention of a thorough
Syiiac scholar had been devoted to its illustration
and publication.
Among the MSS. brought from the Nitrian monas-
teries in 1842, Dr. Cureton noticed a copy of the
Gospels, differing greatly from the common text:
and this is the form of text to which the name of
> It Is very certain that many who profess a peculiar
admiration for Ilia Peshlto do this rainer fioin some
traditional notion than from minute personal acquaint,
asoa. Ttey suppose that It has some prescriptive right
to the flrst rank amongst versions, tbey praise its ex-
seilandea, which they have not personally Investigated,
and they do not ewe to know wberstn It Is defective.
Every error m translation, every doabtral reading, eveiy
supnoaai delect In the one known MS. of Uie Curetonian
Gospels, has been enumerated by those who wish to
depiedate that version, and to detract from the critical
merits o( Its discoverer and editor. But many of the
supposed defects era really lbs very opposite ; and If
they sunliariy examined the Peshlto. they ought nod
TOU 111.
Curetonian Syriachas been rightly applied. Every
criterion which proves the common Peshito sot to
exhibit a text of extreme antiqnity : equally proves
the early origin of this. The discovery is in fact
that of the object which was wanted, the want of
which had been previously ascertained. Dr. Cureton
considers that the MS. of the Gospels is of the fifth
century, a point in which all competent judges are
probably agreed. Some person* indeed have sought
to depreciate the text, to point, out its differences
from the Peshito, to regard all such variations as
corruptions, and thus to stigmatise the Curetonian
Syiiac as a corrupt revision of the Peshito, bar-
barous in language and false in readings.* This
peremptory judgment is as reasonable as if the old
Latin in the Codex Vereellensis were called an igno-
rant revision of the version of Jerome. The judg-
ment that the Curetonian Syriac is older than the
Peshito is not the peculiar opinion of Cureton,
Alford/ Tregelles, or Biblical scholars of the school
of ancient evidence in this country, but it is also
that of continental scholars, such as Ewald, and
apparently of the late Prof. Bleek.'
The MS. contains Matt, i.-viii. 22, x. 31-xxlw
25. Mark, the four last verses only. John i. 1-
42, iii. 6-vii. 37, xiv. 11-29; Luke ii. 48-iii. 16,
vii. 33-xv. 21, xni. 24-niv. 41. It would have
been a thing of much value if a perfect copy of
this version had come down to us ; but as it is,
we hare reason greatly to value the discovery of
Dr. Cureton, which shows how truly those critics
have argued who concluded that such a version
must have existed; and who regarded this as a
proved fact, even when not only no portion of the
version was known to be extant, but also when even
the record of its existence was unnoticed. For
there is a record showing an acquaintance with this
version, to which, as well as to the version itself,
attention has been directed by Dr. Cureton. Bar
Salibi, bishop of Amida in the 12th century, in a
passage translated by Dr. C. (in discussing the omis-
sion of three kings in the genealogy in Si. Matthew)
says : — " There is found occasionally a Syriac copy,
made out of the Hebrew, which inserts then three
kings in the genealogy; but that afterwards it
speaks of fourteen and not of seventeen generations,
because fourteen generations has been substituted
for seventeen by the Hebrews on account of their
holding to the septenary number," &c.*>
It shows then that Bar Salibi knew of a Syriac
text of the Gospels in which Ahaxiah, Joash, and
Amaxiah were inserted in Matt. i. 8 ; there is the
same reading in the Curetonian Syriac : but this
might have been a coincidence. But in ver.
17 the Curetonian text has, in contradiction to
ver. 8, fourteen generations and not seventeen : and
so had the copy mentioned by Bar Salibi: the
former point might be a mere coincidence; the
more fault with it and with Its translator. The last
fourteen chapters of the Book of Acta, as lhey have come
down to us In the Peshito, p r e se n t far mors grounds for
comment than an equal portion of the Curetonian. Th»
Peshlto Is a very valuable version, although overpraised
by some Injudicious admirals, who (even n* they have read
it) nave never closely snd verbally examined It, Many
bsve evidently never looked farther than the Qospa'-a,
even though aided by Senear's latin Interpretation.
J "Perhaps the earliest and must Important of all the
versions." Alford's Or. Tea. Prolog, vol. L 1 14, «L 4.
■ See Bleek's KuikUma inJai/f. lest. p. 123, /ooj-nafa
• fur the Syriac of this part of the p assa ge fnae Bet
BMiaUata OrmUolit, ii. Its.
b M
1634
VEBSI0N6. AKCIKNT (SYRIAC)
letter, kawever, shows such m kind of union in
contradiction as proves the identity very convinc-
ingly- Thus, though this version was unknown M
Europe prior to its discovery by Dr. Cureton, it
must in the 12th century have been known as a
text sometimes found, and as mentioned by the
Monophysite Bishop, it might be more in use
amongst his co-religionists than amongst others.
Perhaps, as its existence and use is thus recorded in
the 12th century, some further discovery of Syriac
MSS. may famish us with another copy so as to
supply the defects of the one happily recovered.
In examining the Curetonian text with the com-
mon printed Peshito, we often find such identity of
phrase and rendering as to show that they are not
wholly independent translations: then, again, we
meet with such variety in the forms of words, &c
«s seems to indicate that in the Peshito the
(phraseology had been revised and refined.* But the
great (it might be said characteristic) difference be-
tween the Curetonian and the Peshito Gospels is in
their readings; for while the latter cannot in its
present state be deemed an unchanged production of
the second centuiy, the former bears all the marks
of extreme antiquity, even though in places it may
save suffered from the introduction of readings cur-
rent in very early times.
The following are a few of the very many eases
in which the ancient reading is found in the Cure-
tonian, and the later or transition reading in the
Peshito. For the general authorities on the sub-
ject of each passage, reference must be made to the
notes in critical editions of the Greek New Test.
Matt. xdx. 17, rl us epwrfs npi rov ayatoi ;
the amoiemt reading, as we find in the best authori-
ties, and as we know from Origen ; so the Cure-
tomsn: rl sic A«7«f kya&ir; the common text
with the Peshito. Matt. xx. 22, the clause of the
common text, ml to JSdVno-ua b tyit fioxrt(ofuu
(and tibe corresponding part of the following verse)
am in the Peshito; while we know from Origen
that they were in his day a peculiarity of St Hark :
omitted in the Curetonian with the other best au-
thorities. In fact, except the Peshito and some re-
vised Latin copies, there is no evidence at all extant
for these words prior to the fifth century. Matt. v.
4, 5 : here the ancient order of the beatitudes, as
supported by Origen, Tertullian, the canons of Eu-
sebius, and Hilary, is that of placing /uucototoi of
srpoeit, *. r. \. before uamtpioi of sttrtevms,
«. t. A. ; here the Curetonian agrees with the dis-
tinct testimonies for this order against the Peshito.
In Matt. i. 18, w« know from Irenaeus that the
name " Jesus " was not read ; and this is confirmed
by the Curetonian : in fact, the common reading,
however widely supported, could not have ori-
ginated until Invovi x»urro» was treated as a
combined proper name, otherwise the meaning of
tsS Se 'It|o-o5 xpiaroi 4 yinais would not be
" the birth of Jesus Christ," but " the birth of
Jesus as the Christ" Here the Curetonian reading
is in full accordance with what we know of the
second century in opposition to the Peshito. In
Matt vi. 4 the Curetonian omits cuVrdf ; in the
•sine ver. and in ver. 6 it omits «V t«7 4>cu>epo? : in
each case with the best authorities, but against the
Peshito. Matt v. 44, has been amplified by copy-
ists in an extraordinary manner: the words in
• A collation of so ancient Syrlsc MS. of the Gospels
(HUh, ;,U7 m lb* British Museum) shoved tbst the
Syrians wars as the babU of reforming then* oodWs In
bracket: show the amplflieBtJona, and the pises
from which each was taken : *y* SI Xrym tm».
'Kyemrt robs interns bptiv \t6Xtrrt rrf reel
swrosatpesovt b/iit, Luke vi 28, ceAatt wswrrt
robs ttKTotrrrot bins. Ibid. 27J, ml i^ i rn iw*
trip Ta> [tmpta(6rrmw isil sni. Ibid. 33~
bmKimr vnot . The brietVr form * attested ay
Irenaeus, Clement, Origen, Cyprian. Fn a rh iaa, etc ;
and though the inserted words and cbuses are feat*-;
in almost all Greek MSS. (except Codices TatKaess
and Sinaitjcua), and in many versions inchsdiar
the Peshito, tkey are not m th* CWrtnsiWm Seriir.
Of a similar kind are Matt xvixL S5, vi wa sii
erwuaTa avrfir; Luke viii. 54, sV g a A aw ((•>
xetrrav seal ; Luke ix. 7, *V asVoi ; ix. -Si. is
(tal 'HAiai eVofno-ev : xi. 2, ytrmt t m s »• sVA^kS
cod lis eV oupwtt mil *ei fijt y$s : xi. 29. rm
TfNxfrtrrov : xi. 44, ypapitartis seal s>ssas*aM>
oiroirpiToi : John iv. 43, mil sWqAfcv; r. 16, sal
i((rrour abrbr snroKTCt*«u : vi. 51, %r tytt saWl :
vi. 69, rov (Ottos.
These are but a few samples of the vaa -iaxieas
which exist between the Curetonian Syriac and the
Peshito as to the kind of text -. the mstaacas of
this might be increased almost indefinitely. Thaw
acquainted with critical results wilt know that
some of those here specified are crncxal texts at
points of Comparative Criticism. Such a osbk
parison not only shows the antiquity of the text of
the Curetonian Syriac, but it also affords
proof that the Peshito must have been
and revised.
The antiquity of the Curetonian tsntt hi alss
shown by the occurrence of readings which wars,
as we know, early current even though rightly n>
pudiated as erroneous: several of t h e se an as tea
Curetonian Syriac; it may saiEce to reset- to th>
long addition after Matt xx. 28.
The Curetonian Syriac presents such ■ text as sm
might have concluded would be current ht tee
second century : the Peshito has many fielii is
which could not belong to that age ; unban, indeed,
we are ready to reject established facta, assd thaw
of a very numerous kind : probably, at hast, tee
thousand.
It is not needful for very great attaotioo to kt
paid to the phraseology of the Curetoeiaa Syriat
in order to see that the Gospel of St Matt h ew
differs in mode of expression and various other par-
ticulars from what we find in the rest. Tads assy
lead us again to look at the testimony of Bar Sabix;
he tells us, when speaking of this version of &
Matthew, " there is found occasionally a Svrar
copy made oat of the Hebrew:" we thus eaxar
that the opinion of the Syrians themselves a tat
12th century was that this translation of St Mat-
thew was not made from the Greek, bat from tss
Hebrew original of the Evangelist: such, too, »
the judgment of Dr. Cureton: "this Gospel of St.
Matthew appears at least to be built apoa tat
original Aramaic text, which was the work of tt*
Apostle himself.'' {Preface to Sgriao eraser*,
p. vi.)
Dr. Cureton rightly draws attention to the faro-
liar title prefixed to the Gospel by St Matthew.
_2U£> l*f£klCf fQ^^JIo). New what-
ever be the meaning of the word a\xaeasWset
some respects. The gnunmstlcsl torsos, he* af east S»
are much more ancient than those of lbs leal of ana
manstudt, who has been followed by mm salvo assess*.
here brought m— whether it signifies " the di$tinat
Gospel of Mstthew," as rendered by Curetnn, or
" the Gospel of Matthew let forth " [i. «. for lemons
throughout the ecclesiastical year], aa Bernstein
advances supporting his opinion by a passage in
Aasemani (which can hardly here apply, as this copy
is not so "set forth"), or if it means fas soma have
objected), "the Gospel of Matthew explained"—
still there must be some reason why the frit
Gospel should be thus designated, and not the
others. But the use of the cognate Hebrew verb
in the Old Test, may afford us some aid aa to what
lend of explanation is meant, if indeed that is the
nminingof the term here used. In the description
el' the reading of the law in Neh. viii. 8, we are
told, " So they read in the book of the law distinctly
i Jjnbp), and gave the sense, and caused the people
to understand the reading." The word here used
has been regarded by able scholars as implying an
interpretation from the ancient Hebrew into the
forr,] of Aramaean then current. Such a ifepho-
rnsA, when written, would be the germ of the
Targurn of after ages. (See below, p 1638a.)
The same word may be used in the heading of
St. Matthew's Gospel in the same sense — as being
in explanation from one Shemitic tongue or dialect
into another, just as St. Matthew's Gospel turned
from one form of Hebrew into pure Syriac would be.
But it may be asked, if St. Matthew's Hebrew
(or Chaldaic) Gospel was before the translator, why
should he hare done more than copy into Syriac
letters ? Why translate at all ? It is sufficient, in
reply, to refer to the Chaldaic portions of Daniel
•ml Ezra, and to the Syriac version made from
them. In varying dialects it sometimes happens
that the vocabulary in id* differs more than the
grammatical forms. The verbal identity may often
be striking, even though accompanied with frequent
variation of terms.
We know from Jerome that the Hebrew St.
Matthew had "V\0 where the Greek has iwwiaio*.
We do not find that word here, but we read for
both eViotto-ior and <rfiptpor at the end of the
verse, J^O** I*-*"" - !. " constant of the day."
This might have sprung from the interpretation,
" morrow by morrow," given to "VTO ; and it may
be illustrated by, Old Test, passages, e.g. Num. iv.
7, where "I'tpBH DTP is rendered by |Vw— V
* v
A .]s.V«). Those who think that if this Syriac
version had been made from St. Matthew's Hebrew,
we ought to find IfTD here, forget that a trans-
lation is not a verbal transfusion.
We know from Eusebius that Hegesippus cited
fiom the Gospel according to the Hebrews, and
tivm the Syriac Now in a fragment of Hegesippus
f Kouih, i. 219), then: is the quotation, fuutaptoi of
i<pSaX/uA t/iir of fikniirm aal ra «Vra i/iir TO
ducoburra, words which might be a Greek render-
ing from Matt. xiii. 16, as it stands in this Syriac
f Josrrd a* we have it, or probably also in the Hebrew
woi K of the Apostle himself. Every notice of the
tirxl if important; and Dr. C'ureton. in pointing it
out, has raniahed students with one of the varied
data through which a right conclusion may be
rrnched.
Every successive investigation, on the part of
competent scholars, aids in the proof that the
('mrtouian Gospels are an older form than those in
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (BTRIAG) 1036
the Peshito ; that the Peshito is a revision reflet*
with readings unknown in the 2nd century (and
often long after) ; and that the Curetonian text poe-
ms the highest critical as well as historical value
The more the evidence, direct and indirect, is
weighed, the more established it appears will be
the judgment that the Cnrvtonian Syriac of St.
Matthew's Gospel was translated from the Apostles
Hebrew (Syro-Chaldaic) original, although injured
since by copyists or revisers.
B. The Philoxenian Syriac Version, and its
revision by Thomas of Harkel, — Philoxeous, or
Xenaias, Bp. of Hierapolis or Mabug at the be-
ginning of the 6th century (who was one vt those
Monophysites who subscribed the Henotiom at the
Emperor Zeno), caused Polycarp, his Chorepucopus,
to make a new translation of the New Test, into
Syriac. This was executed in a.d. 508, and it is
generally termed Philoxenian from its promoter.'
This version has not been transmitted to us in
the form in which it was first made; we only poa
seta a revision of it, executed by Thomas of Harkel
in the following century (The Gospels, A.D. 61ft).
Pococke, in 1630,' gives an extinct from Bar Salibi,
in which the version of Thomas of Harkel is men-
tioned; and though Pococke did not kuow whnt
version Thomas had made, he speaks of a Syriac
translation of the Gospels communicated to him by
some learned man whom he does not name, which
from its servile adherence to the Greek was no
doubt the Harklean text. In the Bibliotheca Ori-
entalii of Assemani there were further notices of
the work of Thomas ; and In 1730 Samuel Palmer
sent from the ancient Amida (now Diarbekr) Syriac
MSS. to Dr. Gloucester Ridley, in which the* ver-
sion is contained. Thus he had two copies of the
Gospels, and one of all the rest of the New Test.,
except the end of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and
the Apocalypse. No other MSS. appear to have
yet come to light which contain any of this version
beyond the Gospels. From the subscriptions we
learn that the text was revised by Thomas with
three (some copies say r*o) Greek MSS. One Greek
copy is similarly mentioned at the close of the
Catholic Epistles.
Ridley published, In 1761 , an account of the MSS.
in hia possession, and a notice of this version. Ha
had intended to have edited the text: this was how-
ever done by White, at different times from 1778
to 1803. After the publication of the Gospels, the
researches of Adler brought more copies into notice
of that part of the Harklean text. From one of the
MSS. in the Vatican, St John's Gospel was edited
by Bernstein in 1851. It will be noticed that this
version differs from the Peshito, in containing all
the seven Catholic Epistles.
In describing this version as it has come down to
us, the text is the first thing to be considered. This
is characterized by extreme literal ity: the Syriac
idiom is constantly bent to suit the Greek, and
everything is in some manner expressed in the
Greek phrase and order. It is difficult to ima-
gine that it could have been intended for ecclesi-
astical reading. It is not independent of the Peshito,
the words, ftc, of which are often emrloyed. A:
to the kind of Greek text that it represents 't is
just what miy ht have been expected in tire 6th
century. The work of Thomas in the text itself it
* See Moses Agheianu Ir Assemani. MDttrtt. Orient
U. CI.
< fmfan- to the Syriac mill jo of J Pet. ran.
5 M J
1030
VKBSION6, AJTCHENT (8YBIAO)
teen in the Introduction of obeli, by which reassges
which ht rejected were condemned ; and of asterisks,
with which his insertions were distinguished. His
model in ill this wis the Hexaplir Greek text
The MSS. which were used by Thomas were of i
different kind from those employed in nuking the
Tersion ; they represented in general * much older
and purer text. The margin of the Hirklean re-
cension fpnfa""« (like the Hexaplar text of the
l.XX.) readings, mostly apparently from the Greek
MSS. used. It has been questioned whether these
readings are not a comparison with the Peahito ; if
any of them are so, they have probably been intro-
duced since the time of Thomas. It is probable
that the Philoxenian version was very literal, but
that the slavish adaptation to the Greek is the work
of Thomas ; and that his text thus bore about the
same relation to that of Philoxenua as the Latin
Bible of Arias Montanui does to that of his prede-
cessor Pagninus. For textual criticism this version
is a good authority as to the text of its own time,
at least where H does not merely follow the Peahito.
I he sicplinoations in the margin of the Book of Acts
bring a MS. used by Thomas into close comparison
with the Codex Bene. One of the MSS. of the
Gospels sent to Ridley contains the Harklean text,
with some revision by Bar Salibi.
C. Syriac Versions of portions teanting m the
Peshito. — I. The second Epistle of Peter, the second
and third of John, and that of Jude. The net has
been already noticed, that the Old Syriac Version
did not contain these Epistles. They were published
by Poeocke in 1630, from a MS. in the Bodleian.
The version of these Epistles so often agrees with
what we have in the Harklean recension, that the
one is at least dependent on the other. The sugges-
tion of Dr. Davidson {Biblical Criticism, ii. 196),
that the text of Poeocke is that of Philoxenus be-
fore it was revised by Thomas, seems most probable.
But if it is objected, that the translation does not
show as great a knowledge of Greek as might have
been expected in the translation of the rest of the
Philoxenian, it m ust be remembered that here he had
not the Peshito to aid him. In the Paris Polyglott
these Epistles were added to the Peshito, with which
they have since been commonly printed, although
they have not the slightest relation to that version.
II. The Apocalypse.— In 1627 De Dien edited a
Syriac version of tlie Apocalypse, from a MS. in the
I-eyden Library, written by one " Caspar from the
land of the Indians," who lived in the latter part
of the 16th century. A MS. at Florence, also
written by this Caspar, has a subscription stating
that it was copied in 1582 from a MS. in the writ-
ing of Thomas of Harkel, in a.d. 622. If this is
correct it shows that Thomas by himself would
have been but a poor translator of the N. T. But
the subscription seems to be of doubtful authority ;
ud cntil the Rev. B. Harris Cowper drew attention
•mSr ■»
Tbs Rev. B. Harris Oowper has conrteoosly cotn-
amskated the Hollowing notlee relative to tbe Syriac
Apocalypse In MSB. In the British Museum: "The MS.
No. lis* of tbe 14th century does not contain the actual
taxi of Ins Apocalypse, bot a brief commentary upon
ll-upoa paper, and not quite perfect; the text seem*
tag to be that of our printed books. The Cess of the
Apocalypse Is apparently all (bond In No. l»,l»,
a commentary upon the book of the 11th century.
TbJs also seems to be of tbs earns text ss the printed
sdiikn."
( IV Wen ssys that lads Syriac MS. contained " omnia
T. Syrtad. quae In prlorlbus otarant edirjoEffcus."
WS3
to a more ancient copy fcf that vataj
well be somewhat uncertain if this i
ancient work.* It is of small critical vajxa, ss»
the MS. from which it waa edrbsd is nasiracuj
written. It was in the MS. which Abp. Caaba-
sent as a present to De Dien in 1631, m which the
toAofc of the Syriac N. T. is said to have) been eaa-
tained (of what version is unknown), that having
been the only complete MS. of the Had described :<
and of this MS., in comp ari son with that text of the
Apocalrpse printed by De Dien, Dasher says, " tern
Syriac lately set out at Leyden may be axneadnd te
my MS. copy* (Todd's Walton, L 196, uetf
This book, from the Paris Polyglott and coward,
has been added to the Peshito in this liiilalias
Some have erroneously called thia Syriac Apocalypse
the Philoxenian, a name to which it has ao tide
the error seems to have originated from a verbs!
mistake in an old advertisement of Greenfield's edi-
tion (for which he was not responsible), which sail
" the Apocalypse and the Epistle* not farad m the
Peschito, are given from the Philosxxnaa l u eiao.*
III. The Syriac Version of John vSL 1-11.—
From the MS. sent by Abp. Ussher to De Hea. tbt
latter published tins section in 1631. Fteea IV
Dieu it was inserted in the London Poly
a reference to Ussber's MS., and hence it I
with tin other editions of the Peshito, where n a
a mere interpolation.
A copy of the same version ( es s entiall y) ss I
in Ridley's Codex Barsalibaei, where it is i
to Mans, a.d. 622 : Adkr found it aba in a Fan
MS. ascribed to Abbas Mar Paul.
Bar Salibi cites a different version, oat of 1
Bp. of Amida, through the chronicle of i
Melitina. See Assemani (Bibtiotk. Orient. n. i'
and 170), who gives the introductory wards. Pro-
bably the version edited b> that of Paul (as states
in the Paris MS.), and that of Mam the as* tries
by Bar Salibi; while in Ridley's MS. the twasss
confounded. The Paul mentioned is soaaareeart
Paul of Tela, the translator of the Hesxptar Grass
text into Syriac,
D. Ths Jebcsalex Svtoac IxmoSMXT*—
The MS. in the Vatican containing thia version wsi
pretty folly described by S. E. 'sspiaani ia ITS*.
in the Catalogue of the MSS. belonging to tost
Library ; but so few copies of that work asoasai
destruction by fire, that it was virtually impalisahi t.
and its contenta almost unknown. Adter, wb» at
Copenhsgen had tbe advantage of studying eons'
the few copies of this Catalogue, drew paa h l ji atfee-
tion to this peculiar document in his Atjrs* £*»&*-
sicht seiner bMisehkrittscken Krise tusck M»-
pp. 118-127 (Altana, 1783), and sail farther, a
1789, in his valuable examination of the Sftnt
versions. The MS. was written in JulJ. IW-
In peculiar Syriac writing; the portsssa* are <e
courne those for the different festivals, ansae pern
Does this mean that It merely contained what was ar>
vioosty wanting, or the loaofc, hiilsneaa, aaca para-
It seems strange If this section of SL Joan aoaai * »
alone. Thia makes It seem as If as reanaaaesxaa
given above vera the true one. Caibafa sera ansenpm*
is this :— " I have received the paresis of the X Tec
[in Syriac) which hitherto we bare muled at thai »e-
guage, rix.. UiebW^ortbesdollerqse v/oaaae. ta«W
EpfauV of Peter, toe and and 3rd KpeaUes of SL Jam.
the Kplstle or Jode. and the Revtlattoa; aa ease a aaaC
tractate of Ephrem Syrus m his own taaaaaga.* ASf
Unher to Dr. Samuel Ward June Xi, IMS (TaeVa If e
natton,! :M).
VKK8IONS, AJSCIKNT (TABOUM)
1837
■f the Gotpee, not being there at ill. The dialect
■ not «— ■«■«»■■ Syrian ; it n termed the Jtruaalem
Syriac, from its being nippoeed to resemble the
Jerusalem Talmud in language and other points.
The grammar ia peculiar ; the forms almost Chaldee
rather than Syriac; two characters are used for
expressing F and P.
For critical purposes this Lectionary has a far
higher value than it has for any other : its readings
often coincide with the oldest and best authorities. It
■ not yet known as to its entire text; for except a
small specimen, no part has been printed ; Adler,
however, selected large numbers of readings, which
have been commonly used by critics from that time
and onward. In Adler's opinion its date as a ver-
sion would be from the 4th to the 6th century ;
but it can hardly be supposed that it is of so early
an age, or that any Syrians then could havf used so
corrupt a dialect. It may rather be supposed to be
a translation made from a Greek Lectionary, never
having existed as a substantive translation : to what
age its execution should be assigned seems wholly
uncertain. (A further account of the MS. of this
version, drawn up from a comparison of Assemani'a
description in the Vatican Catalogue, and that of
Adler, with the US. itself in the Vatican Library,
made by the present writer, is given in Home's
Intivd. ir. 284-287, where, however, " Jerusalem
Targim " twice stands for Talmud.)
It appears, from the statement of Dr. Ceriani of
Milan, that Count Mareacalchi has met with a MS.
of this Lectionary, and that he has long had the
intention of publishing it.
On the Syrian Forsww.— Adler, ST. T. Peritonei
Syriaoae, Simplex, Philoxeniana et Hieroeoly-
miiana dmuo exominatae, 1789 ; Wiseman, Horae
Syriaoae, 1827 ; Ridley, De Syriacanan If. Poe-
derit tertionum indole atque tint, &c., 1761 ;
Winer, Commentatio detersiona if. T. Syriaoae
vax eritioo oaute autituendo, 1823 ; Wichelhaus,
De AW Test, tertian* Syriaca antiqua quam
Pexkitho meant, 1850 ; Bernstein, De Charklensi
N. T. translation* Syriaca oommentatio, 1 857 ;
Cureton, Antient Retention of the Syrian Ootpelt
(Preface, fcc.1, 1858. [S. P. T,]
TABOUM (DH-W, from QJTB; Arab.*jyyj,
to nanalate, explain) ; a Chaldee word of uncertain
origin, variously derived from the roots DJT, Dpi
(comp. Arab. ,,3j> **i> *•«•)> *"& eTen Identified
with the Greek rpiynjUi. dessert (Fr. dragea),
(trop. remyiiiimra raw kiyvr, Dion. Hal. Shet.
10, 18), which occurs often in the Talmud as '3H3
KOTO, or KQ'Jin ("such as dates, almonds,
nuts," Ac Pea. 1196): — the general term for the
CHALDEE, or, more accurately ARAMAIC VER-
SIONS of the Old Testament.
The injunction to " read the Book of the Law
before all b real .... the men, and women, and
children, and the stranger*," on the Feast of Taber-
nacle! of every Sabbatical year, as a means of solemn
instruction and edification, is tint found in Deut.
xxxi. 10-13. How far the ordinance was observed
ixs early times we have no means of judging. It
would appear, however, that such readings did
• " Tan kmds of families went an from Babylon :
Priests, Levitts, Israelites, profaned (V^n. those whose
fathers are priuu, but whose mothers are not St for
prtntlr marriage); proselytes, freedmen, bastards (or
reifcer those bora In Illegal wedlock); Nethtalm rlnwnai
take place in the days of Jeremiah. Certain h la
that among the first acts undertaken by Eire
towards the restoration of the primitive religion
and public worship ia reported his reading " before
the congregation, both of men and women " of the
returned exiles, " in the Book in the Law of God "
(Neh. viii. 2, 8). Aided by those men of learning
and eminence with whom, according to tradition,
he founded that most important religious and noli
tical body called the Great Synagogue, or Men
of the Great Assembly (nSl"IJn DD33 <t73K, 536-
167), he appears to have succeeded in so firmly
establishing regular and frequent public readings
in the Sacred Records, that later authorities almost
unanimously trace this hallowed custom to times
immemorial — nay to the time of Motes himseIC
Such is the statement of Josephua (o. Ap. ii. 17) ;
and we read in the Acta, xv. 21, " For Moses of
old time hath in every city them that preach him,
being read in the synagogue eveiy sabbath-day."
So also Jer. Meg. i. 1 : " Exra baa instituted for
Israel that the maledictions in the Pentateuch
should also be read in public," &c. Further, Meg.
31 6, "Exra instituted ten things, vis., that there
should be readings in the Law also in the afternoon
service of Sabbath, on the Monday, and on the
Thursday, &c But was not this instituted
before in the desert, as we find 'they went for
three days and found no water' (water meaning
the Law, as la. lv. 1 is fancifully explained by
the Haggada), until the 'prophets among them'
arranged the three weekly readings? But Exia
only reinstituted them," comp. also B. Kama,
82 a, etc To these ancient readings in the Pen-
tateuch were added, in the course of time, readings
in the Prophets (in some Babylonian cities even in
the Hagiographa), which were called nTODil,
ffaftaroth; but when and how these were intro-
duced is still matter of speculation. Former inves- .
tigators (Abndraham, Eliaa Levita, Vitringa, &c.)
almost unanimously trace their origin to the Syrian
persecutions, during which all attention to the Law
was strictly prohibited, and even all the copies of it
that were found were ruthlessly destroyed ; so that, as
a substitute for the Pentateuchical Paraaha, a some-
what corresponding portion of the Prophet* was read
in the synagogue, and the custom, once introduced,
remained fixed. Recent scholars, on the other
hand, without much show of reason, as it would
appear, variously hold the ffaftarah to have sprung
from the sermon or homiletic exercise which accom-
panied the reading in the Pentateuch, and took ill
exordium (as Haftarah, by an extraordinary lin-
guistic stretch, is explained by Frankel) from a pro-
phetic passage, adapted in a manner to the Mosaic
text under consideiation ; or, again, they imagine the
Haftarah to have taken it* riee spontaneously during
the exile itself, and that Exra retained and enforced
it in Palestine.
If, however, the primitive religion was re-estab-
lished, together with the second Temple, in more
than its former vigour, thus enabling the small
number of the returned exiles — and these, according
to tradition, the lowest of the low, the poor in
wealth, in knowledge, and in ancestry, 1 the very out*
casta and refuse of the nation as it were*— to found
mentals of the Temple); »pM"rB> (' ■boot whose Uneaaa
then Is atteac*,'— of unknown fathers); and •DVOK
'foundHnga, of unknown father and mother '" (K Ida. 4,1)
► " Earn, on leaving Babylon nude It Ilka ante put
l«38
VEBSIONS. ANOLKNT CTABGOM)
■pan the ruin* ofZiou one of the mast important and
luting ipiritual commonwealths that has ever been
known, there was jet one thing which neither au-
thority nor piety, neither academy nor synagogue,
could restore to ita original power and glory — the He-
brew language. Ere long it wa» found necessary to
translate the national books, in order that the nation
tram whose midst they had sprang might be able to
understand them. And if tor the Alexandrine, or
rather the whole body of Hellenistic Jews, Greek
translations had to be composed, those who dwelt
on the hallowed soil of their forefathers had to
receive the sacred word through an Aramaic medium.
The word VWD, Mep&nah, "explanatory,"
"clearly," or, as the A. V. ha* it, ''distinctly," used
in the above-quoted passage of Neh. viii. 8, is in
the Talmud explained by "Targum."" Thus to
Exra himself is traced the custom of adding trans-
lations in the then popular idiom — the Aramaic
— to the periodical readings (Jer. Meg. 28 b ; J.
Ned. it., Bab. Ned. i. ; Maim. Hilch. Teph. xii. §10,
be.), for which he is also reported to hare fixed the
Sabbaths, the Mondays and Thursdays — the two
latter the market and law-days, when the villagers
tune to town — of every week (Jer. Meg. i. 1 ; Baha
Kama, 82 a). The gradual decay of the pure
Hebrew vernacular, among the n ultitude at least,
may be accounted for in many ways. The Midrash
very strikingly points out, among the characteristics
of the long sojourn of Israel in Egypt, that they
neither changed their language, nor their names, nor
the shape of their garments, during all that time.
The bulk of their community — shut up, as it were, in
the small province of Goshen, almost exclusively re-
duced to intercourse with their own race and tribes,
devoted only to the pasture of their flocks, and per-
haps to the tilling of their soil — were in a condition
infinitely more favourable for the retention of all
the signs and tokens of their nationality than were
the Babylonian captives. The latter scattered up
and down the vast empire, seem to have enjoyed
everywhere full liberty of intercommunication with
the natives — very similar in many respects to them-
selves — to have been utterly unrestrained in the
exercise of every profession and trade, and even to
have risen to the highest offices of state ; and thus,
during the comparatively short space, they struck
root so firmly in the land of their exile, that when
opportunity served, they were, on the whole, loth to
return to the Land of Promise. What more natural
than that the immigrants under Zerubbabel, and still
more those who came with Exra — several generations
of whose ancestors had been settled in Babel — *honld
hare brought back with them the Aramaic, if not
as their vernacular,' at all events as an idiom with
which they were perfectly familiar, and which they
• "• 'And they lead In the book of the Law of God
clearly (EHIBO). and gave the understanding, so
tost they understood the reading;'— *ln the book of
the Law'— this Is Mlkra, the original reading In the
Pentateuch; ■ EH1QD, dearly ' — this 1« Targum"
(Meg. 3 a ; Ned. 31 6). To this tradition also might
tn referred the otksrwise rather enigmatical passage
(Santa. 11 A): - Originally." says Mar Sutra, -the
Law waa given to Israel In Ibrl writing and the holy
(Hebrew) language. It was again given to them m
the days if Earn hi the Aatrarilh writing and the Aramaic
language," *c
' ■ The youths who wait to combat at AnUorhU have
been victorious."
• " Perlabcd haa the army which the enemy thought
to lead agalu* the Temple."
may partly have continued to as
quia! language in Palestine, as, in fact, tterv ha*
had to use it in Babylon ? Continuous hmw rnanr
gratious from the " Captivity " did net tail to •»
inforce and further to spread the use of the sum
tongue. All the decrees and official
tions addressed to the Jews by their Pa
were in Aramaic (Exr. Neh. tnssxat), Judaea beat
considered only as part of the Syrian satrapy.
Nor must it be forgotten that the old colonist x
Palestine (2 E. xvii. 24) were Samaritan*, who had
come from " Aram and Babel," and who <¥***
Cbaldee; that intermarriages with women K"f
Ashdod, Ammon, and Moab had been oxjnar
(Neh. xiii. 23) ; that Phoenicia, whose anerducra
(Tyrians, Neh. xiii. 16) appear to have settled a.
Palestine, and to have established ccmxiiercral re"->
tions with Judaea and Galilee, contain* Urge fo-
ments of Cbaldee in its own idiom. Thus it caxoe u
pass that we find in the Book of Daniel, for iaatsre.
a somewhat forced Hebrew, from which, as it w» -.' ■
item, the author gladly lapses into the awn a>-
miliar Aramaic (comp. ii. 4, &c); that orar?—
were received by the High-priests Johansn* sr .'-
Simon the Just • in the Holy of Holies (during tia
Syrian wars) in Aramaic (South, 33, a.) ; and tLf
in short, some time before the Hasmooean per»i.
this was the language in which were coacbri
not only popular saying*, proverbs, and the Lcr
(Dinn StTD. Berasa. R. 107 d; Taw*. 17 «.
Midr. Tehill. 23d; 51 /, *c etc), but official an.'
legal document* (Mkdma Ketch. 4, 8; Tea****
Sabb. c. 8 ; Edojoth, 8, 4,— c 130 H.C.). even carta*
prayers'— of Babylonian origin probably aarl is
which books destined for the great aa* of the p upa
were written.! That, indeed, the Hebrew Lan-
guage— the " language of Kenan " (la. wax. 18V or
" Jehndith" (2 K. xviii. 26, 28 ; la. xxxvi. 11} m
the Bible— became more and more the aanaruaaw a>
the few, the learned, the flbfy Lang u age, pC7
EHpil, or, still more exactly, (Clip JV3 JC^.
" Language of the Temple," set aside almost ex-
clusively for the holy service of religion: be it
the Divine Law ana the works in which tis
was contained (like the Minima, toe Boraitbr-t,
Mechilta, Sifri, Sifra, the older Midrashim. aad
very many portions of the Talmud), or the ar-
respondence between the different aca dem ies ^witzeo
the Hebrew letter lent from Jerusalem to Alex-
andria about 100 B.C., Cbag. Jer. ii. 3), or hi
it the sacred worship itself in temple and syna-
gogue, which was almost entirely carried on ha pun
Hebrew.
If the common people thus gradually had lost a."
knowledge of the tongue in which wen* written the
I Introduction to l be Baggadah for the Poach tjiTC
KDtfo)- "fiwh waa the bread or ranery which aae
fathers ate in tba land of lsnnjim. TThoevar Is may.
be come and eat with us; whoever ts In want, be nan
and celebrate the Peaach. This year here, next year
in the land ot Israel; this year slaves, next year *•*
men." The KaddiA, to which afterward* a certain are*-
flcatlon aa a prayer for toe dead waa given, and was**
begins as follows : " Let there be m agr «Va asat — n -
Bed the Great Name to the world which He ha* ru i n
acconltug to His will, and which Be rales aa Hj> krvt
dom, during your life and your days, ant the life ct vw
whole home of Israel, speedily and hi a near tana*, aad
aay ye, • Amen : Be the Great Nam* prafand lor awet an*
evermore/"**.
• Megillalh Taaalth. ac
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TABOUM)
10%
books *> be reed to them, i: natural]; followed (in
order "that they might understand them") that
recourse must be had to a translation into the idiom
with which they were familiar — the Aramaic That
farther, ainee Jk bare translation could not in all
case* suffice, it wat necessary to add to the transla-
tion an explanation, more particularly of the more
iifncult aud obscure passages. Both translation
and explanation were designated by the term
Targum. In the course of time there sprang up
a guild, whose special office it was to act as
imterpretert in both senses (Meturgeman*), while
formerly the learned alone volunteered their ser-
rices. These interpreters were subjected to certain
Donds and regulations as to the form and sub-
stance of their renderings. Thus (comp. Mishna
Meg. passim ; Mass. Sofer. xi. 1 ; Mairaon. Hilch.
rephiil. 12, §11 ff; Orach Chaj. 145, 1, 8),
" neither the reader nor the interpreter are to raise
their voices one above the other; '« they have to
wait for each other until each have finished his
Terse ;" " the Meturgeman is not to lean against a
pillar or a beam, but to stand with lear and with
reverence ;" "Asm not to me a written Targum,
but he is to deliver his translation viva vooe " — lest it
might appear that he was reading out of the Torah
itself, and thus the Scriptures be held responsible
for what are hie otns dicta; "no more than one
verse in the Pentateuch, and three in the Prophets
Hi greater licence is given for the Book of Esther]
■hall be read and translated at a time;" "that
there should be not more than one reader and one
interpreter for the Law, while for the Prophets one
reader and one interpreter, or two interpreters, are
allowed," Jk. (comp. Cor. xiv. 21 ff; xii. 80 ; 27,
28). Again (Mishna Meg. and Tosiftah, ad ho.),
certain passages liable to give offence to the multi-
tude are epedfisd, which may be read in the syna-
gogue and translated; others, which may be read
but not translated ; others, again, which may
neither be read nor translated. To the tint class 1
belong the aootnmt of the Creation — a subject not
to be discussed publicly, on account of its most
vital bearing upon the relation between the Creator
and the Kosroos, and the nature of both : the deed
of Lot and his two daughters (Gen. xix. 31); of
Judah and Tiunar (Gen. xxxviii.) ; the first account
of the making of the golden calf (Ex. xxxii.);
all the curses in the Law ; the deed of Amnon and
Tamar (2 Sam. xiii.) ; of Absalom with his father's
concubines (2 Sam. xvi. 22); the story of the
woman of Gibeah (Judg. xix.). These are to be
read and translated — being mostly deeds which
carried their own punishments with them. To be
read but not translated are* the deed of Reuben
with his father's concubine (Gen. xxv. 22); the
latter portion of the story or" the golden caii" (Ex.
xxxii.) ; the benediction of the priests (on ac-
count of its awful nature). And neither to be read
nor translated are the deed of David and Bath-
aheba (2 Sam. xi. and xii.), and according to one
the story of Amnon and Tamar (2 Sam. xiii.).
(Both the latter stories, however, are, in Mishna
Meg. iv. 10, enumerated among those of the second
class, which are to be read but not translated.)
Altogether these Meturgemanim do not seem to
nave been held generally in very high respect ; one
of the reasons being probably that they were paid
(two Selaim at one time, according to Midr. R.
Gen. 98), and thus made (what P. Aboth especially
inveighs against) the Torah " a spade to dig with
it." " No sign of blessing,'' it was said, moreover,
" could rest upon the profit they made by their
calling, since it was money earned on the Sabbath '
(Pes. 4 b). Persons unfit to be readers, as those
whose clothes were so torn and ragged that their
limbs became visible through the rents (niTlD;,
their appearance thus not corresponding to the
reverence due to the sacred word itself, or Hind
men, were admitted to the office of a Meturgeman ;
and, apart from there not being the slightest au-
thority attached to their interpretations, they were
liable to be stopped and silenced, publicly and
ignominiously, whenever they seemed to overstep
the bounds of discretion. At what time the regu-
lation that they should not be under fifty rears of
age (in odd reference to the " men of fifty, ' la. iii.
3, mentioned in Juchas. 44, 2) came into use, we
are not able to decide. The Mishna certainly speaks
even of a minor (under thirteen years) as being
allowed both to read and to act as a Meturgeman
(comp. Mishna Meg. passim). Altogether they
appear to have borne the character of empty-headed,
bombastic fools. Thus Midr. Koh. has to Eccl. vii.
5 : " ' It is better to bear the rebuke of the wise :'
— these are the preachers (Darahanim) — ' than for
a man to hear the song of fools:' — then are the
Meturgemanim, who raise their voices in sing-song,
("It^a, or with empty fancies) : — ' that the people
may hear.'" And to ix. 17: "'The words of
wise men are heard in quiet ' — these are the preach-
ers (Darahanim) — ' more than the cry of him that
mirth among fools' — these are the Metnjmmanini
who stand above the congregation." And though
both passages may refer more especially to those
Meturgemanim (Emoras, speakers, expounders) who
at a later period stood by the side of the Cha-
cham, or president of the Academy, the preacher
ur 1 i(oxbv (himself seated on a raised dais), and
repeated with a loud voice, and enlarged upon what
the latter had whispered into their ear in Hebrew
(nnny \veh b wreb xan, comp. Matt. x. 27,
" What ye hear in the ear, that preach ye upon the
housetops"), yet there is an abundance of instances
to show that the Meturgeman at the side of the
reader was expeaed to rebukes of a nature, and is
spoken of in a manner, not likely to be employed
towards any but men low in the social scale.
A fair notion of what was considered a proper
Targnm may be gathered from the maxim pre-
served in the Talmud (Kidd. 49, a) " Whosoever
translate* [as Meturgeman] a verse in its closely
exact form [without proper regard to its real mean-
ing] is a liar, and whosoever adds to it is impious
ami a biaiphemer, e.g., the literal rendering into
Chaldee of the verse, ' They saw the God of
Israel ' (Ex. xxiv. 10), is as wrong a translation as
•They saw the angel o/God ;' the proper render-
ing being, ' They saw the glory of the God ot
Israel.' "[Comp. Sam**. Peht. p. 1 1 146]. Other
instances are found in the Mishna (Meg. iv. 8) ;
" Whosoever renders the text (Lev. xviii. 21) ' And
thou shalt not let any of thy seed pass through the
■ jomno. pmn. kjwmi (at. yAjS;
arm. Saramamil; llaL, rarawnu; FT. TruchcuKrJ ;
KorI.. Dragoman. *x.
■ Comprised In the
W rbi
1640
VEKSIONU, ANCiBMT (TAHGUM)
tire to Moloch,' by • Thou shall not give thy wed
Is be carried orer to heathenism (or to an Arstmite
woman) ' [•'. e. as the Gemara ad be. ; Jer. Sanh.
R, and Sifri on Dent, xviii. 10, explain it, one who
marries an Aramaic woman ; tor although she
may become a proselyte, she is yet sure to bear
tnemies to him and to God, sine* the mother will
. in the end carry his children over to idolatrous
worship;] as also he who enlarges upon (or figu-
ratively explains) the sections relative to incest
(Lev. xviii.) — he shall forthwith be silenced and
publicly rebuked." Again (comp. Jer. Ber. v. 1 ;
Meg. iv. 10), " Those who translate ' my people,
children of Israel, as I am merciful in heaven, so
shall ye be merciful on earth :' — ' Cow or ewe, it
and her young ye shall not kill in one day ' (Lev.
xxii. 28V— they do not well, for they represent the
Laws of God [whose reasons no man dare try to
fathom] as mere axioms of mercy ;" and, it is
added, "the short-sighted and the frivolous will
my, 'Lo! to a bird's-nest He extends His mercy,
lit not to yonder miserable man . . .'"
The same causes which, in the course of time,
M to the writing down — after many centuries of oral
transmission— of the whole body of the Traditional
Law, the very name of which (flD 7jnB> mill,
"oral law," in contradistinction to 211339 ITV.n,
or " written law ") seemed to imply that it should
uever become a fixed, immutable code, engendered
also, and about the same period, as it would appear,
written Targums: for certain portions of the Bible,
at least."
The fear of the adulterations and mutilations
which the Divine Word— amid the troubles within
sud without the Commonwealth — must undergo
at the hands of incompetent or impious exponents,
broke through the rule, that the Targura should
only be oral, lest it might acquire undue authority
^cotnp. Mishna Meg. iv. 5, 10; Tosifta, s'6. 3;
Jer. Meg. 4, 1 ; Bab. Meg. 24a; Sota, 396). Thus,
if a Targum of Job is mentioned (Sab. 115a; Tr.
Soferim, 5, 15; Tosifta Sab. e. 14; Jer. Sabb. 16,
> ) as having been highly disapproved by Gamaliel
the Elder (middle of first century, A.D.), who caused
it to be hidden and buried out of sight: — we find, on
the other hand, at the end of the second century, the
practice of reading the Targum generally commended,
and somewhat later Jehoshua ben Levi enjoins it
as a special duty upon his sons. The Mishna even
contains regulations about the manner (Jad. hr. 5)
in which the Targum is to be written. Bu< even
in their written, and, as we may presume, authori-
tatively approved form, the Targums were of com-
paratively small weight, and of no canonical value
whatsoever. The Sabbath was not to be broken for
their sake as it was lawful to do for the Scripture
m the original Hebrew (Sab. 115a). The Targum
does not defile the hands (for the purpose of touch-
ing consecrated food) as do the Chaldee portions of
Kzra and Nehemiah ( Yad. iv. 5).
The gradual growth of the Code of the written
Targum, such as now embraces almost the whole
•f the 0. T„ and contains, we may presume, but
• As. according toFrankel, the LXX. was only s partial
uaiwliittaa at first. Witness the confusion In the last
chapters of Kxodus, which, as mere repetitions (of chape,
sxv. sal xxlx.). were originally left on translated.
stadia In a similar manner ases the fonralas ,sjj jj"
* JSXli }Xm Sn repetition
few snatches of the primitive Targums, Is sttronta
in deep obscurity. We shall not fail to indicate
the opinions arrived at as to the date and anthop
ehip of the individual versions in their due places;
but we must warn the reader beforehand, that os
positive results have been attained as yet, aire that
nearly all the namet and data hitherto asmufi'y
attached to them ■ mutt be rejected. And we
fear that, as long at least as the Targnm sham
the fate of the LXX., the Samaritan Pentateuch,
the Mid rash, the Talmud, etc : — vi> -hat a raj);
critical edition remains a thing occasionally dreamt
of, but never attempted ; — so keg must we aban-
don the hope of getting any nearer a 6ml solu-
tion of this and many other still more importuit
questions. The utter corruption, moreover, of the
Targnm, bitterly complained of already by Elias
Levita — (an author, be it observed, of very mode-
rate attainment*, but absurdly overrated by certain
of his contemporaries, and by those who copied bis
usually shallow dicta without previous examina-
tion)— -debars us from more than half its use. And
yet how fertile its study could be made; what
light it might be made capable of throwing upon
the Bible itself, upon the history of the earliest
development of Biblical studies, versions, and upas
the Midi-ash — both the Halachah and Haggadah—
snatches of which, in their, as it were, liquid stages,
lie embedded in the Targums : — all this we need net
urge here at length.
Before, however, entering into a more detailed
account, we most first dwell for a short time on the
Midraih* itself, of which the Targum forms part.
The centre of all mental activity and religious
action among the Jewish community, after the
return from Babylon, was the Scriptural Canon
collected by the Soferim, or Men of the Great
Synagogue. These formed the chief authority on
the civil and religious law, and their authority
was the Pentateuch. Their office as expounder*
and commentators of the Sacred Records was two-
fold. They had, firstly, to explain the exact
meaning of such prohibitions and ordinances con-
tained in the Mosaic Books as seemed not exph> .t
enough for the multitude, and the precise applica-
tion of which in former dnya, had been forgotten
during the Captivity. Thus, e.g., geneial terms,
like the " work" forbidden on the Sabbath, were by
them specified and parficularixed ; not indeed
according to their own arbitrary and individual
views, but according to tradition traced back ts
Sinai itself. Secondly, laws neither specially con-
tained nor even indicated in the Pentateuch wot
inaugurated by them according to the new wants
of the times and the ever-shifting necessities of the
growing Commonwealth [Qeterotk, Tekmoth)
Nor were the Utter in all cases given on the sole
authority of the Synod ; but they were in most
cases traditional, and certain special letters or signs
in the Scriptures, seemingly superfluous or out d
place where they stood, were, according to fixed
hermeneutical rules, understood to indicate the in-
hibitions and prohibitions (Oedarim, " Peaces"),
newly issued and fixed. But Scripture, which had
zt , xxlv. n ; " Comtnen tary," In Use sense ofGsesar'a " Con-
men taries," enlargement, embellishment, uaii|iisililirl, Ac
( A. V. story /). The compilers of Chronicle* seem so hers
used such promiscooos works treating of biblical person-
ages and events, provided they contained sugM that lexv***
the tendency of the book.
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TABGTJM)
1641
For this purpose to be studied most minutely and
unremittingly — the moat careful ana scrutinizing
attention being paid even to its outward form and
semblance — was also used, and more especially in
its non-legal, prophetical porta, for homiletic pur-
poses, aa a wide held of themes for lectures, ser-
mons, sad religious discourses, both in and oat of
the Synagogue : — at every solemnity in public and
private life. This juridical and homiletical ex-
pounding and interpreting of Scripture— the germs
of both of which arc found still closely intertwined
and bound up with each other in the Targum — is
called daraeh, and the avalanche of Jewish litera-
ture which began silently to gather from the time
of the return from the eiile and went on rolling
uninterruptedly — however dread the events which
b< fel the nation — until about a thousand years after
'.he destruction of the second Temple, may be com-
prised under the general name Midrash — "ex-
pounding." The two chief branches indicated are,
Haiachah (")7D, " to go "), the role by which to
go, 3 binding, authoritative law; and Haggadah
fW. "«> «7 ") = «yins legend, — flights cf'
fancy, darting up from thj Divine word. The
Haiachah, treating more especially the Pentateuch
as the legal part of the 0. T„ bears towards this
book the relation of an amplified and annotated
Code ; these amplifications and annotations, be it
well understood, not being new laws, formerly un-
heard of, deduced in an arbitrary and fanciful
manner from Scripture, but supposed to be simul-
taneous oral revelations hated at in the Scripture :
in any case representing not the human but the
Divine interpretation, handed down through a named
authority {Kabbala,8hemata— •'something received,
beard "J, The Haggadah, on the other hand, held
especial sway over the wide field of ethical, poetical,
prophetical, and historical elements of the O.T.,
but was free even to interpret its legal and his-
torical passages fancifully and allegorically. The
whole Bible, with all its tones and colours, be-
longed to the Haggadah, and this whole Bible she
transformed into an endless series of theme* for her
most wonderful and capricious variations. " Pro-
phetess of the Exile," she took up the hallowed
verse, word or letter, and, as the Haiachah pointed
out in it a special ordinance, she, by a most inge-
nious exegetical process of her own, showed to the
wonder-struck multitude how the woeful events
under which they then groaned were hinted at in
it, and how in a manner it predicted even their
future issue. The aim of the Haggadah being
the purely momentary one of elevating, comfort-
ing, edifying its audience for the time being, it
did not pretend to possess the tlightest autho-
rity. As it* method was capricious and arbitrary,
so its cultivation was open to every one whose
heart prompted him. It is saga, tale, gnome,
parable, allegory,— poetry, in short, of its own
most strange kind, springing up from the sacred
soil of Scripture, wild, luxuriant, and tangled, like
a primeval tropical forest. If the Haiachah used
the Scriptural word aa a last and most awful
resort, against which there waa no further appeal,
the Haggadah used it as the golden noil on which
to hang its gorgeous tapestry : as introduction, re-
train, text, or fundamental stanza for a gloss ; and
• Mlshna, from statu, " to learn." * leamlnr," vot. ss
trronruaur traiulated of old. and repealed ever since,
swi I'-ant. ' reptutiou ;** but furrcspondlog exactly
if the former was the iron bulwark around the
nationality of Israel, which every one was ready at
every moment to defend to his last breath, the
latter was a mase of flowery walks within those
fortress-walls. That gradually the Haggadah pre-
ponderated and became the Miirath aor' i(,oxh* of
the people, is not surprising. We shall notice how
each successive Targum became more and more im-
pregnated with its essence, and frcm a version be-
came a succession of short homiletica. This difference
between the two branches of Midrasr is strikingly
pointed in the following Talmudical story : "IE.
Chia b. Abba, a Halachist, and K. Abbahu, a Hng-
gadist, once came together into a city and preached.
The people flocked to the latter, while the former's
discourses remained without a hearer. Thereupon
the Haggadist comforted the Halachist with a para-
ble. Two merchants come into a city and spread
their wares, — the one rare pearls and precious
stones; the other a ribbon, a ring, glittering
trinkets: around wV>tn will the multitude throng f
. . . Formerly, whm life was not yet bitter labour,
the people bad leisure for the deep word of the
Law ; now it stands in need of comfortings and
blessings."
The first collections of the Haiachah — embracing
the whole field of juridico-political, religious, and
practical life, both of the individual and of the
nation: the human and Divine law to its most mi-
nute and insignificant details — were instituted by
Hillel, Akibo, and Simon B. Gamaliel ; but the
final redaction of the general code, Muhna* to
which the Inter Toseftalis and Boraithas tbim *u]>-
plements, is due to Jehudah Uannassi in 220 A.D.
Of an earlier date with respect to the contents, but
committed to writing in later times, are the three
books: Sifra, or Torath Kohanim (an amplification
of Leviticus), Sifri (of Numbers and Deuterouomy),
and Mechiltha (of a portion of Exodus), the
masters of the Mishnaic period, after the Soforim,
are the Tannaim, who were followed by the Amo-
raim. The discussions and further amplifications
of the Mishna by the latter, form the Oe.nara
(Complement), a work extant in two redactions,
viz. that of Palestine or Jerusalem (middle of 4th
century), and of Babylon (5th century a.d.), which,
together with the Mishna, are comprised under the
name Talmud. Here, however, though the work
is ostensibly devoted to Haiachah, an almost equal
share is allowed to Haggadah. The Haggadistic
mode of treatment was threefold : either the simple
understanding of word? avi things {Peehal) i r the
homiletic application, isM.ng up the nuror of
Scripture to the present (.CerusA), or a mystic in-
terpretation {Sod), the second of which chiefly
found its way into the Targum. On its minute
division into special and general, ethical, historical,
esoteric, &c., Haggadah, we cannot enter here.
Suffice it to add that the most extensive collections
of it which have survived are Midrash Kabbah
(commenced about 700, concluded about 1 100 a.d.),
comprising the Pentateuch and the five Megilloth,
and the Pesikta (about 700 a.d.), which contains
the most complete cycle of Pericopea, but the very
existence of which had until lately bean forgotten,
surprisingly enough, through the very extracts
made from it (Jalkut, Pesikta Rabbathi, Sutarta,
be).
with Talmud, (from baud, " to learn "), sod Toiah
(from tores), " to teach :"all three terms meaning * ikt
study," by waj of emlnexe.
IBM
VEESI0N8, ANCIENT (TAROOM)
From this indispensable digression we return to
the subject of Targum. The Targums now extant
jre u follow* • —
I. Targum an the Pentateuch, known as that of
Onkelos.
II. Targum on the first and last prophets, known
as that of Jonathan Ben-Uzziel.
III. Targum on the Pentateuch, likewise known
« that of Jonathan Ben-Uiziel.
IV. Targum on portions of the Pentateuch,
known as Targum Jerushalmi.
V. Targums on the Hagiographa, ascribed to
Joseph the Blind, vis.: —
1. Targum on Psalms, Job, Proverbs.
2. Targum on the five Megilloth (Song of Songs,
Ruth, Lamentations, Esther, Ecclesiastes).
3. Two (not three, as commonly stated) other
Targums to Esther : a smaller and a larger, the latter
known as Targum Sheni, or Second Targum.
VI. Targum to Chronicles
VII. Targum to Daniel, known from an unpub-
lished Persian extract, and hitherto not received
anions; the number.
VIII. Targum on the Apocryphal pieces of Esther.
We have hinted before that neither any of the
mimes under which the Targums hitherto went,
nor any of the dates handed down with them,
hare stood the test of recent scrutiny. Let it,
however, not for a moment be supposed that a
sceptic Wolrian school has been at work, and with
hypercritical and wanton malice has tried to annihi-
late the hallowed names of Onkelos, Jonathan, and
Joseph the Blind. It will be seen from what
follows that most of these names have or may have
a true historical foundation and meaning ; but un-
critical ages and ignorant scribes have perverted
this meaning, and a succeuMon of most extraordi-
nary misreadings and strangest Sartpa xpirtpa —
some even of a very modem date — have produced
rare confusion, and a chain of assertions which dis-
solve before the first steady gate. That, notwith-
standing all this, the implicit belief in the old names
and dates still reigns supreme will surprise no one
who has been accustomed to see the most striking
and undeniable results of investigation and criticism
quietly ignored by contemporaries, and forgotten
by generations which followed, so that the sa
work had to be done very many times over again
oefore a certain tact was allowed to be such.
We shall follow the order indicated above:—
I. The Tarqdu or Onkelos.
It will be necessary, before we discuss this work
itself, to speak of the person of its reputed author
as for as it concerns us here. There arc few more
contested questions in the whole province of Biblical,
nay general literature, than those raised on this
head. Did an Onkelos ever exist? Was there
more than one Onkelos ? Was Onkelos the real
form of his name? Did be translate the Bible
at all, or part of it? And is this Targum the
translation he made ? Do the dates of his life
and this Targum tally? &c &c. The ancient
accounts of Onkelos are avowedly of the most
corrupted and confused kind : so much so that
both ancient and modem investigators have foiled to
reconcile and amend them so as to gain general satis-
faction, and opinions remain widely divergent. This
being the case, we think it our duty to lay the
whole — not very voluminous — evidence, collected
bo'h from the body of Talmudical and jxwt-Tal-
mudkul (so-called Rabbinical) and [
before the reader, in order that be may jaws? as
himself how for the conclusions to which we can.
point may be right.
The first mention of " Onkelos" — a Basse van-
ously derived from Nicolaus (Geiger), 'O npm aaast
[tic] (Kenan), Homunculus, Avunculus be. — asaai
fully " Onkelos the Proselyte," is found in the T*
siftah, a work drawn up nbortlv after the Makst
Hera we learn (1.) that " Onkelos the Proselyte"
was so serious in hi> adherence to the newly n j sa f a l
(Jewish) foith, thi he threw hi* share sa u.
paternal inheritance mto the Dead Sea (Tos. beam,
vi. 9). (2.) At the funeral of Gamaliel the Esse
(1st century a.d.) he burnt more than 7u bsm
worth of spices in his honour (Tos. Shabb. 8). ■«..
This same story is repeated, with variations \T»
Semach. 8). (4.) He is finally in a n ti o a n i, by way
of corroboration to different Halsfhws, m ounfi *
with Gamaliel, in three more places, which oos ntnai
our references from the Tosiftah (Tos. aiikr. <-.
1 ; Kelim, iii. 2, 2 ; Chag. 3, 1). The Babyluua
Talmud, the source to which we torn oar atte cm
next, mentions the name Onkelos four tones: (I.) ai
" Onkelos the Proselyte, the son of Kamniawia " ,Ca>-
linicus? Cleonkus?;, the son of Titos' sister, was.
intending to become s convert, conjured up tbs
ghosts of Titus, Balaam, and Christ [the latter aasst
is doubtful], in order to ask them what isatiia wot
considered the first in the other world. Tsar
answer that Israel was the favoured ooe decided luss
(Gitt. 56). (2.) As " Onkeloa the son of Kaiser-
mus" (Cleonymus?) (AbodaSsr. 11 at). It is shtn
related of him that Me emperor {X axanr) sent tar*
Roman cohorts to capture him, and that be ess-
verted them all. (3.) In Baba Baton 9» a ;tW
raitha), " Onkelos the Proselyte" is quoted as m
authority on the question of the form of the Cte-
rubim. And (4.) The most important paaaafv—
because on it and it alone, in the wide raaha at
ancient literature, has been founded the general faebei
that Onkelos is the author of the Targum now car-
rent under this name — is found in Meg. 3«- it
reads as follows : — " K. Jeremiah, and, en s a i l i ng u
others, R. Chia bar Abba, said: The Tsrgssr.
to the Pentateuch was made by the ' Pi — i n
Onkelos,' from the mouth of R. Eliezcr and L.
Jehoshua ; the Targum to the Prophets was mast
by Jonathan ben Usxiel tram the month of Haggs.
Zechariah, and Halachi. . . . But have we asi
been taught that the Targum existed tram the tanr
of Ezra? . . . Only that it was forgotten, sad
Onkelos restored it. No mention whatever u it
be found of Onkelos either m the Jerusalem Tabaua,
redacted about a hundred years before the Bali-
Ionian, nor in the Church fathers — an item of nega-
tive evidence to which we shall presently draw
further attention. In a Midrash collection, na>
pleted about the middle of the 12th century, «•
rind again "Onkelos the Proselyte" asking aa «i
man, " Whether that was all the love God bw?
towards a proselyte, that he promised to give Lx.
bread and a garment? Whereupon the oU cost
replied that this was all for which the Patrax s
Jacob prayed (Get. xxviii. 20)." The Book Zoos--.
of late and very uncertain date, makes *• Onk<l» *
a disciple of Hillel and Shemmai. Fmaiij, t
M.S., also of a very late and uncertain date, a
the library of the Leipzig Senate Ti. U. IT.
relates of " Onkelot, the nepnew of Ti'tna," thst te
asked the emperor's advice as to what merchant
1 he thought it Wit protitaUe to trade in. Ta» •*.
VERSIONS, ANCIENT i/rAEUUM)
1643
ptrtr laid him that that should be bought which
wm cheep in the market, since it was Bare to rise
is price. Whereupon Onketae went on hie way.
3: repaired to Jerusalem, and etudied the Law
under R. Eleasar and R. Jehoshua, and his face be-
^me wan. When he retnmed to the court, one
of the courtiers observed the pallor of his coun-
tenance, and said to Titan, "Onkeloe appears to
have studied the Law." Interrogated by Titus, he
admitted the fact, adding that he had done it by
hia rdvlce. No nation bed ever been so exalted,
and none was now held cheaper among the nations
than Israel : " therefore," he said, " I concluded that
in the end none would be of higher price."
This is all the information to be found in ancient
authorities about Onkelos and the Targum which
bears his name. Surprisingly enough, the latter is
well known to the Babylonian Talmud (whether to
the Jerusalem Talmud is questionable) and the
Midrashim, and is often quoted, but never once as
Targum Onkelos. The quotations from it are in-
variably introduced with Ji'DJ-inDia, "As we
[Babrlonians] translate;" and the version itself is
called («. g. Kiddnsh. 49a) JT1 DUIH, " Onr
Targum," exactly as Ephraim Syrus (Opp. i. 380)
.-peaks of the Peshito as " Our translation."
Yet we find on the other hand another current
rersion invariably quoted in the Talmud by the name
of its known author, viz. DTpP D3"in, " the
[Greek] Version of Akilas:" a circumstance which,
by showing that it was customary to quote the
authoi by name, excites suspicion as to the rela-
tion of Onkelos to the Targum Onkelos. Still
more surprising, however, is, as far as the person
of Onkelos is concerned (whatever be the dis-
crepancies in the above accounts), the similarity
between the incidents related of him and those re-
lated of Akilas. The latter (D^p», D?'pK) is
said, both in Sifra (Lev. xxv. 7) and the Jerusalem
Talmud (Demai, xxvii/f), to have been born in
l'witns, to have been a proselyte, to have thrown
his paternal inheritance into an asphalt lake (T.
Jer. Demai, 25<i), to have translated the Torah
before R. Eliezer and R. Joshua, who praised him
{1Cf}p, in allusion perhaps to his name, OT'pJJ) ;
or, according to other accounts, before R. Akiba
(comp. Jer. Kidd. 1, 1, 2, be. ; Jer. Meg. 1,
1 1 ; Babli Meg. 3a). We learn further that he
lived in the time of Hadrian (Chsg. 2, 1), that he
was the son of the Emperor's sister (Tanch. 28, 1),
that he became a convert against the Emperor's will
(ib. and Shem. Rabba, 146c), and that be consulted
Eliezer and Jehoshua about his conversion (Bar. R.
784; comp. Midr. Koh. 1026). First he is said
to have gone to the former, and to have asked him
whether that was all the love God bore a proselyte,
that He promised him bread and a garment (Gen.
xx viii. 20). " See," he said, " what exquisite birds
and other delicacies I now have: even my slaves
do not care for them any longer." Whereupon
R. Elicxer became wroth, and said, " Is that for
which Jacob prayed, ' And give me bread to eat
and a garment to wear,' so small in thine eyes ? —
Comes he, the proselyte, and receives these things
without any trouble 1" — And Akilas, dissatisfied,
» Omit quotations:— Gen. xvlL 1, in Brresh. Rah. SI ;
lav. xxtti. 40, Jer. Suecob, 3, 5, fol. 53d (comp. VsJ.
Rab. 900 d); It ill. JO, Jer. 8babb. 6, 4, fol. 8 b ; Es. xri.
10, Midr. Thren. We; Ex. xxili. 43, VsJ. Rab. 303 d;
(VxlrtlL IB (Mawr.T., xtvil. sromiing to LXX.). Jn.
tfeaj %\UL M»; Prov. xvttl. 21, Vitf. Rub. H.|. *>36;
left the irate Master and went to R Joahin. H«
pacified him, and explained to him that " Bread "
meant the Di\ ine Law, and " Garment," the Talith,
or sacred garment to be worn during prayer.
'- And not this alone, he continued, but the
Proselyte may marry hia daughter to a Priest,
and hia ofispring may hecome a High-Priest, and
offer burnt-offerings in the Sanctuary." More
striking still is a Greek quotation from Onkelos,
the Chaldee translator 'Midr. Echo, 58c), which
in reality is found in and quoted (Midr. Shir
haahir. 27d) from Akilas, the Greek translator.
That Akilas is no other than Aquila CAkvKus),
the well-known Greek translator of the Old Testa-
ment, we need hardly add. He is a native of Hontus
(Iren. adv. Haer. 3, 24; Jer. Dt Yir. III. c 54 ;
Philastr. D» Haer. §90). He lived under Hadrian
(Kpiph. De Pond, et Men*. §12). He is called the
TtuSipiStt (Chron. Alex. wtr9tp6t) of the Emperor
(»6. §14), becomes a convert to Judaism (§15),
whence he is called the Proselyte (Iren. to. ; Jerome
to Is. viiL 14, &c.), and receives instructions from
Akiba (Jer. *.). He translated the 0. T., and his
Version was considered of the highest import and
authority among the Jews, especially those unac-
quainted with the Hebrew language (Euseb. Praep.
Ev. 1. e. ; Augustin, Civ. D. xr. 23 ; Philastr. Haer.
90 ; Justin, Novell. 146). Thirteen dittinct quota-
tions* from this Version are preserved in Talmud
and Midrash, and they tally, for the most part,
with the corresponding passages preserved in the
Hexapla ; and for those even which do not agree,
there is no need to have recourse to corruptions.
We know from Jerome (on Ezek. iii. 15) that Aqnila
prepared a further edition of his Version, called by
the Jews a-or' iutplfitmv, and there h> no reason
why we should not assume, caeUris paribus, that
the differing passages belong to the different editions.
If then there can be no reasonable doubt as to the
identity of Aquila and Akilas, we may well now go
a step further, and from the threefold accounts ad-
duced,— so strikingly parallel even in their anachro-
nisms and contortions — safely argue the identity,
as of Akilas and Aquila, so of Onkelos ' the trans-
lator,' with Akilas or Aquila. Whether m reality
a proselyte of that name had been in existence
at an earlier date— a circumstance which might ex-
plain part of the contradictory statements ; and whe-
ther the difference of the forms is produced through
the y (ng, nk), with which we find the name some-
times spelt, or the Babylonian manner, occasionally
to insert an », like in Adrianus, which we a? ways
find spelt Aadrianus in the Babylonian Talmuu ; or
whether we are to read Gamaliel II. for Gamaliel
the Elder, we cannot here examine ; anything
connected with the person of an Onkelos no
longer concerns us, since he is not the author of
the Targum ; indeed, as we saw, only ones ascribed
to him in the passage of the Babylonian Talmud
(Meg. 3a), palpably corrupted from the Jerusalem
Talmud (Meg. i. 9). And not before the 9th cen-
tury (Pirke der. Klieter to Gen. xlv. 27) does this
mischievous mistake seem to have struck root, and
even from that time three centuries elapsed, during
which the Version was quoted often enough, but
without its authorship being ascribed to Onkelos.
Eslb. I. a, Midr. Estli. land ; Dan. v. 6, Jer. Jama, 3, s. fol
410.— Btoren quotations, ir-tnuuLued from the Uraek:—
Lev. xix. JO, Jn. Kid. I. i, fol. sea; lion. vliL IS. Bar. Rab,
He.— Chatdtt quotations:— Prov. xxv. 11 ; Kenan. Rab
104 b; Is. v. «, Midr. Koh. 113 cd.
1644
VERSIONS, ANCIENT .'TABGUM)
From mil this it follows that those who, in the | Ant SjvAesW vp Wfairj Xtftt
bet of this overwhelming mass of evidence, would i • • • eViAerisioVf »er wtr w u ss u'i s s
bin retain Onkelos in the false position of trans-
lator of oui Targnm, most be ready to admit that
there were two men living simultaneously of most
utoundingly similar names; both proselytes to Ju-
daism, both translators of the Bible, both disciples
of R. Klieaer and R. Jehoshua; it being of both
reported by the same authorities that they trans-
lated the Bible, and that they were disciples of
the two last-mentioned Doctors; both supposed to
be nephews of the reigning emperor, who disap-
proved of their conversion (for this account oomp.
Dion Cass, lxvii. 14, and Deb. Rab. 2 ; where Do-
mitian is related to have had a near relative executed
for his inclining towards Judaism), and very many
more palpable improbabilities of the same description.
The question now remains, why was this Targnm
called that of Onkelos or Akilas? It is neither a
emulation of it, nor is it at all done in the same spirit.
All that wa learn about the Greek Version shows us
that its chief aim and purpose was, to counteract the
LXX. The latter had at that time become a mass
of arbitrary corruptions — especially with respect to
the Messianic passages — as well on the Christian
as on the Jewish Fide. It was requisite that a
translation, scrupulously literal, should be given
into the hands of those who were unable to rend
the original. Aquila, the disciple, according to
one account, of Akiba; the same Akiba who ex-
pounded {danah) for Halachistic purposes the seem-
ingly most insignificant Particles in the Scripture
(c. g. the Jilt, sign of accusative ; Geo. R. 1 ; Tot.
Sheb. 1 ; Talm. Sheb. 26a), fulfilled his task
according to his master's method. " Non solum
verba std et etymologies verborum transferre co-
natus est. . . . Quod Hebraei non solum habent
ifi/xt ted et Tpiaptf*, ille smto^Asfr et syllabaa
iaterpretetiT et litteras, dictatque «•*» vi» oion-
>vr *ol o"4> -«j» •yqy quod graeca et latins lingua
non recipit" (Jer. dt Opt. Otn. interpret.). Tar-
gum Onkelos, on the other hand, is, if not quite
a paraphrase, yet one of the very freest versions.
Nor do the two translations, with rare exceptions,
agree even as to the renderings of proper nouns,
which each occasionally likes to transform into
something else. But there is a reason. The Jews
in possession of this most slavishly accurate Greek
Bible-text, could now on the one hand successfully
combat arguments, brought against them from
interpolated LXX. passages, and on the other
fallow the expoundings of the School and the Ha-
lachah, based upon the letter of the Law, as closely
as if they had understood the original itself. That
a version of this description often marred the sense,
mattered leas in times anything but favourable to
the literal meaning of the Bible. It thus gradually
became such a favourite with the people, that its
oafsit, rtp/ummdpm rhr ■vsssktjr. 4k. (Orig.«t
A/He. 2).
What, under these circumstance*, is anew aatmal
than to suppose that the new Chaldce V u ea w n
least as excellent in its way as the Gtcek — eat
started under the name which bad become i i j sisp a n
of the type and ideal of a Bibla-tasnshstimi ; that,*
feet, it should be called a Targnm dom in the snaaw*
of Aquila: — Aquilo-Torym. Whether •» title si
recommendation was, in consideration of the aerra
of the work upon which it was bestowed, gta-J en-
dorsed and retained — or for aught we know, was as
bestowed upon it until it was generally found to be «.'
such surpassing merit, we need not atop ts> anrac
Being thus deprived of the dates which, a daw
examination into the accounts of a translator's l»
might have furnished us, we most needs try to a
the time of our Targum as approximately as we cat
by the cirenmstances under which it took its rev.
and by the quotations from it which we meet in «er>
works. Without unnecessarily going into detail, wt
shall briefly record, what we said in the BBtredjp-
tiin, that the Targnm was begun to be mtwmitx
to writing about the end of the 2nd century, x~j
So far, however, from its superseding the «n.
Targum at once, it was on the contrary strictly un-
bidden to read it in public (Jer. Meg. 4, 1). N«r
was there any uniformity in the version, [earn
to the middle of the 2nd century we find u*
masters most materially differing from each etiet
with respect to the Targum of certain anasy*^
(Sob. 54 a.) and translations quoted not to he toot
in any of our Targums. The necessity most xk*
have pressed itself upon the attention of the axantsa.
leaders of the people to put a stop to the fl is rtiia i r%
state of a version, which, in the course of caw
must needs have become naturally surround ed va
a halo of authority little short of that of the «>•
ginal itself. We shall thus not be tar si sue, a
placing the work of collecting the different frag-
ments with their variants, and reducing thasn is*
one — finally authorised Version — about the end •
the 3rd, or the beginning of the 4th century, and
in assigning Babylon to it as the birthplace, h
was at Babylon, that about this time the ligbt «
learning, extinguished in the blood-stained fields ct
Palestine, shone with threefold vigour. Thar Jua-
demy at Nahardea, founded according to kgeni
during the Babylonian exile itself, had g ntisa e i
strength in the same degree as the nuanerau
Palestinian schools began to decline, and when m
259 a.d. that most ancient school was i l e tti u is a.
there were three others simultaneously Boajv*-
ing in its steed: — Tiberias, whither '-he outage*
of Palestinian Jaboeh bad been transferred as tc*
time of Gamaliel III. (200) ; Sore, {bonded by
renderings were household words. If the day when Chasda of Karri (293) ; and Pumbadita founded •»
the LXX. was made was considered a day of distress I R. Jehudah b. Jecheskeel (207). And in Baby »
like the one on which the golden calf was cast, and | for well nigh a thousand years " the crown of u*
was actually entered among the fast days (8th Law " remained, and to Babylon, the sent af ti»
Tebeth; Meg. Taanith) ;— this new version, which " Head of the Golah " (Dispersion), all Israu.
was to dispel the mischievous influences of the older, I scattered to the ends of the earth, looked for u>
earned for its author one of the most delicate com- \ spiritual guidance. That one of the tint deads
pliments in the manner of the time. The verse of , of these Schools must have bean the fixsng el
the Scripture (Pf. xlv. 3), "Thou art more beautiful ' the Targum, as soon as the fixing of it hsnuae
{jrfjefita) than the sons of men," was applied to indispensable, we may well presume ; and am*
him— in allusion to Gen. ix. 27, where it is said that the text fluctuating down to the middle af the
Japhet, (■'. «. the Greek language), should one day , 2nd century, we must needs assume that the reaW
swell in the tents of Shan (•.*. Israel), Meg. 1,11, tian took place as soon afterwards u may v is a i My
71 4 and ej 9 4, Btr. rUb. 404.-Ofr-w •yip'A«*- be supposed. Further corroberativr arguusrui. ax
VKBMONS, ANCIENT (TABUUM)
1648
found for Babylon as the pUoe of it* final redaction,
although Palestine was the country where it grew
and developed itself. Many grammatical and idio-
matical signs — the substance itself, t. e. the words,
Mng Palestinian — point, as far as the scanty ma-
terials in oar hands permit us to draw conclusions
as to the true state of language in Babylon, to that
country. The Targam further exhibits a greater
Inguistic similarity with the Babylonian, than
with the Palestinian Gemara. Again, terms are
found in it which the Talmud distinctly mentions
as peculiar to Babylon,* not to mention Persian
words, which on Babylonian soil easily found
their way into oar work. One of the most striking
hints is the unvarying translation of the Targom
of the word "Wl, " River," by Euphrates, the
River of Babylon. Need we further point to
the terms above mentioned, under which the
Targum is exclusively quoted in the Talmud and
the Hidrsshim of Babylon, via., *• Our Targum,"
" As «w translate," or its later designation (Aruch,
Rashi, Toeaibth, fa.) as the " Targum of Babel " ?
Were a further proof needed, it might be found in
the fact that the two Babylonian Schools, which,
holding different readings in various places of the
Scripture, as individual traditions ox their own,
consequently held different readings in the Targum
ever since the time of its redaction.
The opinions developed here are shared more or
less by some of the meet competent scholars of our
day : for instance, Zuni (who now repudiates the
dictum laid down in his Qattetdieiutl. Vortr., that
the translation of Onkelos dates from about the
middle of the first century, A.D. ; comp. Geiger,
ZeitacAr. 1848, p. 179, note 3), G raits, Levy, Herx-
feld, Geiger, Frankel, fa. The history of the In-
vestigation of the Targums, more especially that of
Onkelos, presents the usual spectacle of vague
speculations and widely contradictory notions,
held by different investigators at different times.
Suffice it to mention that of old authorities, Reuchin
puts the date of the Targum as for back ss the
time of Isaiah — notwithstanding that the people,
as we are distinctly told, did not understand even
a few Aramaic words in the time of Jeremiah.
Following Anna de Kossi sod Elish Levita (who,
for reasons now completely disposed of, assumed
the Targmn to hare hrst taken its rise in Babylon
during the Captivity), Bellannin, Sixtns Senensis,
Aldret, Bartolocci, Rich. Simon, Hottinger, Walton,
Tbos. Smith, Pearson, Allix, Wharton, Prideaux,
Schickard. take the same view with individual
modifications. Pfeiffer, B. Meyer, Steph. Morinus,
on the other hand, place its date at an extremely
late period, and assign it to Palestine. Another
School held that the Targum was not written
until after the time of the Talmud— so Wolf,
Harermann, partly Rich. Simon, Hornbeck, Joh.
Morinus, fa. : and their reasons are both the oc-
currence of " Tabnndical Fables" in the Targum
and the silence of the Fathers. The former is an
argument to which no reply is needed, since we do
not see what it can be meant to prove, unless the
" Rahbinus Talmud " has floated before their eyes,
who, according to ' Henricus Seynensis Capucinus '
{Amu. Eod. torn. i. 261), must have written all this
gigantic literature, ranging over a thousand years,
out of Us own head, in which case, indeed, every
• Tfrgy. *a etrt," is rendered by H»31; -lor urns
they sail to Babylon s vounf girl," ^333 pip pe»
ITO KW7 (Che* isa).
dictum on record, dating before or aftsr the com-
pilation of the Talmud, and in the least resembling
a passage or story contained therein, must be a plsr
giarism from its sole venerable author. The latter
argument, viz. the silence of the Fathers, mom
especially of Origen, Jerome, and Iprphanias, has
been answered by Walton ; and what we have said
will further corroborate his arguments to the effect,
that they did not mentiou it, not because it did not
exist in their days, but because they either knew
nothing of it, or did not understand it. In the person
of an Onkelos, a Chaldee translator, the belief has
been general, and will remain so, as long as the
ordinary Handbooks — with rare exceptions — do not
care to notice the uncontested results of contem-
porary investigation. How scholars within the last
century hare endeavoured to reconcile the contra-
dictory accounts about Onkelos, more particularly
how they have striven to smooth over the difficulty
of their tallying with those of Akilas— as far as either
bad come under their notice — for this and other
minor points we must refer the reader to Eichhora,
Jahn, Berthold, Hiveraick, fa.
We now turn to the Targum itself.
Its language is Chaldee, closely approaching in
purity of idiom to that of Ezra and Daniel. It follows
a sober and clear, though not a slavish exegesis, and
keeps as closely and minutely to the text as is at all
consistent with its purpose, viz., to be chiefly, and
above all, a version for the people. Its explanations
of difficult and obscure passages bear ample witness
to the competence of those who gave it its final
shape, and infused into it a rare unity. Even where
foreign matter is introduced, or, as Berkowitz in his
Hebrew work Otek Or keenly observes, where it
most artistically blends two translations : one literal,
and one figurative, into one; it steadily keeps in
view the real sense of the passage in hand. It Is
always concise and clear, and dignified, worthy of
the grandeur of its subject. It avoids the legend-
ary character with which all the later Targums
entwine the Biblical word, as far as ever cir-
cumstances would allow. Only in the poetical
passages it was compelled to yield — though re-
luctantly — to the popular craving for Haggadah ;
but even here it chooses and selects with rare taste
and tact.
Generally and broadly it may be stated that
alterations are never attempted, save for the
sake of clearness ; tropical terms are dissolved by
judicious circumlocutions, for the correctness ol
which the authors and editors — in possession of
the living tradition of a language still written, if
not spoken in their day— certainly seem better judges
than some modern critics, who through their own
incomplete acquaintance with the idiom, injudi-
ciously blame Onkelos. Highly characteristic is
the aversion of the Targum to anthropopathies and
anthropomorphisms; in fact, to any term which
could in the eyes of the multitude lower the ides
of the Highest Beiug. Yet there ore many pas-
sages retained in which human affections uid qua-
lities are attributed to Him. He speaks, He sees,
He hears, He smells the odour of sacrifice, is angry,
repents, fa. — the Targum thus showing itself en-
tirely opposed to the allegorising and symbolising
tendencies, which in those, and still more in lota
days, were prone to transform Biblical meter*
itself Into the most extraordinary legends and fairy
tales with or without a moral. Tne Targum, how-
ever, while retaining terms like the arm of God,
the right hand of God, the fiiger of God — for
1040 VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TABUUM")
**ower, Providence, &c. — replaces terms like foot,
front, back of God, by the fitting figurative mean-
ing. We most notice further its repugnance to
bring the Divine Being into too close contact, as
it were, with man. It erects a kind of reverential
barrier, a sort of invisible medium of awful reve-
rence between the Creator and the treature. Thus
terms like"the Word" (Logos = Sinsc. 6m), "the
Shechinah " (Holy Presence of God's Majesty, - the
Glory"), further, human beings talking not to, but
" before " God, are frequent. The same care, in a
minor degree, is taken of the dignity of the persons
of the patriarchs, who, though the Scripture may
expose their weaknesses, were not to be held up in
their iniquities before the multitude whose ances-
tors and ideals they were. That the most curious
fareott wporena and anachronisms occur, such as
Jacob studying the Torah in the academy of Shem,
Ac., is due tc the then current typifying tendencies
of the Haggadah. Some extremely cautious, withal
poetical, alterations also occur when the patriarvhs
speak of having acquired something by violent
means: as Jacob (Gen. xlviii. '22), by his "sword
and bow," which two words become in the Tar-
gum, " prayers and supplications." But the points
which will hare to be considered chiefly when the
Targum becomes a serious study — as throwing the
clearest light upon its time, and the ideas then
in vogue about matters connected with religious
belief and exercises — are those which treat of
prayer, study of the law, prophecy, angelology, and
the Messiah.
The only competent investigator who, after Winer
(De Onkelom, 1620), but with infinitely more mi-
nuteness and thorough knowledge of the subject,
has gone fully into this matter, is Lnzxatto. Con-
sidering the vast importance of this, the oldest Tar-
gum, for biblical as well as for linguistic studies in
general, — not to mention the advantages that might
accrue from it to other branches of learning, such
as geography, history, &c : we think it advisable
to give — for the first time— a brief sketch of the
results of this eminent scholar. His classical,
though not rigorously methodical, Oheb Qer (1830)
is, it is true, quoted by every one, but in reality
known to but an infinitely small number, although
it is written in the most lucid modern Hebrew,
He divides the discrepancies between Text and
Targum into four principal classes.
(A.) Where the language of the Text has been
changed in the Targum, but the meaning of the
former retained.
(B.) Where both language and meaning were
changed.
(C.) Where the meaning was retained, but addi-
tions ware introduced.
(D.) Where the meaning was changed, and addi-
tions were introduced.
He further subdivides these four into thirty-two
classes, to nil of which he adds, in a most thorough
and accurate manner, some telling specimens. Not-
withstanding the apparent pedantry of his method,
and the undeniable identity which necessarily must
exist between some of his classes, a glance over
their whole body, aided by one or two examples in
each case, will enable us to ga!n as clsar an rnrigtt
into the manner and "genius" of the Onkcioa-
Targum as is possible without the study of tiu
work itself.
(A.) Discrepancies where the hjrxfuge of the text
has been chanped in the Targrur., btt the meaning
of the former has been retained.
1. Alterations owing to the idiom: e. g. the sin-
gular,' " Let there V Uit] lights " (Geu. i. 14), is
transformed into the plur.' [flnf] in the Targum
" man and woman," 1 as applied to th? animals
(Gen. vii. 2). becomes, as unsuitable in the Aramaic,
" male and female." ■
2. Alterations out of reverence towards God.
more especially for the purpose of doing away with
all ideas of a plurality of the Godhead : e. g. the
terms Adonai, Elohim, are replaced by Jehovah,
lest these might appear to imply more than one
God. Where Elohim it applied to idolatry it is
rendered "Error."*
3. Anthropomorphisms, where they could be mis-
understood and construed into a disparagement or
a lowering of the dignity of the Godhead among
the common people, are expunged : e. g . for " And
God sroelled a sweet smell " (Gen. viii. 21), Onkrkc
has, " And Jehovah received the sacrifice with
grace;" for " And Jehovah went r down to see the
city" (Gen. xj. 5), " And Jehovah mealed • Him-
self," a term of frequent use in the Targum far
verbs of motion, such as " to go down," " to go
through," fa., applied to God. '* I shall pass over 1
yon" (Ex, xii. 13), the Targum renders, " I thali
protect you," » Yet only anthropomorphisms which
clearly stand figuratively and might give offence,
are expunged, not as Maimonides, followed by nearly
all commentators, holds, all anthropomorphisms,
for words like " hand, finger, to speak, see," fc-
(see above), are retained. But where the words
remember, think of, e ic., are used of God, they
alwavs, whatever their tense in the text, stand iu
the targum in the present ; since a past or future
would imply a temporary forgetting on the part of
the Omniscient. 4 A keen distinction is here alse
established by Luxxatto between *IPI and vl. th<
former used of a real, external seeing, the latter of
a seeing " into the heart."
4. Expressions used of and to God by men are
brought more into harmony with the idea of HU
dignity. Thus Abraham's question, " The Juds?
of the wholo larth, should he not (tt?) do justice?"
(Gen. xviii. 25) is altered into the affirmative : " The
Judge . . . verily He will do justice." Laban. who
speaks of his gods • in the text, is made to speak of
bis religion ' only in the Targum.
5. Alterations in honour of Israel and their an-
cestors. Rachel " stole " « the Teraphira (xxxi. 19)
is softened into Rachel "took;"* Jacob " fled"
from Laban (lb. 22), into "went";* "The sons
of Jacob answered Shechem with craftiness""
(xxxiv. 13), into " with wisdom." *
6. Short glosses introduced for the better under-
standing of the text: " for it is my mouth that
speaks to you" (xiv. 12), Joseph said to ha
brethren : Targum, " in your tongue," • «". «. with-
out an interpreter. " The people who had mad*
• K3P131 -en • k*dd» rmyta
» tii • •hina • mriDD
• mrot • -or. npo
• Comn. Prayer for Hash nashana, "13^ WlSC J'NY
* And there U no forgetting beam the throne af Tbj
glory."
• o>rb» ' 'nfcm » auiro
* na»wi ' rnia * 7TK
TENSIONS. AKOfENT (TABBUM)
1647
the all;" (E*. izrii. 35) Targum, " worshipped,"*
since tot they, bat Aaron made it.
7. fcjpUnatioa of tropical aud allegorical expres-
sions: "Be fruitful (lit. ■creep,' from pB>) and
multiply " (Geo. i. 28), is altered into " bear chil-
dren;''! " thy brother Aaron shall be ihjpmpAet"'
(Ex.Tli.l), into "thy interpreter"" (Meturgeman) ;
« I mads thee a god (Elohim) to Pharaoh" (Ex. Til.
1), into " a muter ;" ' "to a haul and Dot to a tail"
(Deut. xzviii. 13), into "to a strong man and not
to a weak ;" * and finally, " Whoever says of hia
rather and hia mother, I saw them not ' (Deut.
xx.~*ii. 9), Into " Whoever ia not merciful 1 towards
«ua -ather and his mother."
8. Tending to ennoble the language : the " wash-
ing " of Aaron and his tons ia altered into " sancti-
fying? ;" the " carcasses " • of the auimal* of Abra-
ham (Gen. zv. 11) become "pieces;"* "anoint-
ing'^ becomes " elevating, raising;"* "the wife
of the bosom," * " wife of the covenant." •
'J. The last of the classes where the terms are
aiiered, but the sense is retained, is that in which
a change of language takes place in order to in-
troduce the explanations of the oral law and the
traditions: e.g. Lev. xxiii. 11, "On the morrow
after the Sabbath ' (i. e. the feast of the unleavened
bread) the priest shall wave it (the sheaf';," Onkelos
for Sabbath, feast-day.* For frontlets * (Deut. vi.
8), TefiUin (phylacteries).'
(B.) Change of both the terms and the meaning.
10. To avoid phrases apparently derogatory to
the dignity of the Divine Being: " Am I in God's
stead ? " * becomes in Onkelos, " Dost thou ask
(children] from me?* 1 from before God thou
shouldst ask them" (Gen. xxx. 2).
11. In order to avoid anthropomorphisms of an
objectionable kind. " With the breath of Thv nose""
(" blast of Thy nostrils," A. V., Ex. xv. 8), becomes
" With the word of Thy mouth." • " And I shall
spread my hand over thee"* (Ex. xxxiii. 22), is
tiwnsformed into " I shall with my word protect
thee." • "And thou shalt see my back parts,* but
my free* shall not be seen" (Ex. xxxiii. 23):
" And thou shalt see what is behind me,' but that
which is before me w shall not be seen" (Deut.
xxxiii. 12).
12. For the sake of religious euphemisms: #. g.
"And ye shall be like God"* (Gen. ill. 5), is
altered into " like princes." T "A laughter " has
Cod made me" (Gen. xxi. 6), into " A joy* He
gives me " — " God " being entirely omitted.
13. In honour of the nation and its ancestors:
• nayntnn • n^roe * im'sj
• Tjomno « ai • vhrb toi eppnS
• D»m » penp'i ■ d*ijd
• tnbt (D*ina) » nco • 'ain
« yp»n ne*n • -|D«p net*
» nat? * nats kdv » nwoio
• p^Dn » oae 6k nnnn
- i3i «r»3 rm <3on ■ tdk nna»
• -pie TD'oai • 'to vnxn
• noca pm . mnn • »jd
• nnai n» • 'Dipi n» * dtwk
» r^ai * Pins « unn
» D^.TM 3BT ' K3bSk JV33 e*bco
• tvn nrat • kom imoi in
e.g. "Jacob was an uprig.it mar, .1 dweller in
tents"* (Gen. xxv. 27), becomes " an upright man,
frequentins; the house of learning." • "One of the
people* might have lain with thy wile" (Gen.
xxvi. 10) — " One singled out among ne people.' *
»'. e. the king. " Thy brother came um took my
blessing with deceit"' (Gen. xxvii. 35), becomes
" with wisdom "r
14. In order to avoid similes objectionable on
sesthetical grounds. " And he will bathe his fool
in oil " ■ — " And he will have many delicacies ' ot
a king " (Dent, xxxiii. 24).
15. In order to ennoble the language. " And
man became a living being"* (Gen. ii. 7) — "And
it became in man a speaking spirit."** " How
good are thy tents,* Jacob " — " How good are
thy lands, Jacob " (Num. xxiv. 5).
16. In favour of the Orel Law and the Rabbinical
explanations " And go into the land of Moriah " »
(Gen. xxii. 2), becomes " into the land of worship"
(the future place of the Temple). " Isaac went
to walk • in the field " (Gen. xxiv. 63), is rendered
"to pray."' [Comp. San. I'ssrr., p. 1114 6].
" Thou (halt not boil a kid • in the milk of its
mother " (Ex. xxxir. 26)— as meat and milk,* ac-
cording to the Halachah.
(C.) Alterations of words (circumlocutions, addi-
tion*, &c.) without change of meaning.
17. On account of the difference of idiom : e. g.
"Her father's brother"* (= relation), (Gen. xxix.
12), is rendered " The son of her father's sister."*
" What God does* (future) he has told Pharaoh"
(Gen. xli. 28)—" What God will do,"" ate.
18. Additions for the sake of avoiding expres-
sions apparently derogatory to the dignity of the
Divine Being, by implying polytheism and the like:
" Who ia like unto Thee* among the gods ?" is ren-
dered, " There is none like unto Thee,* Thou art
God " (Ex. xv. 1 1). " And they sacrifice to demons
who are no gods" « — " of noose "* (Deut. xxxii. 17).
19. In order to avoid erroneous notions implied
in certain verbs and epithets used of the Divine
Being: e.g. "And the Spirit of God* moved"
(Gen. i. 2)—" A wind from before the Lord."'
" And Noah built God an altar"! (Gen. vtii. 20)
— " an altar before » the Lord." '< And God 1 was
with the boy" (Gen. xxi. 20)—" And the word of
God* was in the aid of the bor." M The moun-
tain of God" (Ex. til. 1) — "The mountain upon
which vu revealed the glory" of God." "The
staff of God" (Ex. iv. 20)- "The staff with
which thou liost done the miracles before ■ God."
' nmo3 » troaira • per
1 »punn ■ irn cort
■ k^od nrb dik3 mm ■ -fin*
• tjtw • rmo • rneh-
' WrpID- (Abraham Instituted, according to th%
Mldrush, the morning- (Hlialiarllh), Isaac the afternoon-
(Mlnba), and Jacob ihe evening-prayer (Maarlb).]
• a^>na nj « 3^m lea
• vm • nrw T3 » neny
• 13jnA TTO • "pD3 13 * "\:0 13 P»V
• »n^K vb « -yrvt pa n^
• dvAk mi » O'.-fo Dip p rm
• to • 'n Dip * *m
» m KTD»D - nip* * n DIP |«
1648
VEK8I0N8, ANCIENT (TABQrM)
• And I shall me what will be their end"— " It
is open (revealed) before me,"' be. The Divine
Being ii in nut very rarely spoken of without that
spiritual medium mentioned before; it being con-
sidered, a* it were, a want of proper reverence to
weak to or of Him directly. The terms " Before "
(hip), "Word" (A*yos. tTID'D), " Glory "
CKip»), " Majesty " (rt'n»t?), are also constantly
used instead of the Divine name : e. g. " The voice
of the Lord God was heard" (Gen. Hi. 8)— "The
voice of the Word." "And Ha will dwell in the
tents of Shem* (ix. 27) — "And the Shechina
[Divine Presence! will dwell." " And the Lord
went up from Abraham " (Gen. xvii. 22) — " And
the glory of God went up." " And God came to
Abimelech" (Gen. xx. 3) — "And the word from
[before] God came to Abimelech."
20. For the lake of improving seemingly irre-
verential phrases in Scripture. " Who is God that
I should listen unto His voice? " (Ex. v. 2)—" The
name of God has not been revealed to me, that I
should receive His word." *
21. In honour of the nation and its ancestors.
" And Israel said to Joseph, Now I shall gladly
die "' (Gen. xlvi. 30), which might appear frivolous
in the mouth of the patriarch, becomes " I shall be
comforted ■ now." " And he led his flock towards *
the desert" (Ex. Ui.'l) — " towards a good spot of
pasture" in the desert."
22. In honour of the Law and the explanation of
ha obscurities. " To days and years " (Gen. i. 14)
— " that days and years should be counted by
them." * "A tree of knowledge of good and evil
— " A tree, and those who eat its fruits r will dis-
tinguish between good and evil." " I shall not
further curse for the sake of 1 man " (viii. 21)
— " through the sin * of man." " To the ground
■hall not be forgiven the blood b shed upon it "
(Num. xxv. 33)—" the innocent • blood."
23. For the sake of avoiding similes, metony-
mies! and allegorical passages, too difficult for the
comprehension of the multitude : e.g." Thy seed
like the dust of the earth" (Gen. xiu. 16)—
" mighty* as the dust of the earth." " I am too
•mail for all the benefits " (Gen. xxxil. 10)— "My
good deeds • are small." " And the Lord thy God
will circumcise thy heart " — " the folly of thy
hearf'
24. For the sake of elucidating apparent obscuri-
ties, &c., in the written Law. " Therefore shall a
man leave his father and his mother" (Gen. ii.
24) — " the home "« (not really his parents). " The
will of Him who dwelleth in the bush " — "of Him
that dwelleth in heaven* [whose Shechinah is in
Heaven], and who revealed Himself in the bush to
Mooes." 1
25. In favour of the oral Law and the traditional
explanations generally. " He punishes the sins of
the parents on their children" (Ex. xx. 5), has the
• 'TOT » HTTp <hi
< nrma ^ap*n ^> ^jtm*. tb
• nniDK • noro« • -on irw
• -3 .Tjn net? • pna ♦jod^
» vrtrn pbm pSti • "ran
■ w $>na • d*6 • 'p* d-6
• r»WD »nmt pin
1 "fib nwDo • rraacD rva
• ttvieo frruaim tvebn urn*
addition, " when toe children follow the bub c
their parents " (comp. Ex. xvni. 10). "TberifiA
ecus and the just ye shall not kill " (Ex. xrjii. 7;
— " He who has left the tribunal as innocent, thou
fthalt not kill him," t. «., according to the Haladn
he is not to be arraigned again for the same erimr
"Doorposts" (nususott) (Dent. vi. 9)— "Am
thou shalt write them . . . and affix them upon oV
posts," be.
(D.) Alteration of language and meaning.
26. In honour of the Divine Being, to avoid ap-
parent multiplicity or a likeness. " Behold ran
will be like one of us, knowing good and evil *
(Gen. iii. 22)—" He will be the only one in the
world ' to know good and evil." " For who if
a God in heaven and on earth who could do like
Thy deeds and powers?" (Drat. iii. 24)—* Tbmi
art God, Thy Divine Presence (Shechinah) » ii
heaven k above, and reigns on earth below, aud then
is none who does like unto Thy deeds," be
27. Alteration of epithets employed of God.
"And before Thee shall I hide myself"- (Gen.
iv. 14)— "And before Thee it is not possible to
hide."* " This is my God and I will praise* Him,
the God of my father and I will extol* Him " (Ex.
xv. 2)—" This is my God, and I will build Him ■
sanctuary ; « the God of my fathers, and I will pray
before Him." * "In one moment I shall go up is
thy midst and annihilate thee" — " For one hour
will I take away my majesty ' from among thee "
(since no evil can come from above).
28. For the ennobling of the sense. " Great is
Jehovah above all gods" — "Great is God, sad
there is no other god beside Him." " Send throoji
him whom thou wilt send " (Ex. iv. 13)—" throws*
him who is worthy to be sent"
29. In honour of the nation and iU ancestor!.
" And the souls they made 1 in Haran " (Gen. xii.
5)—" the souls they made subject to the Divine
Law* in Haran." " And Isaac brought her into
the tent of his mother Sarah " (Gen. xxiv. 67)—
" And lo righteous were her works,* like the works
of his mother Sarah." " And he bent his shoulder
to bear, and he became a tributary servant " (Geo,
xlix. 15) — " And he will conquer the cities of the
nations and destroy their dwelling-places, and those
that will remain tfwre will serve him and pay tr.
bute to him." " People, foolish and not wise'
(Deut. xxxii. 6) — " People who has received u»
Law and has not become wise." J
30. Explanatory of tropical and metooyinfcsl
phrases. " And besides thee no man shall raise hit
hand and his foot in the whole land of Egypt"
( Gen . xli. 44)—" There shall not a man raise his baas'
to seize a weapon, and his foot to ride on ahorse.*
31 . To ennoble or improve the language. " OoaB
of skin " (Gen. iii. 21) — " Garments of honour'
on the akin of their flesh." " Thy two daaa>
■ Knx>3 yxsv - innote
• vroemb TB*a« nb • utuk
• in:DonK * enpo rth '3»
■ »mDip rfast* • 'lUMf yhtx
« yew * Kn«Tw6 rvastr
• Kmaw? ppm
• icon *6i Nivnw V*»
• tpn r^ 3 ^
VEBBIUNB, ANCIENT (TAEGtfM)
1MB
Mrs who an l.mxi -rith thee" (Gen. xix. 15)—
" who were found faithful with thn." •• May
ReubuL lire and not die " (Deut. inih. 6) — " May
Keuben live in the everlasting life."
The foregoing examples will, we trust, be found
to bear out sufficiently the judgment given above on
this Targum. In suite of its many and important
discrepancies, it never for one moment forgets its
aim of being a clear, though free, translation /or
the people, and nothing more. Wherever it
deviates from the literalness of the text, such a
course, in its case, is fully justified — nay, neces-
sitated — either by the obscurity of the passage,
or the wrong construction that naturally would
be put upon its wording by the multitude. The
explanations given agiee either with the real sense,
or develop the current tradition supposed to under-
lie it- The specimens adduced by other investi-
gators, however differently classified or explained,
are easily brought under the foregoing heads.
They one and all teud to prove that Onkelos,
whatever the objections against single instances,
is one of the most excellent and thoroughly
competent interpreters. A few instances only
— and they are very few indeed — may be ad-
duced, where even Onkelos, as it would appear,
" dormitat." Far be it from us for one moment
to depreciate, as has been done, the infinitely
superior knowledge both of the Hebrew and Chaldee
idioms on the part of the writers and editors of
nur document, or to attribute their discrepancies
from modem translations to ignorance. They drank
from the fullness of a highly valuable traditional
exegesis, as fresh and v'goious in their days as
the Hebrew language itself stil'. was in the circles
of the wise, the academies and schools. But
we have this advantage, that words which then
were obsolete, and whose meaning was known no
longer— only guessed at — are to us familiar by the
numerous progeny they have produced in cognate
idioms, known to us through the mighty spread of
linguistic science in our days ; and if we are not
aided by a traditional exegesis handed down within
and without the schools, perhaps ever since the days
of the framing of the document itself, neither are
we prejudiced and fettered by it. Whatever may be
implied and hidden in a verse or word, we have no
reason to translate it accordingly, and, for the attain-
ing of this purpose, to overstrain the powers of the
roots. Among such small shortcomings of our
translator may he mentioned that he appears to
have erroneously derived Dtdtf (Gen. iv. 7j from
KC3; that nn31J (xx. 6) is by him rendered
nrDItt; TOH (Gen. xli. 43) by toW> K3K;
-Ok* 'Deut. xxiv. 5) 13K ; and the like.
Comp. however the Commentators on these pas-
The bulk of the passages generally adduced as
proofs of want of knowledge on the part of Onkelos
nave to a great part been shown in the course of the
.bregoing specimens to be intentional deviations;
oinny other passages not mentioned merely instance
the want of knowledge on the part of his critics.
•*mmdc places, again, exhibit that blending of two
distinct translations, of which we have spoken; the
oi'xhword being apparently taken in two different
cerises. Thus Gen. xxii. 13, where he translates:
*' And Abraham lifted up his eyes after these, aud
h. held I here was a ram ;" he has not " in his ner-
pUxily " mistranslated ^n* for TITK, but he has
aaW pi wed for the sake of ctteum the "1T,tt after
SOL. til.
the verb (he saw), instead of the noun (ram) ; and
the K*1D, which is moivover wanting in some texts,
has been added, not as a translation of TTWC or ITOt,
but in order to moke the passage more lucid still.
A similar instance of a double ttanslation is found in
Gen. ix. 6 : " Whosoever sheJs a man's blood, by
man shall his blood be shed " — rendered " Whoso-
ever sheds the blood of man, by witnesses through
the sentence of the judges shall Ills blood be shed ;"
D1N3. by man, being taken first as " witness,'
and then as "judges."
We may further notice the occurrence of two
Messianic passages in this Targum : the one, Gen.
xlix. 10, Shiloh ; the other, . v um. xxiv. 17,
" sceptre: " both rendered " Mescth."
A fuller idea of the " Genius " of Onkelos as
Translator and as Paraphrast, may be arrived at
from the specimens subjoined in pp. 1659-61.
We cannot here enter into anything like a minute
account of the dialect of Onkelos or of any other
Targum. Regarding the linguistic slutdes of the
different Targums, we must confine ourselves to
the general remark, that the later the version,
the mora corrupt and adulterated its language.
Three dialects, however, are chiefly to be distin-
guished : as in the Aramaic idiom in geneial,
which in contradistinction to the Syriac, or Chris-
tian Aramaic, may be called Judaeo-Anunaic, so
also in the different Targums ; and their recognition
is a material aid towards fixing the place of their
origin ; although we must warn the reader that
this guidance is not always to be relied upon.
1. The Galilean dialect, known and spoken of al-
ready in the Talmud as the one which most carelessly
confounds its sounds, vowels as well as consonants.
*' The Galileans are negligent with respect to their
language,* and care not fur grammatical forma " »
is a common saving in the Gemara. We learn that
they did not distinguish properly between B and V
(3> B). saying Tapula instead of Tabula, between
Ch and K (3 and p ) saying x''p"" for itipios. Far
less could they distinguish between the various gut-
turals, as is cleverly exemplified in the story where
a Judaean asked a Galilean, when the latter wanted
to bay an "KiH, whether he meant TDJJ (wool),
or ISM (a lamb), or TOR (wine), or "ton (an
ass). The next consequence of this their disregard
of the gutturals was, that they threw them olteu off
entirely at the beginning of a word per aphaeresin.
Again they contracted, or rather wedged together,
words of the most dissimilar terminations and be-
ginnings. By confounding the vowels like the con-
sonants, they often created entirely new woids and
forms. The Mappik H (B) became Ch (somewhat
similar to the Scotch pronunciation of the iniiial H).
As the chief reason for this Galilean confusion of
tongues (for which comp. Malt. xxvi. 73 ; Mark
xiv. 70) may be assigned the increased facility of
intercourse with the neighbouring nations owing to
their northern situation.
2. The Samaritan Dialect, a mixture of vulgar
Hebrew and Aromean. in accordance with the origin
of the people itself. Its chief characteristics are the
fieqiieut use of the Ain (which not only stands for
other gutturals, bnt is even used as mater Icct.ints),
the commutation of the gutturals in geneial, and the
indiscriminate use of the mute consonants 3 for \
p for 3. n for p, Ik.
3. The Judaean or Jerusalem Dialect (comp
' VTBpn vh
b n:b^ npw» W>
S N
1650
Ned. 66 4) scarcely ever pronounoes the gutturals
at tne end properly, often throw* them off entirely.
Jeahua, become Jeahn ; Sheba — Shib. Many words
are peculiar to this dialect alone. The appellations
of "door,*« "light,"* "reward,"* Ac., are
totally different from those used in the other dia-
•ects. Altogether all the pecoliarities of provin-
jal ism shortening and lengthening of vowels, idiom-
ttic phrases and words, also an orthography of its
own, generally with a fuller and broader vocalua-
tion, are noticeable throughout both the Targums
and the Talmud of Jerusalem, which, for the fur-
ther elucidation of this point as of many others
hare as yet not found an investigator.
The following recognised Greek words, the greater
part oi which also occur in the Talmud and
Midraah, are found in Onkelos: Ex. xxviii. 25,
' fH)iw\Kot ; Ex. xxviii. 11, *y\wp4i; Gen. xxviii.
17, ' iSwnjj ; Lev. xi. 30, * awAarnif ; Ex. xxviii.
19, *»pd*ia» (Plin. xxxvii. 68); Ex. xxxix. 11,
" KapxirSoViot, com p. Pes. der. Kah. xxxii. (Carbun-
culi); Deut. xx. 20, ■ xapdawpa (Ber. R. xcviii.) ;
Ex. xxviii. 20,°xp<»/ui; Nam. xv. 38, Deut. xxii. 12,
• KpJurxtSor ; Ex. xxx. 34, ««:iWoi; Gen. xxxvii.
28, 'Aijfcw; Ex. xxiv. 16, "c>dporof ; Ex. xxvi. 6,
'a-oWii; Gen. vi. 14, » icitpos ; Ex. xxviii. 19,
1 Ktyxpot (Plin. xxxvii. 4). To these maybe added
the unrecognised 7 Ktfafdt (Ex. xxi. 18), • \i/3p»e-
XV*> or Kfdpixi (Gea. xxx. 14), &c
The following short rules on the general mode
of transcribing the Greek Letters in Aramaic and
Syrian (Targum, Talmud, Midraah, tec), may not
be ont of place: —
P before palatals, pronounced like ■>, becomes 3.
Z is rendered by T.
H appears to have occasionally assumtu the pro-
nunciation of a consonant (Digamma) ; and a 1 is
hvmted.
8 is fl, T Q. Bat this rule, even making al-
lowances for corruptions, does not always seem to
hare been strictly observed.
K fa p, sometimes 3.
M, which before labials stands in lieu of a r, be-
comes i : occasionally a 3 is inserted before labials
where it fa not found in the Greek word.
B, {centrally 03, sometimes, however, TJ or V3.
II fa Q, sometimes, however, it is softened
Into 3. ,
P is sometimes altered into 7 or 3.
*P becomes either ID or TTl at the beginning of a
word.
% either D or T.
The tpiritm taper, which in Greek fa dropped in
the middle of a word, reappears again sometimes
(ffvWooiu — Saiundrin). Even the lenit is repre-
sented someCmes by a n at the beginning of a
w-rd ; sometimes, however, even the caper fa
dropped.
As to the vowels no distinct rule fa to be laid
down, owing principally to the original want of
vowei-pomts in our texts.
Before double consonants A the beginning of a
word an K proetheticum a placed, so as to render
the pronunciation easier. The terminations are fre-
quently Hebraiaed : — thus oi is sometimes rendered
by the termination of the Masc. PL D\ Ac.
VERSIONS, ANCBEKT (TABCTOIT)
A canons and instructive oonpartsna way V
instituted, between this mode of lia sm r i q < Tn i r>
the Greek letters into Hebrew, and that of the
Hebrew letters into Greek, astound csweftr m tat
LJfX
K sometimes mandible (spaVar. lew,) 'Aaji
"Z\xtwi ; sometimes audible (as apirg. aaattr). "A*
paoV, 'HAjaf.
3 = /S: "Pe/Wxtn; sometimes <):*lcnr«0£t«>. *•■»•
times •>: 'Paov, sometimes p0: Zepe. ft&mBtK,
sometimes it is completely changed into p. : *Tisai Cm
(2 Chr. xxvi. 6).
3=7! Topco, sometimes c: eVartjc, ensue ni
X : a*p»»x.
*T=s: onoe=T Msroatt (Gen. xxxvi. 39).
n = R, either spirit, asp. like "PUffi, or a*
ten. like ' Afi4\.
1 = v, not the vowel, hot oar e: "atom, Aeat:
thus also ov (as the Greek writers often expfw
the Latin » by ov): leevont: Maneti aM » = g
XaSi (Gen. xiv. 5) ; sometimes it is entirely hst
out, 'Asrf for Vashti.
T = f, sometimes a-: 3rifl»ii>«<r, XaarjBt; miefr
{: Bait (Gen. xxu. 21).
n, often entirely omitted, or repie— aitnl by i
jpir. lea. in the beginning, or the mhtceneiao *
the vowel in the middle or at the end cat the wart,
sometimes = %• X«V i aometimai xx at: TMai
(Gen. xxii. 24).
B=t: 3ae><rr; sometimes = B: + m it (Gcbll
6) ; or $ : 'EAiataAttt (2 Sam. v. 16).
U i: 'IokAP, or I before p Q): , Irp«jtt«. Be-
tween several vowels it ia iravtitiima eata*'
omitted: 'lamia.
3 = X : XatvdV; sometimes a: Ttafl ite W d (6*v
x. 7) ; rarely = 7: Ta^B-ettfu
b, 3, 1=K », p; but they are often stand *
terchanged : owing perhaps to the similarity at* aw
Greek letters. 3 is sometimes also rende r e d /a (a*
above).
D=«, sometimes 0: Nt/apsK, SotW (1 Ofer
i. 47).
C and D= sr : Xuneafr, Saelp, Sir.
j7=8pir. Un.x "Edyatr; sometimes =>(&) l"i
fiodpa; Kometimes at, 'Ap/Soc (Gen. xxm. 2)T
D = e>: «>aA*7, or»: SoXto»U.
V=o*: SUowr; sometimes f: OJC(Gea.i.:
Cod. Alex. "As: xxu. 21 : "flf).
P=«: BaAdJt; sometimes x : 3ti 1 rws tn s ; as*
7: XcA<7.
n=fl: 'Io4>^8; sometimes r: Texet.
Aa to the Bible Text from which tit* Tsxfea
was prepared, we can only reiterate that we hart
no certainty whatever on this bead, owing to tat
extraordinarily corrupt state of oar Tarpun tern
Pages upon pages of Variants have been gatBerei •»
Cappellua, Kennicott, Buxtorf, l>e Roau, 1>ib
Ltizntto, and others, by a superficial ntajmriw. 4
a few copies only, and those chiefly printed in
Whenever the very numerous MSS. shall be ■y-
lated, then the learned world may jwaaiMy r.ao
to certain probable conclusions on it. It w ■ .
appeal', however, that broadly speaking, oar pre*- ■•
Masoietic text has been the one irons whisk 1.
• tan t« K33 * 'yra «* ♦stp
•TDIDfofTJK 'tfVia
• h^j ' oinn • vtnekn
1 UftTO - K3H3T3 * DC13
• (**»') QrO (aOeh.Ien.Sja-. 43S,
» KnBDiT3 « ran
• KDTB * RBT1B
■ *»33D » xmo
• DV3^
' OTTp
'JWO 1
VERSIONS, AXCHENT (TAKGUM)
1661
Onk. Version wu, if sot made, yet edited, at all
•vents; unless we ammc that late hands hare
been intentionally busy in mutually assimilating
nut and translation. Many of the inferences drawn
by De Road and others from the discrepancies of
the version to discrepancies of the original from
the Minor. Text, must needs be rejected if Onkelos'
method and phraseology, as we hare exhibited it,
are taken into consideration. Thus, wrm, Ex.
nriv. 7, " before the people " is {bund in Onkelos,
while our Hebrew text reads " in the pars," it
by no means follows that Onkelos read *3TN3:
it ia simply his way of explaining the unusual
phrase, to which he remains faithful throughout.
Or, " Lead the people unto the plane (A.V.) of
wnich I hare spoken " (Ex. xxxii. 34), is solely
Onkelos' translation of TEtt 7M, aril, the place,
and no DIpD need be conjectured as having stood
to Onkelos' copy; ax also, Ex. ix. 7, his addition
" From the cattle of ' the children of ' Israel "
does not prove a '33 to have stood in his Codex.
And this also settles (or rather leavea unsettled),
the question as to the authenticity of the Targumic
Texts, such as we have them. Considering that
no MS. has as yet been found older than at most
600 years, even the careful comparison of all those
that do exist would not much further onr know-
ledge. As far as those existing are concerned, they
teem with the most palpable blunders, — not to speak
of variants, owing to sheer carelessness on the part
of the copyists ; — bat few are of a nature damaging
the sense materially. The circumstance that Text
and Targum were often placed side by side, column
by column, must have had no little share in the in-
correctness, since it was but natural to make the
Targum re se m ble the Text as closely as possible,
while the nature of its material differences was often
unknown to the scribe. In fact, the accent itself was
made to fit both the Hebrew and the Chaldee wher-
ever a larger addition did not render it utterly im-
possible. Thus letters are inserted, omitted, thrust
in, blotted out, erased, in an infinite number of places.
But the difference goes still further. In some Co-
Jioes synonymous terms are used most arbitrarily as
it would appear: DJTW and NnO*!K earth, DTK
and KtSOM man, (THK and "piTD path, miV and
DTvK, Jehovah and Elohim, are found to replace
each other indiscriminately. In some instances, the
Hebrew Codex itself has, to add to the confusion,
been emendated from the Targum.
A Manendi has been written on Onkelos, with-
out, however, any authority being inherent in it,
and without, we should say, much value. It has
never been printed, nor, as far as we hare been able
to ascertain, is there any MS. now to be found in
this country, or in any of the public libraries abroad.
What has become of Buxtoif 's copy, which he
intended to add to his never printed " Babylonia " —
a book devoted to this same subject — we do not
know. Luixatto has lately found such a "Ma-
surah " in a Pentateuch MS., but he only mentions
some variants contained in it. Its title must not
mislead the reader; it has nothing wliaterer to do
with fA« Masorah of the Bible, but is a recent
work, like the Masorah of the Talmud, which has
nothing whatever to do with the Talmud Text.
The MSS. of Onkelos are extant in great num-
bers—a circumstance easily explained by the in-
junction that it should be read erery Sabbath at
home, if not in the Synagogue. The Bodleian has
5. the British Museum 2, Vienna 6, Augsburg 1,
Nuremberg 2, Altdorf 1, Cailsrnhe 3. Stuttgart 'J,
Erfurt 3, Dresden 1, Leipsio 1, Jena 1, Dessau 1,
Helmstadt 2, Berlin 4, Bieslau 1, Briegl, Regens-
burg 1, Hamburg 7, Copenhagen 2, (Jpsala 1
Amsterdam 1, Paris 8, Molsheim 1, Venice 6,
Turin 2, Milan 4, Leghorn 1, Sienna 1, Genoa 1,
Florence 5, Bologna 2, Padua 1, Trieste 2,
Paima about 40, Rome 18 more or less complete
Codd. containing Onkelos.
Editio Prmcept, Bologna 1482, (A. (Abr. b.
Chajjjim) with Hebr. Text and Rashi. Later Edd.
Soria 1490, Lisbon 1491, Constantinople 1505:
from these were taken the texts in the Compluten-
sian (1517) and the Venice (Bomberg) Polyglotti
(1518, 1526, 1547-49), and Buxtoifs Rabbinical
Bible (1619). This was followed by the Paris
Polyglott (1645), and Walton's (1657). A recent
and much emendated edition dates Wilna 1852.
Of the extraordinary similarity between Onkelos
and the Samaritan version we hare spoken under
Samaritan Pentateuch [p. 1114]. There also
will be found a specimen of both, taken from the
Barberini Codex. Many more points connected
with Onkelos and his influence upon later Herme-
neutics and Exegesis, as well as his relation to
earlier or later versions, we have no space to enlarge
upon, desirable as an investigation of these points
might be. We hare, indeed, only been induced to
dwell so long upon this single Taj gum, because in
the first instance a great deal that has been said
here will, mutatis mutandis, hold good also for the
other Targnms; and further, because Onkelos is
THE CHALDEE VERSION kot' ('{ay^r, while, from
Jonathan downwards, we more and more leave the
province of Version and gradually arrive from Para-
phrase to Midrasb-Haggadah. We shall therefore
not enter at any length into these, but confine our-
selves chiefly to main results.
II. TaBQCX ON THE PrOPHBTI
via. Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings. Isaiah, Jere-
miah, Esekiel, and the twelve Minoi Prophets, —
called Targum or Jonathan ben Uzziel.
Next in time and importance to Onkelos on the
Pentateuch stands the Targum on the Prophet,
which in our printed Edd. and MSS. — none older,
we repeat it, than about 600 years — is ascribed to
Jonathan ben Uzziel, of whom the Talmud contains
the following statements : — (1.) " Eighty di-ciples
had Hillel the Elder, thirty of whom were worthy
that the Sbechinah (Divine Majesty) should rest
upon them, as it did upon Moses our Lord ; peace be
upon him. Thirty of them were worthy that the sun
should stand still at their bidding as it did at that
of Joshua ben Nun. Twenty were of intermediate
worth. The greatest of them all was Jonathan b.
Uxxiel, the least R. Johnnan b. Saccai ; and it was
said of R. Johnnan b. Saccai, that he left not (unin-
vestigated) the Bible, the Mishna, the Gemarn, the
Halachahs, the Haggadahs, the subtleties of the
Law, and the subtleties of the Soferim . . . . ;
the easy things and the difficult things [from the
most awful Divine mysteries to the common po-
pular proverbs] ... If this is said of the luu:
of them, what is to be said of the greatest, i.e. Jo-
nathan b. Uzziel ? " (Bab. Bath. 134 a ; coron.
Sure. 28 a). (2.) A second passage (see Onkelos)
referring more especially to our present subject,
reads as follows : " Tho Targum of Onkelcs was
made by Onkelos the Proselyte from the mouth
of R. Elie-er and R. Jehoshua, and that of tht
Prophets by Jonathan b. Uzziel from the tot at*
!> N S
1662
VKB8ION8, ANCIENT (TABOUH>
nf Haggai, Zechariali, and Malachi. And in that
hour was the Land of Israel shaken three hundred
parasings. . . . And a voice was heaid, raying,
* Who is this who has revealed my tecrets unto the
ions of man ? ' Up rose Jonathan ben Uzziel and
said : * It is I who hare revealed Thj berets to the
mhis of man. . . . But it is known and revealed
before Thee, that not for my honour have I done
it, nor for the honour of my Cither's house, but
for Thine honour; that the disputes may cease in
Israel,' , . , And he further desired to reveal the
Targum to the Hagiographa, when a voice was
nrard : — ( Enough.' And why ? — because the day
of the Messiah is revealed therein (Meg. 3a)."
Wonderful to relate, the sole and exclusive autho-
rity for the general belief in the authorship of
Jonathan b. Uzziel, is this second Hagadistic
passage exclusively ; which, if it does mean any-
thing, does at all events not mean our Targum,
which is found mourning over the "Temple in
ruins," full of invectives against Rome (Sam. xi. 5;
Is. xxxiv. 9, ix. &c), mentioning Armillus (Is. x.
4) (the Antichrist), Germania (Ez. xxxviii. 6): —
not to dwell upon the thousand and one other
internal and external evidences against a date ante-
rior to the Christian era. If interpolations must
be assumed, — and indeed Rashi speaks already of
corruptions in his MSS. — such solitary additions
are at all events a very different thing from a
wholesale system of intentional and minute inter-
polation throughout the bulky work. But what
la still more extraordinary, this belief — long and
partly still upheld most reverentially against all
difficulties — is completely modem: that is, not
older than at most GOO years (the date of our
oldest Targum MSS.), and is utterly at variance
with the real and genuine sources : the Talmud, the
Midrash, the Babylonian Schools, and every autho-
rity down to Hai Gaon (12th cent). Frequently
quoted as this Targum is in the ancient works, it
is never once quoted as the Targum of Jonathan.
But it is invariably introduced with the formula :
" K. Joseph* (bar Chama, the Blind, euphemistically
called the clear-sighted, the well-known President
of Pumbaditha in Babylonia, who succeeded Rabba
in 319 A.l>.) says," tic (Moed Katon 26 a, Pesach.
68 a, Sanh. 94 6). Twice even it is quoted in
Joseph's name, and with the addition, " Without
the Targum to this verse (due to him) we could
not understand it." This is the simple state of the
ease : and for more than two bundled years critics
have lavished all their acumen to defend what never
had any real existence, or at best owed ita ap-
parent existence to a heading added by a superficial
scribe.
The date which the Talmnd thus in reality
assigns to our Targum fully coincides with our
former conclusions as to the date of written Tar-
gums in general. And if we may gather thus
much from the legend that to write dawn the
Targum to the Prophets was considered a much
bolder undertaking — and one to which still moie
leluetantly leave was given — than a Targum on
the Pentateuch, we shall not be far wrong in
placing this Targum some time, although not long,
after Onkelos, or about the middle of the fourth cen-
tury ; — the latter years of K. Joseph, who, it is
said, occupied himself chiefly with the Targum
wheu he liad become blind. The reason given for
* "Stoat/* 'Possessor of Wheat,'' In allusion toUr vast
natuvjr over the uatflHae*
that reluctance is, although hy* « Soiled! » sjiai.am
perfectly clear: "The Targ_.ni on t"« ftefheta
revealed the secrets"— that is, it sJawed fiat
scope to the wildest fantasy to nm rv4. open tat
prophetic passages — tempting through their very
obscurity, — and to utter explanations and raterpwv
ations relative to present events, and ancles rf ita
own for future times, which might be fraught wira
grave dangers in more than one respect. The Tircnw
on the Pentateuch (permitted to be committed t»
writing, Meg. 3 a ; Kidd. 69 a) could not but a».
even in its written form, moie sober, tnoredanured.
more within the bounds of fixed and well bunt
traditions, than any other Targum ; since it had or-
ginally been read publicly, and been checked by tat
congregation as well as the authorities present ;—
as we have endeavoured to explain in the lobe-
duction. There is do proof, on the other hand,
of more than fragments from the Prophets havr^
ever been read and translated in the aynaa* f ■».
Whether, however, R. Joseph was more than : v
redactor of this the second part of the Bit*"-
Targum, which was originated in Palestine, ai
was reduced to its final chspe in Babylon, we ea>
not determine. He may perhaps hare made coo*.
derable additions of his own, by filling vp pss
or rejecting wrong versions of some parts. .-*
much seems certain, that the schoolmen of a*
Academy were the collectors and revisers, aal be
gave it that stamp of unity which it now aat-
aesses, spite of the occasional difference of stylet-
adapted simply ro the variegated hoes and dktaas
of its manifold biblical originals.
But we do not mean to reject in the main other
of the Talmudical passages quoted. We hejiere this
there was such a man as Jonathan b. Uaxje). tra*
he was one of the foremost pupils of HUM, aad ax
that he did translate, either privatelv or pother,
parts of the prophetical book> ; chiefly, we ahoju
say, In a mystical manner. And so startling werrhz
interpretations — borne aloft by his high f
who but prophets themselves could have i
them to him? And. going a step further, whoec-iJ
reveal prophetic allegories and mysteries of ml tat
prophetic books, but those who, theoiseJraa the bet
in the list, had the whole body of sacred aracxs
before them? This appears to us the only ra-
tional conclusion to be drawn from the tacts : — as
they stand, not as they are imagined. That aotaut;
save a few snatches of this original neiaphxarc m
Midrash could be embodied iu our Targnan. we mat
not urge. Yet for these even we have no pro*-
Zunx, the facile princept of Targumic as well w
Midra&hic investigation, who, as late as le-
(Gottai. Vortr.% still believed himself ia the aa.
dera notion of Jonathan's authorship (•• first aa.'
of first century, A.D."), now utterly rejects TJe
notion of " our possessing amiihing of Jooa
ben Uzziel" (Geiger's Zaitckr. 1837, p. 23t>,
Less conservative than our view, however, an
views of the modern School (Rappoport, Ln
Frankel, Geiger, Levy, Bauer, Jahn, Bert>«v.-.
Levysohn, fcc.), who not only reject the autu -
ship of Jonathan, but also utterly deny that tbrrs
was any ground whatsoever for assigning a Tssfiu
to him, as is done in the Talmud. The past*.*.
they say, is not older, but younger than oar T.up ts.
and in fact does apply, enoueously of rami*. u> tax
and to no other work of a similar kind. Thepax^.
cry for a great "name, upon which to baser" — a
Talmudical phraseology — all tiat is chrriaBeJ ■»'
| venerated, and the wish of tbune eager to Hspar w
Uiis Version a lasting authority, fouud in Jonathan
tha most fitting person to father it upon. Waa he
not the greatest of the great, * who had been dusted
with tha dust of Hillcl s feet ? " He was the wisest
of the wise, the one most imbued with knowledge
human and divine, of ail toon eighty, the least of
whom was worthy that the sun should stay its
course at his bidding. Nay, such were the flames b
that arose from his glowing spirit, says the hyper-
bolic Hsggadah, that " when he studied in the Law,
the very birds that flew over him in the air, were
cousumed by fire " (nisrephu « — not, as Landau, in
the preface to his Aruch, apologetically translates,
became Straphs). At the same time we readily
grant that we see no reason why the great Millel
himself, or any other much earlier and equally
eminent Master of the Law, one of the Solemn
perhaps, should not hare been fixed upon.
Another suggestion, first broached by Drusius,
and long exploded, has recently been revived under
■» somewhat modified form. Jonathan (Godgiven),
Drusius said, was none else but Theodotion (God-
given), the second Greek translator of the Bible
after the LXX., who had become a Jewish prose-
lyte. Considering that the latter lived under
Commodus II., and the former at the time of
Christ; that the latter is said to have translated
the Prophets only (neither the Pentateuch, nor
the Hagiographa), while the former translated the
icAoJf Bible; that Jonathan translated into Ara-
maic and Theodotion into Greek,— not to mention
tha tact that Theodotion was, tu say the least,
a not very competent translator, since " ignorance
or negligence" (Monttaucon, Pre/, to Hexapla),
or both, must needs be laid at the door of a trans-
lator, who, when in difficulties, simply transcribes
the hard Hebrew words into Greek characters, with-
out troubling himself any further ; * while the
mastery over both the Hebrew and the Aramaic dis-
played in the Jonathanic Version are astounding : —
considering all this, we need not like Walton ask
caustically, why Jonathan ben Uxxiel should not
rather be identified with the Emperor Theodosius,
whose name also is "Godgiven;" — but dismiss the
suggestion as Carpzov long since dismissed it. We
are, however, told now (Luxzatto, Geiger, Ice.), that
as the Babylonian Targunj <n the Pentateuch was
called a Targum " in tin manner of Aquila or
Onkalos," ■'. «. of sterling value, so also the con-
tinuation of the Babylonian Targum, which em-
braced the Prophets, was called a Targum " in the
manner of Theodotion "= Jonathan; and by/ a
further stretch, Jonathan-Theodotion became the
Jonathan b. L'xziel. We cannot but disagree with
this hypothesis also — based on next to nothing, and
carried to more than the usual length of speculation.
While Akyla is quoted continually in the Talmud,
aud at deservedly oue of the best known and best
belsvsd characters, every trait and incident of
whose personal history is told even twice over, not
the slightest trace of such a person as Theodotion
is to be found anywhere in the Talmudical litera-
ture. What, again, was it that could have acquired
no transcendent a lame for hi* translation and him-
self, that a Version put into the mouths of the very
prophets should be called after him, " in order that
Vti-SIONS, ANOIKNT (TABGCM) 165S
in fact, deservedly unknown, snd, propeilt
was,
speaking, no translation at all. It was, as wt
learn, a kind of private emendation of some LXX.
passages, objectionable to the pious Proselyte in
their then corrupted state. It was only the Book
of Daniel which was retained from Tlieodotion's
pen, because in this book the LXX. bad become
past correction. If, moreover, the intention was
" to give the people a Hebrew for a Greek name,
because the latter might sound too foreign," it
was an entirely gratuitous oue. Greek names
abound in the Talmud, and even names begin-
ning with Theo like Theodoras are to be found
there.
On the other hand, the opinion has been broached
that this Targum was a post-Talmudical produc-
tion, belonging to the 7th or 8th cent A.D. For
this point we need only refer to the Talmudical
quotations from it. And when we further add,
that Jo. Morinus, a man as conspicuous by his want
of knowledge as by his most ludicrous attacks upon
all that was " Jewish " or " Protestant " (it wan lie,
e.g. who wished to see the " forged " Masoretic Code
corrected from the Samaritan Pentateuch, a. e.) is the
chief, and almost only, defender of this theory, we
have said enough. On the other theory of there
being more than one author to our Targum f Eich-
horn, Bertholdt, De Wette), combated fiercely by
Gesenius, Hkvernick, and others, we need not
further enlarge, after what we have already said. It
certainly is the work, not of one, or of two, but of
tweuty, of fifty and more Meturgemauim, Hag-
gadists, and Halachista. The edition, however,
we repeat it advisedly, has the undeniable stamp of
one master-mind ; and its individual workings, its
manner and peculiarity are indelibly impressed upon
the whole labour from the first page to the last.
Such, we hold, must be the impression upou every
attentive reader ; more especially, if he judiciously
distinguishes between the first and the last prophets.
That in the historical relations of the former, the
Version must be, on the whole, more accurate and
close (although here too, as we shall show, Hsg-
gadah often takes the reins out of the Meturgemnn's
or editor's hands), while in the obscurer Oracles
of the latter the Midrash reigns supieme: it exactly
what the history of Targumic development leads us
to expect.
And with this we have pointed out the general cha-
racter of the Targum under consideration. Gradu-
ally, perceptibly almost, the translation becomes the
rpiyrina, a frame, so to speak, of allegory, parable,
myth, tale, and oddly masked history— such as we are
wout to see in Talmud aud Midrash, written under
tli* bloody censorship of Esau- Home ; interspersed
with some ly ileal pieces of rare poetical value. I:
becomes, in short, like the Haggadah, a whole system
of Eastern phantasmagorias whirling round the sun
of the Holy Word of the Seer. Yet, it is always
aware of twing a trausbtion. It returns to its
verse after long eicurses, often in next to no per*
ceptible connexion with it. Even in the midst of
the full swing of fancy, swayed to and fro ty the
many currents of thought that arise out of a single
word, snatches of the verse from which the flight was
token will suddenly appeal- ou the surface like a re-
the pnpie should bke It" ? — a translation which I train or a keynote, showing that in reality tt.av is a
» loe stroll* of the fire— "s» the Law wss given In Bra j way or emendation ; Lev. sill. t. rUlBDDb **•»**«;
sn atnal"— to a very favourite one in the Midrash. »*• HMsV. *r»> Lev. xvtlL 33, ?2n> **?<*: is- Ulv. ft
* ltrec- , I any. 'a***.
* «.«, Lav. vit 13, ?UO, T. **ry«\, or *«rrovA, by ,
1064
VEBSIONB, ANCIENT (TABUUM)
connexion, though hidden to the uninitiated. For
long periods again, it adheres most strictly to ita text
and to its Verse, and translates most conscientiously
<od closely. It may thus (airly be described as
holding in point of interpretation and enlargement
of the text, the middle place between Onkelos, who
only in extreme cases deviates into paraphrase, and
the subsequent Targoms, whose connexion with their
texts is frequently of the most flighty character.
Sometimes indeed oar Targam coincides so entirely
with Onkelos,— being, in fact, of one and the
same origin and growth, and a mere continua-
tion and completion as it were of the former work,
that this similarity has misled critics into specu-
lations of the priority in date of either the one
or the other. HaVemick, e.g. holds— against Zunx
— that Onkelos copied, plagiarised in fact, Jonathan.
We do not see, quite apart from our placing Onkelos
first, why either should hare used the other. The
three passages (Judg. t. 26 and Deut. xxii. 5;
2 K. xiv. 6 and Dent. xriv. IS ; Jer. xlviii. 45,
46 and Num. xxi. 28, 29) generally adduced,
do not in the first place exhibit that literal close-
ness which we are led to expect, and which alone
could be called " copying ; ' and in the second
place, the two last passages are not, as we also
thought we could infer from the words of the
writers on either side, extraneous paraphrastic addi-
tions, but simply the similar translations of similar
texts: while in the first passage Jonathan only
refers to an injunction contained in the Pentatench-
verse quoted. But even had we found such para-
phrastic additions, apparently not belonging to the
subject, we should nave accounted for them by
certain traditions — the common property of the
whole generation, — being recalled by a certain word
or phrase in the Pentateuch to the memory of
the one translator ; and by another word or phrase
in the Prophets to the memory of the other trans-
lator. The interpretation of Jonathan, where it
adheres to the text, is mostly very correct in a
philosophical and exegetical sense, closely literal
even, provided the meaning of the original is easily
to be understood by the people. When, however,
similes are used, unfamiliar or ohsenre to the people,
it unhesitatingly dissolves them and makes them
easy in their mouths like household words, by
adding as much of explanation as seems fit ; some-
times, it cannot be denied, less sagaciously, even
incorrectly, comprehending the original meaning.
Yet we must be very cautious in attributing to a
Version which altogether bears the stamp of thorough
competence and carefulness that which may be single
corruptions or interpolations, as we find them some-
times indicated by an introductory " Says the
Prophet"*: although, as stated above, we do not
hesitate to attribute the passages displaying an ac-
quaintance with works written down to the 4th
century, and exhibiting popular notions current at
that time, to the Targum in its original shape.
Generally speaking, and holding the difference be-
tween the nature of the Pentateuch (supposed to
contain in its very letters and signs Halachistic re-
ferences, and therefore only to be handled by the
Hetnrgeman with the greatest care) and that of the
Prophets (freest Homiletes themselves) steadily in
view — the rules hud down above with respect
to the discrepancies between Original and Targxm,
' I8sm. U. 10; a Sim. xxln. 3; 1 K. lv. S3; Is. It. f,
• a, a. 27. xi. I, e. xt. 2, xvi. 1, 5, xxrUL a, auk I.
in Onkelos, uoU good also with Jonathan- JsjsSu*
pomorpliisms it avoids tareroihr. G e apaodn cai
names are, in most cases, retained as in the Oi sjriesi,
and where translated, they are generally cornet,
Its partiality for Israel never goes so tar that ear-
thing derogatory to the character of the people
should be willingly suppressed, although a certatr
rductanceagainst dweUing upon ita iniquities and Ba-
nishments longer than necessary, is visible. When,
however, that which redounds to the praise «f the
individual — more especially of heroes, kings, prv-
phets— end of the community, is *-»■*»'■—' so the
text, there the paraphrase loringrr tarries. Future
bliss, in this world and the world to coane, libera-
tion from the oppressor, restoration of the Sesr-
tuary on Mount Zion, of the Kingdom of Jehovah
and the House of David, the n i I ililislmn m at
the nation and of its full and entire inriVpmiV™ .
as well as of the national worship, with all tor
primitive splendour of Priest and Levitt, asn-er
and musician and prophet— -these acre the a-
vourite dreams of the people and of Jonathan, sad
no link is overlooked by which those strains nanr
be drawn in as variations to the Biblical them, of
Messianic pajstges, Jonathan has pointed cast those
mentioned below'; a number not too large, if weosa-
sider how, with the increased misery of the paaii,
thorardentdesire to see their Deliia m app e al auuudi' v
must hare tried to find as many places in the Bible as
possible, warranting His arrival So tar tresn then-
being suppressed fas, by one of those niifiala—n
accidents that befall sometimes a long string of ■»
vettigatort, who are copying their tnawxnataoa at
third and fourth hand, has been iwMosediDgrr as-
serted by almost everybody ap to (Tseiiiim.'eln
found its source in a miumdmitood wemttmm <4
Carpzov), they are most pnmmently, often al-
most pointedly brought forward. Ai "
a decided polemical animus inherent
temperate as far as appearance gees, bat i
many an unspoken word : such as a fervent human
mind pressed down by all the woes and terrors,
written and unwritten, would whisper to itself as
the depths of its despair. These nsjaasaai extol
most rapturously the pomp and glory of the Mna— it
to come — by way of contrast to the humble appear-
ance of Christ: and all the places where snlfa-u*
and misery appear to be the lot forecast to t>*
Anoiuted, it is Israel, to whom the
referred by the Targum.
Of further dogmatical and theological
liarities (sad this Targum will one day store
a mine of instruction chiefly in that direction, be-
sides the other vast advantages inherent in it,
as in the older Targuma, for linguistic, patristic
geographical, historical, and other studies) we assy
mention briefly the " Stars of God " (Is. xiv. li;
comp. Dan. viii. 10 ; 2 Mace. ix. 10, being Rternd
— in a similar manner — to " the people of Israel ;" >
the doctrine of the second death (Isa. xxii. 14, lrr.
15), ic As to thegeueisl nature of irsidiosn, what
we hare said above holds good here. Likawse
our remarks on the relation between the text of ta»
Original of Onkelos, and ita own text, may stand iar
Jonathan, who nerer appears to diuer from the
Masoretic text without a very cogent reason. Tet.
since Jonathan's MSS., though very much smaller
in number, are in a still worse plight than thaw
xltIL 10, xlv. 1. UL 13, Ml. 10; Jer. xafJL a, sax. 9
axsffl. 13. It; Ho*. IB. 8, xtr. B; Mic !v. a, v t, It,
Zedh. Hi. 8. It. t. rt IS, x. i.
VBfiSIONS, ANCIENT (TABGUM)
1656
•f Onkilos, we cannot apeak n Ji prat certainty
on thii point. Respecting, however, the individual
language and phmeology of the translation, it lacks
to a certain, though small, degree, the clearness and
transparency of Onkelos ; and is somewhat alloyed
with foreign words. Not to such a degree, however,
that we cannot fully endorse Carpzov's dictum :
" Cujus nitor sennonis Chaldaei et dictionis laudatur
puritas, ad Onkelosum proxime accedens et parum
denVctensapuro torsoque Chaldaismo biblico" (Crit.
Soar. p. 461), and incline to the belief of Wolf
(/»«/. Htbr. il 1165): "Quae vera, vel quod ad
voces novas et barbaras, vel ad res aetate ejus infe-
riores, aut futilia nonnulla, quamvis pauca triplicis
hujus generis exstent, ibi occurrunt, ex merito fal-
sarii cujusdam ingenio adscribuntur." Of the
manner and style of this Targum, the few subjoined
specimens will we hope give an approximate idea.
In conclusion, we may notice a feature of our
Targum, not the lout interesting perhaps, in relation
to general or "human" literature: via., that the
Shemitic fairy and legendary lore, which for the last
two thousand years— ss far as we can trace it, — has
grown up in East and West to vast glittering moun-
tain-ranges, is to a very great extent to be found,
in an embryo state, so to say, in this our Targum.
When the literary history of those most wonderful
circles of medieval sagas— the sole apparent fruit
brought home by the crusaders from the Eastern
battle-fields — shall come to be written by a
competent and thorough investigator, he will have
to extend his study of the sources to this despised
"fabulosua" Targum Jonathan ben Uxxiel. And
the entire world of pious biblical legend, which
Islam has said and sung in the Arabic, Persian,
Turkish, and all its other tongues, to the delight
of the wise and the simple for twelve centuries now,
is contained almost fully developed, from beginning
to end, but clearer, purer, and incomparably more
poetically conceived, in our Targum-Haggadah.
The Editio Princtps dates Ldria, 1494. The
later editions are embodied in the Antwerp, Paris,
and London Polyglotts. Several single books have
likewise been repeatedly edited (comp. Wolff,
La Long, Bossnmiiller, Ire.).
Judges V.
AUTHORISED
VERSION.
1 Tnea sans; Deborah
and Barak the son of
Abtaoam on that day,
aaytag,
1 Praise ye the Loan for
the avenging of Israel,
when the people willingly
offered themselves.
TABGUM
[JotUTJUK-anc-Ussizi.]
TO THE PROPHETS.
1 Axd Deborah and Ba-
rak the son o( Abinoam
gave praise for the miracle
and the salvation which
were wrought for Israel
on that day, and spake :
1 When the children of
Israel rebel against the
law, then the nations
come over them and drive
them out of their cities j
but when they return to do the Law, then they
are mighty over their enemies, and drive them
oat from the whole territory of the land of
tarsal. Thus hsa been broken Siaera snd all
his armies to Us punishment, and to a miracle
and a salvation for Israel. Then the wise
returned to sit in the bouses of toe synagogue
. . . and to teach unto the people the doctrine
of the Law. Therefore praise ye and bless the
AUTHORISED
VERSION.
S Hear, O ye kings; give
ear, O ye princes ; I, aw
I, will sing unto the
Loan ; I will sing prows
to the Loan God of Israel
TARGUM
[JOSATBAX-BBH-t'smt.]
TO THE PROPHETS.
4 Loan, when thou went-
eet oat of Beir, when thou
marehedst oat of the field
of Edom, the earth trem-
bled, and the heavens
dropped, the clouds also
dropped
» The mountains melted
from before the Loan, <ms
that Sinai from before the
Loan God of Israel.
I Hear, ye kings (ye
who came with Slsra to
the battle-array), listen,
ye rulers [ye who were
with Jabln the king of
_ Kenaan: not with your
armies nor with your power have ye con-
quered and become mighty over the house of
Israel] — said Deborah in prophecy before God :
I praise, give thanks and blessings before the
Lord, the God of Israel.
4 [O Lord, Thy Law
which Thou gavest to
Israel, when they trans-
gress it, then the nations
rule over them : but
when they return to it,
then they become power-
ful over their enemies.]
O Lord, on the day when Thou didst reveal
Thyself to give it unto them from Beir, Thou
beeamest manifest unto them in the splendour
of Thy glory over the territories of Edom :
the earth trembled, the heavens showered down,
the clouds dropped rain.
5 The mountains trem-
bled before the Lord, the
mountains of Tabor, the
mountain of Harmon, and
the mountain of Carmel,
spake with each other, and said one to the
other : Upon me the Sheohinah will rest, and
to me will It come. But the Sheohinah rested
upon Mount Sinai, wbioh is the weakest and
smallest of all the mountains. . . . This Sinai
trembled and shook, and its smoke went up as
goes up the smoke of sn oven : because of the
glory of the God of Israel which had manifested
itself upon it.
6 When they transgress-
ed in the days of shamgu
the son of Anaih in ths
days of Jael, ceased the
wayfarers : they who had
walked in well-prepared
ways had again to walk In
furtive paths.
7 Destroyed were the
open ew:es of the land of
Isrsel : their inhabitants
were shaken off snd driven
about, until I, Deborah,
was sent to prophesy over
the houM of Israel.
> When the children of
Israel went to pray unto
new idols [errors], which
recently bid come to be
worshipped, with which
their fathers did not con-
cern themselves, there oame over them the
nations and drove them out of their cities : but
when they returned to the Law, they could not
prevail against them until they made themselves
strong, and Siara went up against them, the
enemy and the adversary, with forty thousand
chiefs of troops, with fifty thousand holders of
the sword, with sixty thousand holders of spears,
with seventy thousand holders of shields, wiih
eighty thousand throwers of arrows and slings,
besides sine hundred iron chariots which he had
with him, and his own chariots. All these thou-
sands and sll these hosts could not stand before
Ihirtia and the ten thousand men be had will: him
6 In the days of Sham-
gar the son of Anath, in
the days of Jael, the high-
ways were unooeupied,
and the travellers walked
through bywaya.
7 TaeiaAasifaiinie/the
villages ceased, they eeased
In Isrsel, until that I De-
borah arose, that I arose
a mother in Israel.
$ They chose new gods ;
then was war In the gates:
was there a shield or spear
seen among forty thousand
in Israel!
1666
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TAKGUM
AUTHORISED
VERSION.
9 My heart it toward the * Spake Deborah in pro-
(overnors of Israel, that phecy : I am rent to praiae
offered themselves will- the scribes of Israel, who.
TARGUM
[JOHATHAlf-BKV-UzZXai.]
TO THK PROPHETS.
jigly among the people.
Bless re the Lobs.
while this tribulation last-
ed, eeased not to study in
the Law : and it redounds
well unto them who sat in the houses of con-
gregation, wide open, and taught the people
the doctrine of the Law, and praised and ren-
1 dered thanks before the
I Lord.
10 Speak, ye that ride, 10 Those who had Inter-
on white asses, ye that fit rupted their occupations
in judgment, and walk by areriding on asses covered
the way. j with many-coloured oapa-
risons, and they ride about
freely in all the territory of Israel, and con-
gregate to sit in judgment. They walk in then-
old ways, and are speaking of the power Thou
hast shown in the land of Israel, *o.
Judges XL
89 Ajco it came to pass,
at the end of two months,
that she returned unto
her father, who did with
her acaordi*%g to his vow
which he had vowed : and
19 An it was at the
end of two months, and
she returned to her father,
and he did unto her ac-
cording to the row which
he had vowed: and she
she knew no man. And it ! had known no man. And it
was a custom in Israel. ! became a statute in IsraeL
^*fi'«oii(nDDin),that
no man should offer up his son or his daughter
aa a burnt-offering, as Jephta the Gileadite
did, who asked not Phlnehaa the priest. If
he had asked Phinehaa the priest, then he
would hare dissolved his tow with money [for
animal sacrifices].
ISAM. II.
1 Am Hannah prayed,
and said, My heart re>
(oiceth in the Loan;
mine horn is exalted in
the Loan ; my mouth is
enlarged over mine ene-
mies ; because I rejoice in
thy salvation.
1 Ann Hannah prayed
in the spirit of prophecy,
and said: [Lo, my son
Samuel will become a pro-
phet over Israel ; in his
days they will be freed
from the hand of the Phi-
listines ; and through his
hands shall be done unto
them wondrous and mighty deeds: therefore]
be strong my heart In the portion which God
gave me. [And also Hainan the son of JbeL the
son of my son Samuel, shall arise, be and his
fourteen sons, to say praise with nablia (harps T)
and eytbera, with their brethren the Levites,
i to sing in tbe house of the sanctuary : thsre-
| fore] Let my horn be exalted in the gift which
I God granted unto me. [And also on the
1 miraculous punishment that would befal the
i Philistines who would bring back the ark
' of the Lord in a new chariot, together with
I a sin-offering : therefore let the eongrega-
ition of Israel say] I will open my mouth
) to speak great things over my enemies; be-
cause I rejoice in thy
salvation.
S [Over Sanherib the
king of Ashur did she
prophesy, and she said :
t Thtn at none holy as
the Loan: to (Acre it
more redd* thee, neither
AUTHORISED
VERSION.
TABjGTM
[JosraTBLur-Bv*- Vans ]
TO THE FBrPHTTS.
u Mere any rock like our He will arim with «B hL
God. armies veer Jeravoam.
and a great asm '" ,u *»
done with him. There shall Ml the mum at
S Talk no more so ex-
ceeding proudly; let as*
arrogancy come out of
your mouth : for the Loan
it a God of knowledge,
and by him actio-.* are
weighed.
bis troops: Therefore praise ye all the pennies
and nations and tongues, end cry] : There is
none holy but God ; there is not beeade Tate;
and Thy people shall say. There is aoaa
mighty hat oar God.
i fOrer Ketaeaadaes-
aar the king of Babel td
she prophesy aad say : Tf
Chaldeans, aadaBaaBeat
who will once fax* over
Israel] Do aot sseu
grandly; let no htsauht i '
go out from yonr ato&th .
for God knows an. sac
over an his se rvant* at
extends hie Jsdsmiui.
alaofrom yoahe wHtsea
punishment of year gaa.
4 [Over
JavanaT
said] The hoars of tat
mighty ones [of the Ja-
vanitra] will be brakes .
[and those of the book!!'
the Asmoneam] who art
weak, to then wX at
done miracles and auger*
4 The hows of the
mighty ere broken, aad
they that stumbled an
girded with strength.
t Sam. XVTI.
S Ass he stood and
cried unto the armies of
Israel, and said unto
them, Why are ye come
out to aet yew battle in
array t Am not I a Philis-
tine, and ye servants to
Saul! choose yon a man
for you, and let him come
down to me.
8 An he
he cried onto the snun
of Israel, aad said ou
them : Why have roe
put yourselves la hac~*
array! Am X aot tat
Philistine, and yew tbr
servants of Seal ? .1
am Goliath the PadBstias
from Oath, who have k£EJ(d
the two soaa of EH, am
priests Cbofna and Pinehae, aad carried i
tive the ark of the covenant of the Lord, I war
have carried it to the house of Dasron, **
Xrrar, and it has been there ia the eit»
of the Philistines seven months. And in evert
battle which the Philistines have bad I weii
at the head of the army, and we eo sie. a u <d
in the battle, and we strew the killed like the
dust of the earth, and until now have tat
Philistines not thought me worthy to beeoar
captain of a thousand over them. Aad yea, o
children of Israel, what mighty deed has Sn
the son of Kith from Gibeah dona tbr vaa
that you made him king over yon T If he it a
valiant man, let him come out and de> earns
with me; but if he ia a weak ataa}, thee
choose for yourselves a man, aad let aim canst
out against me, *c
1 KMGs SIX.
i
11, IS Ann he said, Go
forth, and stand axon the
mount before the Loan.
And, behold, tie Loan
11,11 An he said - a
Elijah], Arise aad stand «
the mne m lala actor* tat
Lord.
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TABGUM)
165?
AUTHORISED
7ER810X
pawed by, nd a great and
strong wind rent the
mountains, and brake in
piece* the rooks, before
the Loan ; but the Lord
mat not in the wind : and
after the wind an earth-
quake ; but the Lord teas
not in the earthquake :
And alter the earthquake
a ftre ; but the Lord wi
not in the Ore : and after
the Are a still small voice.
TAKGUM
[JoKiTIIAX-BKN-UzirKI.]
TO THE PROPHETS.
himself : snd before him a
host of angels of the wind,
clearing the mountain
and breaking the rocks
before the Lord ; but not
in the host of angels was
the Sheehinah. And after
the host of the angels of
the wind came a host of
angels of commotion ; but
not in the host of the
angels of commotion was
the Sheehinah of the
Lord. And after the host
of the angels of commotion came a host of
angels of are; but not in the host or the
angels of flre was the Sheehinah of the Lord.
But after the host of the angels of the fire came
Toices singing in silenoe.
13 And it was when
Elijah heard this, he hid
his face in his mantle, and
he went out and he stood
at the door of the care ;
and, lo I with him was a
roioe, saying, What doest
thou here, O Elijah I Ac.
IS And it was to, when
Elijah heard «, that he
wrapped his face in his
mantle, and went out, and
stood in the entering in
of the Dare : and, behold,
tktrt com* a roice unto
him, and said. What doest
thou here, Elijah 1
Isaiah XXXIII.
11 For the Lord it our
judge, the Lord it our
lawgiver, the Lord u our
Ring; he will save us.
33 For the Lord is our
Judge, who delivered us
with his power from Mts-
raim; the Lord is our
teacher, for He has given
us the doctrine of the Torah from Sinai ; the
Lord is our king : He will deliver us, and give
us righteous restitution from the army of Gog.
Jereh. X.
11 Tail* shall re say
•ato them, The gods that
have not made the heavens
and the earth, «m they
shall perish from the earth,
and from under
heaven*.
11 Tun is the copy of
the letter which Jeremiah
the prophet sent to the
remaining ancient ones of
the captivity in Babel:
" And if the nations among
whom you are will say
unto you, Pray to our
Hrrort : — O house of Israel, then you shall
answer thus, and speak in this wise: The
Enors unto which you prsy are Errors which
are of no use : they cannot rain from hea-
they cannot cause fruit to grow from
the earth. They and their worshippers will
perish from the earth, and will be destroyed
lrom under these heavens.
MlCAll VI.
4 Fur I brought thee up
out of the land of Egypt,
and redeemed thee out of
toe house of servants; and
I scat before thee Moses,
Aaron, and Miriam.
* For I have taken thee
out from the land of Mia-
ruim, and have released
thee from the bouse of
thy bondage : and have
sent before thee three pro-
phets ; Moses, to teach
thee the tradition of the ordinances ; Aaron, to
atone for the people : and Miriam, to teach
the women
III. and IT. TarouM of Joi»aihan-Bek-
UZZIEL AND JeuUSHALXI-TaIIODH OS THE PER-
TATEUCH.
Onkelos and Jonathan on the Pentateuch and
Prophets, whatever be their exact date, place, au-
thorship and editorship, are, as we have endea-
voured to show, the oldest of existing Targums, and
belong, in their present shape, lo Babylon and the
Babylonian academies Nourishing between the 3rd
and 4th centuries A.D. But precisely as two parallel
and independent developments ot the Oral Law
Ml
(D3BTI) hare sprung up in the Palestinian and
Babylonian Talmnds respectively, so also recent in-
vestigation has proved to demonstration the exist-
ence of two distinct cycles of Targums on the
Written Law (3rD3B>n)— ». «. the entire body of
the Old Testament. Both are the offspring of the
old, primitive institution of the public " reading
and translating of the Torah," which for many
hundred years had its place in the Palestinian
synagogues. The one first collected, revised, and
edited in Babylon, called — more especially that
part of it which embraced the Pentateuch (Onkelos)
— the Babylonian, Ours, by way of eminence, on
account of the superior authority inherent in aL
the works of the Madinchae (Babylonians, in contra-
distinction to the Maarbae or Palestinians). The
other, continuing its oral life, so to say, down to a
much later period, was written and edited — lets
carefully, or rather with a much more faithful
retention of the oldest and youngest fancies of Me-
turgemanim and Darshanim— on the soil of Judaea
itself. Of this entire cycle, however, the Penta-
teuch and a few other books and fragmentary pieces
only hare survived entire, while of most of the other
books of the Bible a few detached fragments are all
that is known, and this chiefly from quotation*.
The injunction above mentioned respecting the sab-
batical reading of the Targum on the Pentateuch —
nothing is said of the Prophets — explains the fact,
to a certain extent, how the Pentateuch Targum hat
been religiously preserved, while the others nave
perished. This circumstance, also, is to be taken
into consideration, that Palestine was in later cen-
turies well-nigh cut off from communication with
the Diaspora, while Babylon, and the gigantic
literature it produced, reigned paramount orer all
Judaism, as, indeed, down to the 10th century, the
latter continued to hare a spiritual leader in the
person of the Kesh Gelutha (Head of the Golan),
residing in Babylon. As not the least cause of the
loss of the great bulk of the Palestinian Targum
may also be considered the almost uninterrupted
martyrdom to which those were subjected who pre-
ferred, under all circumstances, to lire and die in
the Land of Promise.
However this may be, the Targum on the Pen-
tateuch has come down to us : and not in one, but
in two recensions. More surprising still, the one
hitherto considered a fragment, because of its em-
bracing portions only of the indiridual books, has
in reality never been intended to embrace any
further portion, and we arc thus in the possession
of two Palestinian Targums, preserved in their
original forms. The one, which extends from the
first verse of Genesis to the last of Deuteronomy, u
known under the name of Targum Jonathan (ben
Uuiel) or Pseudo-Jonathan on the Pentateuch.
The other, interpreting single verses, often siug'm
words only, is extant in the following proportion
1658
VKBBIONB, ANCIKNT ^TABOUH)
a thin! an Generis, a fourth on Deuteronomy, •
fifth 01 Numbers, time-twentieths on Exodus, and
about one-fourteenth on Leviticus. The Utter is
generally called Targum Jerushalmi, or, down to
:be 11th century (Hai Gaon, Cbananel), Teaman
Ereta Israel, Targom of Jerusalem or of the land
of Israel. That Jonathan ben Czziel, the same to
whom the prophetical Targum is ascribed, and who
is reported to have lired either in the 5th-4th
century B.C., or about the time of Christ himself
(tee above), could hare little to do with a Tar-
gum which speaks of Constantinople (Num. ndv.
19, 24), describes very plainly the breaking-up of
the West-Roman Empire (Num. xxiv. 19-24),
mentions the Turks (Gen. z. 2), and even Mo-
hammed's two wires, Chadidja and Fatime (Gen.
ixi. 21), and which exhibits not only the fullest
irquaintance with the edited body of the Baby-
lonian Talmud, by quoting entire passage! from it,
but adopts its peculiar phraseology : — not to mention
the complete disparity between the style, language,
and general manner of the Jonathanic Targum on
the Prophets, and those of this one on the Pentateuch,
strikingly palpable at first sight,— was recognised
by early investigators (Morinua, Pfeiffer, Walton,
tic.), who soon overthrew the old belief in Jonathan
b. Uzziel's authorship, as upheld by Mens hem
Kekanati, Aaariah de Rossi , Gedsljah, Gelatin, Fagius,
fee But the relation in which the two Targums,
so similar and yet so dissimilar, stood to each other,
bow they arose, and where and when — all these
questions have for a long time, in the terse words
of Zunz, caused many of the learned such dire
misery, that whenever the " Targum Hierosolymi-
tanum comes up," they, instead of information on it
and its twin-brother, prefer to treat the render to a
round volley of abuse of them. Not before the
first half of this century did the fact become fully
and inoontestibly established (by the simple pro-
cess of an investigation of the sources), that both
Targums were in reality one — that both were known
down to the 14th century under no other name
than Targum Jerushalmi — and that some forgetful
scribe about that time must have taken the abbre-
viation ♦•IV-' T. J.' over one of the two documents,
and, instead of dissolving it into Targum-Jeruahalmi,
dissolved it erroneously into what he must till
then have been engaged in copying— viz, Targum-
Juuathan, sc ben Uxziel (ou the Prophets). This
error, fostered by the natural tendency of giving
a well-known and far-famed name — without in-
quiring too closely into it* accuracy— to a hitherto
anonymous and comparatively little known ver-
sion, has been copied again and again, until it found
its way, a hundred years later, into print. Of
■he intermediate stage, when only a few MSS. had
received the new designation, a curious fact, which
Azariah da Rossi (Cod. 37 b) mentions, give* evi-
dence. " I saw," he says, " two complete Targums
on the whole Pentateuch, word for word alike;
one in Reggio, which was described in the margin,
•Targum of Jonathan b. Usziel;' the other in
Mantua, described at the margin as ' Targum Je-
rushalmi.' " In a similar manner quotations from
either in the Aruch confound the designation. Ben-
jamin Mussaphia (d. 1674), the author of additions
«ad corrections to the Aruch, has indeed pronounced
It as his personal conjecture that both may be one
and the some, and Drusius, Mendelssohn, Rappo-
port, and others shared his opinion. Yet the
difficulty of their obvious dissimilarity, if they
»t-re .''Jentiral, lemained to be accounted for. Zuni
tries to solve it by assuming tW P*
than is the original Targum, and that taw fear,
mentary Jerushalmi .s a collection of Tari s nts k
it. The circumstance of its also containing pac-
tions identical with the codex, to which it is scp-
posed to be a collection of readings, he explains ry
the negligence of the transcriber. Franks*, haw-
ever, followed by Traub and Leryaohn, has gem s
step further. From the very identity of a propor-
tionately large number of places antormting »
about thirty in each book, and from certain pal-
pable and consistent di ffer ences which ran threads
both recensions, they have arrived at a differed
conclusion, which seems to carry conviction on tr#
face of it, viz., that Jerushalmi is a coUertaai
of emendations and additions to single portnrs.
phrases, and words of Onkelos, and rVudo-Je-
nathan a further emendated and completed editxi
to the whole Pentateuch of JefrudiaJsni-Ookelai
The chief incentive to a new Taignm ou the Praia-
touch (that of Onkelos being well known in Pass-
tine), was, on the one hand, the wiah to expk?
such of the passages as seemed either obscurr :
themselves or capable of greater adaptation u c-
times ; and on the other hand the great and p -.-
mount desire for legendary lore, and ethical and a -
miletical motives, intertwined with the my k-tterrf
Scripture, did not and could not fed satisfied vc>
the (generally) strictly literal version of Ookeka,
as soon a.i the time of eccentric, prolix, oral Tarrvnt
had finally ceased in Palestine too, and wntttr
Targums of Babylon were introduced as a szib*>
tute, once for all. Hence variants, exactly a* weal
in Jerushalmi, not to the whole of Onkeloa, bat is
such portions as seemed most to reqrriie ** hnpanv
ment " in the direction indicated. And bow matt
this thoroughly paraphrastic version waa piefernt
to the literal is, among other signs, plainly riehe
from the circumstance that it is still joined. **
instance, to the reading of the Decalogue on tS.
Feast of Weeks in the synagogue. At a later ped
the gaps were filled up, and the whole of the east-
ing Jerushalmi was recast, as for again as annu l
fitting and requisite. This is the Jonathan, as> atual
for the last four hundred years only. And tow
the identity in some, and the divergence m etna
places finds its most natural solution.
The Jerushalmi, in both its recensions. Is writes
in the Palestinenaian dialect, the pacolinrrties at
which we hare briefly characterised above. It »
older than the Masora and the conquest of Westera
Asia by the Arabs. Syria or Palestine mint bt
its birthplace, the second half of the 7th oeatsrT
its date, since the instances above given will sat
allow of any earlier time. Its chief aim and par-
pose is, especially in its second edition, to form sa
entertaining compendium of all the llslirhss asd
Hnggadah, which refers to the Pentateuch, aad take
its stand upon it. And in this lies its chief *♦ a
us. There is hardly a single allegory, parable, rov-i;
digression, or tale in it which is not found in us
other haggadistic writings— Mishna, Talmud. He-
chilta, Sifra, Sifri, fee. ; and both Winer and Ptttr-
mann, not to mention the older au t la as itius , tor*
wrongly charged it with inventing its interpno-
tious. Even where no source can be indicated, tr»
author has surely only given u ttera nce to the '.•■*-
ing notions and ideas of his times, e atia t agau t W
abstruse aa they may oftentimes appear to our w
dern Western minds. Little value is inherent m w
critical emendations on the exegesis of Onkxnae. n
sometimes endeavours either to find aa entaralr n*»
VERSIONS, ANCIENT (TABGUM)
1659
ri^aiTvAt on far a word, and then it often falls into
grave error*, or it reatorea interpretation* rejected
by Onkelos, only it mast never be forgotten that
translation is quite a secondary object with Jeru-
shalmi. It adheres, however, to the general method
4>llowel by Onkelos and Jonathan. It dissolve*
similes and widens too concise diction. Geogra-
phical names it altera into those current in it* own
day. It avoids anthropomorphisms as well as an-
thropopathism*. The strict distinction between the
Divine Being and man is kept up, and the word
Dip " before " is put as a kind of medium between
the former and the latter, no less thsn the other
— " Sheohinah," " Word," " Glory," &c. It never
uses Elohim where the Scripture applies it to
man or idols. The same care is taken to extol
the good deeds of the people and its ancestors,
and to slur over and excuse the evil ones, be. : —
all this, however, in a much more decided and
exaggerated form than either in Onkelos or Jona-
than. Its language and grammar are very cor-
rupt ; it abounds— chiefly in its larger edition,
the Pseudo-Jonathan — in Greek, Latin, Persian, and
Arabic words ; and even making allowances for the
many blunders of ignorant scribes, enough will
remain to pronounce the diction ungrammatical in
very many place*.
Thus much briefly of the Jerushalml as one and
the same work. We shall now endeavour to point
out a few characteristics belonging to it* two
recensions respectively. The first, Jeruihalmi car'
i^oxh', knows very little of angels ; Michael is
the only one ever occurring : in Jonathan, on the
other hand, angelology nourishes in great vigour :
to the Biblical Michael, Galriel, Uriel, ait aoMei
the Angel of Death, Samael, SegnugaeL Shachamu,
Usiel ; seventy angels descend with God to see the
building of the Babylonian tower ; nine hundred
million* of punishing angel* go through Egypt dur-
ing the night of the Exodus, &c Jerushalmi makes
use bnt rarely of Halachah and Haggadah, while
Jonathan sees the text as it were only through the
medium of Haggadah : to him the chief end. Hence
Jonathan has many Mldrashim not found in Jeru-
shalmi, while he does not omit a single one con-
tained in the latter. There are no direct historical
dates in Jerushalmi, but many are found in Jona-
than, and since all other signs indicate that but a
short space of time intervenes between the two,
the late origin of either is to a great extent
made manifest by these dates. The most striking
difference between them, however, and the one
which is mot characteristic of either, is this, that
while Jerushalmi adheres more closely to the lan-
guage of the Mishna, Jonathan has greater affinity to
that of tho Talmud. Of either we subjoin short
specimens, which, for the purpose of easier compari-
son, tad reference, we have placed side by side with
Onkelos. The Targum Jerushalmi was first printed
in Bomberg** Bible, Venice, 1518, ft*., and was re-
printed in Bamberg's edd., and in Walton, vol; ir.
Jonathan to the Pentateuch, a MS. of which was
first discovered by Ashur Purinx in the Library of
the family of the Puahs In Venice, was printed for
the first time in 1590, as " Targum Jonathan bra
Ursiel," at Venice, reprinted at Hanao, 1618,
Amsterdam, 1640, Prague, 1646, Walton, vol.
Iv., Ac.
Genesis III. 17-24.
AUTHORISED
VERSION.
17 Am unto Adam he
•aid. Because thou hast
hearkened unto the voice
of thy wife, and hast eaten
of the tree, of which 1
commanded thee, saying,
Tbou shalt not eat of it :
cursed is the ground for
thy sake ; in sorrow shalt
tbou eat of it all the days
of thy lift;
!8 Thorns also and
thistles shall it bring forth
wo thee; and thou shalt
mm the herb of the Held ;
ONKELOS.
IT An to Adam he said,
For that thou hast accepted
the word of thy wife, and
hast eaten from the tree of
which I have commanded
unto thee, and said. Thou
shalt not eat from it :
cursed shall the earth be
for thy sake ; with trouble
shalt thou eat of it all ft*
days of thy life ;
18 And thorns and
thistles it shall grow for
thee; and tbou shalt eat
the gram of the Held ;
TAROUM
JERUSHALMI.
Firtt Steamon.
It And thorns and
thistle* shall it multiply
for thee ; and thou shalt eat
the grass that is on the face
of the earth. Then began
Adam and said, I pray,
through the Mercy that is
before Thee, Jehovah, let
us not be accounted before
Thee ss the beasts that eat
the gross on the face of the
field : may we be per-
mitted to arise and toll
with the toil of oar hands,
and eat food from the fruits
of the earth ; and thus
may there be a difference
before Thee between the
sons of man and the off-
spring of cattle.
TAROUM
[JoiuTHAX-aax-Uauxi.]
JERUSHALMI.
Steond Btcnuicn.
17 And to Adam be said.
Because thou host received
the word of thy wife, and
hast eaten from the fruit
of the tree, of which I
commanded thee, Thou
shalt not eat from it :
cursed be the earth, be-
cause it has not shown un-
to thee thy fault ; in sor-
row shalt thou eat of it alt
the days of thy life ;
18 And thorns and
thistles shall grow and
multiply for thy soke ; and
thou shalt rat the grass
that is on the (see of the
field. Adam answered and
said, I pray, by the Merer
that b before Thee, Je-
hovah, that we may not
be deemed like unto the
beasts, that we should eat
grass that la on the faoo of
the field ; may we be al-
lowed to arise and toll with
the tolling of our bands,
and eat food from the fcod
of the Aarth, and thus may
there be a distinction now
before Thee, between the
wns of men and the off.
I rag of cattle.
1(500
VERSIONS. ASCIKNT (TAitGUM)
AUTHORISED
VERSION.
19 In the sweat of thy
fcce shalt thou aat bread,
till thou return unto the
irround ; tor out of it wast
thou taken : for dust thou
art, and unto dust shall
thou return.
20 And Adam called his
wife's name Ere ; because
she was the mother of all
Hrinf.
31 Unto Adam also and
to his wife did the Loan
God make coats of skins,
and clothed them.
92 And the Loan God
said, Behold, the man is
become as oui of us, to
know good and erll : and
now, lest he put forth his
band, and take also of the
tree of life, and eat, and
lire for erer :
23 Therefore the Loss
Cod sent him forth from
the garden of Eden, to tin
the ground from whence
he was token.
24 So he drore out the
man ; and he placed at the
east of the garden of Eden
Cherubim*, [t] and a flam-
ing sword whfoh turned
every war, to keep the way
of the tree of life.
OKKELOS.
19 In the sweat of thy
face shalt thou eat bread,
until thou returnest unto
the earth from which thou
art created : for dust art
thou, and to dust shalt
thou return.
20 And Adam called the
name of his wife Charah ;
for that she was the mother
of all eons of man.
21 And Jehovah Elohlm
made unto Adam and his
wife garments of glory, on
the skin of their flesh, and
clothed them.
21 And Jehorah Btohim
•aid, Behold Adam is the
only one in the world
knowing good and eril :
perchance now he might
stretch forth his hand and
take also from the tree of
life, and eat, ax.d lire for
cvnnnoTo.
tl And Jehorah Cohim
sent him from the garden
of Eden, to till the earth
whence he was created.
24 And he drore oat
Adam ; and he placed be-
fore the garden of Eden
the Cherubim and the sharp
sword, which turns to
guard the way to toe tree
of life.
TABCUM
JKKUSHALML,
Jtnt AMffMMMa
21 And the Word of Je-
horah Elohlm said, Lol
man, whom I created, is
alone in this world, as I
am alone in the highest
Hearens; mighty nations
will spring from him ; from
him also will arise a people
that will know to dis-
tinguish between good and
eril : now it is better to
expel him from the garden
of Eden, before he stretch
out his hand and take also
from the fruits of the tree
of Ufa, and eat, and lire
for erer.
24 And He expelled
Adam, and caused to reside
the splendour of His She-
chlnah from the beginning
at the east of the garden of
Eden, above the two Chens*
bim. Two thousand years
before the world was
created, he created the
Law, and prepared Gchin-
nom [Hell] and Gsn Eden
[Paradise] : He prepared
Oan Eden for the Right-
eous, that they may eat
and delight in the fruits of |
TAatGCaf
[JoKATmAy-wjsx-CaraB?
JFJtrsHAUU.
It . . . la she t«l =
the pahm of thy hand saC
thou emt feat, m*t& tan
returnee* onto the c*
from which thou «-v
created: for dost art ti#w
and to dust shall tact re-
turn : for from the &k
thou wilt once rise a> r—
Judgment and a co w ini ■
all that than bast on
on the day as* the g-n.
Judgment-
20 And Adam caDeC 5»
■sane of his wile Ctanv
for she is the mother of i-
the sons of man.
11 And Jrhorah EVsc.x
made unto Adam and ha
wife garments of fcjewu-.
from the akin of the «.-
pent which be had cast -c
ofit, on the skin of e-r
flesh, instead of the
beauty which they has) a*
on* ; and he clothed tarn.
22 And Jehorah :
said to the
him, Lo! there is Ai-a
alone on the earth, *> :
am alone in the harb*<
Hearens, sad there w_
spring from him tbow •:■•
know to diatamraBsh ns
tween good and erj:
he had kept that <
ment 1
would hare been) bras ad
lasting, like the tree of -a.
for evermore. New sax
he has not kept what I
commanded, We drc-r,
against him sad expel ^=-
from the garden of IX".
before he max stretch x*
his hand and take fros ?w
fruits of the tree of :j»
for if he ate therefrom in
would live and remam !a
13 And Jehorah 1
expelled him from :s#
garden of Eden, and >
went and he settled an a-
Mount of If oriah, t» -
the earth of which hi w«»
created.
24 And He drove »•
Adam from where He a*.
made to reside the r-v?
of His Sbechiaah t .-a
the beginning bctai e a tn
two Cherubim. Before b#
created the world He i j
created the Law : B< i»
prepared the ewrdra
Eden for the Kawasc<.zN
that they aball eat and er-
lia-ht in the Cnuts of -■*
tree, because thry hi .
acted during their "_* » -
ocrdiae to the *wXn*. »
VKBSIONS, ANCIENT (TAfiaUM) ZQSl
AUTH.
TEK8I0N.
ONKELOS.
TABOCM JERUBHALMI.
Tint Kcccnsion.
TARrttJM
[JOHATHAN-BRN-Unrax]
JERU8HALM1.
8*eond Aecention.
the tree, becaoie they kept the command-
ments of the Law in this world, and pre-
pared Gehinnom for the wicked, for It i»
like unto a sharp sword that eata from
both sides; He hu prepared within It
•parks of light and coals which consume
the wicked, to punish them in the future
world for their not having kept the com-
mandments of the Law. For the tree of
life that i» the Law; whosoever keeps
It in this world, he will live and last like
the tree of life : good is the Law to whom-
soever keeps it in this world, like the fruit
of the tree of life in the world to come.
the Law in this world, and have kept
its commandments : He has prepared the
Gehinnom for the wicked, which is likened
unto a sharp sword that cats from two
sides : He prepared within it sparks of
light and coals of Are to judge with them
the wicked who rebelled in their lives
against the doctrine of the Law. Better
is this Law to him who acts according to
It than the fruit* of the tree of life, for
the Word of Jehovah has prepared for
him who keeps it, that he shall live and
walk in the paths of the way of the life
of the future world.
The Last Chapter of Dboteronomt, t. 1-3.
AUTHORISED
VER8ION.
I And Moses went up
from the plains of Moab
unto the mountain of Nebo,
to the top of Pisgah, that
it over against Jericho.
And the Loan shewed him
all the land of Oilead, unto
1MB,
S And all NaphtaU, and
the land of Ephraim, and
Manasseh, and all the land
of Judah, unto the utmost
ONKELOS.
TARGUM
JERUSHALML
Fint BecauUm.
S And the south, and the
plain of the valley of Jeri-
cho, the city of palm trees,
onto Soar.
1 A»d Moses ascended
from the encampment of
Moab to the mountain of
Nebo: the head of the
height that Is opposite
Jericho. And Jehovah
showed him all the land
of Oilead onto Dan.
2 And all NaphtaU and
the land of Ephraim and
Manasseh, and all the land
of Judah to the hindmost
S And the west sad the
plain of the valley of Jeri-
cho the city of the palms,
unto Zoar.
I And Moses ascended
from the plain of Moab to
tbe mountain of Nebo, the
summit of the hill which
is opposite Jericho. And
God showed him the whole
land : Oilead unto Dan of
Caesareo.
2 And all the land of
NaphtaU, and tbe land of
Ephraim and Manasseh,
and the whole land of Ju-
dah, to the hindmost sea.
TARGUM
[J01fATHAJf-B»-UlSTSI.]
JEBU8HALML
Seami ttecmnon.
1 And Moses ascended
from the plains of Moab to
the mountain of Nebo, the
summit of the height
which is over against Je-
richo, and the word of Je-
hovah showed him all the
mighty ones of the land :
the powerful deeds which
Jephlha from Gilead would
do, and the victories of
Samson the son of Manoah,
from the tribe of Dan.
2 And the thousand
princes from tbe house of
NaphtaU who joined issue
with Balak, and the kings
whom Joshua the son of
Nun from the tribe of
Efraim, would kill, and
the power of Gideon the
son of Joash from the tribe
of Manasseh, and all the
kings of Israel, and the
kingdom of the house of
Judah who would rule in
the land until the second
Sanctuary would be laid
low.
3 And the king of the
south who would Join the
king of the north to de-
stroy the inhabitants o!
the land, and the Ammon-
ites and Moabites, the inhabitants of the valleys who would oppress Israel, and the exile ef the
disciples of KUja who would be driven out from the plain of Jericho, and the exile of the disctplef of
EUsha who would be driven out from the city of palms by their brethren, the house of Israel : iwo
hundred thousand men. And the woes of each generation and the punishment of Armatfiu
[ ArmiUns] the evil one and the battle-array of Gog. And in this great misery Michael will arise with
the sword : to save, *c.
S And west, and the plain
of the valley of Jericho the
city which produces the
palms, that is Zeer.
V. rAnaoMs of - Joseph the Blind"
TUB HaGIOORAI'HA.
ON
" When Jonathan ben Uniel began to paraphrase
Ike retbiibim" (Hsigiographa), we read in the Tal-
mudicai passage before quoted, '•' a mysterious roice
w»> liraiii saying : It is enough. Thou !iast re-
vealed the secrets of tbe Prophets - wh; noitlifet
thou also reveal those of the Hols' Ghost?" —
It would thus appear, that a Targum to these
books (Job excepted) was entirely unknown up
to a very late period. Those Targums on the
H:\giographa khich we cow possess have been at-
tributed vaguely to different authors, it being
assumed in tbe first instance tint they were the
woik oi one m. i. Now it w-is Akyha the Greek
1662
"VERSIONS, ANCIENT rTABGUM)
translator, mentioned m Bereahith Rabba (see
above) ; now Onkeloe, the Chaldee translator of the
Pentateuch, his mythical double; now Jonathan
b. Utxiel, or Joseph (Jose) the Blind (see above).
But the diversity in the different parte of the work
waning too palpably against the unity of author-
ship, tiie blindness of the last-named authority
seemed to show the easiest way nut of the difficulty.
Joseph was supposed to have dictnud it to different
disciples at different periods, and somehow every
one of the amanuenses infused part of his own
individuality into his share of the work. Popular
belief thus fastened npon this Joseph the Blind,
since a name the work must needs have, and
to him in most of the editions, the Targum is
affiliated. Yet, if ever he did translate the Hagio-
grapha, certain it is that those which we possess
are not by his or his disciples' hands — that is, of
the time of the 4th century. Writers of the 13th
century already refuted this notion of Joseph's au-
thorship, for the assumption of which there never
was any other ground than that he was mentioned
in the Talmud, like Onkelos-Akylas and Jonathan,
in connection with Targum ; and, as we saw, there
is indeed reason to believe that he had a share in
the redaction of "Jonathan" to the IVopheta,
which falls in his time. Between him and our
hagiographical Targums, however, many centuries
must have elapsed. Tet we do not even venture to
assign to them more than an approximate round
date, about 1000 a.d. Besides the Targums to
the Pentateuch and the Prophets, those now extant
range over Psalms, Proverbs, Job, the five Megilloth,
i.e. Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamentations, Esther,
Kcclesiastes ; the Chronicles and Daniel. Exra and
Nehemiah alone are left without a Targum at
present ; yet we can hardly help believing that ere
long one will also be found to the latter, as the
despaired -of Chronicles was found in the 17th
century, and Daniel — a sure trace of it at least — so
recently, that as yet nobody has considered it worth
his while to take any notice of it. We shall divide
these Targums into four groups: Proverbs, Job,
Psalms ; — Megilloth ; — Chronicles ; — and Daniel.
1. Takoum ox Psalm*, Job, Pboverbs.
Certain linguistic and other characteristics S
exhibited by these three Targums, lead to the con-
| elusion that they ve nearly mrrtiniananma pr»
doctions, and that their birthplace is, most hsaV,
Syria. While the two former, hoi
paraphrases, the Targum us Piu s a ha <
to our idea of a version than almost an
except perhaps that of Onkdoa. It adhere* a>
closely to the original text as possible. The ass*
remarkable feature about it, however, and n»
which has given rise to endless speculation ».
discussions, is its extraordinary similarity to tst
Syriac Version. It would indeed sotxtetames teea
as if they had copied each other — am earn*
warmly advocated by Dathe, who t ud a a i uiu wl •
prove that the Chaldee had copied or adapted ti*
Syrian, there being passages in the Targuwi whe
could, he assumed, only be accounted for by i
misunderstanding of the Syriac t rsastaiipo » h
has, on the other hand, been argued that there n»
a greater number of important jn aa a aaas whack cV
tinctly show that the Targumist had used ■
original Hebrew text, varying from that of ta>
Syriac, and had also made use of the LXX. acarwt
the latter. 1 The Syriasms would easily be acMor*»!
for by the Aramaic idiom itself, the Ibauas of wr -;
vary but little from, and easily merge iota, tat
sister dialect of Syria. Indeed nearly all of r>
are found in the Talmud, a strictly Aram-
work. It has been supposed by others that netrae-
of these versions, as they are now in nor La-h.
exhibit their original form. A late editor, as i
were, of the (mutilated) Targum, rocjjht rtt
derived his emendations from that version war-
came nearest to it, both in language and m tw*
adherence to the Hebrew text — viz.. the Sr.-rr.
and there is certainly every reason to condnde r«n
the woefully faulty state in which this Tary*ra «
found (Luxxatto counts several hundred oamf
readings in it), that many and clumsy hands bx*
have been at work upon the biter Codd. The wc
likely solution of the difficulty, however, arenas m ar
that indicated by Frankel— via., that the LXX a
the common source of both versions, but m me* »
manner that the Aramaic has also made aae of tse
Hebrew and the Greek — of the latter, bo » eie.
through the Syriac medium. As a specansea of tie
curious similarity of both v e rsio ns, the feflawat
two verses from the beginning of the bonk may an:
a place here : —
Chap. 1. 2-3.
Tabock (Ver. 3>
Knmoi Knoan jnob
•icrova non ran»6
Ver.S.
j6a«n Knmo vbipob
•Kroxnm Km ttnpnvi
Sra.(Ver. S).
Ver.S.
JLcytLo J-ivjo )Lcux.»)o
• «. f. The una of the word '7JJR for angel In Targ.
Pa. and Job, uw J, afllxed u> the 3rd p. plur. praef. Peal.
the tafin. with prser. Q, beside* several more or less unusual
Greek and Syriac wonU ciimmon to all three.
a s t ,ch. xxlx.S, the Heb. word iT"1j?, ' dry," U rend-
ered \^i 3. "city,- In Syr. Targum translates (Cl*73<
'• a He,' which Is only to be accounted lor by a niUunder-
siac ling at misreading of toe Syriac \ ^j 3, where for
tea second < weOialdae translator raai a h, jL^a-3.
> Prov.xxvl. lo, the Masofstie teat reads: Z rj i \l\l} ~
' ^D3 "l?fen S3 i LXX. «AA. x«v-£t« •*«< «sV»
I ~» (=^D3 TOT) 8 Targ. vkoXTX ICCa tPCt »»:
thus adopting exactly the reading of the LXX. aaaaa
' the received text: xxix.31. yUB TJQO pJBO.«a**
In the aame manner m Tana. Sanaa. 63 ♦ ; LXX. m •»-
I raomroAf ix erai&t ourrras eWrai ; e t b l r ul ty faafjaf
| ITW 13)(=Targ. vj«Q tnajf> Gamp, aim *r»a
M, axx. SO, «c
VERSIONS, ANOIKNT (TARGUM)
16«a
Compare also vers. 5, 6, 8, 10, 12, 13 ; ch. ii.
Ml*. 9, 10, 13-15; Hi. 2-9, &c
Ws must not omit to observe that no early Jew-
nh oatunwDtator — Kaahi, Ibo Exra, ic. — mentions
die Targum either to Proverbs, or to Job and
Psalms. Nathan ben Jeehiel (12th century) is the
tint who quotes it.
Kesrecting the two latter Targums of this group,
Psalms and Job, it is to be observed thnt they
are, more or less, mere collections of Augments.
That there must have existed paraphrases to Job at
> very early period follows from the Talmndlcal
{■usages which we quoted in the introduction — nay,
wa almost leel inclined to assume that this book,
considered by the learned aa a mere allegory (" Job
never was, and never was created," is the dictum
fcund in the Talmud, Babe Bathra, 15a : i. «.
he never had any real existence, but la a poetical,
though sacred, invention), opened the list of written
paraphrases. How much of the primitive Version
is embodied in the one which we possess it is of
coarse next to impossible to determine, more espe-
cially in the state of infancy in which the investiga-
tion of the Targums as yet remains. So much,
however, is palpable, tliat the Targums of both
Psalms and Job in their present shape contain relics
of different authors in different times : some para-
phrasta, some strictly translators. Very frequently
a second version of the same passage is introduced
by the formula "HTM DM"in, " another Targum,"
and varies most widely from it* predecessor; while,
more especially in the Psalms, a long series of
chapters translated literally, is followed by another
series translated in the wildest and moat fancifnl
character. The Cod. Krpen. still exhibits these va-
rious readings, aa such, side by side, on its margin ;
thence, however, they have in our printed editions
found their way into the text. How much of these
variants, or of the entire text, belongs to the Pales-
tinian Cycles, which may well have embraced the
whole Torah:— or whether they are to be considered
exclusively the growth of later times, and have thus
but a very slender connexion with either the original
Babylonian or the Palestinian Targum-works, future
investigation must determine.
The most useful in this group is naturally the
Targum on Proverbs, it being the one which trans-
lates most closely, or rather the only one which
does tramtiate at all. Besides the explanation it
gives of difficult passages in the text, its peculiar
affinity to the Syriac Version naturally throws some
light upon both, sad allows of emendations in and
through either. As to Job and Psalms, their chief
use lies in their showing the gradual dying stages
of the idiom in which they are written, and also in
their being fn a manner guides to the determination
of the date of certain stages of Haggadah.
2, 3. Takoums on the ftvx Meoilloth.
These Targums are likewise not mentionrd before
the 12th century, when the Aruch quotes them
severally '.—although Esther must have been trans-
lated at a very early period, since the Talmud
already mention* a Targum on it. Of this, we
need hardly add, no trace is found in our present
Targum. The freedom of a " version " can go no
further than it does in these Targums on the Me-
gilloth. They are, in fact, mere Haggadah, and
bear the most striking resemblance to the Midi-ash
on the respective books. Curiously enough, the
gndiuu preponderance of the Paraphrase aver the
tout is noticeable In the following order : Ruth,
Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Song of Song*.
The latter is fullest to overflowing of those " nugjt
atipu frivolitatei" which have so sorely tried
the temper of the wise and grave. Starting from
the almost comical notion that all they found in
the books of Mohammedanism and of Judaism, of
Home and of Greece, if it seemed to have any
reference to " Keligio," however unsupported, and
however plainly bearing the stamp of poetry-
good or bad — on its face, must needs be a religious
creed, and the creed forced upon every single be-
liever: — they could not but get angry with mere
'day-dreams' being interspersed with the sacred
literature of the Bible. Delitxsch, a scholar of
our generation, says of the Targums in general
that "history becomes in than most charming,
most instructive poetry ; but this poetry is not the
invention, the phantasms of the writer, but the old
and popular venerable tradition or legend .... the
Targums are poetical, both as to their contents and
form " (GescA. d. /fid. Poeue, p. 27) : and farther,
"The wealth of legend in its gushing fullness
did not suffer any formal bounds ; legend bursts
upon legend, like ware upon wave, not to be
dammed in even by any poetical forms. Thus the
Jerusalem Targum in its double Recensions [to the
Peutateuch], and the Targums on the five Megilloth
are the most beautiM national works of art,
through which there runs the golden thread of
Scripture, and which are held together only by the
unity of the idea " (p. 135). Although we do not
share Delitxsch's enthusiasm to the full extent, yet
we cannot but agree with him that there are, to-
gether with stones and dust, many pearls of precious
price to be gathered from these much despised,
because hardly known, books.
The dialect of these books occupies the mean
between the East and West Aramean, ami there
is a certain unity of style and design about all the
five books, which fully justifies the supposition
that they are, one end all, the work of one author.
It may be that, taken in an inverted series, they
mark the successive stages of a poet's life; glow-
ing, rapturous, overflowing in the first; stately,
sober, prosy m the last. As to the time of its
writing or editing, we have aga-J to repeat, that
it is most uncertain, but unquestionably belongs to
a period much later than the Talmud. The Book
of Esther, enjoying both through its story-like form
and the early injunction of its being read or heard by.
every one on the Feast of Purim, a great circulation
and popularity, has been targumised many times,
and besides the one embodied in the five Megilloth,
there are two more extant (not tarn, as generally
stated : the so-called third being only an abbrevia-
tion of the firrt), which are called respectively the
first : a short one without digressions, and the second
— ( Targum theni) : a larger one, belonging to the
Palestinian Cycle. The latter Targum is a collection
of Eastern romances, broken up and arranged to
the single verses: of gorgeous hues and extravagant
imagination, such as aa to be met with in the
Ad&hnib or Chamis, or any Eastern collection of
legend* and tales.
VI. Tabgcm on thk Book of Chbonicleb.
This Targum was unknown, as we said before,
up to a very recent period. In 1630, it was edited
for the first time from an Erfurt MS. by M. F. Beck,
and in 1715 from a more complete aa well as correct
MS. at Cambridge, by D. Wilkint. The name of
Hungary occurring in it, and it* frequent use of the
16G4
VEBSIONS, ANCIENT (TAHGTJM)
Jerusslem-Targnm to the Pentateuch, amounting
sometimes to simple copying (comp. the Genealo-
gical Table in chap, i., &&), show sufficiently tliat
its author ia neither "Jonathan b. Uzzid" nor
" Joseph the Blind," as has been suggested. But
the language, style, and the Haggadah, with which
it abounds, point to a late period and point out Pa-
lestine as the place where it was written. Its use
must be limited to philological, historical, and geo-
graphical studies ; the science of exegesis will profit
little by it. The Brat edition appeared under the
title Paraphrans Chaldaica tibr. Chronicorum, cure
H. F. Beckii, 2 torn. Aug. Vind. 1680-83, 4to. ; the
second by D. Wilkins, Paraphrata ...aticlore £.
Joaepho, be- Amst., 1715, 4to. The first edition
has the advantage of a large number of very lesnied
antes, the second that of a comparatively more cor-
net and complete text.
VII. The Tamcm to Daniel.
It is for the first time that this Targum, for the
non-existence of which many and weighty reasons
were given (that the date of the Messiah s arrival
was hidden in it, among others), is here formally in-
troduced into the regular rank and tile of Targums,
although it has been known for now more than five
nnd-'twenty years. Munk found it, not indeed in the
Original Aramaic, but in what appears to him to
be an extract of it written in Persian. The MS.
(Anc. Fond, Mo. 45, Imp. Library) is inscribed
" History of Daniel,*' and has retained only the first
words of the Original, which it translates likewise
into Persian. This lauguage is then retained
throughout.
After several legends known from other Targums,
follows a long prupnecy of Daniel, from which the
book is shown to have been written after the first
Crusade. Mohammad and his successors are men-
tioned, also a king who coming from Europe (IK
JKWO) will go to Damascus, and kill the Ish-
maelitic (Mohammedan) kings and princes; he will
break down the minarets ("111X30), destroy the
mosques (MDIIDO), and no one will after that
dare to pronounce the name of the Profane (?1DS
= Mohammad). The Jews will also have to suffer
great misfortunes (as indeed the knightly Crusaders
won their spurs by dastardly murdering the help-
less masses, men, women, and children, in the
Ghettos along the Rhine and elsewhere, before they
started to deliver the Holy tomb). By a sudden
transition the Prophet then passes on to the " Mes-
siah, son of Joseph," to Gog and Magog, and
to the " true Messiah, the son of David." Munk
rightly concludes that the book must have been
composed in the 12th century, when Christian
kings reigned for a brief period over Jerusalem
(Notice tar Saadia, Par. 1838).
VIII. There is also a Chaldee translation extant
of the apocryphal pieces of Esther, which, entirely
lying apart from our task, we confine ourselves to
mention without further entering into the subject.
I)e Rossi has published them with Notes and Dis-
sertations. TUbingen, 1783, 8vo,
Further fragments of the PALfcjrriuiAN Targcm.
Betides the complete books belonging to the Pales-
tinian Cycle of Targum which we have mentioned,
and the portions of it intersected as " Another
Heading," ' Another Targum," into the Babylonian
Versions, there are extant several independent frag-
ments ol it. Nor need we as )et despair of find-
ing still further portions, perkam esse way It se>
it restored entirely. There is all the more bsp>
for this, as the Tai-gum baa not been foot very ks(
yet. Abudraham quotes the Targum Jenueaaaw
to Samuel (i. 9, 13). Kimchi ha* preserved severs
passages from it to Judget (a. U consisting of 41
words); to Samuel (i. 17, 18: 106 words); sac
Kmgf(i. 22, 21 : 68 words; ii. 4, 1 : 174 wares ,
iv. 6: 55 words; iv. 7: 72 words; xm. £1: s
words), under the simple name of Toseftah. i «. Ad-
dition, or Additional Targuxn. Luxxatto has aim
lately found fragments of the same, under u>
names " Targum of Palestine," " Tirpusn of J-
rushalmi," " Another Heading," ate, la aa Af.*»
Codex written 5247 a.m. = 1487 a.d„ vis. »
1 Sam. xviii. 19 ; 2 Sam. xdi. 12 ; 1 Kings v. 4, ».
11, V. 13, x. 18, x. 26, xiv. 13; to Rosea L I;
Obad. i. 1. — To Isaiah, Rashi (Ixiaki, not a* pesjj
still persist in calling him, JarM\ Abudraham isJ
Farissol quote it: and a fragment of the Tufa
to this prophet is extant in Cod. Urbixt. Vatic*
Mo. 1, containing about 120 words, and begraci.-
" Prophecy of Isaiah, which he prophesied at u»
end of his prophecy in the days of Manaaera tht
Son of Hexekiah the King of the Tribe of the Hoc*
of Judah on the 1 7th of Tamus in the boor vS*
Manasseh set up an idol in the Temple,'* esc. Isa*>
predicts in this his own violent death. PaiUcf.i
Targum are also found in Hebrew, in Pesfr-iJ,
Rabbathi 6 a, and Talknt Isa. 58 d. A Jeru-OLT:
Targum to Jeremiah is mentioned by Kimchi : tt
Ezekiel by R. Simeon, Nathan (Aruch \ and bfcev*
by Kimchi, who also speaks of a farther adda>«»
Targum to Jonathan for tuis Book. A " Targra-
Jenishalini " to Micah u mown to Rashi, soa *
Zechariah a fragment has neeo published h> Bms
(Repert. Pt, 15, P. 174) from a KcncKlinias Ka.
(Cod. :t54, Kennic 25), written 1106. The paasacs.
found as a marginal gloss to Zech. xii. 10, ressis m
follows : —
" Targum Jerusfaahni. And I shall poor out eju
the House of David and the inhabitants of Je~>
salem the spirit of prophecy and of prayer tor trctt
And after this shall go forth Messiah the Sec ■/
Efraim to wage war against Gog. And Gog « -
kill him before the city of Jeniahalaim IVr
will look up to me and they will aak me wae r-
fore the heathens have killed Messiah the hee rf
Efraim. They will then mourn over him a» sbt'.t-
father and mother over an only son, and riser w
wail over him as one wails over a firstborn." — A
Targum Jerashalmi to the third chapter of ft -
bakkuk, quoted by Rashi, is mentioned by de K*»».
(Cod. 265 and 405, both 13th century). It has he-
suggested that a Targum Jerushalmi on the Pre
phets only existed to the Haftaraha, which has) at
one time been translated perhaps, like thai parties
from the Law, in public ; but wo have seen ttu
entire books, not to mention single chapters, as-
sessed a Palestinian Targum, which never were --
tended or used for the purpose of Haftsxab- Art
there is no reason to doubt that the origin of t±»
Targum to the Prophets is precisely snnQar to, a. -'
perhaps contemporaneous with, that which we trav i
to that portion which embraces the Pentatevr
The Babylonian Version, the * Jonathan "-Tsorvrr.
though paraphrastic, did not satisfy the aprsvrrt •
more imaginative Palestinian public Thua £*s»
heaped-up additions and marginal gsoaees. Use avj
to a total re-wnting of the entire Codex cs tie
manner and taste of the later times and the e>
ferent locality, was easy enough Kiosn •
VER8I0N. AUTHORISED
1(164
undertook, *nd t Ve f sinciples on whio they acted ;
to form an estimate, of the final mult of then
labours in the received Version, and, as consequent
on this, of the necessity or desirableness of a new
or revised translation ; and, finally, to give such a
surrey of the literature of the subject as may help
the reader to obtain a fuller knowledge for himself.
I. Early TrahslatiCHI. — It was asserted by
Sir Thomas More, in his anxiety to establish a
point against Tyndal, that he had seen Englist
translations of the Bible, which had (pen made
before Wyclifle, and that these were approved by
the Bishops, and were allowed by them to be read
by laymen, and even by devout women (Dialogues,
ch. viii-iiv. col. 82). There seem good grounds,
however, for doubting the accuracy of this state-
ment. No such translations — versions, i. e. of
the entire Scriptures — are now extant. No trace*
of them appear in any contemporary writer.
Wycliffe's great complaint is, that there is no
translation ( Forshall and Madden, Wycliffe's Bible,
Pre/, p. xxi. Pro/, p. 59). The Constitutions of
Archbishop Arundel (a.d. 1408) mention two only,
and these are Wyclifles own, and the one based on
his and completed after his death. Mote's statement
must therefore be regarded either as a rhetorical
exaggeration of the fact that parts of the Bible had
been previously translated, or as rising out of a mis-
take as to the date of MSS. of the Wyclifle version.
The history of the English Bible will therefore begin,
as it has begun hitherto, with the work of the first
great reformer. One glance, however, we may give,
in passing, to the earlier history of the Knglish
Church, and connect some of its most honoured
names with the great work of making the truths
of Scripture, or parts of the Books themselves, it
not the Bible as a whole, accessible to the people.
We may think of Caedmon as embodying the whole
history of the Bible in the alliterative metre of
Anglo-Saxon poetry (Bede, Hist. Eocl. iv. 24) ; of
Aldhelm, Bishop of Sherborne, in the 7th century,
as rendering the Psalter ; of Bede, as translating in
the last hour* of his life the Gospel of St. John
(Epist. CuUibertt) ; of Alfred, setting forth in his
mother-tongue as the great ground-work of his
legislation, the four chapters of Exodus (xx.-xxiii.)
that contained the first code of the laws of Israel
(Pauli's Life of Alfred, ch. v.). The wishes of
the great king extended further. He desired that
"all >he free-born youth of his kingdom should
be able to read the English Scriptures " • (Ibid.).
Portions of the Bible, some of the Psalms, and
extracts from other Books, were translated by him
tor his own use and that of his children. The
traditions of a later date, seeing in him the repre-
sentative of all that was good in the old Saxon
time, made him the translator of the whole Bible
{Ibid. Snpp. to ch. v.).
The work of translating was, however, carried on
by others. One Anglo-Saxon version of the fou<
Gospels, interlinear with tho Latin of the Vulgate,
known as the Durham Book, is found in the Ot-
toman MSS. of the British Museum, and is referred
to the 9th or 10th century. Another, known as
the Rushworth Gloss, and belonging to the same
period, is in the Bodleian Litrary at Oxford.
» tx> fault (feng. transL). Bot would " Engine erwrtt" that Ma differs most from the testes recepnu of (be N. T.
•aa "the Scriptures" exclusively? Do not the words of I Another ii lis pobUostlon by Foxe the Msrtrrolaalst In
frevl point to a eeneral as well as a religions education ? I 15J1. at the request of Abp. Psrfcer. U was subsrqr only
> Oa» Interesting l&ct oonnertrd with this version Is edited by Dr. Marshall In IMC.
>t Its text savers with that of the Codes Bess* where I H ssav be noticed, as hesrlne upon s qiiesttori snerwank
of the work ss such, however, we must naturally
keep aloof, as long as we have only the few sped-
man named to judge from. But its general spirit
uid tendency are clear enough. So is also the ad-
vantage to which even the minimum that has sur-
vived nuy some day be put by the student of Mid-
rsshic literature, as we have briefly indicated above.
We cannot conclude without expressing the hope
— probably a vain one — that linguistic studies may
soon turn in the direction of that vast and most in-
teresting, as well as important, Aramaic literature,
of which the Targums tbrm but a small item.
The writer finally begs to observe that the trans-
lations of all the passages quoted from Talmud and
Midiw-h, ss well sa the specimens from the Targum,
have been made by him directly from the respective
originals.
N. Ifdffer, Critica Soar. ; Tho. Smith, Diatribe;
Gerhard, De Script. Soar.; Helvicua, De Chald.
Bibl. Paraphr. ; Varen, De Targ. Onktl. ; Wolf,
Bibl. ffebr. ; Carptov, Critica Sacra ; Job.
Morinus, EiercUt. Bibl. ; Schickard, Bechm.
Happer.; Jerar, Proleg. Bibliae; Hi vet, tsagoge
ad 8. S.; Allix, Jvdic. Eccles. Jud.; Huet, be
Ct-rris Interpp. ; Leusden, Philol. Hebr. ; Piideaux,
Connect. ; Rnmbach, Inst. Harm. Sacr. ; Elias
l.evita, lfeturgeman ; Tahiti ; Luzzatto, Okeb
Ger; Perkovitx, Otek Or; Winer, Onkelos ;
Anger, Dt Onkel'm ; t'itringa, Synagoga ;
Axariah De Rossi, Jfcor Enajim ; Petermann, De
duabia Pent. Paraphr.; Dethe, De rations eon-
•fluwt ten. Chald, et Syr. Prim. Sal.; Lovy, in
Oeigrr'sZeitschr.; Levy sohn and Trattb in Fran kel's
Monatsschr. ; Znnx, QottesdiawU. VortrSge ;
Oeiger, Urschrift; Krankel, Vbrstudien zw LXX. ;
Beitrlgef. Pal. Eieg. Zeitschrift ; Monatstchrift ;
Oeiger, Zeitschrift; Ffinst, Orient; Hall. AUg.
Liter. Zeitg. 1821 and 1832 ; Introductions of
Walton, Bchhorn, Reil, Havernick, Jahn, Herbst,
Bertheau, Davidson, Ac.; Gesenius. Jesaia ; Home,
Anich ; GescMchten of Jest, Herxfeld, Grtitx, &c. ; |
Delitzsrh, Qesch. d. JM. Poetie; Saeh's BeitrSge;
Kurst, Chald. Gramsn. ; E. Deutsch in Western.
Monatschr., 1859 ; Zeitschrift and Verhand-
Inntjen der Deutschen tforgenUnd. Gesellsch., '
Ac. &c [E. D.] |
VERSION, ADTHOBI8ED. The history |
of the Knglish translation* oi the Bible connects '
itaclf with many points of interest in that of the '
latioo and the Church. The lives of the indivi- |
iual translators, the long struggle with the indif- '
"erenre or opposition of men in power, the religious '
■onclitioo of the people aa calling for, or affected by, j
he appearance of the translation, the time and place ;
md form of the s ucc essive editions by which the j
emend, when once created, was supplied ; — each of
hese has furnished, and might again furnish, ma-
erials nor a volume. It is obvious that the work
ow to be done must lie within narrower limits ;
nil it is proposed, therefore, to exclude all that be-
ings simply to the personal history of the men, or
>e genei-al history of the time, or that comes within
■e special province of Bibliography. What will
• aimed at will be to give an account of the several
i siona aa they appeared ; to ascertain the qualifi-
tioiie of the translators for the work which they
1660
VEBHON. AUTUOEIBKD
Another, of a somewhat later date, k in the mine
joUection, and in the library of C. C. College, Cam-
bridge. The name of Aldbelm, Biahop of Sher-
borne, it connected with a Terckm of the Psalms ;
that of Aetfric, with an Epitome of Scripture His-
tory, including a translation of many parts of the
historical Books of the Bible (Lewi*, Hi*, cf
Trantl. ch. i. ; Forahall and Madden, Pre/not;
Bagster's F.nyiiih Hexapla, Href.). The influence
of Norman ecclesiastics, in the reigns that preceded
or followed the Conquest, was probably adverse to
the continuance of this work. They were too far
removed from sympathy with the subjugated race
to care to educate them in their own tongue. The
spoken dialects of the English of that period would
naturally seem to them too rude and uncouth to
be the channel of Divine truth. Pictures, mys-
teries, miracle plays, rather than books, were the
instruments of education for all but the few who,
in monasteries under Norman or Italian superin-
tendence, devoted themselves to the study of
theology or law. In the remoter parts of England,
however, where their influence was less felt, or the
national feeling was stronger, there were those who
carried on the succession, and three versions of the
Gospels, in the University Library at Cambridge,
in the Bodleian, and in the British Museum, be-
longing to the 11th or 12th century, remain as
attesting their labours. The metrical paraphrase
of the Gospel history, known as the Orinulum, in
alliterative English verse, ascribed to the latter
half of the 12th century, is the next conspicuous
monument, and may be looked upon as indicating a
desire to place the facts of the Bible within reach
of others than the clergy.* The 13th century, a
time in England, as throughout Europe, of reli-
gion* revival, witnessed renewed attempts. A
prose translation of the Bible into Norman-French,
arc. a.d. 1260, indicates a demand for devotional
reading within the circle of the Court, or of the
wealthier merchants, or of convents for women of
high rank. Further signs of the same desire are
found in three English versions of the Psalms— one
towards the close of the 13th century ; another by
Schorham, circ. a.D. 1320; another — with other
canticles from the O.T. and N.T.— by Richard
Rolle of Hampole, circ. 1349 ; the last being
accompanied by a devotional exposition : and in one
of the Gospels of St. Mark and St. Luke, and of all
St. Paul's Epistles (the list includes the Apocryphal
Epistle to the Laodieeans), in the Library of C. C.
College, Cambridge. The fact stated by Arch-
bishop Arundel in his funeral sermon on Anne of
Bohemia, wife of Richard II., that she habitually
read the Gospels in the vulgar tongue, with divers
expositions, was probably true of many others of
high rauk.* It is interesting to note these facts,
not as detracting from the glory of the great Re-
lbs scbject of much discussion, that la this and the other
Ang}>Saxon versions the attempt Is made to give raw
eulsi equivalents even for the words which, as belonging
to a systematic theology, or for other reasons, most later
verstonsbaveleftprac'lrsllynntranstated. Thns baptitma
Is - ryllith " (washing); poenitaUia. " doed-bole" (redress
for evil deeds). 8c tcribae are "bocere" (bookmen).
Synagogues " geaamnnngum " (meetings) ; amen. " Both-
the" (in sooth); and phylacteries, "bealsbeo" (neck-
ueoks). See Lewis, Hut. o/ Tmmiaiie**, p. ft.
• 'tlw Ororalmu, edited by Dr. White, was printed at
she Oxford University Kress to 1861
* Chraooloalceuy, or course, the Gospels thus referred
ki may have been WydinVa translation ; bat the strong
former of the 14th cental y, but a* aaovaaj 'Jan
for him also there bH been a preparation; that
what he supple met a demand whirh hai fat
manv years been gathering strength. It is aissoa
needless to add that these versions stark*) »**
nothing better than the copies of the Vetfsnv
mora or leas accurate, which each trsasjtatar bat
before him (Lewis, ch. I.; Forahall and Madias
PnfaetY
II. WrcUFPC (b. 1334 ; d. 1384).— (IV it a
singular, and not without significance, that the fat
translation from the Bible con n e c t er! with the asas
of Wydiffe should hare been that of part af the
Apocalypse.* The Last Agt o/ **» CAere* (*_a.
1356) translates and expounds the va-ioa in wh-i
the Reformer read the signs of bis own tinea, tie
sins and the destruction of * Antichrist and t*
meynee" (= multitude). Shortly after this is
completed a version of the Gospel*, accsnpeaied rr
a commentary " so that pore Criatesi ansa aui
some dele know the text of the Go-pel, with at
comyn sentence of old* babe doctores {Prrfaa ■
Wydiffe, however, though the chief, was net u*
only labourer in the cause. The circle of EegJet
readers was becoming wider, and they were aat
content to have the Book which they hew *'.
above all others in a tongue not their owi.
Another translation and commentary appear a
have been mad* about the same time, in ignsaaju
of Wycliffe's work, and for the " rnatue ten
men that gladlie would ton the GoepeUe. if it wen
dreghen into the Englisch tung." The tact tntf
many MSS. of this period are extant, uailiissa;
in English a Monotesaaron, or Uarsnotry af tie
Gospels, accompanied by porticos of the Epstos.
or portions or the O. T„ or an ipahrr a'
Scripture history, or the substance' of i*. Pac'i
Epistles, or the Catholic Epistles at full letrit,
with indications mere or leas distinct, ct Wrei«"«
influence, shows how wide-spread was the feefcjg,
that the time had come tor an Fjsgfish Bhc
(Forshall and Madden, Prtf. pp. xiu.-XTO.'. Thee
preliminary labours were followed up by a can-
plete translation of the N'.T. by Wyrlifle hirni
The O.T. was undertaken by his oraadjutor, Nkhcos
de Hereford, but was interrupted probably by a
citation to appear before Archbishop Arwnael s
1382, and ends abruptly (following so tar the ore*
of the Vulgate) in the middle of Barrack. Met
of the MSN. of this version now extant preaaf a
different recension of the text, and it ia probe' -
that the work of Wydiffe and Hereford wax revises
by Richard Purvey, are. a.d. 138*). To him «
is ascribed the interesting Prologue, in which •-;-
translator gives an account both of his purpose asv
his method. (Forshall and Madden, Prtf. p. xxv
(2). The former was, a* that of Wydiae U
been, to give an English Bible to the EnpL-c
opposition of Amodel to the work of the
makes it probable that those which the owns
longed to a different school, like that of the «e
mentioned.
■ The authorship of this book has ho rn e v e r tap
(corop. Todd's /Ye/on).
ea ethanes*
One comfort Is of ktughtes; they
the Ouepelle, and have wtlle to read b>
Gospelle of Cbristes life " (WycluTe.
the speech ascribed to John or Gaunt (la Rlc
WW nut be the dregs i>f all. seetoK other ami
the law of Gal, which Is the law af oar teuh.
In their own language * (Foxe, fva/. k>
l«wn, a- »>.
VERSION, AUTHOBIBED
1667
people. Ra appnla In the authority of Brie, of
Alfred, and of GnntCte. to the examples of
" Frenntie, and Banners (Bohemians), and Britons."
He answers the hypocritical objections that men
were not holy enough for such a work ; that it was
wrong for " idiots " to do what the great doctors
of the Church had left undone. He hopes " to
mike the sentence as trews and open in Englishe
as it * in Latine, or more trewe and open."
It need hardly be said, as regards the method of
the translator, that the version was based entirely
upon the Vulgate.' If, in the previous century,
trholan like GrostSte and Roger Bacon, seeking
knowledge in other lands, and from men of other
races, had acquired, as they seem to have done,
some knowledge both of Greek and Hebrew, the
succession had, at all events, not been perpetuated.
The war to be waged at a later period with a
different issue between Scholastic Philosophy and
" Humanity " ended, in the first struggle, in tin
-Humph of the former, and there was probably no
sne at Oxford among WyclinVs contemporaries
who could have helped him or Purvey in i transla-
tion from the original. It is something to find at
euch a time the complaint that " learned doctoris
taken littel heede to the lettre,™ the recognition that
the Vulgate was not all sufficient, that " the texte
of owe bokis " (he is speaking of the Psalter, and
the difficulty of understanding it) " discordeth much
from the Ebreu."* The difficulty which waa thus
felt wss increased by the state of the Vulgate text.
The translator complains that what the Church
had in view was not Jerome's version, but a later
and corrupt text ; that " the comune Latyne Bibles
han more neede to be corrected as manie as I have
seen in my life, than hath the Englishe Bible late
translated." To remedy this be had recourse to
collation. Many MSS. were oompared, and out of
this comparison, the true reading ascertained as far
as possible. Die next step was to consult the
Okmsa Ordmaria, the commentaries of Nicholas
de Lyra, and others, as to the meaning of any
difficult passages. After this (we recognise here,
perhaps, a departure from the right order) gram-
mars were consulted. Then came the actual work
of translating, which he aimed at making idiomatic
rather than literal. As he went on, he submitted
his work to the judgment of others, and accepted
their suggestions. 1 It is interesting to trace these
early strivings after the true excellence of a transla-
tor ; yet more interesting to take note of the
spirit, never surpassed, seldom equalled, in later
translators, in which the work was done. No-
where do we find the conditions of the work,
intellectual and moral, more solemnly asserted.
** A translator hath grete nede to studie well the
sentence, both before and after," so that no equi-
vocal words may mislead his readers or himself,
and then also " he hath nede to lyve a dene life,
and be ful devout in preiers, and have not his wit
occupied about worldli things, that the Holie
Spiryt, anther of all wisedom, and cunnynas and
truth*, dresse ( = train) him in his work, and suffei
I him not for to err" (Forshall and Madden, Prol.
p. 60).
(3). The extent of the circulation gained by this
version may be estimated from the fact that, in
spite of all the chances of time, and all the system-
atic efforts for its destruction made by Archbishop
Arundel and others, not less than 150 copies are
known to be extant, some of them obviously mads
for persons of wealth and rank, others apparently
for humbler readers. It is significant as bearing,
either on the date of the two works, or on the
position of the writers, that while the quotations
from Scripture in Langton's Vition of Piert Piute-
man are uniformly given in Latin, those in the
Penone'i Tale of Chaucer are given in English,
which for the most part agrees substantially with
WycJiffe's translation.
(4). The following characteristics may be noticed
as distinguishing this version: (1) The general
homeliness of its style. The language of the Court
or of scholars is is far as possiole avoided, and that
of the people followed. In this respect the principle
has been acted on by later translators. The style
of Wycliffe is to that of Chaucer as Tyndal's is to
Surrey's, or that of the A. V. to Ben Jonson's.
(2) The substitution, in many cases, of English
equivalents for quasi-technical words. Thus we
find " fy " or " fogh " instead of " Kaca " (Matt,
v. 22); "they were teat/ltd" in Matt. iii. 6;
" rlchesse" for " mammon" (Luke xvi. 9, 11, IS) ;
"bishop" for "high-priest" (passim). (8) The
extreme literalness with which, in some instances,
even at the cost of being unintelligible, the Vulgate
text is followed, as in 2 Cor. i. 17-19.
1IL Tthual.— The work of Wycliffe stands by
itself. Whatever power it exercised in preparing
the way for the Reformation of the 16th century,
it had no perceptible influence on later transla-
tions. By the reign of Henry VIII. its English
wss already obsolescent, and the revival of classical
scholarship led men to feel dissatisfied with a ver-
sion which had avowedly been made at second-
hand, not from the original. With Tyndal, on the
other hand, we enter on a continuous succession
He is the patriarch, in no remote ancestry, of the
Authorised Version. With a consistent, unswerv-
ing purpose, he devoted his whole life to this one
work ; and through dangers and difficulties, amid
enemies and treacherous friends, in exile and loneli-
ness, accomplished it. More than Cranmer or
Ridley he is the true hero of the English Reforma-
tion. While they were slowly moving onwards,
halting between two opinions, watching how the
Court-winds blew, or, at the best, making the
most of opportunities, he set himself to the task
without which, he felt sure. Reform would be im-
possible, which, once accomplished, would render
it inevitable. " Ere many years," he said, at the
age of thirty-six (a.d. 1520), he would cause "a
* A crucial Instance is that of Gen. Hi. 18 : ".Sae shall
trade thy bead.''
*> This knowledge Is, however, st second hand, "M
•otresse of Jerom, of lire, and other expos! tourts."
1 It la worth whue to give his own account of this
'roceas : — ■" First ibis simple creature," bis usual way of
peaking of himself, ■ nedde myebe travatte, with diverse
ttinwts and helper!*, to gedcra msnfe elde bibles, sod
Ibero doctoris, sad aomane ptosis, and to make oo Latyn
1Mb samdet trewe, and thaune to stadlx It of the new,
bs> last with u> (loan, and utuere doctoris, as he mttte.
and spteiaU Lire on the elde testament, that helpld fall
mjche In this werk, the tbridde tune to cccasel with
elde grammarians and elde dyvynls of bardo wordes and
narde sentences how those mlxte best be nudenlode ant
translated, the IHJ* tyme to translate as clurlle as ha
conde to toe sentence, snd to have manle good fclawls
snd kunnynge at the correcting of the translactaiin "
(rre/sos, o. xv.). Toe note at the close cf the preface
co the grammatical Idioms of different languages, the
many Kngllah equivalents, «. f, for the Latin aNattvi
absolute, shews considerable discernment.
COS
1668
VEB8I0N, ATJTUORIBED
boy that iriveth the plougn" to know mora ot
Scripture than the great body of the clergy then
knew (Koxe, in Anderson's Annal* of English Bible,
i. 36). We are ab.e to form a fairly accurate
estimate of his fitnes* for the work to which he
thus gave himself. The change which had come
orer the Universities of Continental Europe since
the time of Wycliffe had affected those of England.
Greek had been taught in Paris in 1458. The first
Greek Grammar, that of Constantine Lascaris, had
been printed in 1470. It was followed in 1480
by Craston's Lexicon. The more enterprising
scholars of Oxford risited foreign Universities for
the sake of the new learning. Groryn (d. 1519),
Linacre (d. 1524), Colet (d. 1519), had, in this
way, from the Greeks whom the fall of Con-
stantinople had scattered over Europe, or from
their Italian pupils, learnt enough to enter, in
their turn, upon the work of teaching. When
Erasmus visited Oxford in 1497, he found in these
masters a scholarship which even he could admire.
Tyndal, who went to Oxford circ 1500, must
have been within the range of their teaching. His
two great opponents. Sir Thomas More and Bishop
Tonstal, are known to have been among their
pupils. It is significant enough that after some
years of study, Tyndal left Oxford and went to
Cambridge. Such changes were, it is true, com-
m<in enough. The fame of any great teacher
would draw round him men from other Univer-
sities, from many lands. In this instance, the
reason of Tyndal s choice is probably not far to
nek (Walter, Biog. Notice to Tyndal 's Doctrinal
Dreatita). Erasmus was in Cambridge from
1509 to 1514. All that we know of Tyndal's
character and life, the fact especially that he had
made translations of portions of the N.T. as early
as 1502 (Offor, Life of Tyndal, p. 9), leads to the
conclusion that he resolved to make the most of
•he presence of one who was emphatically th-
•■cholar and philologist of Europe. It must be
remembered, too, that the great scheme of Cardinal
Ximenes was just then beginning to interest the
minds of all scholars. The publication of the
Complutensian Bible, it is true, did not take
place till 1520; but the collection of MSS. and
other preparations for U began as early as 1504.
In the mean time Erasmus himself, in 1516.
brought out the first published edition of the
Greek Testament; and it was thus made acces-
sible to all scholars. Of the use made by Tyndal
of these opportunities we have evidence in his
coming up to London (1522), in the vain hope ot
persuading Tonstal (known as a Greek scholar, an
enlightened Humanist) to sanction his scheme of
rendering the N. T. into English, and bringing a
translation of one of the orations of Isncrates as a
proof of his capacity for the work. The attempt
was not successful. " At the last I understood not
only that there was no room in my Lord of Lon-
don's palace to translate the N.T., but also that
fheie was no place to do it h all England " (JPref.
to Five Books of Ifoses).
t The beast of Bacon, thai soy one using hh method
could leam Hebrew and Greek within a week, boM ss It
Is. shews (bat be knew something of both ( Oe Laiule Sac.
tariff. cm\
> As Indicating progress. It may be mentioned Urat the
nrst Hebrew professor, Robert Wskefleld. wa« appointed
•t Oxford m 1*30, and that Henry VIU/s secretary, Psce.
knew Greek. Hebrew, and Cbsldee.
• Toe existence of u trattsta'Jon of Jon.ib by Trodnl,
It is not so easy to say how far at thb rise an
knowledge of Hebrew was attainable at the Ear*
universities, or how far Tyndal had used say bm»
of access that were open to him. It is proUSi
that it may have been louwn, in some rasrart,
to a few bolder than their fellows, at a mat a,
earlier than the introduction of Greek. The bv
body of Jews settled in the cities of Ea$b.f
must have possessed a knowledge, more or Is i
tensive, of their Hebrew books. On their bswi
ment, to the number of 16.000, by Edward I..
these books fell into the hand's of the monks, «[»•-
stitiously r» ••era iced or feared hr most, yet dmr-:
some to examination, and then to study. Gmtfe"'.
it is said, knew Hebrew as well as Greek, fcv-
Bacon knew enough k to pass judgment ea the V.-
gate as incorrect and misleading. Tben,howmv
came a period in which linguistic stadia we
thrown into the background, and Hebrew tecc*
an unknown speech even to the best-read scbob-<
The first signs of a revival meet ns town* !»
close of the 15th century. The remarkable a>:
that a Hebrew Psalter was printed at Scorns i
1477 (forty years before Erasmus** Greek T"»
ment), the PenUteneh in 1482, the Proper -
1486, the whole of the O. T. in 148S. last r»
1496 four editions had been published, **! *•
1596 not fewer than eleven (Whitaker, ffist »>
Crit. Tnqnirji, p. 22), indicates a demand os f»
part of the Christian students of Europe, tot W
than on that of the more learned Jews. Here *•
die progress of the Complutensian Bible an
have attracted the notice of scholar*. The c
raise! by the " Trojans " of Oxford in 1 519 '**'
consisting of the friars, who from the tin* «t
Wycliffe had all but swamped the educate '
the place) against the first Greek lectures— thst »
study that language would make men Pagans. <bf
to study Hebrew would make them Jews «V w
that the latter study as well as Use former wb t*
object of their dislike and fear 1 (Andenoa, i. H;
Hallam, Lit. of Eur. i. 403).
Whether Tyndal had in this way gaaarf aw
knowledge of Hebrew before he left Eagiani a
1524 may be uncertain. The fact that in 15JM,
he published a translation of Genesis, Ilnleraoa'.
and Jonah,* may be looked on as the nrst-frc *
of his labours, the work of a man whs *«•
giving this proof of his power to tranaWw << ■
the original (Anderson, jlanviis, i. 209-2881. »■
may perhaps trace, among other motives tor ">
many wanderings of his exile, a desire to v"
the cities Worms, Cologne, Hamburgh, Antsw
(Anderson, pp. 48-64), where th* Jews to<*
in greatest numbers, and some of which **•'
famous for their Hebrew leaminx. Of at >■> >
fair acquaintance with that language we hire. >
few years later, abundant evidence in the ask
Hebrew words prefixed to his translation •» "
rive books of Moses, and in oasnal sty as* 1 ?*
scattered through his other works, «. a. Vbaro
(Parable- of Wicked Mammon, p. 68". . C •
(Obedience, p. 255), Abel Mixiaim (p. 347'. f-
previously questioned by some editors and tstsrrc*' *
has been placed beyor-* s doubt by the discovery * » "*
fMleved to be unlqne) In the possession ot (he V» I "•
Arthur Harvey. It Is described In a teller by ha * -
Bur) /-art ot Feb. 3, lsss, traaaawTrd shortly ani»»«"S
to the AOtenaum.
• The references to Tyndal are given so i*» *» •*
Society tiilttw
VERSION. AUTHORISED
166P
,p. 33:1;. A reman (Preface to Obedience, p 148)
■hows how well h« had entered into the general
ipirit of the language. " The properties of the
Hebrew tongue agreeth a thousand times more with
the EuglUhe than with the Latine. The manner of
rpeaking is in both one, so that in a thousand places
thou oeedest not bnt to translate it into English*
word for word." When Spalatir describes him in
1 534 it is as one well-skilled in seven languages, and
>iie of these is Hebrew * (Anderson, :. 897).
The N. T. was, however, the great object of his
s.re. First the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark
rere published tentatively, then in 1525 the whole
if the N. T. was printed in 4to. at Cologne and in
snail 8vo. at Woims.s The work was the fruit of a
<-l(-saciiridiig zeal, and the zeal was its own reward.
[a England it was received with denunciations. Ton-
4al, Bishop of London, preaching at Paul's Croat,
isserted that there were at least 2000 errors in it,
md ordered all copies of it to be bought up and
Mirat. An Act of PnrlinmenW35 Hen. VIII. cap. 1)
'orbade the use of all copies of Tyndal's "false trans-
atkm." Sir T. More (Diahgwe, I.e. Supplication
if Soult, Confutation of TikdaCt Ansicer) entered
he lists against it, and accused the translator of
leresy, bad scholarship, and dishouestv, of " corrup-
.ing Scripture after Luther's counsel?' The treat-
ment which it received from professed friends was
utrdiylessaanoring. Piratical editions weie printed,
•'ten carelessly, by trading publishers at Antwerp.*
V scholar of his own, George Joye, undertook (in
15:W) to improve the version by bringing it into
■later conformity with the Vulgate, and made it the
.-chicle of peculiar opinions of his own, substituting
' life after this life," or " verie life," for " tesur-
■ection," as the translation of iraWrurii. (Comp.
ryndal's indignant protest in Pref. to edition of
1 534.) Even the most zealous reformers in England
itemed disposed to throw his translation overboard,
ind encouraged Coverdale {infra) in undertaking
mother. In the mean time the work went on.
editions were printed one after another.' The
ast appeared in 1535, just before his death, "dili-
(ently compared with the Greek," presenting for
he tint time systematic chapter-headings, and
vitt some peculiarities in spelling specially in-
ended for the pronunciation of the peasantry
Onor, Life, p. 82). His heroic life was brought
o a dose in 1536. We may cast one look on
ts sad end — the treacherous betrayal, the Judas-
tiss of the false friend, the imprisonment at Vil-
-orden, the but prayer, as the aie was about to
all, " Lord, open the King of England's eyes."'
• Hallam's anertton that Tyndsl's version " was svow-
»By taken from Luther's" originated probably In an
naccurale reminiscence of the title-page or Coverdale'a
IM. of Europe, i. 62s).
p The only extant copy of toe ivo. edition Is In the
Jbrary of the Buptlst College at BrlstoL It was repro-
duced In ISC] In fac-tivtiU by Mr. Francis Fry, Bristol,
be Impression being limited to ITT copies. Mr. Fry
troves, by a careful competition of type, slse, water-mark,
nd toe like, with Ukim of other books from the same
■leas, that it was primed by Peter Schoefier of Worms.
i In two or tone (1534 audi 636) the words, "This cup
■ the New Testament In my bloud." In 1 Cor. xL were
mined (Anderson, 1. 414). By s like process Mr.
Hvimon (I. as) fixes Cologne ss the place, and Peter
fueutcl as the printer of the 4to.
• The localities of the editions are not without Interest.
Umburgb, Cologne. Worms, In 1625; Antwerp In 1S3S,
IT, '28; Marlborow (= Marburg) In 1529; Strssburg
Xoye's edit.) in 1531 ; Bergen-op-Zoom in 1633 (Joye's);
obnc vl.ai Nuremberg In 15X1; Antwerp In 1631 (Cotton,
The work to which a life was thus nobly devoted
in as nobly done. To Tyndal belongs the honoui
of having given the first example of a translatioti
based on true principles, and the excellence of lata
versions lias been almost in exact proportion as thvy
followed his. Believing that every part of Scripture
had one sense and one only, the sense in the mind ol
the writer ( Obedience, p. 304), he made it his work,
using all philological helps that were accessible, to
attain that sense. Believing that the duty of a
translator was to place his renders as nearly as
possible on a level with those for whom the books
were originally written, he looked on all the later
theological associations that had gathered round tin
woida of the N. T. as hindrances rather than helps,
and sought, as far as possible, to get rid of them.
Not "grace," but "favour," even in John i. 17
(in edition of 1525) ; not '• charity," but " lore ;"
not " confessing," but " acknowledging ;" not
" penance," but " repentance;" not " priests," but
"seniors" or "elders;" not "salvation," but
" health ;" not " church," but " congregation," are
instances of the changes which were then looked on
as startling and heretical innovations (Mr T. More,
/. c). Some of them we are now familiar with. In
others the later versions bear traces of a reaction
in favour of the older phraseology. In this, as in
other things, Tyndal was in advent*, not only of
his own age, but of the age thai followed him. To
him, however, it is owing that the versions of the
English Church have throughout been popular, and
not scholastic. All the exquisite grace and sim-
plicity which have endeared the A. V. to men of the
moat opposite tempers and contrasted opinions — to
J. H. Newman (Dublin Review, June, 1853) and
J. A. rroude — is due mainly to his clear-sighted
truthfulness.' The desire to make the Bible a people's
book led him in one edition to something like a
provincial, rather than a national translation, but
on the whole it kept him free from the besetting
danger of the time, that of writing for schohtrs,
not for the people; of a version full of "iuk-
horn " phrases, not in the spoken language of the
English nation. And throughout there is the per-
vading stamp, so often wanting in other like works,
of the most thorough truthfiaWs. Mo word has
been altered to court a king's favour, or please
bishops, or make out a case for or against a par-
ticular opinion. He is working freely, not iu the
fetters of piescribed rules. With the most entire
sincerity he could say, "I 'ill God to record,
against the day we shall i.epeax before our Lord
Jesus to give a reckoning of our doings, that I
/tinted JSdUiom, pp. 4-5).
* Two names connect themselves ssdly with tbl< rw
slon. A copy of the edition of 1634 was presented special ly
to Anne Bvleyn, sod Is now extant In the British Museum
Severs! passages, such ss might be marked lor devotional
use, sre underscored In red ink. Another reforming Lady,
Joan Bocber.wss known to have been active lit circulating
Tyndal's N. T. (Neal, L 43 ; Strype. Mm. L c 26).
» The testimony of a Roman Catholic scholar Is worth
quoting : — M In point of persplcscf ty and noble simplicity,
propriety or Idiom and purity of style, no English version
hss ss yet surpassed it " (Ueddes, Protpatiufor a nen
Tramtaliim, p. 89). 11m writer cannot forbear adding
Mr. Fronde's judgment In his own words :— " The pe-
culiar genius. If rach a word may be permitted, which
breathes through It, the mingled tenderness snd majesty,
the Saxon simplicity, the preternatural grandeur, un-
equalled, unapproscbed, In the attempted Improvements
of modern scholars,— all are here, and bear the Imprest
ot the mind of one man, and that man William Tyndal '
(Hiit. of Alia. III. w).
1670
TEBSIOW, ArTHOBISKU
never altered one syllable of GoJ'» word against
my conscience, nor would this day, if all that ia in
the world, whether it be pleasure, honour, or riches,
might be given me" (Anderson, i. 349).
TV. CoveRdalb.— (1.) A complete translation of
the Bible, different from Tyndal's, bearing the name
of Miles Corei-dale, printed probably at Zurich,
appeared in 1535. The undertaking itself, and the
choice of Coverdale as the translator, were probably
due to Cromwell. Tyndal's controversial treatises,
and the polemical character of his prefaces and notes,
had irritated the leading ecclesiastics and embittered
the mind of the king himself against him. All that
he had written was publicly condemned. There
was no hope of obtaining the king's sanction for
anything that bore his name. But the idea of an
English translation began to find favour. The rup-
ture with the see of Borne, the marriage with Anne
Boleyn, made Henry willing to adopt what was
urged upon him as the surest way of breaking for
ever the spell of the Pope's authority. The bishops
even began to think of the thing as possible. It
was talked of in Convocation. They would take it
In band themselves. The work did not, however,
make much progress. The great preliminary ques-
tion whether " venerable " words, such as hostia,
penance, pascha, holocaust, and the like, should be
retained, was still unsettled (Anderson, i. 414).*
Not till " the day after doomsday " (the words are
Cranmer'a) were the English people likely to get
their English Bible from the bishops (ib. i. 577).
CmmwelT, it is probable, thought it better to lose
no farther time, and to strike while the iron was
hot. A divine whom he had patronised, though
not, like Tyndal, feeling himself called to that spe-
cial work (Pre/, to CoverdaUt Bible), was willing
to undertake it. To him accordingly it was en-
trusted. There was no stigma attached to his name,
and, though a sincere reformer, neither at that time
nor afterwards did he occupy a sufficiently promi-
nent position to become an object of special perse-
cation.*
(2.) The work which was thus executed was done,
as might be expected, in a very different fashion
from Tyndal's. Of the two men, one had made
this the great abject of his life, the other, in his
awn language, " sought it not, neither desired it,"
but accepted it as a task assigned him. One pre-
pared himself for the work by leng years of labour in
Greek and Hebrew. The other is content to mare
a translation at second hand " out of the Douche"
(Luther's German Version) and the Latine."7 The
* A list of such words, Mln number, was formally laid
before Convocation by Gardiner In 1UX with Um pro-
posal that they should be left untranslated, or Englished
with ss little change as possible (Lewis, JKsf. ch. 2).
> It Is unorrtaln where this version was printed, the
Utle-pega being silent on that point. Zurich. Cologne,
and Frankfort have all been conjectured. Coverdale la
known to have been abroad, and mar have come In
cuutact with Lather.
» There seems something like sn advertising tact to
this title-page. A scholar would have felt that there
was no value in any translation but one tram the original
But the " Dooche " would serve to attract the Reforming
party, who held Luther's name in honour; while the
* Lstine" would at least conciliate the conservative feel-
ing of Gardiner and his associates. Whi laker, however,
maintains that Coverdale knew more Hebrew than he
chose, at this time, to acknowledge, and refers to bis trans-
lation of one dlffltult passage (" Ye lake route pleasure
nndef the okes and under all area* trees, the children
berliiee tlalne In the valleys." Ia Ivli. t) as proving an
one arms at a rendering whirh shall he tar timet
and most exact possible. The other Mao anasastf »
weak commonplace as to the advantage) of saws*
many fe^gli.-h words tor one and the esse* word
in the original, and in practice oscsllatea bUajiu
"penance"' and "repentance,'' " love " and - cha-
rity," " priests" and " elders," as tboogn saw art
of words were as true and adequate as the atho
(Prtfaoe, p. 19). In spite of these anhai,
however, there is much to like in the spirit sad
temper of Coverdale. He fat a secand rate east.
labouring as such contentedly, not aanewtiens ■
appear other than he is. He thinks it a great cam
that there should be a diversity of transUt»«m. He
acknowledges, thoogb he dare not nana, rx, the ex-
cellence of Tyndal's version," and regrets the ■»
fortune which left it incomplete. He states franxrr
that he had done his work with the aainiian at
that and of five others.* If the language at* he
dedication to the king, whom he compares to I"
David, and Jonah, st e m s to be somew ha t
in its flattery, it is, at least, hardly more >
than that of the Dedication of the A. V.
was more to palliate it*
(3.) An inspection of Coverdale'* van
to show the influence of the auth o r iti i he M-
lowed.' The proper names of the O. T. ssersr mr
the most part in their Latin farm, Elian, rJoesa
Ochoxias; sometimes, as in Easy and J ii ejv. u
that which was familiar m spoken Kngiwh. Sara*
points of correspondence with Luther's Teniae are
not without interest. Thus " Cosh," which a>
Wycliffe, Tyndal, and the A. V. ia nnitarxely tes-
dered " Ethiopia," is in Coverdale " Moraxna* lead*
(Ps. lxviii. 31 1 Acta viii. 27, sac), after tie
" Mohrenlande " of Luther, and appaara ia that
form accordingly in the P. B. version of the Paaiam.
The proper name Bahahakeh passes, as in Lather.
into the " chief butler " (2 K. xviii. 17; la. xxtv-
11). In making the sons of Duval " priests " 1 2 iSeac.
viii. 18), he followed both hie authorities. TCa ta aeaa .
are "bishops" in Acts xx. 28 ("overseers" xa A. V. .
" Shiloh," in the prophecy of Gen. xKx. 10, Tbecssns
"the worthy," after Luther's "der Held." -Terr
houghed oxen " takes the place of '• tier cTxgpd
down a wall," in Gen. xlix. 6. The sangujar were
" Lamia" ia taken from the Vulg., aa the Eagbaa
rendering of ZHm (" wild beasts," A. V.) ja~ la.
xxxir. 14. The " tabernacle ■ f witness,"* where
the A. V. has " oangregation,-* shows the sane
influence. In spite of Tyndal, the Vutg. " pares
gratia," in Luke L 28, leads to " full of gram*
independent judgment against the authority ef lenVv
and the Vulgate ( JKrt. ant CrU. Emqmry. p. IS).
» - If thou [the reader] be fervent In prayer, <M afcaC
not only send thee it [the Bible] In a DeltT [eeraaoe; rv
the ministration of those that began It beabra, baa aW
also move the hearts of those that before sessatea aa
withal."
■ The five were probably— <1) The Vada*aai(*}ijaraaf»
(3) The German Swiss version of Zurich, ia) •*■ Lean at
Pagnlnna, (S) Trndal'a. Others, how ev er, have eeept-
tnred a German translation of the Tulaate eau n j Oaav
Lathers, and a Dutch version from Uuhex(Weitaesr_*»»
and CrU. .Snaviry, p. «»).
t He leaves it to the king, e. y, * to correct ha naai'i
tton, to amend It, to Improve [« condemn] if, yea, eW
elean to reject it. If your godly wisdom seed) cat*
accessary."
• Gioaburg (Afp. to CMelcta) has shewn that, »i»
regard to one book at least of the a T, Oawsssas H-
lowed the OennsrfrSwua veraton printed i
last, with an airooat servile obseoniousaeaa
VERSION, AUTHORISED
1671
■hilc we have, on the other hud, " congregation
throughout the N. T. for (WeAno-fa, and " lore
aastesd of "charity" in 1 Cor. liii. It m the result
af the Brae indecision that hia language as to 'be
Apocrypha laeki the sharpness of that of the more
xealous it f oiui ci a. " Baruch " is placed with the
canonical books, after " Lamentation*" Of the rest
Be lays that they an " placed apart," at " not held
by ecclesiastical dootora in the aame repute " as the
other Scriptures, but thia is only because there are
"dark sayings " which seem to differ from the
"open Scripture." He has no wish that they
should be " despised or little set by." " Patience
and study would show that the two were agreed.'
(4.) What has been stated practically disposes of
the claim which has sometimes been made for this
version of CoverdsleV, as though it had been made
from the original text (Anderson, i. 564 ; Whitaker,
Hist. nmdCrtt. /nowiry, p. 58). It is not improbable,
however, that as time went on he added to his know-
ledge. The letter addressed by him to Cromwell
(Remami, p. 492, Parker Soc.) obviously asserts,
somewhat ostentatiously, an acquaintance " not only
with the standing text of the Hebrew, with the inter-
pretation of the Chaldee and the Greek," but also
wi th " the diversity of reading of all texts." He, at
any rate, continued his work as a pains-taking editor.
Fresh editions of his Bible were published, keeping
their ground in spit* of rivals, in 1537, 1539, 1550,
1653. He vu called in at a still later period to
assist in the Geneva version. Among smaller facts
connected with this edition may be mentioned the ap-
pearance of Hebrew letters — of the name Jehovah—
in the title-page (fHn , ) > and again in the margin of
the alphabetic poetry of Lamentations, though not
of Pa. cxix. The plural form " Biblia" is retained
in the title-page, possibly however in its later use
as a singular feminine [eomp. Bible], There are no
notes, no chapter-headings, no divisions into venes.
The letters A, B, C, D, in the margin, as in the early
editions of Greek and Latin authors, are the only
helps for finding placet. Marginal l e fti e u ues point
to parallel passages. Th* 0. T„ especially in Genesis,
has the attraction of woodcuts. Each book has a
table of contents prefixed to it.*
V. Matthew. — (1.) In the year 15S7, a large
folio Bible appeared aa edited and dedicated to the
king, by Thomas Matthew. No one of that name
appears at all prominently in the religions history
of Henry VIII., and this suggests the inference that
the name was pseudonymous, adopted to conceal the
real translator. The tradition which connects this
Matthew with John Rogers, the proto-martyr of
the Marian persecution, is all but uudisputed. It
rests (1) on the language of the indictment sod
sentence which describe him (Fore, Act$ and Monu-
ment: p. 1029, 1563 ; Chester, Zi/e of Roger; pp.
418-423) as Joannes Rogers alias Matttsw, at if
it were a matter of notoriety ; (2) the testimony of
Koxe himself, as representing, if not personal know-
ledge, the current belief of hit time ; (3) th* occur-
rence at the close of a short exhortation to the
Study of Scripture in the Preface, of the initials
J. R. ;• (4) internal evidence. This subdivides
itaelf. (cu) Rogers, who had graduated at Pembroke
Coll. Cambridge in 1525, and had sufficient fame
to be invited to th* new Cardinal's College at
Oxford, accepted the office of chaplain to the mer-
• A careful reprint, though not a facsimile, of Cover-
isle's version has hem published by Bagsu-r (IMS).
• These ornamental iniuals ate rurlmaly selected.
chant adventurers of Antwerp, and there became
acquainted with Tyndal, two years before th*
lstter's death. Matthew's Bible, at might be
expected, if this hypothesis were true, reproduces
Tyndal a work, in the N. T. entirely, in the O. T.
aa far as 2 Chr., the rest being taken with o-
casional modifications from Conrdale. (4.) The
language of the Dedication b that of one whe
has mixed much, as Rogers mixed, with foreign
reformers. "This hope have the godli* even in
strange countries, in your grace's godliness."
(2.; The printing of the book was begun appar-
ently abroad, and was carried ou as far as the end
of Isaiah. At that point a new pagination begins,
and the names of the London printers, Grafton and
Whitechurch, appear. The history of the book was
probably something like this : Coveidale's transla-
tion had not given satisfaction — leant of all were the
more trelous and scholar-like relormers contented
with it. As the only complete Euglish Bible, it
was, however, as yet, in possession of the field
Tyndal and Rogers, therefore, in the year preceding
the imprisonment of the former, determined on
soother, to include O. T., N. T., and Apocrypha,
but based throughout on the original. Left to
himself, Rogers carried on the work, probably at
the expense of the same Antwerp merchant who
had assisted Tyndal (Poyntx), and thus got aa far
as Isaiah. The enterprising London printers, Graf-
ton and Whitechurch, then came in (Chester, Lift
of Mogert, p. 29). It would be a good speculation
to enter the market with this, and to drive out
Coverdale't, in which they had no interest They
accordingly embarked a considerable capital, 500i.,
and then came a stroke of policy which may be
described as a miracle of audacity. Rogers's name,
known as the friend of Tyndal, is suppressed, and
the simulacrum of Thomas Matthew disarms suspi-
cion. The book is tent by Grafton to Cranmer.
He reads, approves, rejoices. He would rather
hare the news of its being licensed than a thousand
pounds (Cheater, pp. 425-427). Application is
then made both by Grafton and Cranmer to Crom-
well. Th* king's license is granted, but the pub-
lisher wants more. Nothing less than a monopol)
for five yean will give him a fair margin of profit.
Without this, he is sure to be undersold by pirati-
cal, inaccurate editions, badly printed, on inferior
paper. Failing this he trusts that the king will
order one copy to be bought by every incumbent,
and tix by every abbey. If this was too much, the
king might, at least, impose that obligation on all
the popishly-inclined clergy. That wil'. bring in
something, besides the good it may possibly do them
(Chester, p. 430). The application was, to some
extent, successful. A copy was ordered, by royal
proclamation, to be set up in every church, th*
cost being divided between the clergy and th*
parishioners. This was, therefore, th* first Auttv-
rised Version. It is scarcely conceivable, however,
that Henry could have read the book which he thus
sanctioned, or known that it was substantially
identical with what had been fublicly stigmatised
in hit Acte of Parliament (ut tnpra). What had
before given most offence had been the polemic cha-
racter of Tyndal '• annotations, and here were notes
bolder, and more thorough still. Even the significant
W. T. does not appear to have attracted notice.
H. R. for tbe king's name, W. T. (at the end of lbs O T.)
for William Tyndal, n. O. for Richard Oraftsa tU
printer.
1673
VEBBION, ADTHOBI8ED
(X) What baa been Mid of Tyndal'a Version
applies, of course, to this. There are, howerer,
signs of a more advanced knowledge of Hebrew.
Ail the technical words connected with the Palms,
Neginoth, Shiggaian, Sheminith, &c, are elaborately
explained. Pa. ii. is printed as a dialogue. The
names of the Hebrew letters are prefixed to the
verses of Lamentations. Reference is made to the
Chaldee Paraphrase (Job vi.), to Rabbi Abraham
'Jub xix.), to Kimchi (Ps. iii.). A like range
of knowledge is shown in the N. T. Strain is
quoted to show that the Magi were not kings,
Macrobius as testifying to Herod's ferocity (Matt.
ii.), Erasmus's Paraphrase on Matt, xiii., xr. The
popular identification of Mary Magdalene with " the
woman that was a sinner" is discussed, and re-
jected (Luke i.). More noticeable even than in
Tyndal is the boldness and fullness of the exegetical
notes scattered throughout the book. Strong and
earnest in asserting what he looked on as the cen-
tral truths of the Gospel, there was in Rogers a
Luther-like freedom in other things which has not
appeared again in any authorised translation or
uupular commentary. He guards his readers
against looking on the narrative of Job i.as literally
true. He recognise* a definite historical starting-
|ioint for Ps. xlv. (" The eons of Korah praise Solo-
mon for the beauty, eloquence, power, and noble-
ness, both of himself and of his wife"), Ps. xxii.
(" David declareth Christ's dejection and all,
under figure of himself "), and the Song of Solomon
(" Solomon made this balade for himself and his
wife, the daughter of Pharaoh, under the shadow of
himself, figuring Christ," 4Vc). The chief duty of
the Sabbath is " to minister the fodder of the Word
to simple souls," to be " pitiful over the weariness
of such neighbours as laboured sore all the week
long." " When such occasions come as torn our
rest to occupation and labour, then ought we to
remember that the Sabbath was made for man, and
uot man for the Sabbath " ( Jer. xrii.). He sees in
the Prophets of the N. T. simply " expounders of
Holy Scripture" (Acts xv.). To the man living
in faith, '• Peter's fishing after the resurrection, and
all deeds of matrimony are pure spiritual;" to
those who are not, " learning, doctrine, contemp!.!-
tion of high things, preaching, study of Scripture,
founding of churches and abbeys, are works of the
flesh " {Pref. to Roman* ).' " Neither it outward
nrcumciaion or outward baptism worth a pin of
themselves, save that they put us in remembrance
to keep the covenant" (1 Cor. vii.). "He that
desireth honour, gaspeth after lucre. . . . castles,
parka, lordships .... desireth not a work, much
less a good work, and is nothing less than a bishop "
'1 Tim. iii.). Es. xxxir. is said to be " against
Bishops and curates that despise the flock of Christ "
The sVjrveAoi torXqe-fcu of Rev. ii. and iii. appears
(as in Tyndal) as " the messenger of the congrega-
tion." Strong protests against Purgatory are found
in notes to Ex. xviii. and 1 Cor. in., and in the
" Table of Principal Matters " it is significantly
stated under the word Purgatory that " it is not in
the Bible, but the purgation and remission of onr
«im> is made us by the abundant mercy of God."
The Prefw/e to the Apocrypha explains the name,
and distinctly asserts the inferiority of the books.
No notes ate added, and the translation is token
' T»e lon( prefaoe to the Romans (seven folio paces)
■ras •o.hrtaotblly IdcuUcel with that In Trndal's rdiooc
stint.
I from Coverdale, as if it baa not been worth wtrikt k
I give much labour to it,
(*.) A few points of detail mma to be notassi
In the order of the books of the N. T. Rogers tel
lows Tyndal, agreeing with the A. V. as tar a* tat
Epistle to Philemon. This is followed by tat
Epistles of St. John, then that to the rWarewa, teas
those of St. Peter, St, James, and St. Jade.
Woodcuts, not very freely introduced easewbe.-e
are prefixed to every chapter in the tte s c lanj n
The introduction of the "Table" m e n ty p ed aben
gives Rogers a claim to be the Patriarch of Cca-
cordances, the "father" of all such as write ■
Dictionaries of the Bible. Reverence tor the Be*
brew text is shown by Ins striking out the tfant
verses which the Vulgate hat ujaei to Pa. xr-r. b
a later edition, published at I aria, not by Koge»
himself, but by Grafton, under CoTerdale't stxprrb-
tendence, in 1539, the obnoxious Prologue sad
Prefaces were suppressed, and the notes syitennti
cally expurgated and toned down. The book «nt
in advance of the age. Neither Irons ullaie nt-
bisbopa were prepared to be responsible for it,
VI. Taternkb (1539). (I.) The bcUaass a
the pseudo-Matthew had, as has been said, frizHl-
ened the ecclesiastical world from ita propnert.
Coverdale's Version was, howerer, too inaccurate t»
keep its ground. It was necessary to find anctaar
editor, and the printers applied to Richard Taveraw.
But little is known of his lite. The tact thai
though a layman, he had been chosen as one of toe
canons of the Cardinal's College at Oxford :
a reputation tor scholarship, and this is i
by the rharartrr of his translation. It J
the title-page, to be " newly recognised, with gnat
diligence, after the most faithful exemplars.*' Ta»
editor acknowledges " the labours of others (i. «
Tyndal, Coverdale, and Matthew, though he ones net
name them) who have neither uodiligentiy nor an»
leamedly travelled," owns that the work is not am
which can be done " absolutely" (C «. cempirtej ,
by one or two persons, but require* ** a deeper con-
ferring of many learned wittes together, aad alas
a juster time, and longer leisure ; but the th-a;
had to be done; he had been asked to do it. He bo*
" used his talent" aa he could.
(2.) In most respects this may be nt a tritid ■
an expurgated edition of Matthew's. There is •
Table of Principal Matters, and there are note:
but the notes are briefer, aud less piiliiiaWsl. The
passages quoted above are, e.g. omitted wholly or
iu part. The Epistles follow the
before.
VII. Craxkeb. (1.) In the
Tavemer's, and coming from the same press, ap-
peared an English Bible, in a more stately sslr»
printed with a more costly type, bearing a toga*
name than any previous edition. The title-page •
an elaborate engraving, the spirit and power of whit*
indicate the '■and of Holbein. The king, seated aa
his throne, is giving the Verirnm Dei to the bahesa
and doctors, and they distribute it to the peoplr.
while doctors and people are all joining in cries of
" Kt'nrf Rex." It declares the book to be " trUv
translated after the verity of the Hebrew and Greek
texts" by "divers excellent learned men, expert in
the foresaid tongues." A preface, in April, IMA
with the initials T. C.„ implies the air&sesaep't
sanction. In a later edition (Nov. 1540), his aasai
appears on the titlepage, and the names of his crauV
jutors are given, Cuthbert (Tonxtol) Bishop of T> r-
1 ham, and Nicholas (Heath) BUhop of P
VEHHION. A0THOKI8ED
1673
but this doea not exclude the possibility of others
raving been employed for the first edition.
' (2.) Cranmer's Vernon presents, as might be ex-
jKcto), many points of interest. The prologue gives
a more complete ideal of what a translation ought
to be than we have as yet seen. Words not in the
onginal are to be printed in a different type. They
ire added, even when " not wanted by the sense,
to satisfy those who have " missed them " in previ-
ous translations, •'. e. they represent the various
raiding! of the Vulgate where it differs from the
Hebrew. The sign * indicates diversity in the
Chaldee snd Hebrew. It hod been intended to give
all these, but it was found that this would have
taken too much time and space, and the editors
purposed therefore to print them in a little volume by
themselves. The frequent hands (•aT") in the margin,
in lite manner, show an intention to give notes at the
eud ; but Matthew's Bible had made men cautious,
and, as then had not been time for " the King's
Council to settle them,'' they were omitted, and no
help given to the reader beyond the marginal refer-
ence!. In absence of notes, the lay-reader is to sub-
mit himself to the " godly-learned in Christ Jesus."
There is, as the title-page might lead us to expect,
a greater display of Hebrew than in any previous
version. The Books of the Pentateuch have their
Hebrew names given, Berachith (Genesis), Vellt
Schemoth (Exodus), and so on. 1 and 2 Chr. in like
manner appear, as Dibrt Haiamim. In the edition
•f 1541, many proper names in the 0. T. appear in
the fuller Hebrew form, as e. g. Amaziahu, Jere-
miahu. In spite of this parade of teaming, how-
ever, the edition of 1539 contains, perhaps, the
most startling blunder that ever appeared under
the sanction of an archbishop's name. The editors
adopted the Preface which, in Matthew's Bible, had
been prefixed to the Apocrypha. In that preface
the common traditional explanation of the name
was concisely given. They appear, however, to
have shrank from offending the conservative party
in the Church by applying to the books in question
so damnatory on epithet as Apocrypha. They
ooked out for a wont more neutral and respectful,
and found one that appeared in some MSS. of Je-
rome to applied, though in strictness it belonged to
an entirely different set of books. They accordingly
substituted that word, leaving the preface in all
other respects as it was before, and the result is the
somewhat ludicrous statement that the " books were
called Hagiograpka" because " they were read in
secret and apart " I
J3.) A later edition in 1541 presents a few modi-
notions worth noticing. It appears as " authorised "
to be " used and frequented in every church in
the kingdom." The introduction, with all its
elaborate promise of a future perfection disappears,
nnd, in it* place, there is a long preface by Craumer,
ii voiding as much as possible all references to other
tiwislations, taking a safe Via Media tone, blaming
ti.ose who " refuse to read," on the one hand, and
** inordinate reading," on the other. This neutral
character, so characteristic of Cranmer's policy, was
Joubtlesa that which enabled it to keep its ground
during the changing moods of Henry's later years.
It whs reprinted again and again, and was the
A tithoriaed Version of the English Church till 1568
— the interval of Mary's reign excepted. From it,
accordingly, were taken most, if not all, the portions
M" .Scripture in the Prayer Books of 1549 and 1552.
■ Mich, «.».,«•" worthy fruits of penance."
The Psalms, as a wbolt, the quotations from Scrip-
ture in the Homilies, the sentence in the Com-
munion Services, and some phrases elsewhere,! ebi
preserve the remembrance of it. The oscillating
character of the book is shown in the use of " love
instead of " charity " in 1 Cor. xiii. ; and " congre-
gation " instead of " church " generally, after Tyn-
dal ; while in 1 Tim. iv. 14, we have the singuiai
rendering, as if to gain the favour of his opponents,
" with authority of priesthood." The plan of indi-
cating doubtful texta by a smaller type was ad-
hered to, and was applied, among other passages, to
Pa. xiv. 5, 6, 7, and the more memorable text of
1 John v. 7. The translation of 1 Tim. iii. 16.
" All Scripture given by inspiration of God, is pro-
fitable," etc., anticipated a construction of that text
which has sometimes been boasted of, and sometimes
attacked, as an Innovation. In this, however, Tyndal
had led the way.
VIII. Geneva. — (1.) The experimental transla-
tion of the Gospel of St. Matthew by Sir John Cheke
into a purer English than before (Strype, Lift of
Cheke, vii. 3), had so little influence on the version*
that followed that it hardly calls for more than a
passing notice, as showing that scholars were as
yet unsatisfied. The reaction under Mary gave a
check to the whole work, as tar as England was con-
cerned ; but the exiles who fled to Geneva entered on
it with more vigour than ever. Cranmer's Version
did not come up to their ideal. Its site made it too
costly. There were no explanatory or dogmatic notes.
It followed Coverdale too closely; and where it
deviated, did so, in some instances, in a retrograde
direction. The Genevan refugees — among them
Whittingham, Goodman, Pullain, Sampson, and
Coverdale himself— laboured " tor two years or
more, day and night" They entered on their
" great and wonderful work " with much " fear
and trembling." Their translation of the N. T. was
" diligently revised by the most approved Greek
examples" (MSS. or editions?) {Preface). The
N. T., translated by Whittingham, wa» printed by
Conrad Badius in 1557, the whole Bible in 1561.
(2.) Whatever may have been its fault*, the
Genera Bible was unquestionably, for sixty years,
the most popular of all versions. Largely imported
in the early years of Elizabeth, it waa printed ."n
England in 1561, and a patent of monopoly given
to James Bodleigh. This was transferred, in 1 576,
to Barker, in whose family the right of printing
Bibles remained for upwards of a century. Not sees
than eighty editions, some of the whole Bible, were
printed between 1558 and 1611. It kept its ground
for some time even against the A. V., and gave way,
as it were, slowly and under protest The causes of
this general acceptance ore not difficult to ascertain.
The volume was, in all its editions, cheaper and
more portable — a small quarto, instead of the large
folio of Cranmer's " Great Bible." It was the first
Bible which laid aside the obsolescent black letter,
and appeared in Roman type. It waa the first
which, following the Hebrew example, recognised
the division into verses, so dear to the preachers or
hearers of sermons. It was accompanied, in most
of the editions after 1578, by a Bible Dictionary oi
considerable merit The notes were often really
helpful in dealing with the difficulties of Scripture,
and were looked on as spiritual and evangelical.
It was accordingly the version specially adopted by
the great Puritan party through the whole reign of
Elizabeth, and for into that of James. As might
be expected, it was bxted :n Tyndol's Version, onus
1674
VERSION, AUTHORISED
returning to it where the intermediate renderings
had had the character of a compromise.
(3.) Some peculiarities are worthy of special
notice: — (1) It professes a desire to restore the
"true writing" of many Hebrew names, and we
meet aavrdingly with forms like Ixhak (Isaac),
Jaaoob, and the like. (2) It omits the name of St.
Paul from the title of the Epistle to the Hebrews ;
and, in a short Preface, leaves the authorship an
open question. (3) It avows the principle of
putting all words not in the original in Italics.
(4) It present*, in a Calendar prefixed to the Bible,
something like a declaration of war against the esta-
blished order of the Church's lessons, commemo-
rating Scripture facts, and the deaths of the great
Reformers, but ignoring saints' days altogether.
(5) It was the first English Bible which entirely
Omitted the Apocrypha. (6) The notes were cha-
racteristically Swiss, not only in their theology, but
in their politics. They made allegiance to kings
dependent upon the soundness of their faith, and in
one instance (note on 2 Chr. xt. 16) at least
seemed, to the easily startled James I., to favour
tyrannicide.*
(4.) The circumstances of the early introduction
of the Geneva Version are worth mentioning, if
only as showing in how different a spirit the great
fathers of the English Reformation, the most con-
servative of Anglican theologians, acted from that
which bas too often animated their successors. Hen
talk now of different translations and various read-
ings as likely to undermine the fhith of the people.
When application was made to Archbishop Parker,
in 1505, to support Bodleigh's application for a
licence to reprint the Genera Version in 12mo., he
wrote to Cecil in its favour. He was at the time
looking forward to the work he afterwards accom-
plished, of " one other special Bible for the
Churches, to be set forth as convenient time and
leisure should permit;" but in the mean time it
would " nothing hinder, but rather doo much good,
to have diversity of translations and readings"
(Strype, life of Parker, Hi. 6).» In many of t"«
later reprints of this edition the N. T. purports to
be based upon Beta's Latin Version ; and the notes
are said to be taken from Joac. Camer, P. Leader,
Villerius, and Fr. Junius.
IX. The Bishops' Bible.— (1.) The facts just
stated will account for the wish of Archbishop
Parker, in spite of his liberal tolerance, to bring
out another version which might establish its
claims against that of Geneva. Great preparations
were made. The correspondence of Parker with
his .Surlragans presents some points of interest, as
showing how little agreement there was as to the
true theory of a translation. Thus while Sandys,
Bishop of Worcester, finds fault with the " common
translation" (Geneva?), as " following Muuster too
much," nnd so " swerving much from the Hebrew,"
Guest, Biahop of St. David's, who took the Psalms,
acted on the principle of translating them so as to
agree with the N. T. quotations, " for the avoiding
of offence;" and Cox, Bishop of Ely, while laying
* The note " Herein be showed that he lacked meal, for
she ought to nave died," was probably one wblcb Scotch
fanatics had handled in connexion with the name of
James's mother.
• The Geneva Version, sa published by Barker, Is that
popularly known as Uu Bracket Bible, from Its rendering
down the sensible rule that " iokborn terms w is to
be avoided," also went on to add » that the usual
terms were to be retained so far forth as the HAim
will well bear" (Strype, Porker, in*. 6). The icin-
ctple of pious frauds, of distorting the truth for tot
sake of edinoatlon, has perhaps often been acted on
by otlier translators. It has not often been so ex-
plicitly avowed as in the first of these suggestions.
(2.) The bishops thus consulted, eight in number,
together with some deans and professors, brought
out the fruit of their labours in a magnificent folk)
(1568 and 1572). Everything had been done tomato
it attractive. A long erudite preface vindicates
the right of the people to read the Scriptniw.
and (quoting the authority of Bishop Fisher) ad-
mitted the position which later divines have oftea
been slow to admit, that "there be yet in the
Gospel many dark places which, without all doubt,
to the posterity shall be made much more open."
Wood-engravings of a much higher character than
those of the Geneva Bible were scattered profusely,
especially in Genesis. Three portraits of the Queen,
the Earl of Leicester, and Lord Burleigh, beautiful
specimen* of copperplate engraving, appeared on the
titlepagee of the several parta> A map of Palatine
was given, with d egrees of latitude and longitude,
in the edition of 1572. A most elaborate series of
genealogical tables, prepared by Hugh Brooghtan,
the great Itabbi of the age (of whom more hereafter),
but ostensibly by Speed the antiquary (Broughtae'i
name being in disfavour with the bishops), was pre-
fixed (Strype, Parker, iv. 20 ; Lightfoot, Life */
Broughton). In some points it followed previous
translations, and was avowedly based on CranroerV
" A new edition was necessary." " This bad led
some well-disposed men to recognize it again, not ■
condemning the former translation, which hat bees
followed mostly of any other translation, excepting
the original text" (.Href, of 1572). Crnnmer'i
Prologue was reprinted. The Geneva division iat*
verses was adopted throughout.
(3.) Some peculiarities, however, appear for the
first and last time. (1) The Books of the Bible
are classified as legal, historiral, sapiential, and pro-
phetic. This waa easy enough for the 0. T., but
the application of the aaroe idea to the N. T. pro-
duced some rather curious combinations. The Gos-
pels, the Catholic Epistles, and those to Titus, Phi-
lemon, and the Hebrews, are grouped together as
legal, St. Paul's other Epistles aa sapiential; the
Acta appear as the one historical, the h>velatit»
as the one prophetic Book. (2) It is the only
Bible in which many passages, sometimes nearly
a whole chapter, have been marked for the ex-
press purpose of being omitted when the chapters
were read in the public service of the Church.
(3) One edition contained the older version of the
Psalms from Matthew's Bible, in parallel columns
with that now issued, a true and practical ac-
knowledgment of the benefit of a diversity of
translations. (4) The initials of the translator*
were attached to the Books which they had seve-
rally undertaken. The work was done on tbt piaa
!f Ocn. ui. 1.
* rclitte a
' The fitness of these ulnstreUoos Is open la qsestxa.
Others still more Incongruous (bond their way ana >*»
text of the edition of 1674, and the feelings of the Parian
were shocked by seeing a woodcut of Neptune in tie
Initial letters of Jonah, Mlcab, and Natmm. while ttai d
the Ed. to Ibe Hebrews went so (a as to etve Ust
It hai however been preceded in ibis by I and the Swan. There must, to say the 1
very slovenly editorship to permit ihfn
VERSION AUTHORISED
1C78
>f limited, not joint liability. (S) Here, u in the
uauera, there U tbe attempt to give the Hebrew
proper names more accurately, at, «. g., in Hera,
Isahuc, Uiiahu, Su .
(4.) Of all the English versions, the Bishop's
Bible had probably the least success. It did not
command the respect of scholars, and iU sire and
cost were tar from meetii g the wants of the people,
it* circulation appears to hare been practically
limited to the churches which were ordered to be
supplied with it. It had however, at any rate, Die
right to boast of some good Hebrew scholars among
the translaton. One of them, Bishop Alley, had
written a Hebrew Grammar; and though vehe-
mently attacked by Bioughton (Townley, Literary
History 0/ tk» Bible, iii. 190), it was defended as
vigorously by Fulke, and, together with the A. V.,
received from Seldeu the praise of being " the best
translation, in the world" (Table Talk, Work*, iii.
2009).
X. Kheims aSD Douay. — (1.) The successive
changes in the Protestant versions of the Scriptures
were, as might be upectod, matter of triumph to
the controversialists of tbe Latin Church. Some
saw in it an argument against any translation of
Scripture into the spoken language of the people.
Others pointed derisively to the want of unity
which these changes displayed. There were some,
however, who took the line which Sir T. More and
Gardiner had taken under Henry VIII. They did
not object to the principle of an English translation.
They only charged all the versions hitherto made with
being false, corrupt, heretical. To this there was the
ready retort, that they had done nothing: that their
bixhops in the reign of Henry had promised, but
h:id not performed. It was felt to be necessary
timt they should take some steps which might en-
able them to turn the edge of this reproach , and
the English refugees who were settled at Rheims —
Martin, Allen (afterwards cardinal), and Bristow —
uutlertook the work. Gregory Martin, who had
graduated at Cambridge, had signalized himself by
an attack on the existing versions, 11 and had been
answered in an elaborate treatise by Kulke, Master
of Catherine Hall, Cambridge {A Defence 0/ the
Sincere and True Translation, Ins.). The charges are
mostly of tbe same kind at those brought by Sir
T. More against Tyndal. " The old time-honoured
words were discarded. The authority of the LXX.
and Vulgate was set at nought when the trans-
lator's view of the meaning of the Hebrew and
(J reek differed from what he found in them." The
new model translation waa to avoid these faults.
It was to command the respect at once of priests
snd people. After an incubation of some years it
was published at Kheims in 1582. Though Martin
was competent to translate from the Greek, it pro-
f*-*ed to be based on " the authentic text of the
Vulgate." Notes were added, as strongly dogmatic
is those of tbe Geneva Bible, and often keenly con-
troversial. The work of translation was completed
•omewhat later by the publication of the O. T. at
kiunj iu 1609. The language was precisely what
night have been expected from men who adopted
i iii-diner's Ideal of what a translation ought to be.
\t every page we stumble on " strange ink-horn
voids," which never had been English, and never
m m A dtacoverrof the manifold corruptions of Holy
k.-rfptarea by the HereUkea of our days, specially of the
inaUsh sectaries.'* The lancoage of this and other like
t»>ks waa, as might be expected, very abusive. The
hble. In Protestant translations, was "not God's word,
could be, such, t. g., as ' the Fseche and Use
Axymes" (Mark xvi. I), "the arch-synagogue"
(Mark t. 35j, " in prepuce" (Kom. iv. 9), •' 4MB
rate with the fallade of sin'' (Heb. iii. 13), '•■
greater hoste" (Heb. xi. 4), " this is the annuntia-
tion" (1 John ▼. 5), " pre-ordinate " (Acts nil.
48), •' the justifications of our Lord" (Luke i. 6),
" what is to me and thee" (John ii. 4), " longa-
nimity " (Rom. fa. 4), " purge the old leaven that
you may be a new paste, as you are axymes"
(.1 Cor. iv. 7), " you are evacuated from Cniist'
(Gal. r. 4), and so on."
(2.) A style such as this had, as might be ex-
pected, but few admirers. Among those few, how-
ever, we find one gieat name. Bacon, who leaves
the great work of the reign of James unnoticed,
and quotes almost uniformly from the Vulgate,
goes out of his way to praise the Khemish Version
tor having restored " charity " to the place from
which Tyndal had expelled it, in 1 Cor. xiii. {Of
tie Pacification of the Church).
XI. Authorised Vebsion.— (1.) The position
of the English Church in relation to the versions
in use at the commencement of the reign of James
was hardly satisfactory. The Bishops* Bible was
sanctioned by authority. That cf Geneva had the
strongest hold on the affections of the people.
Scholars, Hebrew scholars in particular, found
grave fault with both. Hugh Broughton, who
spoke Hebrew as if it had been his mother-tongue,
denounced the former as being full of " traps and
pitfiu-V' " oveithiowing all religion," and pro-
posed a new revision to be effected by an English
.Septusgint (72 ), with power to consult gardeners,
artiste, and the like, about the words connected
with their several callings, and bound to submit
tlwir work to " one qualified for difficulties." This
ultimate referee was, of course, to be himself
(Strype, Whitg^t, iv. IB, 23). Unhappily, neither
his temper nor his maimers were such as to win
favour tor this suggestion. Whitgift disliked him,
worried him, drive him into exile. His feeling
was, however, shared by others ; and among the
demands of the Puritan representatives at the
Hampton Court Conference iu 1604 (Dr. Keinolds
being the spokesman), was one for a new, or, at
least, a revised translation. The special objections
which they urged were neither numerous (three
passages only— Ps. cv. 28, cvi. 30, Gal iv. 25
were referred to) nor important, and we must con-
clude either that this part of their case had not
been carefully got up, or that the bullying to
which they were exposed had bad the desired effect
of throwing them into some confusion. The bishops
treated the difficulties which they did raise with
supercilious scorn. They were " trivial, old, and
often answered." Bancroft raised the cry of alarm
which a timid Conservatism has so often raised
since. " If every man's humour were to be fol-
lowed, there would be no end of translating"
(Caidwell, Conferences, p. 188\ Cranmer's words
seemed likely to be fultil'ed again. Had it been
left to the bishops, wj might have waited for
tbe A.V. "till the day after doomsday." Even
when the work waa done, and the translators
acknowledged that the Hampton Court Conference
had been the starting-point of it, they could not
but the devil's."
■ Kven Roman OatnoDedlvrnes have tot the superiority
of lbs A V., snd Cballooer, In his editions of the N. T. in
lit*, and the Bible, 1763, often follows It In preference Is
tbe Rhcuns and Douay translations.
1676
VERSION, AUTHOR1HJSD
milt the temptation of a fling at their opponents.
The objections to the Bishops Bible had, they said,
been nothing more than a shift to justify the
refusal of the Puritans to subscribe to the Com-
munion Book {Preface to A.V.). But the king
disliked the politics of the Genera Bible. Either
repeating what he had heard from others, or
exercising his own judgment, he declared that
there was as yet do good translation, and that
that was the worst of all. Nothing, however,
was settled at the Conference beyond the hope
thus held out.
(2.) But the king was not forgetful of what he
thought likely to be the glory of his reign. The
work of organising and superintending the arrange-
ments for a new translation was one specially con-
genial to him, and in 1606 the ta»k was accordingly
commenced. The selection of the fifty-four scho-
lars • to whom it was entrusted, seems, on the
whole, to hare been a wise and fair one. Andrews,
Saravia, Overs], Montague, and Barlow, represented
the "higher" party in the Church; Keinolds,
Chaderton, and Lively that of the Puritans^ Scho-
larship unconnected with party was represented by
Henry Sarile and John Boys. One autre is indeed
conspicuous by its absence. The greatest Hebrew
scholar of the age, the man who had, in a letter to
Cecil (1595), urged this very plan of a joint transla-
tion, who had already translated several books of
the O.T. (Job, Ecclesiastes, Daniel, Lamentations)
was ignomiuiously excluded. This may hare been,
in part, owing to the dislike with which Whitgift
and Bancroft had all along regarded him. But in
part, also, it was owing to Broughton s own cha-
racter. An unmanageable temper' showing >tself
in violent burgling*, and the habit of stigmatising
those who differed from him, even on such questions
as those connected with names and dates, as here-
tical and atheistic, must have made him thoroughly
impracticable; one of the men whose preset.*
throws a Committee or Conference into chaos.*
(3.) What reward other than that of their own
consciences and the judgment of posterity were tin
men thus chosen to expect for their long and labo-
rious task? The king was not disposed to pay
them out of his state revenue. Gold and silver
were not always plentiful in the household of the
English Solomon, and from him they received
nothing (Hey wood, Stale of Auth. Bibl. Revision).
There remained, however, an ingenious form of
liberality, which had the merit of being inexpen-
sive. A king's letter was seat to the archbUhops
and bishops, to be transmitted by them to their
chapters, commending all the translators to their
favourable notice. They were exhorted to contri-
bute in all 1000 marks, and the king was to be
informed of each man's liberality. If any livings
in their gift, or in the gift of private persons,
became vacant, the king was to be informed of it,
that he might nominate some of the translators to
the vacant preferment. Heads of colleges, in like
manner, were enjoined to give free board and
lodging to such divines ai were summoned from the
* Only forty-seven nsmes sppasr In the king's list
lDum-u Rtform. Rtcordi). Seven may have died, or de-
cl'.ned to set; o- It may have been Intended Ural there
should be a Una: SMnmlltee of Revision, A full list is
given by Fuller ' H Ck. Kit. x.) ; snd Is rrpruluced. with
tAjgrapliiral particulars, by Todd snd Anderson.
s TMi «lde was, however, weakened oy lue death of
S*lLold» and Lively during tire progress of the work.
country to labour ro taw gcea* wwk (Sm
Whitgift, iv.). That the king might take as
place as the director of the whole, s copy of fcfan
instructions was sent to each transistor, snd appa-
rently circulated freely in both Universities.
(4.1 The instructions thus given will be bcai
in Fuller (/. «.), and with a more accurate text j.
Burnet (Reform. Record*). It will not he oeasar;
to give them here in full ; but it will bt intereste:
to note the bearing of each clause upon the ara.1
in hand, and Its relation to previous tenses,
(1) The Bishops' Bible was to be followed, sad a.
little altered as the original will permit. TV)
was intended probably to quiet the ahum of tUat
who saw, in the proposal of a new version, s nc-
demnation of that already existing. (2) The nana
of prophets and others were to be retained, a
nearly as may be as they are vulgarly used. Tks
was to guard against forms like Ixhak, Jereanaeu
&c, which had been introduced in some veraocs,
and which some Hebrew scholars were ariSier t
introduce more copiously. To it we ewe preb&i
the forms Jeremy, Kline, Oate, Core, in the S.f .
(3) The old ecclesiastical words to be kept, at -it
word Church not to be translated Csogrepan
The rule was apparently given for the sake of tit
special application. "Charity,* in 1 Car. i—
was probably also due to it. The earlier verooav
it will be remembered, had gone on the oppn>»
principle. (4) When any word hath divers »«■ -
Motions, that to be kept which hath been o»i
commonly used by the most eminent fathers, be *
agreeable to the propriety of the place and tic
analogy of faith. Thr, like the former, tend* v
confound the functions of the preacher and thr
translator, and substitutes ecclesiastical trains
fur philological accuracy. (5) The division of 'J*
chapters to le altered either' not at all, or ss hru
»« riossible. Here, again, convenience was men s
view than truth and accuracy, and the read*. -•
that divisions are perpetuated which are msBifct '
arbitrary and misleading. (6) No marginal sous
to be affixed but only for the explanation of Befc"
and Greek words. This was obviawaly drnrw
against the Geneva notes, as the special object! -i
the king's aversion. Practically, h owever,
whatever feeling it originated, we may be tltsns'u
that the A.V. came out as it did, without note r
comment. The open Bible was placed in the Btaa
ot all renders. The work of interpretation »■» aft
free. Had an opposite course been adopted, •*
might have had the tremendous evil of s wbw
body of Exegesis imposed upon the Chores U
authority, resecting the Calvinism of the Svwd ■
Dort, the absolutism of James, the bigb-oVir,
prelacy of Bancroft. (7) Such quotation* of pko»
to be marginally set down es may serve for tt
reference of one Scripture to anoUier. The pre-
ciple that Scripture is its own bent mterpivtsr si*
thus recognised, but pracUcally the marginal nrV-
ences of the A.V. of 1611 were somewhat tori-.
most of those now printed having been aidrd a
later editions. (8 and 9) Stole plan of
The low of the latter, Hebrew professor at fsedsriHT si
thirty rears. ws» every wsj deplorable,
s It deserves notice that Bruogfatoo is lbs only Hgw*
transistor who lias adopted las Atsmsl ss the eatmsr*
for Jehovah, ss in tie French version. To bus us
perhaps, more thsn to snj other divine, we ewe us m
Interpretation of toe I
VERSION. AUTHORISED
1671
ach company of tnnslndia is to take it* own
ooki; each person to b.-ing his own corrections.
"he company to discus them, and having flushed
heir work, to send it on to another company, ai-d
a on. (10) Provides for differences of opinion
etween two companies by referring them to a
eneral meeting. (11) Gives power, in cases of
ifficulty, to consult any scholars. (12) Invites
ingestions from any quarter. (13) Names the
irectors of the work: Andrews, Dean of West-
minster; Baslow, Dean of Chester ; and the Regius
"rofessors of Hebrew and Greek at both Univer-
lties. (14) Names translations to be followed
rhen they agree more with the original than the
iishops" Bible, sc. Tyndal's, Coverdale's, Matthew's,
Vhitchurch's, (Cranmer's), and Geneva. (15)
luthorisea Universities to appoint three or four
rverwers of the work.
(5.) It is not known that any of the correspond-
noe connected with this work, or any minute of
he meetings for conference is still extant. Nothing
s more striking than the silence with which the
-ersion that was to be the inheritance of the Eng-
ish people for at least two centuries and a half was
nhered into the world. Here end there we get
jlirnpses of scholars coming from their country
ivings to their old college haunts to work diligently
it the task assigned them (Peck, Desiderata Curiosa,
i. 87). We see the meetings of translators, one
nan reading the chapter which he has been at
vork on, while the others listen, with the original,
>r I-atin, or German, or Italian, or Spanish versions
n their hands (Selden, Table Talk). We may re-
>resent to ourselves the differences of opinion,
cttled by the casting vote of the " odd man," or
IV the strong overbearing temper of a man like
iiancroft,' the minority comforting themselves with
he thought that it was no new thing for the truth
a be outvoted (Gell, Essay towards Amendment
•f last Efig. trans/, of Bible, p. 321).* Dogmatic
nterests were in some cases allowed to bias tha
mnslatiou, and the Calvinism of one party, the pre-
atic views of another, were both represented at the
tipense of accuracy (Gell, I. c.).«
(6.) For three years the work went on, the sepa-
*te companies comparing notes as directed. When
he work drew towards its completion it was neces-
sry to place it under the care of a select few.
Two from each of the three group were accordingly
elected, and the six met in London, to superintend
ne publication. Now, for the first time, we find
inr more definite remuneration than the shadowy
•rumise held out in the king's letter, of a share in
he 11)00 marks which Deans and Chapters would
tot contribute. The matter had now reached its
' Miles Smith, himself a translator and the writer of
Joe Preface, complained of Bancroft that there was no
ontradlctlng him (Beard. Revised But. BMe).
■ Gell'e evidence, as having been chaplain to Archbishop
Ibbol, carries Home weight with It His works are to be
Dund In the Brit. Mas. Ubrary, Mr. Scrivener's statement
» the contrary being apparently an oversight (Supplement
uA. r.e/M. r.p. 101).
■ The following passages are those commonly referred
o in support of this chart*: (1) The rendering " such as
bonid be saved,*' In Acts II. 47. (9) The Insertion of
lie w« .rils -any man " In Heb. x. 38 (" the Just shall lire
>y fslih. but If any man draw hack." *c), to avoid an
nfcrence unfavourable to the doctrine of Final Pene-
trance. (3) The use of « bishopric," m Acts L JO, of
• or*r»l«1it," In I Pet v. J. of " bishop," In 1 Tim. IH. 1,
ti. »<d " overseen." In Acta xx. la, In order to avoid
lie Identinalhm of Bishop* and Kklere. (4) The chapter-
business stage, and the Company of Stationers
thought it expedient to give the six editors thirty
pounds each, in weekly payments, for their nine
months' labour. The final correction, and the task
of writing the arguments of the several books, was
given to Bilson, bishop of Winchester, and Dr.
Miles Smith, the latter of whom also wrote the
Dedication and the Preface. Of these two documents
the first is unfortunately familiar enough to us,
and is chiefly conspicuous for its serv-e adulation. *
James I. is " that sanctified person," " enriched with
singular and extraordinary graces, 1 * that had ap-
peared " as the sun in his strength." To him they
appeal against the judgment of those whom they
describe, b> somewhat peevish accents, as " Popish
persons or <elf-conceited brethren." The Preface
to the Keadei is more interesting, as throwing light
upon the prirriples on which the translators acted.
They " never thought that they should need to
make a new translation, nor yet to make of a
bad one a good one." " Their endeavour was to
make a good one better, or out of many good ones
one principal good one." They claim credit for
steering a middle course between the Puritans who
" left the old ecclesiastical words," and the obscurity
of the Papists " retaip<ng foreign words of purpose
to darken the sense." They vindicate the practice,
in which they indulge very freely, of translating
one word in the original by many English words,
partly on the intelligible ground that it is not
always possible to find one word that will express
all the meanings of the Greek or Hebrew, partly on
the somewhat childish plea that it would be unfair
to choose some words for the high honour of being
the channels of God's truth, and to pass over others
as unworthy.
(7.) The version thus published did not all at
once supersede those already in possession. The fact
that five editions were published in three years,
shows that there was a good demand. But the
Bishops' Bible probably remained in many Churches,
(Andrews takes his texts from it in preaching before
the king as late as 1621), and the popularity of the
Geneva Version is shown by not leas than thirteen
reprints, in whole or in part, between 1 till and 1617.
It is not easy to ascertain the impression which the
A. V. made at the time of its appearance. Pro-
bably, as in most like cases, it was tar less for good or
evil than friends or foes expected. The Puritans, and
the religious portion of the middle olasaes generally,
missed the notes of the Geneva book (Fulla, Ch.
Hilt. x. 30, 51). The Romanists spoke at usual,
of the unsettling effect of these frequent changes,
and of the marginal readings as leaving men in doubt
what was the truth of Scripture." One frantic cry
heading of Pa. cxllx. In nil (since altered), " 'the Prophet
exhorteth to praise God for that power which he bath
given the Church to bind the consciences of men." Blunt
(Duties o/o Parish Print, Led. IL) appears, In this ques-
tion, in the side of the prosecution; Trench (Cat lie JL. V
qftkeH.T.c x.) on that of the defence. The charge of as
undue bias against Konie In 1 Cor. xL St, Ual. v. 6, Heb.
xlil. «, la one on which an acquittal may be pronounced
with little or no hesitation.
• It may be at least pleaded, In mitigation, that the Battery
of the translators L outdone by that of Francis Bacon.
* Wbltaker'a anawer, by anticipation, to the charge Is
worth quoting j " No inconvenience will follow If fster-
lireiailuii* or versions of Scripture, when they have become
obsolete, or OHUjed to be Intelligible, may be afterwards
changed or corrected " (Duttert, em Scrift. p. 3S2. Parka
Sot ed.). The wiser divines of the Kngllsh Choir* tnj
not then learnt U> reive the cry of feullty.
1678
VKBbtON. AUTHORISED
was heard from Hugh Broaghton the rejected
'Worst, p. 661), who " would rather be torn m
pieces by wild home than impose such a version
on the poor churches of England." Selden, a few
rears later, gives a calmer and more favourable
j-jdginent. It is "the best of all translations as
giving the true sense of the original." This, how-
ever, is qualified by the remark that " no book in
the world is translated as the Bible is, word for
word, with no regard to the difference of idioms.
This is well enough so long as scholars have to do
with it, but when it comes among the common
people, Lord! what gear do they make of it!"
( TabU-Talk). The feeling of which this was the
expression, led even in the midst of the agitations
of the Commonwealth to proposals for another revi-
sion, which, after being brought forward in the
Grand Committee of Religion in the House of Com-
mons in Jan. 1656, was referred to a sub-com-
m.ttee, acting under Whitetocke, with power to
consult divines and report. Conferences were ac-
cordingly held frequently at Whitelocke's house, at
which we find, miiiglnl with less illustrious names,
those of Walton and Cudworth. Nothing, how-
ever, came of it ( Whitelocke, Memorials, p. 564 ;
Collier, Ch. ffist. ii. 9). Mo report was ever made;
and with the Restoration the tide of conservative
feeling, in this as in other things, checked all plans
of further alteration. Many had ceased to care for
the Bible at all. Those who did care were content
with the Bible as it was. Only here and there was
a voice raised, like K. Gell's (id supra), declaring
that it had defects, that it bore in some things the
stamp of the dogmatism of a party (p. 321).
1 8.) The highest testimony of this period is that
of Walton. From the editor of the Polyglott, the
few words "inter crones eminet" meant a good
deal (Pre/.). With the reign of Anne the tide of
glowing panegyric set in. It would be easy to put
together a long catena of praises sketching from
that time to the present. With many, of course,
this has been only the routine repetition of a tradi-
tional boast. "Our unrivalled Translation," and
" our incomparable Liturgy," have been, equally,
phrases of course. Bat there have been witnesses
of a far higher weight. In proportion as the Eng-
lish of the 18th century was infected with a La*
tinised or Gallicised style, did those who had a
purer taste look with reverence to the strength and
purity of a better time as represented in the A. V.
Thus Addison dwells on its ennobling the coldness
of modem languages with the glowing phrases of
Hebrew (Spectator, No. 40b), and Swift confesses
that " the translators of the Bible were masters of
an English style far fitter for that work than any
we see in our present writings " (Letter (0 fx>rd
Oxford). Each half-century has naturally added
to the prestige of these merits. The language of
the A. V. has intertwined itself with the contro-
versies, the devotion, the literature of the English
people. It has gone, wherever they have gone, over
the face of the whole earth. The most solemn and
tender of individual memories are, for the most part,
associated with it. Men leaving the Church of
England for the Church of Home turn regretfully
with a yearning look at that noble " well of Eng-
lish undefiled, which they are about to exchange
for the uncouth monstrosities of Rheinw and Douay.
In this case too, as in so many others, the position
of the A. V. has been strengthened, Iras by the skill
of its defenders than by the weakness of its assail-
ant*. While from time to time, scholars and divines
(Lowth, Kewtome, Waierland, Trench, Hfaott).
have admitted the necessity of a revision, these wig
have attacked the present version and produces an
ones have been, for the most part, men of asm*
knowledge and defective taste (Purrer, sad Bs>
wood, and Bellamy, and Conquest \, just abb at
pick out a few obvious faults, and showier, taw
competence for the task by entering an tbe-nri
of translating or revising the whole Bible sre*>-
handed. One memorable exceptjM mast not, taw-
ever, be passed over. Hallam (1A. ofEvepe- n.
ch. 2, ad fin.) records a brief bat emphatic pnaat
against the " enthusiastic praise " which to Iks
lavished on this translation. «• It may, m the em
of many, be a better English, cut it is set f»
English of Daniel, or Raleigh, or Bacon, ... It
abounds, in fact, especially in the O. T., with cW-
lete phraseology, and with single words keg srv?
abandoned, or retained only in provincial nst." Tk»
statement may, it is believed, he accepted ss e
encomium. If it had been the l*»»g**«>i of the -c*
of letters of James's reign, would it have rettnd
as it has done, for two centuries and a half, its b<4
on the mind, the memory, the a a e tti on t af tv
English people ?
XII. Schemes for a Rxrmow. — fl.) A asm
of the attempts which have been made at van»»
times to bring about a revision of the A. T. tK*£
necessarily brief and imperfect, may not be wiriv*
its use for future labourers. The first half of tat
18th century was not favourable for anch awi-i.
An almost solitary Essay for a Sets Troafistia
by H. K. (Ross), 1702, attracted little or no scot
(Todd, Zi/« of Walton, i. 1S4> A Greek TeO-
roent with an English translation, singularly vskw
and offensive, was published in 17*29, of wtr;
extracts are given by Lewis (Hist, ay* Treats', ch. r.
With the slight revival of learning ameer os
scholars of the latter half of that period the jitjrt
was again mooted. Lowth in a Visitation Sena*
(1758), and Seeker in a Latin Speech intessM !r
Con vocation (1761), recommended it. Matt PA-
ington in his Remarks (1759), and Dr. Tsca-s
Brett, in an Essay on Ancient Versions •/ at
Bible (1760), dwelt on the importance of eoasutea:
them with reference to the O. T. as well ss tie
N. T., with a view to a more accurate test Cat
tliat of the Masoretic Hebrew, the former iusistrj
also on the obsolete words which are s ta l t eied « v»
A. V., and giving a useful Alphabetic hat of th*""*-
A folio Sew and literal translation of the tk»
Bible by Anthony Purver, a Quaker (1764 , w» «
more ambitious attempt. He dwells at some !««"»
on the " obsolete, uncouth, clownish " up c uri "a
which disfigure the A. V. He includes in h» is*
such words as " joyous," •* solace," -* dams*."
" day-«pring," " bereaved," «* marreb," ** bii»hn»-- '
He substitutes " he hearkened to what he said." -■
" he hearkened to his voice ■" " eat vietrnds." «
" eat bread " (Gen. iii. 19) ; " was in favour trie."
for "found grace in the eyes ofr" "was air-""
for " his wrath was kindled." In spite et *-• >
defective taste, however, the work has ccsmieiafc-*
merit, is based upon a careful study of the erip-si
and of many of the best commentators, and east tt
contrasted favourably with most of the si ng l e haafe *
translations that have followed. It was, at any rale,
far above the depth of degradation and foBy vtei
was reached in Harwood't- Literal 7 1 uw atsrtia of lis
A*. T. - with freedom, spirit, and elegance" (17s*>
Here again, a few samples are enough to saw* na
chnracter of the whole. ** The young awry it sat
VEBblON, AUTHORISED
167S
lead " (Hark r. 39). " A gentleman of apkndid
amil/ and opuleut fortune hod two ions" 'Luke xv.
II). M Tht clergyman said, Yon have given him
the onlr right and proper answer" (Hark jdi. 33).
* We shall not pay the common debt of nature, but
t»y a soft transition, etc." (1 Cor. it. 51).
(2.) Biblical revision wu happily not left entirely
'Ji such hands as these. A translation by Worsley
' according to the present idiom of the English
tongue" (1770) was,at least, less offensive. Durell
[Preface to Job), Lowth (Preface to rsaiah), Blayney
(Pref. toJeremiah,n84), were all stronglyin favour
of a new, or revised translation. Durell dwells most
on the arbitrary additions and omissions in the
A. V. of Job, on the total absence in some cases,
of any intelligible meaning. Lowth speaks chiefly
of the faulty state of the text of the 0. T., and
urges a correction of it, partly from various lead-
ings, partly from ancient versions, partly from con-
lecture. Each of the three contributed, in the best
way, to the work which they had little expectation
of seeing accomplished, by labouring steadily at a
single book and committing it to the judgment of
the Church.? Kennicott's labours in collecting
MSS. of the 0. T. issued in hie State of the present
Hebrew Text (1753, 59), and excited expectations
that there might before long be something like a
hasis for a new version in a restored original,
A more ambitions scheme was started by the
I Soman Catholic Dr. Geddea, in his Prospectus for
a Sea Translation (1786). His remarks on the
history of English translations, his candid acknow-
ledgment of the excellences of the A. V., and espe-
cially of Tyndal's work as pervading it, his critical
notes on the true principles of translation, on the
A. V. as falling short of them, mar still he read
with interest. He too like Lowth finds fault with
the superstitions adherence to the Masoretic test,
with the undue deference to lexicons, and disregard
of versions shown by our translators. The proposal
was well received by many Biblical scholars, Lowth,
Kenuicott, and Harrington, being foremost among
its patrons. The work was issued in parts, accord-
ing to the terms of the Prospectus, but did not get
further than 2 Chrou. in 1792, when the death of the
translator put a stop to it. Partly perhaps owing
to its incompleteness, but still more from the ex-
tn me boldness of a Preface, anticipating the conclu-
sions of a later criticism, 1 Dr. Geddee's translation
fill rapidly into disfavour. A Sermon by White
(famous for his Bampton Lectures) in 1779, and
two Pamphlets by J. A. Symonds, Professor of
Modern History at Cambridge, the first on the
Gospels and the Acta, in 1789; the second on the
Epistles, in 1794, though attacked in an Apology
for the Liturgy and Church of England (1795),
helped to keep the discussion from oblivion.
(3.) The revision of the A. V., like many other
salutary reforms, was hindered by the French Re-
volution. In 1792, Archbishop Newcome bad pub-
lished an elaborate defence of euch a scheme, citing
a host of authorities (Doddridge, Wesley, Campbell,
in addition to those already mentioned), and taking
> Whatever be the demerits of Lowth s Isaiah, ft de>
srrea something better than the sarcasm or Htrrd, that
" Its only use waa to shew bow little waa to be expected
from any new translation." As the Boswell of War burton.
Hard amid not Relet the temptation of attacking an old
antagonist of his maetar'e.
• - 1 will not pretend to ear that It [the history of the
Pentateuch) Is entirely unmixed with the leaven of the
heroic sat*. Let the father of Hebrew be tried by tne
the rame line as Lowth. Revised tranalaSicnj oi
the N. T. were published by Wakefield in 1795, by
Newcome himself in 1790, by Scarlett in 1798.
Campbell's version of the Gospels appeared m
1788, that of the Epistles by Macknight in 1795k
But in 1798 the note of alarm waa sounded. A
feeble pamphlet by George Barges (Letter to the
Lord Bishop of Ely), took the ground that " tlie
present period was unfit," and from that time.
Conservatism, pure and simple, was in the as-
cendant. To suggest that the A. T. might be
inaccurate, was almost as bad as holding " French
principles." There is a long interval before the
question again comes into anything like prominence,
and then there is a new school of critics in the
Quarterly Review and elsewhere, ready to do battle
vigorously for things as they are. The opening of
the next campaign was an article in the Classical
Journal (No. 3«j>, by Dr. John Bellamy, proposing
a new translation, followed soon afterwards by ita
publication under the patronage of the Prince Regent
(1818). The work waa poor and unantiatactory
enough, and a tremendous battery was opened upon
it in the Quarterly Review (Nos. 37 and 38), as
afterwards (No. 46) upon an unhappy critic. Sir
J. B. Burgas, who came forward with a Pamphlet in
its defence (Reasons in favour of a Hew Transla-
tion, 1819). The rash assertion of both Bellamy and
Burgee that the A. V. had been made almost entirely
from the LXX. and Vulgate, and a general deficiency
in all accurate scholarship, made them easy victims.
The personal element of this controversy may well
be passed over, but three less ephemeral works
issued from it, which any future labourer in the
same field will find worth consulting. Whitaker a
Historical and Critical Inquiry, was chiefly an
able exposure of the exaggerated statement just
mentioned. H. J. Todd, in his Vindication of the
Authorised Translation (1819), entered more fully
than any previous writer had done into the history
of the A. V., and gives many facts as to the lives
and qualifications of the translators not easily to be
met with elsewhere.* The most masterly, however,
of the manifestoes against all change, was a pamphlet
(Remarks on the Critical Principles, he, Oxford,
1820), published anonymously, but known to have
been written by Archbishop Laurence. The strength
of the argument lies chiefly in a skilful display of
all the difficulties of the work, the impossibility of
any satisfactory restoration of the Hebrew of the
0. T., or any settlement of the Greek of the N. T.,
the expediency therefore of adhering to a Teztus re-
ceptut in both. The argument may not be decisive,
but the scholarship and acuteneas brought to bear on
it make the book Instructive, and any one entering
on the work of a translator ought at least to read it,
that he may know what difficulties he has to face.*
(4.) A correspondence between Herbert Harsh,
bishop of Peterborough, and the Rev. H. Walter, in
1828, is the next link in the chain. Marsh had
spoken (Lectures on Biblical Criticism, p. 295)
with some contempt of the A. V. as based on
Tyndal's, Tyndal's on Lather's, and Luther's on
same rules of erlUdsm aa the rather or Greek . iatory."
* A short epitome of thla portion of Todd'a book baa
been published by the 8. F. C. K. ss a tract, and wU be
found useful.
• About thla period also (1819) a new edition of New
oome'a version was published by Belsham and otbei
Unitarian ministers, and, like Bellamy's attempt or the
0. T. had the effect of stiffening the resblanor or liar
area! aody of the clergy to all pror taala for a revision.
1680
Uunstcr'a T.e» so, which wm itself bused on the
Vulgate. Theie was, therefore, on this view, no
rem translation from the Hebrew in any one of
these. Substantially this was what Bellamy had
•aid before, but Marsh was a man of a different
calibre, and made out a stronger case. Walter, in
nis answer, proves what is plain enough, that Tyndal
knew some Hebrew, and that Luther in some instances
followed Rabbinical authonty and not the Vulgate ;
but the evidence hardly goes to the extent of show-
ing that Tyndal's version of the O. T. was entirely
independent of Luther's, or Luther's of the Latin.
(a.) The last five-and-twenty years have seen
the -|oestion of a revision from time to time gaining
fresh prominence. If men of second-rate power
have soi>etim*s thrown it back by meddling with
it in wrong ways, others, able scholars and sound
theologians, have admitted its necessity and helped it
forward by their woi k. Or. Conquest's Bible, with
"20,000 emendations" (1841), has not commanded
the respect of critics, and is almost self-condemned by
the silly ostentation of its title. The motions which
have from time to time been made in the House of
Commons by Mr. Heywood, have borne little fruit
beyond the display of feeble Liberalism and yet
feebler Conservatism by which such debates are, for
the most part, characterised ; nor have the discus-
sions in Convocation, though opened by a scholar
of high repute (Professor Selwyn), been much more
productive. Dr. Beard's, A revised English Bi>U
the Want <f the Church (1857), though tending to
overstate the defects of the A. V., is yet valuable as
containing much information, and representing the
opinions of the more learned Nonconformists. Far
more important, every way, both as virtually an
authority in favour of revision, and as contri-
buting largely to it, are Professor Scholerield's
Mints for an Improved Translation of the S. T.
(1832). In his second edition, indeed, he disclaims
any wish for a new translation, but the principle
which he lays down clearly and truly in his preface,
that if there is " any adventitious difficulty result-
ing from a defective translation, then it is at the
same time an act of charity and of duty to clear
away the difficulty as much as possible," leads
legitimately to at least a revision ; and this conclu-
sion Hr. SeJwyn in the last edition of the Hints
(1857), has deliberately adopted. To Bishop Elli-
oott also belongs the credit of having spoken at
once boldly and wisely on this matter. Putting the
question whether it would be right to join those
who oppose all revision, his answer is, " God
forbid. ... It is in vain to cheat our own «ouls
with the thought that these errors (in A. V.) are
either insignificant or imaginary. There are errors,
there are inaccuracies, there ore- misconceptions,
them are obscurities .... and that man who,
after being in any degree satisfied of this, permits
himself to lean to the counsels of a timid or popular
obstructiTeness, or who, intellectually unable to
te«t the truth of these allegations, nevertheless per-
mits himself to denounce or deny them, will . , .
have to sustain the tremendous charge of having
dealt deceitfully with the inviolable word of God"
Pref. to Pastoral Epistles). The tiiwslation* ap-
pended by Dr. KUicott to his editions of St. Paul's
VKKSION, ADTHOKBBD
Epistles, proceed :n the true priadp st of *aerar
the A. V. " only where it appears to he jncow.
inexact, insufficient, or obscure," uniting a amasar
reverence for the older translators with s W
truthfulness in judging of their work. The <r?r .
collation of all the earlier English versiam aate-
tliis part of his book especially intersths; sk
valuable. Dr. Trench ( On the A. V.tftheS. T
1858), in like manner, states hi* eoarictica use
"a revision ought to come," though as ret, ■»
thinks, " the Greek and the English ucusi ry it ■■ .
it to a successful issue are alike wanting " p. ■•
The work itself, it need hardly hr said, is the f .: rt
contradiction possible of this s om e wh at doiorvii
statement, and supplies a good store of astir ..
for use when the revision actually comes. ?■•
Revision of the A. V. by Ffce Clergeme* '•
Barrow, Dr. Moberly, Dean Airbed, Mr. Hanoi, t.
and Dr. Elliuott), represent* the same scan,
conservative progress, has the merit rfsdherc;'-
the clear, pure English of the A. V., and dse» t <
deserve the censure which Dr. Beard pastes si '
as " promising little and performing less." As m.
this series includes only the Gospel of St Joss, mi
the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians. TV
publications of the American Bible (.'ana are tf»
that there also the same want ha* been felt. TV
translations given respectively by Alford, Stasia.
Jowett, and Conybeare and Howsoa, m taar *•
spective Commentaries, are in like manner, at ma
admissions of the n ecessi ty of the work, sad •at-
tributions towards it. Mr. Sharps (1840) sad S-
Highton (1862) have ventured on the wider » i
of translations of the entire N. T. Mr. Cmta**
has published the Gospel of St, Matthew ss Put L
of a like undertaking. It might almost ssaa * '
at last there waa something like a caaoraas '
scholars and divines on this qmstion. Tktf »
sumption would, however, be too hastr. Pa""
the vis inertiae, which in a large hsdv II* or
clergy of the English Church, is always t*
partly the fear of ulterior cooseqoeocrs, partlr u*
the indifference of the majority of the laity, a***
probably, at the present moment give at smA >
numerical majority to the opponents of a ret*-*
Writers on this side are naturally less nuasrw-
but the feeling of Conservatism, pure and be.'
has found utterance in four men represeomu: i ■ ■
ent sections, and of different calibre, — Mr. Seri"W
(Supp. to A. Eng. Y.tfS. I*.). Dr. M-Caol (Bra"
for holding fast the Authorised English IV ■»•
Mr. C. S. Malan (A Vindication, ax.), sad it
Gumming (Revision and Translation}.'
XIII. Present State of thk Qcdtios.-
(1.) To take an accurate estimate of theet«J»
which the A. V. requires revi-aou would call IV s-
thing less than an examination of each siaglt tVx
and would therefore involve an amount af *"■•
incompatible with our present limits. To c*«
few instances only, would practically fix Attn ' -
on a pail only of the evidence, and so woaM leei »
a false rather than a true estimate. K* attrBY*.
therefore, will be made to bring together iadnrij.*
passages as needing correction. A few maui> r
the chief questions which must necessarilr raw
before those who undertake a revision will »>.
• Mr. Minim's careful translstkm or we chief Oriental
sad otlw versions of the Oorpnl a.-onnllng to St John,
sad Mr. Skrlvrner's notes on St, Matthew, deserve u# be
ov-i loncil ss valnahte enntribnttorm towards the work
cab h u>y depress**. A blcti Amertesu •nllx.rlty. Mr.
George P. Marsh, ma-- also be reirrrad to ss Or- - "
the weight of his Judgment rats the stale itmii ">
revision at the preaenl moment (iVscnsres an at* *"•,'•*
Ijmtgnagt, Led. xxrlll \
VBB8IOK. ACTHOKISKI)
1681
pe i liaps, U: nut of place. Kxainplfs, clrussilied under
crresponding beads, will be found in the book by
l>i . Trench already mentioned, and, scattered in the
form of annotations, in that of Professor Scholofield.
('.'.) The translation of tlie N. T. is from a Text
confessedly imperfect. What editions were used is
i matter of conjecture ; most probably, one of those
published with a Latin version by Besa between
. 565 and 1598, and agreeing substantially with the
Textia receptus of 1633. It is clear, on principle,
that no revision ought to ignore the results of the
textual criticism of the hut hundred years. To shrink
from noticing any variation, to go on printing as the
inspired Word that which there is a preponderant
reason lor believing to be an interpolation or a
mistake, is neither honest nor reverential. To do
so for the sake of greater edification is simply to
offer to God the unclean sacrifice of a lie. The
authority of the A. V. is at any rate in favour of
the practice of not suppressing facts. In Matt. i.
11, xxvi. 26; Luke xvii. 36; John viii. 6; Acts
xiii. 18; Eph. vi. 9; Heb. ii. 4; James ii. 18;
1 John ii. 23; 1 Pet. ii. 21; 2 Pet. ii. 11, 18;
2 John 8, diSeiect readings are given in the margin,
nr, as in 1 John ii. 23, indicated by a different
type. In earlier versions, as has been mentioned,
1 John t. 7 was printed in smaller letters. The
iegree to which this should be done will, of course,
require discernment. An apparatus like that in
Teschendorf or Alford would obviously be out of
place. Probably the useful Gieek Testament edited
by Mr. Scrivener might serve as an example of a
caiddle course.
(3.) Still less had been done at the commence-
ment of the 17th century for the text of the 0. T.
The Jewish teachers, from whom Protestant divines
derived their knowledge, had given currency to the
belief that in the Masoretic text were contained the
ipsissima verba of Revelation, free from all risks of
error, from all casualties of transcription. The
conventional phrases, "the authentic Hebrew,"
" the Hebrew verity," were the expression of this
undisceming reverence.* They refused to apply the
•nine rules of judgment here which they applied to
the text of the N. T. They assumed that the
Xasoretea were infallible, and were reluctant to
acknowledge that there had been any variations
since. Even Walton did not escape being attacked
as unsound by the great Puritan divine, Dr. John
Owen, for having called attention to the fact of
discrepancies {Proley. cap. vi.). The materials for
a revised text are, of course, scantier than with the
N. T. ; but the labours of Kennicott, De Kossi, J.
H. Michaelis, and Davidson have not been fruit-
less, and here as there, the older versions must be
avlmitted as at least evidence of variations which
once existed, but which were suppressed by the
rigorous uniformity of the later Rabbis. Conjec-
tural emendations, such as Newcome, Lowth and
K witld have so freely suggested, ought to be ven-
tured on in such places only as are quite unin-
telligible without them.
(4.) All scholars worthy of the name are now
signed that as little change as possible should be
* f he Judatrdng spirit on this matter culminated in tbe
Womtulo Uelvttici Corumtus, which pronounces the exlst-
vttf; O. T. Text to be " tarn quoad consonss, turn quoad
. ocalia, sive puncu Ipsa, sWe punctoniui potestatenMmn
t uuod res. turn quoad verbs, t)*6wrewrree,
• Tlie Knytixhman't Hebrew Concordance and the Enff-
ijtfvman't Greek Concordance, pnblirhed by Walton and
►' atKTiy, deceive mention as useful helps lor Hie student
"OL. lit.
made in the language of tbe A. V. Happily then
is little risk of an emasculated elegance such at
might have infected a new version in the last cen-
tury. The very fact of the admiration felt for the
A. V., aud the general revival of a taste tor the
literature of the Klisiibethau period, are safeguards
against any like tampering uow. Some words,
however, absolutely need change, as being altogether
obsolete ; others, more numerous, have been slowly
passing into a different, often into a lower or a
narrower meaning, and are therefore no longer what
they once were, adequate renderings of the original
(5.) The self-imposed law of fairness which led
the A. V. translators to admit as many English
words as possible to the honour of representing ont
in the Hebrew or Greek text has, as might be ex-
pected, marred the perfection of their work. Some-
times the eflect is simply the loss of the solemn
emphasis of the repetition of the same word.
Sometimes it is more serious, and affects the mean-
ing. While it would be simple pedantry to lay
down unconditionally that but one and the same
word should be used throughout for one in the
original, there cr.u be no doubt that such a limita-
tion is the true principle to start with, and that
instances to the contrary should be dealt with as
exceptional necessities. Side by. side with this
fault, there is another just the opposite of it. One
English word appears for several Greek or Hebrew
words, and thus shades of meaning, often, pf im-
portance to tlie right understanding of a passage,
are lost sight of. Taken together, the two forms
of error, which meet us in well-nigh every chapter,
moke the use of an English Concordance absolutely
misleading.*
(t>.) Grammatical inaccuracy mast be noted as a
defect pervading, more or less, the whole extent of
the present version of the K. T. Instances will be
found in abundance in Trench and Scholeliokl
(passim), and in any of the better Commentaries.
The true force of tenses, cases, prepositions, articles,
is continually lost, sometimes at tlie cost of the finer
shades which give vividness and emphasis, but some-
times also entailing more serious errors. In justice
to the translatois of the N. T, it must be said that,
situated as they were, such errors were almost in-
evitable. They learnt Greek through the medium
of Latin. Lexicons' and grammars were alike in
the universal language of scholars ; and that lan-
guage was poorer and less inflected than the Greek,
and failed utterly to represent, e. g. the force of its
article, or the difference of its oorist aud perfect
tenses. Such books of this nature as were used by
the translators were necessarily based upon a far
scantier iuduction, and were therefore more meagre
and inaccurate than those which liave been the
fruits of the labours of later scholars. liecent
scholarship may in many things fall short of that ot
an earlier time, but the introduction of Greek lexi-
cons and grammars in English has been beyend all
doubt a change for the better.
(70 The field of the 0. T. has been ir less
adequately worked than that of the K. T., and He-
brew scholarship has made far less prorreta than
of the A. V. in overcoming this difficulty.
f Ooostan tine's and Scapula's were tbe two principally
used. During the half century that precsdec tbe A. V.
the study or Greek bsd made great progress, wsa uugbt
at all the great schools In 1688, and made part of the
system of new ones then founded. No* ell, Dean of 3t
I'aul's, published a Greek Torsion of tlie CalecliUn. Tb»
Grammar chiefly fu k was probably Oriel s(f).
ft P
1682
VHB8I0N ACTHOSIBRD
Oreek. Relatively, indeed, th*.-t teems good ground
for bettering that Hebrew wat mora studied in the
early part of the 17th centurv than it is now. It
was newer and more popular. The reverence
which men felt for the perfection of the " Hebrew
verity" made them willing to labour to learn a
language which they looked upon as half-divine.
But here also there was the same source of error.
The early Hebrew lexicons represented partly, it is
true, a Jewish tradition ; bat partly also were
based upon the Vulgate (Bishop Marsh, I.ectum,
li. App. 61). The forms of cognate Shemitic lan-
guages had not been applied as a means for ascer-
taining the precise ralue of Hebrew words. The
grammars, alto in Latin, were defective. Little as
Hebrew professors have, for the most part, done in
the way of exegesis, any good commentary on the
0. T. will show that here also then are errors as
serious as in the N. T. In one memorable case,
the inattention, real or apparent, of the translators
to the force of the BipAil form of the verb (Lev. iv.
12) has led to a serious attack on the truthfulness
of the whole narrative of the Pentateuch (Colento,
Pentateuch Critically Examined, Part I. ch. vii.).
(8.) The division into chapters and verses is a
matter that ought not to be passed over in any
future revision. The former, it must be remem-
bered, does not go further back than the 13th cen-
tury. The latter, though answering, as far as the
0. T. is concerned, to a long-standing Jewish ar-
rangement, depends, in the N. T., upon the work of
Robert Stephens. [Bible.] Neither in the O. T.
nor in the N. T. did the verse-division appear in any
earlier English edition than that of Geneva. The
inconveniences of changing both are probably too
great to be risked. The habit of referring to
chapter and verse is too deeply rooted to be got
rid of. Yet the division, a* it is, is not seldom arti-
ficial, and sometimes is absolutely misleading. Mo
toe would think of printing any other book, in prose
or poetry, in short clauses like the verses of our
Bibles, and the tendency of such a division is to
give a broken and discontinuous knowledge, to
make men good textuaries but bad divines. An
arrangement like that of the Paragraph Bibles of
oar own time, with the verse and chapter divisions
relegated to the margin, ought to form part of any
authoritative revision.*
(9.) Other points of detail remain to be noticed
briefly : ( 1) The chapter headings of the A. V. often
go beyond 1 their proper province. If it is intended
to give an authoritative commentary to the lay
reader, let it be done thoroughly. But if that
attempt is abandoned, as it was deliberately in
1611, then for the chapter-headings to enter, as
they do, upon the work of interpretation, giving,
as in Canticles, Psalms, and Prophets, ptnsim,
mystical meanings, is simply an inconsistency.
s As examples of what may be said on both sides on
this point, the reader may be referred to sn article on
/'arcfrrog* Bibla In No. 108 of the .BUftOurs* .Renew
(soreeqosoUy reprinted by the Bar. W. Harness, 1855)
jnd the Pamphlet by Dr. M-Csul (Samu/or UUixg
fan) alresdy mentioned. Reevea 'i Bibles snd Testaments
(1803) and Booihrovd'a translation (1634) should be men-
tioned ss having set the example followed by the Keli-
gmm Tract Society hi their I'arafrafk B&U.
» In all these points there has been, to a much larger
extent than Is commonly known, a uork of unauthorised
revision. Neither Italics, nor references, nor readings, nor J
etar^r-heartlngs, nor. It may be added' punelnauoii. are I
tbn tans to* as «b«y war* la the A. \ . of Mil. Ttm •
ef items i
What should bt a mare table of e
gloss upon the text. (8) Tat
printing the A. V. is at leas* open tat aaaae rssse.
At first they seem an honest uaifjasiim on the part
of the translators of what it or it act as the ertn-
nal. On the other hand, they tempt to ■ lean
translation. Few writers would think it t n.m t . i
to use tnem in translating other books. If t-e
words do not do more than represent tat acts* ef tre
original, then there is no reason for treating thee
at if they were added at the discretion of tre
translators. If they go beyond that, they or* ■ f
the nature of a gloss, altering the force of the an-
ginal, and hare no right to be there at all, while tat
fact that they appear at additions trees the trans-
lator from the sense of responsibility. (3) tW
as the principle of marginal iisumua is. the tcs-
gins of the A. V., as now printed, are sosaw-iri**.
inconveniently crowded, and the re ferences , br.:z
often merely verbal, tend to defeat their en p «-
pose, snd to make the reader weary ef refcrruc.
They need, accordingly, a careful sifting; al-
though it would not be desirable to go hack to
the scanty number of the original edition of 14". '..
something intermediate be t w e en that anal the prv-
sent over-abundance would be an hnpvvernau.
(*) Marginal readings, on the other hand. \r-
dicating variations in the text, or differences a
the judgment of translators, might be profits! >
increased in number. The results of the ntbor r> sr
scholars would thus be placed within the read) at
all intelligent readers, and so many diffirtirart mi
stumbling-blocks might be removed.*'
(10.) What has been said will serve to titter at eact
to what extent a new revision is required, and whet
are the chief difficulties to be encountered- And tkt
work, it is believed, ought not to be d elay ed mart
longer. Names will occur to every one ef ar.
competent to undertake the work at tar as -rs
N. T. is concerned ; and if such alterations ex '
were to be introduced as commanded the assecJ i
at least two-thirds of a chosen body of twenty ■
thirty scholars, while a place in the msjg a rs
given to such renderings only as were ai ls aoJ r»
at least one-third, there would be, it is believed, xt
once a great change for the better, and withe- x
any shock to the feelings or even the fanejod*-"
of the great mass of readers. Men fit to us.— -
take the work of revising the translation of * *
0. T. are confessedly fewer, and, for the sews* pa.*-
occupied in other things. The knowledge and is*
power, however, are there, though in lew enesrts^.
and even though the will be for the tisne thwart, s
summons to enter on the task from those who*
authority they are bound to respect, would, we
cannot doubt, be listened to. It might bar* * •
result of directing to their proper task and t • .
fi-uitful issue energies which are too otteaj w * -
chief slter&tioos appear to have been mode first ss Shi
snd afterwards In 1769, by Dr. Blarney, under the tones
of the Oxford Delegates of the Press (Cawgissnas Jstjw-
riiw, Nov. list). A Hs* work wssotoM stoat the was
time by Dr. Parfe at Cambridge. There bast, hewvre.
been some changes previously. The edition es* to. t
particular, shews considerable xnrmentsttom m the last.*
(Turtan, Teat e/iae Sntfitk «*<*, 1633. Pf> »l. ran f>
Blayney also we owe most of the notes on wsjejaas stx*
measures, and coins, and the exp l a n a t i o n, wheat tar ijw
seems to require It, of Hebrew proper nones Tat wave
qtssUca nf the use of Italics Is <
Tartan In the work just meouoned.
VILLAGES
3mm to ephemeral and unprofitable controversies.
K» the revised Bible would be for the use of the
English people, the men appointed for the purpose
sught not to be taken exclusively fiom the English
Church, and the learning of Nonconformists should,
at least, be fairly represented. The changes re-
commended by such a body of men, under con-
ditions such as those suggested, might safely be
allowed to circulate experimentally for two or
three years. When they had stood that trial, they
might without risk be printed in the new Autho-
riisd Version. Such a work would unite reference
for the past with duty towards the future. In
undertaking it we should be, not slighting the
translators on whom labours we hare entered, but
following in their footsteps. It is the wisdom of
the Church to bring out of its treasures things new
and old. [E. H. P.]
VILLAGES.* It is evident that chataer, " a
Tillage," lit., an enclosure, a collection of huts, Is
often used, especially in the enumeration of towns
in Josh, jtiii., xv., xix., to imply unwalled suburbs
outside the wailed towns. And so it appeals to
mean when we compare Lev. xxv. 31 with r. 34.
J/i/rasA,* A. V. ** suburbs," i. t. a place thrust out
from the city (see also Gen. ili. 48). Arab villages,
as found in Arabia, are often mere collections of
stone huts, "long, low, rude hovels, rooted only
with the stalks of palm-leaves," or covered for a
time with tent-cloths, which are removed when the
tribe change their quarters. Others are more solidly
built, as are most of the modern villages of Pales-
tine, though in some the dwellings are mere mud-
huts (Robinson, i. 167, li. 13, 14, 44, 387 ; Hassel-
quki, Trail, p. 153 ; Stanley, S. i P. p. 233, App.
§83. p. 525). Arab viltges of the Hedjaz and
Yemen often consist of huts with circular roofs of
leaves or grass, resembling the description given by
Sallust of the Numidian mapalia, vis. ships with
the keel uppermost (Sallust, Jug. 18 ; Shaw, JV«b.
p. 220 ; Nlebuhr, Door, dt VAr. p. 54).
There is little in the 0. T. to enable us mors pre-
cisely to define a village of Palestine, beyond the
fact that it was destitute of walls or external de-
fences. Persian villages are spoken of in similar
terms (Ex. xxxviii. 11 ; Esth. ix. 19).
By the Talraudists a village was defined as a
place destitute of a synagogue (Lightfbot, Chorogr.
Ctntury, ch. xcviii.). Galilee, in our Lord's
time, contained many villages and village-towns,*
and Josephus says that in his time there were in
Galilee 204 towns and villages, 11 some of which last
had walls (Joseph. FH. § 45). At present the
country is almost depopulated (Kaumer, Pal. p.
105; Stanley, S. d- P. p. 384). Most modern
Turkish and Persian villages have a Mmztl or
VOTE
1683
• 1. Balk. See Dauohto,
*■ "VP} '< *»*»*«*. «"*«» < «*B«, auUOum, cfpldum,
espedaUj described as nnwaUed, Lev. xxv. 31. (Stanley,
3. * P. App. 4»7.)
3. (a) IDS, from TD3, "cover" (Oes. lot); mips;
nSa. (b) TD3, only once, Neb. vi. 1 ; rapi) ; vicuhu.
to "HJ3. only once, 1 Sun. vt. la ; «•>*; vOla.
4. (a) HD, from PB (Oes. 1115, " to separate," also
"to Jodge," Ilk* firm; once "village,- «.«. a place of
•assisted dwelling*. H»b. 111. 14); fcn-sxmrii teOotor.
Bee Fnozrn. (6) JinD, Jodg v. T, 1 1 ; A. V. follow-
lug Tant, • villa** ;" 111, rulers or warriors. («) rtiPB.
Mtdki/tk, a house fur travellers (Burukhardt, Syria,
p. 295; Robinson, ii. 19 ; Martyn, Life, p. 437).
The places to which in the 0. T. the term
chaittr is applied were mostly in the outskirts
of the country (Stanley, p. 526). In the N. T.
the term a-at/un is applied to Bethphage (Matt, xxu
2), Bethany (Luke x. 38; John xi. 1), Emmaus
(Luke xxiv.' 13), Bethlehem (John vri. 42). A dis-
tinction between city or town (s-oAii) and village
(saV*j) is pointed out (Luke viii. 1). On the other
hand, Bethaaida is called sroAii (John L 45 ; Luke
ix. 10), and also KaVjtn (Mark vin. 23, 26), unless
by the latter word we are to understand the suburbs
of the town, which meaning seems to belong to
"country"* (Mark vi. 56). The relation of de-
pendence on a chief town of a district appears to be
denoted by the phrase " villages of Caesaiea Phi-
lippi" (Mark viii. 27).
In the Hebrew language the prefix Caphar im-
plied a regular village, as Capernaum, which place,
however, had in later times outgrown the limits
implied by its original designation (Lightfbot, / e. ;
Stanley, pp. 521-527; lMaocvii. 31). [H. W.P.J
VINE. The well-known valuable plant ( Vitis
vmifera), very frequently referred to in the Old
and New Testaments, and cultivated from the
earliest times. The first mention of this plant
occurs in Gen. ix. 20, 21, where Noah is repre-
sented as having been its first cultivator. The
Egyptians say that Osiris first taught men the use
of the vine. That it was abundantly cultivated
in Egypt is evident from the frequent represen-
tations on the monuments, as well as from the
Scriptural allusions. See Gen. xl. 9-11, Pharaoh's
dream ; and Num. xx. 5, where the Israelites com-
plain that the wilderness was " no place of figs or
of vines," evidently regretting that they had left
the vines of Egypt. Comp. also Ps. hi viii. 47 :
" He destroyed their vines with hail " (see on this
subject Celsius, Hierdb. ii. p. 412).
The vines of Palestine were celebrated both for
luxuriant growth and for the immense clusters of
grapes which they produced. When the spies were
sent forth to view the promised land, we are told
that on their arrival at the valley of Kshrol they
cut down a branch with one cluster of grapes, and
bare it between two on a staff (Num. xiii. 23).
This they did no doubt for convenience of carriage,
and in order that the grapes on that splendid
cluster might not be bruised. Travellers have fie.
quently testified to the large sixa of the grape-
clusters of Palestine. Schulx {Leitmgen da
BBchatm, T. p. 285, quoted by Rosenmuiiar,
Bib. Bet. p. 223) speaks of supping at Beitshin, a
village near Ptolemais, under a vine whose stem
was about a foot and a half in diameter, and whose
wtiut (unwaUed), Ea. xxxvUL 11. (d) 'JIB. properly a
dweller In the country, pagamu ; dapcfauK ; afpidum.
S. 71111; twmuKn; sieve; Num. xxxlL 41. Dent. ML
14, Jodg. x. 4 : a word applied by rooden BcJuuum lo
their own vtllagus (Stanley, p. sat). See HaTora-jAia.
a. D'BHJD ; rtpunipui ; nourtena ; U., pestnrei
far nocks (Oes. pp. S0«-t).
In N. T. the word rape Is also rendered " town."
» BHJD, from thi, "drive out."
• «atioe<A«c, via* it civUatm, Hark L 38.
4 woAtic nil
5 t» i
1684
VINE
bright was nbout thirty feet, which by its branches
'ormed a hut upwards of thirty fret broad and
long. *• The dusters of these extraordinary Tine*,"
he adds, " are so large that they weigh ten or
tv/elve pounds, and the berries may be compared
with our small plums." See alio Belon, ObtenxU.
ii. p. 340 : " Les seps des vignes sont fort gros et
les rameaux fort spacieux. Les habitants entendent
bien oomine il la fout gourerner. Car Us la plantent
si Icing l'nne de 1'autre, qu'on poarroit mener une
charrette entie deiu. Ce nest pas grande merveille
si lea raisins sont si beaux et le vin si puiaaant."
Stnbo states that it is recorded that there are vines
In Margiana whose stems are such as would re-
quire two men to span round, and whose clusters
are two cubits long (Geograph. i. p. 112, ed.
Kramer). Now Margiana is the modern district of
Ghilan in Persia, south-west of the Caspian Sea,
and the ver) country on whose hills the Tine is
believed to be indigenous. Nothing would be
easier than to multiply testimonies relative to
the large size of the grapes of Palestine, from the
published accounts of travellers such as Elliot,
Laborde, Mariti, Dandini (who expresses his sur-
prise at the extraordinary size of the grapes of
Lebanon), Russell, &c. We must be content with
quoting the following extract from Kitto's Physical
history of Palatine, p. 330, which is strikingly
illustrative of the spies mode of carrying the grapes
from Eshcol : — " Even in our own country a bunch
of grapes was produced at Welbeck, and sent as a
present from the Duke of Rutland to the Marquis
of Rockingham, which weighed nineteen pounds.
It was conveyed to its destination — more than
twenty miles distant— on a staff by four labourers,
two of whom bore it in rotation." The greatest
diameter of this cluster was nineteen inches and a
half, its oircumferaice four feet and a half, and its
length nearly twenty-three inches.
Especial mention is mode in the Bible of the
vines of Eshcol (Num. xiii. 24, xxxii. 9\ of Sibtnah,
Heshbon, and Eleaieh (Is. xvi. 8, 9, 10 ; Jer. xlviii.
32), and Engedi (Cant. i. 14). Prof. Stanley
thus speaks of the vineyards of Judah, which he
saw along the slopes of Bethlehem : — " Here, more
than elsewhere in Palestine, are to be seen on the
sides of the hills, the vineyards marked by their
watchtowers and walls, seated on their ancient ter-
races — the earliest and latest symbol of Judah.
The elevation of the hills end table-lands of Judah
is the true climate of the vine. He ' bound his
foal to the vine, and his ass's colt to the choice
vine; he washed his garments in irine, and his
clothes in the blood of grapes.' It was from the
Judaean valley of Eshcol, ' the torrent of the
cluster,' that the spies cut down the gigantic
cluster of grapes. ' A vineyard on a hill of olives,'
with the ' fence,' and ' the stones gathered out,'
and ' the tower in the midst of it,' is the natural
figure which, both in the prophetical and evan-
gelical records, represents the kingdom of Judah"
(8. and P. p. 164). From the abundance and ex-
cellence of tke vines, it may readily be understood
bow frequently this plant is the subject of meta-
phor in the Holy Scriptures. Thus Israel is a
vine brought fiom Egypt, and planted by the
Lord's hand in the imd of promise ; loom had been
prepared for it (com mre with this the passage from
Belon quoted abov • ; and where it took root it I
•lied the land, it covered the hills with its shadow,
it- boughs were like the goodly cedarijses (I's.
Uxx. 8 10). Comp. Cnwlia ( Travel) through >
vtm
Stasia and N. Persia, iii. p. 431), v.ho f>r»
speaks of the vines of Gfcilan: — "It is ksui ■
forests, . . . and is frequently found abowt pro-
montories, and their lower part is almost entireiT
covered with it. There, higher than the eye cj
reach, it winds itself about the loftiest trees ; ud
its tendrils, which here have an arm's thickness,
so spread and mutually entangle themselves fw
and wide, that in places where it grows m the
most luxuriant wildness it is very difficult to fia-1
a passage." To dwell under the vine and fisr-tn*
is an emblem of domestic happiness and peace (1 K.
iv. 25 ; Mic. iv. 4 ; Ps. exxviii. 3) ; the rebelW.«
people of Israel are compared to " wild grape-,"
" an empty vine," " the de g e n e rate plant of a
strange vine," etc. (Is. v. 2, 4, but sec Coons ;
Hos. x. 1 ; Jer. ii. 21). It is a vine which em
Lord select* to show the spiritual oason which
subsists between Himself and his members (Jaha
it. 1-6).
The following Hebrew words denote the vine : —
1. Oephen (JD1), or, more definitely, gep**%
hayyaytn Q**i1 JD1), of frequent occurrence in tie
Bible, and used in a general sense. Indeed pipW
sometimes is applied to a plant that resembles a tia
in some particulars, as nit? JBJ {gephem *«Vt •. .
2 K. iv. 39, i.e. probably the CoJoornth phut
[GOURD, App. A], or DID |BJ {oepie* stVim ,
the vine of Sodom, certainly not a vine. (See below.
2. SSrSk (pX>), or strtkah (Tf^t). is a terra
expressive of some choice kind of vine (Jer. S. 21 ;
Is. v. 2; Gen. xlix. 11), supposed to be uectiesl
with that now called in Morocco serii, and j
Persia kishmish, with small round dark berries, a^d
soft stones. (See Niebuhr, Descript. de CArr^e,
p. 147 ; and Oedmann, Samtnlung, ii. 97.1 Fives
the passage in Jeremiah, it is clear that the airs*
denotes not another species of vine, but the c
vine which by some process of cultivation
a high state of excellence.
3. Nizir (TT3), originally applied to a Ka
who did not shave his hair, expresses i
vine " (A. V.), ♦. «. one which every i
every fiftieth year was not pr i m e d . (See fireniiia.
The*, a. v.)
Grapes are designated by various names: 'V
Eshcol pb^W) is either " a cluster," ripe ox aa-
ripe, like raceuuu, or a " single grape" (as sa
Is. Ixv. 8, Mic. vii. 1). (2) 'ErM r v 3Jj» ; Arab.
•' a cluster "). (3) .Riser (103}, soar, Ce.
unripe grapes (Is. xviii. 5). (4) ZcmSrih ("
« a grape cut ofT." " The blossom " of the v^j.
is called semdjar (IIOD), Cant. ii. 13, 13.
" Grape-stones" are probably meant bv cAnrtiw-
ntm (D»|Xin) i A. V. " kernel," Num. tu 4
" The cuticle " of the grape is 'knommami ad*
C3T), Num. /. c. ; "the tendrils" by aiitjm
(D'aib), Joel i. 7.
* 'T
The ancient Hebnw> probably all w&i t'^c ra
to grow trailing on the ground, or cprm tawpnta.
This laltr mode of cultivation appears »*» b
alluded to by Kzekiel (xix. 11, 12): "her «.rc,
rods were broken and withered." Di. Kotwa^*
VINE
who hua given us much information on the vines ol
Palestine, thus speaks of the manner in which he
saw them trained near Hebron : — " They are
planted singly in rows, eight or ten feet apart in
each direction. The stock is suffered to grow up
large to the height of six or eight feet, and is then
fastened in a sloping position to a strong stake,
and the shoots suffered to grow and extend from
ono plant to another, forming a line of festoons.
Sometimes two rows are made to slant towards
each other, and thus form by their shoots a sort of
arch. These shoots are pruned away in autumn "
{Bib. Res. ii. 80, 61).
The vintage, bitstr (TVS), which formerly
was a season of general festivity, as is the case more
or less in all vine-growing countries, commenced in
September. The towns are deserted, and the people
live among the vineyards (Q13) in the lodges and
tenia (Bib. Ret. 1. c. ; comp. Judg. ii. 37; Jer.
xxv. 30 ; Is. xvi. 10). The grapes were gathered
with shouts of joy by the " grape-gatherers "
OV3) (Jer. xxv. 30), and put into baskets (see Jer.
vi. 9). They were then carried on the head and
shoulders, or along upon a yoke, to the "wine-press"
(J11). [Wise.] Those intended for eating were
perhaps put into flat open baskets of wickerwork, as
was the custom in Egypt (Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt, i.
43). In Palestine at present the finest grapes, says
Dr. Robinson, are dried as raisins, ttimmtk ( JHOV),
and the juke of the remainder, after having been
trodden and pressed, " is boiled down to a syrup
which, under the name ef dibs (C3^), is much used
by all classes, wherever vineyards are found, as a
condiment with their food." For further remarks on
the modes of making fermented drinks, fa;., of the
juice of the grape, see under Wine. The vineyard
(D73)> which was generally on a hill (Is. v. I ;
Jer. xxn. 5: Amos is. 13), was surrounded by a
wall or hedge in order to keep out the wild boars
(Pa. box. 13), jackals, and foxes (Num. xxii. 24 ;
Cant ii. 15; Neb., iv. 3; Ex. xiii. 4,5; Matt,
xri. 33), which commit sad havoc amongst the
vines, both by treading them down and by eating
the grapes. Within the vineyard was one or more
towers of stone in which the vine-dressers, otrtmim
(DlpiS), lived (Is. i. 8, v. 2 ; Matt xii. 33 ; see
also Kobinson, Bib. Rt$. i. 213 ; ii. 81). The press,
fath (HJ), and vat, yckeb (3i£), which was dug
(Matt. xxi. 33) or hewn out of the rocky soil, were
part ofthe vineyard furniture (Is. v. 2). SeeWnos,
p. 1774, for a figure of a large fbotpress with vat,
represented in operation. The winepress of the
Hebrews was probably of the form there depicted.
[Fat, p. 614 a.]
The vine in the Mosaic ritual was subject to
the usual restrictions of the " seventh year (Ex.
xxiii. 11;, and the jubilee of the fiftieth year (Lev.
xxv. 11). The gleanings, SUUth (JlMfe), were to
be left for the poor and stranger (Jer. xiii. 9;
Deut. xxir. 21). The vineyard was not to be
•own " with divers seeds " ( Deut xxii. 9), but fig-
trees were sometimes planted in vineyards (Luke
xiii. 6). Comp. 1 K. iv. 25 : " Every man under
his vine and under his fig-tree." Persons passing
through a vineyard were allowed to eat the grapes
therein, but not to carry any away (Deut. xxiii.
241. j
Itesides wild-luan- iacltaU and fuzes, other ene- '
TIKE OT SODOM
188A
rales, such •« birds, locusts, and caterpillars, occa-
sionally damaged the vines.
Beth-haccerem, " the house of the van, " (Jar.
vi. 1 j Neh. iii. 14), and Abal-ceramim, " the plain
of the vineyards," took their respective names from
their vicinity to vineyards. Gophna (now Jifna),
a few miles N. of Jerusalem, is stated by Eusebius
(Onom. ♦dptryj $6rpvos) to have derived its name
from its vines. But sea Ophhi. [W. H.]
TINE OF SODOM (D'lD JBJ.oepAsw fleo&w
a/isreXor Zoso/u»> : tinea Sodomorum) occurs only
in Deut xxxii. 32, where of the wicked it is said—
" their vine ia of the vine of Sodom, and of the
fields of Gomorrah." It ia generally supposed that
this passage alludes to the celebrated apples ot
Sodom, of which Joseph us (Bell. Jud. iv. 8, $4)
speaks, and to which apparently Tacitus (Hist. v. 6)
alludes. Much has been written on this curious
subject, and various trees have been conjectured to
be that which produced those
" Dead Sea fruits that tempt the eye.
Bat tarn to ashes on the lips,"
of which Moore and Byron sing.
The following is the account of these fruits, as
given by Josepbus : speaking of Sodom, he says—
" It was of old a happy land, both in respect of its
fruits, and the abundance of its cities. But now it
is all burnt np. Men say that, on account of the
wickedness of its inhabitants, it was destroyed by
lightning. At any rate, there are still to be seen
remains of the divine fire and traces of fine cities,
and moreover ashes produced in the fruits, which
indeed resemble edible fruit in colour, but, on being
plucked by the hand, are dissolved into smoke and
ashes." Tacitus is more general, and speaks of all
the herbs and flowers, whether growing wild 01
planted, turning black, and crumbling into ashes.
Some travellers, as Manndrell (Early Iran, in
Palatine, p. 454, Bohn, 1848), regard the whole
story as a nation, being unable either to see or heat
of any fruit that would answer the required de-
scription. Pococke supposed the apples of Sodom to
be pomegranates, " which, having a tough, hard rind,
and being left on the trees two or three years, may
be dried to dust inside, and the outside may remain
fair." Hasselquist (Irav. p. 287) seeks to iden-
tify the apples in question with the egg-shaped
fruit of the Sokmm melongena when attacked by
some species of tentkredo, which converts the whole
of the inside into dust while the rind remains
entire and keeps its colour. Section in his letters
to Baron Zach (Uenat. Correspond, xviii. p. 442)
thought he had discovered the apples of Sodom in
the fruit of a kind of cotton-tree, which grew in
the plain of El Gbor, and was known by the name
of Aitohar. The cotton ia contained in the fruit,
which is like a pomegranate, but ha* ni pulp.
Chateaubriand concludes the long-sought fruit to
be that of a thorny shrub with small taper leaves,
which in size aud colour is exactly like the little
Egyptian lemon; when dried, this fruit yields a
blackish seed, which may be compared to ashes, and
which in taste resembles bitter pepper. Burckhardt
(Trav. ia Syria, p. 392) and Irby and Mangles
believe that the tree which produces these cele-
brated apples is one which they saw abundantly
in the Ghor to the east of the Dead Sea, known by
the vernacular name of asheyr or oshar. This
tree bears a fruit of a reddish-yellow colour, about
three inches u> liameter, which contains a white
substance resembling the finest silk, and envelopina
1686
VINE OF SODOM
•om« seeds. This silk is collected by the Arabs,
snd twisted into matches for thrir firelocks. Dr.
Kobinson (Bib. Sea. i. 523), when at Am Jidy,
without knowing at the momei.t whether it had
been observed by former travellers or not, instantly
pronounced in favour of the 'other fruit being the
apples of Sodom. His account of this tree is
minute, and may well be quoted : — "The Saher of
the Arabs," which he identifies with the Aaclepiae
{Colvtropu) procera of botanists, "is found in
atundance in Upper Egypt and Nubia, and also
in Arabia Felix; but seems to be confined in
Palestine to the borders of the Dead Sea. We
saw it only at 'Ain Jidy; Hasselquist found it in
the desert between Jericho and the northern shore ;
and lrby and Mangles met with it of Urge size at
the south end of the sea, and on the isthmus of the
peninsula. We saw here several trees of the kind,
the trunks of which were six or eight inches in
diameter, and the whole height from ten to fifteen
feet. It has a greyish auk-like bark, with long
oval leaves .... it discharges copiously from
its broken leaves and Sowers a milky fluid. The
fruit greatly resembles externally a large smooth
apple or orange, hanging in clusters of three
or four together, and when ripe is of a yellow
colour. It was now fair and delicious to the eye,
and soft to the touch; but, on being pressed or
struck, it explodes with a puff, like a bladder or
pnff-ball, leaving in the hand only the shreds of the
thin rind and a few fibres. It is indeed filled
chiefly with air, which gives it the round form
.... after a due allowance for the marvellous in
all popular reports, I find nothing which does not
apply almost literally to the fruit of the 'osher, as
we saw it. It must be plucked and handled with
great care, in order to preserve it from bursting."
Mr. Walter Elliot, in an article " on the Poma
Sodomitica, or Dead-Sea apples" (Trans, of the
Extomot. iSoc. ii. p. 14, 1837-1840), endeavours
to show that the apples in question are oak galls,
which he found growing plentifully on dwarf oaks
I Qaereue utfectoria) in the country beyond the Jor-
dan. He tells us that the Arabs asked him to bite one
of these galls, and that they laughed when they saw
his mouth full of dust. "That these galls are the
true Dead-Sea apples," it is added, " there can no
longer be a question : nothing can be more beauti-
ful than their rich, glossy, purplish-red exterior :
nothing more bitter than their porous and easily
pulverized interior" (p. 16). The opinion of Po-
cocke may, we think, be dismissed st once as being
a most improbable conjecture. The objection to the
Solatium melongena is that the plant is not peculiar
to the shores or neighbourhood of the Sea of Sodom,
but is generally -Kstribrated throughout Palestine,
'jesides which it isnot likely that the fruit of which
Joseph us opeaks should be represented by occasional
diseased specimens of the fruit of the egg-apple ;
• ' Ton do not mention the Sotamvm Sodomaeum, which
1 thought had been quoted as one apple of the Dead See,
and which Is the plant I always thought to be as probably
the fruit In question as any other. The objection to
S. mdongena is, that It Is a cultivated plant; to the oak
gull, that It Is wholly absent from the Dead Sea dis-
trict, though it answers the description best, so far as
Its beautiful exterior and powdery bitter interior are
concerned.
"The Vine of Sodom, again, I always thought might
lefer to Cucussts colocyntAis [see Gosran, App. A], which
Is bitter and powdery Inside; tbo term vine would
scarcely to given to any but a trailing or other plant of
H>« habit of a vine. The objection Is the Cuiatropit
we must look for some plant, the normal dmeta
of whose fruit comes somewhere nearer to tot
required conditions. Seetsen's plant is the same at
that mentioned by Burckhardt, lrby and Mangles
and Kobinson, •*. e. the 'osher. Chateaubriaud't
thorny shrub, with fruit like small lemms, not
be the ZuAhum (BaUmite* Aegyptiaca), but it cer-
tainly cannot be the tree intended. It is not at aM
probable that the oak-galls of which Mr. Elliot
speaks should be the fruit in question; beauae
these being formed on a tree so generally known
as an oak, and being common in all countries,
would not have been a subject worthy of especial
remark, or have been noticed as something peculiar
to the district around the Sea of Sodom. The fruit
of the 'other appears to have the best cUim te
represent the apples of Sodom ; the Gsfao-qpo
procera is an Indian plant, and thrives in the
warm valley of 'Am Jidy, but is scarcely to be
found elsewhere in Palestine. The) readiness with
which its fruit, "fair to the eye," bursts whet
pressed, agrees well with Josephus's account; and
although there is a want of suitableness between
"the few fibres" of Robinson, and the "smoke sod
ashes " of the Jewish historian, yet, according te
a note by the editor of Seetsen's Letters, the fruit
of the Calotropia in winter contains a yellowish dust,
in appearance resembling certain fungi, but cf
pungent quality.* [W. H.]
VTNEOAB CrQh: <{•*: acettm). Theft,
brew term chomeU was applied to a beverage, con-
sisting generally of wine or strong drink turned
sour (whence its use was proscribed to the Kssv
arite, Mum. vi. 3), but sometimes arufioally
made by an admixture of barley and wine, aad
thus liable to fermentation (Misbn. Pet. 8, §1).
It was add even to a proverb (Prov. x. 26), ana
by itself formed a nauseous draught (Pa. Ixix. 21),
but was serviceable for the purpose of sapping
bread, as used by labourers (Ruth ii. 14). Tb»
degree of its acidity may be inferred from Prov.
xiv. 20, whese its effect on nitre is noticed. Simi-
lar to the chomett of the Hebrews was the actio*
of the Romans, — a thin, sour wine, consumed by
soldiers (Veget, Re Mil. iv. 7) either in a pure
state, or, more usually, mixed with water, wbea
it was termed posca (Plin. xix. 29 ; Sport. Hair.
10). This was the beverage of which the Saviour
partook in His dying moments (Matt, xxvii. 48;
Mark xv. 36 ; John xix. 29, 30), and doubtless it
was refreshing to His exhausted frame, though
offered in derision either on that occasion or pre-
viously (Luke xxiii. 36). The same liquid, min-
gled with gall (as St Matthew states, probably
with the view of marking the fulfilment of the
prediction in Pa. Ixix. 21), or with myrrh (as
St. Mark states with an eye to the exact historical
fact 1 ), was offered to the Saviour at an earlier stags
procera (AteUp. gigamtta, Ltn.) Is, that It as very scarce
and not characteristic of the district, being found to oss
spot only. The beautiful silky cotton would never
suggest the Idea of anything but what la exquhdtetj
lovely— ft Is Impossible to Imagine anything Bore bee*
tiral: to assume that a diseased slate of It was Intended,
la arguing ad ignotitm ab ignato and a very tar-reschsd
Idea." [J. a Boosts.]
Dr. Hooker's remark, that the term vine mast rater to
some plant of the habit of a vine, la conclusive ssnaestua
claims of all the plants hitherto Identified with the Va*
of Sodom. The C eoiocyiUaii alone possesses the iwratoe'
condition Implied In the name. fW. A]
> St. Mark Unas I obot MrpvpewuaVot. There is at
VINEYABDS\ PLAIN OF THE
af Hit sufferings, in order to deaden the perception of
faun (Matt, xxvii. 34 ; Hark xv. 23). [W. L. B.]
VINEYARDS, PLAIN OF THE 63S
0*0*13 : "E0«Xx a rV*«'' > Alex. A/3eA a/iTtkttimr :
Abel quae eat vineis omnia). This pUce, men-
tioned only in Judg. xi. 33, has been already noticed
under ABEL (5 : see vol. i. p. 4 a). To whnt he
has there said, the writer has only to call atten-
tion to the fact that a ruin bearing the name of
Beit el JCerm, — " house of the Tine," was encoun-
tered by De Saulcy to the north of Kerak (Narr.
i. 353). This may be the Abel ceramim of Jeph-
thah, if the Aroer named in the same passage is the
place of that name on the Anion ( W. Afojeb). It
is however by no means certain; and indeed the
probability is that the Ammonites, with the in-
i fiiict of a nomadic or semi-nomadic people, betook
Jiemselves, when attacked, not to the civilized and
tultivateJ country of Hoab (where Beit-el-Kerm
n situated), bat to the spreading deserts towards
the east, where they could disperse themselves after
the usual tactics of such tribes. [G.]
VIOL. For an explanation of the Hew iw word
translated " viol " see Pbaltert. The old English
viol, like the Spanish viguela, was a six-stringed
guitar. Mr. Chapped (Pop. Mm. I. 246) says
" the position of the ringers was marked on the
fingerboard by frets, as in guitars of the present
day. The ' Chest of Viols ' consisted of three, four,
five, or six of different sizes ; one for the treble,
others for the mean, the counter-tenor, the tenor,
and perhaps two for the bass." Etymologically
viol hi connected with the Dan. FM and the A. S.
tfoVfc, through the Fr. rfefe, Old Fr. vielle, Med.
Let. vUella. In the Promptoriitm Parvulorwn we
find " Fyyele, viells, fididna, vHella." Again, in
North's Plutarch (Antonixu, p. 980, ed. 1 595) there
i* s description of Cleopatra's barge, "the poope
whereof was of gold, the sailes of purple, and the
owers of silver, which kept stroke in rowing after
the sound of the musicke of Mutes, howboyes,
ertherns, vyolh, and such other instruments as
they played vpon in the barge." [W. A. W.]
VIPEB. [Skrpest.]
VOPH'SI (»DB1 : 2af3l ; Alex. 'Io/W: Vaptt).
Father of Nahbi, the spy selected from the tribe of
Naphtali (Num. xiii. 14).
VOWS.* The practice of making vows, i. e.
Incurring voluntary obligations to the Deity, on
fulfilment of certain conditions, such as deliverance
from death or danger, success in enterprises, and
the like, is of extremely ancient date, and common
in all systems of religion. The earliest mention of
a vow is that of Jacob, who, after his vision at
Beth-el, promised that in case of his safe return he
would dedicate to Jehovah the tenth of his goods,
and make the place in which he had set up the
memorial stone a place of worship (Gen. xxvifl.
18-22, xxxi. 13). Vows in general are also men-
tioned in the Book of Job fxxii. 27).
A-notig instances of heathen usage in this respect
the following passages may be cited : Jer. xliv. 25,
and Jonah L 16 ; Horn. II. i. 64, 93, vi. 93, 308 ;
Odyss.Ai. 382; Xen. Anab. iii. 2, §12; Virg.
JtfficaliT to Iht application of olm sad &f« to the ssaae
substance; bat whether the pn-4 xeAirt nquypinr ct
St. Mattbew con In any wsy be IdtiUnrd with the
i*»mwio),e-af of Hark Is doubtful. The term <oAj
VOWB
168?
Otorg. I. 436; Am. v. 234; Hot. Osraa. i. 5,
13, ili. 29, 59; Liv. Jtxii. 9, 10; Cic Ait. viii,
16 ; Justin xxi. 3 ; a passage which speaks of ink
moral rows; Veil. Pat. il. 48.
The Law therefore did not introduce, but regu-
lated the practice of vows. Three sorts are men*
tioned — I. Vows of devotion, Seder ; U. Vows of
abstinence, Exxr or Iur ; 1X1. Vows of destruc-
tion, Cherem.
I. As to vows of devotion, the following rules
are laid down : A man might devote to sacred uses
possessions or persons, but not the first-born either
of man or beast, which was devoted already (Lev.
xxvii. 26.) [First-born.]
a. If he vowed land, he might either redeem it
or not. If he intended to redeem, two points were
to be considered, 1. the rate of redemption ; 2. the
distance, prospectively and retrospectively, from
the year of jubilee. The price of redemption was
fixed at 50 shekels of silver for the quantity of
land which a homer of barley (eight bushels)
would suffice to sow (Lev. xxtu, 16 ; see Knobel),
This payment might be abated under the direction
of the priest according to the distance of time from
Ihe jubilee-year. But at whatever time it was re-
deemed, he was required to add to the redemption-
price one-fifth (20 per cent) of the estimated value.
If he sold the land in the mean time, it might not
then be redeemed at all, but was to go to the priests
in the jubilee-year (ver. 20).
The purchaser of land, in case he devoted and
also wished to redeem it, was required to pay a
redemption-price according to the priestly valua-
tion first mentioned, but without the additional
fifth. In this case, however, the land was to revert
in the jubilee to its original owner (Lev. xxvii. 16;
24, xxv. 27 ; Keil, Htbr. Arch. §66, 80).
The valuation here laid down is evidently based
on the notion of annual value. Supposing land to
require for seed about 3 bushels of barley per
acre, the homer, at the rate of 32 pecks, or 8
bushels, would be sufficient for about 2) or 3
acres. Fifty shekels, 25 ounces of silver, at five
shillings the ounce, would give 6/. 5s., and the
yearly valuation would thus amount to about '11.
|ier acre.
The owner who wished to redeem, would thus
be required to pay either an annual rent or a
redemption-price answering to the number of yean
short of the jubilee, but deducting Sabbatical years
(Lev. xxv. a, 15, 16), and adding a fifth, or 20
per cent, in either case. Thus, if a man devoted
on acre of land in the jubilee year, and redeemed it
in the some year, he would pay a redemption price
of 49-6 = 43 years' value, + 20 per cent, a:
103/. 4»„ or an annual rent of 21. 8s. ; a rate by
no means excessive when we consider, 1. the
prospect of restoration in the jubilee; 2. the un-
doubted fertility of the soil, which even now, under
all disadvantages, sometimes yield: an hundredfold
(Burckhardt, Syria, p. 297).
If he refused or was unable to redeem, either the
next of kin (Goel) came forward, as he hod liberty
to do, or, if no redemption was effected, the lane
became the property of the priests (Lev. xxr. 25,
xxvii. 21 ; Rulr iil.'l2, iv. 1, ire.).
In the case of a house devoted, its value was to
may well have been applied to some soporific snbstano*.
• WTIi, from TH," to make vow" (Q*s.(H> See
•r: -»
also AMTsni.
16R3
VOWB
he ttstfvd by the priest, and a fifth aJJrd 'o the
mlemption prioe m case it <vm redeemed (L*v.
xxv:i. IS). Whether the rale held good regarding
houses in walled i tin, viz., that the liberty of
redemption lasted oury for on* year, is not certain ;
but as it does no*, appear, that houses devoted bat
not redeemer became the property of the priests,
and as the Levites and priests had special towns
assigned to them, it seems likely that the price
only of the house, and not the house itself, was
made over to sacred uses, and thus that the act of
consecration of a house means, in fact, the consecra-
tion of its value. The Mishna, however, says, that
if a devoted house fell down, the owner was not
liable to payment, but that he was liable if he had
devoted the value of the house (Eracin, v. 5).
4. Animals fit for sacrifice, if devoted, were not
to be redeemed or changed, and if a man attempted
to do so, he was required to bring both the devotee
and the changeling (Lev. xxvii. 9, 10, 83). They
were to be free from blemish (Mai. i. 14). An
animal unfit for sacrifice might be redeemed, with
the addition to the priest's valuation of a fifth,
or it became the property of the priests, Lev. xxvii.
12, IS. [Opfebxno.]
c. The case of persons devoted stood thus: A
man might devote either himself, his child (not the
first-born), or hit slave. If no redemption took
place, the devoted person became a slave of the
sanctuary — see the case of Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 8 ;
Michaelia, §124, ii. 166, ed. Smith). [Nazahite.]
Otherwise he might be redeemed at a valuation
a<cording to age and sex, on the following scale
.Lev. xxvii. 1-7):
A. 1. A male from one month to 5 years old, £. a. d.
(shekel* =o 11 a
a. From a yean to 20 years, 10 shekels .=110 4
J. From 10 years to 60 rears, 60 shekels. >| 6
4. Above 60 years, IS shekels . . . = 1 II (
B. 1. Females from one mouth to 6 yean,
S shekels =0 1 <
a. From 6 years to 10 years, 10 shekels .=110
3. From 20 years to 60 years, 30 shekels . = 3 18
4. Above to years, 10 shekels . . . .=160
If the person were too poor to pay the redemption
price, his value was to be estimated by the priest,
not, as Michaelis says, the civil magistrate (Lev.
xxvii. 8 ; Dent. xxi. 5 ; Mich. §145, ii. 283).
Among general regulations affecting vows, the
following may be mentioned: —
1. Vows were entirely voluntary, but once made
were regarded aa compulsory, and evasion of per-
formance of them was held to be contrary to true
religion (Num. xxx. 2 ; Deut. xxiii. 21 ; Eccl. v. 4).
2. If persona in a dependent condition made
vows, as (a) an unmarried daughter living in her
lather's house, or (6) a wife, even if the afterwards
tacame a widow, the vow, if (a) in the first case
her father, or (6) in the second, her husband heard
and disallowed it, was void ; but if they heard
without disallowance, it was to remain good (Num.
xxx. 3-16). Whether this principle extended to
all children and to slaves n wholly uncertain, at
no mention is made of them in Scripture, nor by
Pliilo when he discusses the question ^ifa Spec. Leg.
6, ii. 274, ed. Mangey). Michaelh thinks the
omission of sons implies absence of lower to control
them (§83, i. 447).
3. Votive offerings arising from the produce of
any impure traffic were wholly forbidden (Deut.
xxiii. 18). A question has risen on this part of
the subject an to the meaning of the word celeb,
Vm/?ATE, TKB
Sog, which is understood to refer either to Bxnr>tr»l
intercourse of the grossest kind, or literally mi
simply to the usual meaning of the word. The
prohibition against dedication to sacred uses of pa
obtained by female prostitution was doubUea
directed against the practice which prevailed in
Phoenicia, Babylonia, and Syria, of which mentiea
ia made in Lev. xix. 29; Baruch vi. 43; Herod,
i. 199; Strabo, p. 561; August. d» en. Dti.lT.
10, and other authorities quoted by Spencer, idt
leg. Hebr. ii. 35, p. 566). Following out that
view, and bearing in mind the mention made is
2 K. xxiii. 7, of a practice evidently connected with
idolatrous worship, the word celeb has been some-
times rendered cinaedus ; some have understood it
to refer to the first-born, but Spencer himself,
ii. 35, p. 572 ; Josephus, Ant. iv. 8, §9 ; Gem. ii.
685, and the Mishna, Temurah, vi. 3, all uader-
stand dog in the literal sense. [Dog. J
II., III. For vows of abstinence, see COBBAJ ;
and for vows of extermination, AhathksU, sri
Ear. x. 8; Miciv. 13.
Vows in general and their binding force as a test
of religion are mentioned — Job xxii. 27 ; Prov. vii.
14; Pa. xxii. 25, 1. 14, lvi. 12, lxvi. 13, ciri. 14;
Is. xix. 21 ; Mah. i. 15.
Certain refinements on votive consecrations art
noticed in the Mishna, e.g. :
1. No evasion of a vow was to be allowed which
substituted a part for the whole, as, " I vowed a
sheep but not the bones " (Nedar. ii. 5).
2. A man devoting an ox or a house, was net
liable if the ox was lost, or the house fell dowtj
but otherwise, if he had devoted the value of the
one or the other of these.
3. No devotions might be made within two
years before the jubilee, nor redemptions within
the year following it. if a son redeemed his
father's land, he was to restore it to him in the
jubilee (Erac. vri. 3).
4. A man might devote some of his nock, herd,
and heathen slaves, but not all these (ibid. viii. 4).
5. Devotions by priests were not redeemable, but
were transferred to other priests (ib. 6).
6. A nan who rowed not to sleep on a bed, might
sleep on a airin if he pleased (Otho, Lex. Habb.f. 67.il.
7. The sums of money arising from votive con-
secrations were divided into two parts, sacred (I : to
the altar ; (2) to the repairs of the Temple (Kelaod.
Ant. c. x. §4).
It seems that the practice of shaving the hoi at
the expiration of a votive period, was out limited t»
the Nazaritic vow (Acts xviii. 18, xxi. 24).
The practice of vowa in the Christian Chunk,
though evidently not forbidden, as the instance just
quoted serves to show, does not come within tit
scope of the present article (see Bingham, A*r»?.
xvi. 7, 9, and Suicer, tbxh). [H. W. P.'
VULGATE, THE. (Latiw Vkesiow at
THE Bible.) The influence which the Latin Ver-
sions of the Bible lure exercised upon Westers
Christianity is scarcely .ess than that of the LXX.
upon the Greek Churcnes. But both the Greek
and the Latin Vulgates have been long neglected.
The revival of letters, bringing with it the study of
the original texts of Holy Scripture, checked for I
tune the study of these two great bulwarks of tat
Greek and Latin Churches, for the LXX. in fed
belongs rather to the history of Christianity than to
the history cf Judaism, and, in spite of met
labours, their spstence is even now hr>Hy reitf
▼TOX3ATE. THE
saod. In the case of the Vol^U, ecclealssitnil )
.xKiciwersies have still further nuneded all efforts
>S" liberal criticism. The Komauui (till lately)
"■_; 1 ixbd the Clementine text as fixed oeyood appeal ;
die 1'i-otestant shrank from examining a subject
which seemed to belong peculiarly to the Romania.
Vet, spart from nil polemical questions, the Vulgate
*h'iul'l hare a very deep interest for all the Western
Churches. Kor many centuries it was the only
l'.ilile generally used ; and, directly or indirectly, it
19 the real parent of all the vernacular versions of
Western Curope. The Gothic Version of (Jlphilas
atone U independent of it, for the Slavonic and mo-
iem Russian versious are necessarily not taken into
Hcfouct. With England it has a peculiarly close
connexion. The eai-liest translations made from it
were the (lost) books of Bede, and the Ukases on
Hie Psalms and Gospels of the 8th and 9th oen-
tures (ed. Thorpe, Loud. 1835, 1842). In the
loth century Aeltric translated considerable por-
tions of the 0. T. {Heptateuchus, Stc, ed. Thwaites,
Oxoo. 1698). But the most important monument
of its influence is the great English Version of
Wiclif (1324-1384, ed. Korshall and Madden, Uxfil.
1850), which is a literal rendering of the current
Vulgate text. In the age of the Reformation the
Vulgate was rather the guide than the source of
the popular versions. The Romanist translations
into German (Michaelis, ed. Marsh, ii. 107),
Krench, Italian, and Spanish, were naturally de-
rived from the Vulgate (R. Simon, Hist. Crit. N.
T. Cap. 28, 29, 40, 41). Of others, that of Luther
' N. T. in 1523) was the most important, and in this
the Vulgate had great weight, though it was made
with such use of the originals as was possible.
Krom Luther the influence of the Latin passed to
>ur own Authorised Version. Tyndale had spent
lome time abroad, and was acquainted with Luther
before be published his version of the N. T. in
I.VJI3. Tyndale' s version of the 0. T„ which was
junnished at the time of his martyrdom (1536),
was completed by Coverdale, and in this the in-
i uence of the Latin and German translations was
predominant. A proof of this remains in the Psalter
>f the Prayer Book, which was taken from the
• Great English Bible" (1539, 1540), which was
nTely a new edition of that called Matthew's,
which was itself taken from Tyndale and Coverdale.
This version of the Psalms follows the Gallican
r*salter, a revision of the Old Latin, made by
leroroe, and afterwards introduced into his new
initiation (comp. $22), and differs in many re-
.jwts from the Hebrew tsxt («. g. Ps. xiv.). It
would be out of place to follow this question into
letail here. It is enough to remember that the
i rst translators of our Bible had been familiarised
erith the Vulgate from their youth, and could not
■are cast off the influence of early association. But
.h« claims of the Vulgate to the attention of
L-holars net on wider grounds. It is not only the
«~. ii roe of our current theological terminology, but
t is, in one shape or other, the most important early
v itness to the text and interpretation of the whole
iible. The materials available for the accurate
eudy of it are unfortunately at present as scanty
-. those yet unexamined are rich and varied (comp.
t 30 ;. The chief original works bearing on the
' ulgtte generally are —
it. Simon, Histeire Critique dat V. T. 1678-85:
V. T. 1689-93.
liodr, De Bibiionun textibut originalibs.i,
smwi 1705.
VULGATE, THE
lfi89
Maitianay, Hicron. Opp. (ririr, 161):i, with thv
prelkces aud additions of ValUrsi, Verona, 1734!
and Mam, Venice, 1767).
Wan Aim {Blanchmus not BlamcMm), Ftatvaui
Canon. S3. Vulg. Lot. Edit. Komae, 1740.
Bukentop, Lux de Luce . . . BruxeUis, 1710.
Sabatier, Bibt. S&. Lot. Vera. Ant., llemis,
1743.
Van Ess, ProgmotiscK-kritisohe Qesch. d. Vulg.
Tubingen, 1824.
Veroellone, Variae Lectiones Vulg. Lot. Bibli-
orum, torn, i., Roman, 1860; torn, ii., pars prior,
1862.
In addition to these there are the controversial
works of Mariana, Bellarmin, Waitaker, Koike, Sx.,
and numerous essays by Calmet, D. Schulz, Fleck,
Riegler, &c., and in the N. T. the labours of Bent-
ley, Sanftl, Griesbach, Schulz, Lachmann, Ti«-
gelles, and Tiscbendorf, have collected a great
amount of critical materials. But it is not too
much to say that the noble work of Vercellone has
made an epoch in the study of the Vulgate, and
the chief results which follow from the first in-
stalment of his collations are here for the first time
incorporated in its history. The subject will be
treated under the following beads :—
I. The Origin and History or tub name
VULGATE. §§ 1-3.
II. Tub Old Latin Versions. §§4-13. Ori-
gin, 4-5. Cltaracter, 6. Canon, 7. faviskms:
Itala, 8-11. Remain, 12-13.
HI. The Labouri or Jerome. §§ 14-20.
Occasion, 14. Revision of Old Latin of N. T., 15-
17. Gospels, 15-16. Acts, Epittkt, be., 17.
Revision of 0. T. from the LXX., 18, 19. Trans-
lation of 0. T. from the Hebrew, 20.
IV. The History of Jerome's Translation
to the Introduction op 1'rintino. §§ 21-24.
Corruption of Jerome's text, 21-22. Revision of
Alcuin, 23. Later revisions : divisions of t/te text,
24.
V. The Historv of the Printed Text.
§§ 25-29. Early edition!, 25. The Sixtine and
Clementine Vulgates, 26. Their relative merits,
27. Later editions, 28, 29.
VI. The Materials for the Revision of
Jerome's Text. §§ 30-32. Jsf&S. tf 0. T., 30,
31. Of iv*. T., 32.
VII. The Critical Value of the Latin
Versions. §§ 33-39. In 0. T„ 33. In X T«
34-38. Jerome's Revision, 34-36. The OldLatm,
37. Interpretation, 39.
VIII. The Language of the Latin Ver-
sions. §§40-45. Provincialisms, 41,42. Orae-
cisms, 43. Influence on Modern Language, 45.
I. The Origin and History of the name
Vulgate. — 1. The name Vulgate, which is equi-
valent to Vulgata editio (the current text of Holy
Scripture), has necessarily been used differently iu
various ages of the Church. There can be no
doubt that the phrase originally answered to the
coirr) tictovu of the Greek Scriptures. In this
sense it is used constantly by Jerome in his Com-
mentaries, and his language explains sufficiently
the origin of the term : "Hocjuxta LXX. interpietee
diximus, quorum editio toto arte vulgata est "
(Hiersn. Comrn. in Is. lxr. 20). " Multum in hoe
1'jco LXX. editio Hebraicumque discordant. Pii-
mum ergo de Yuljata edition* tractabimus et
pontes sequenmr crdinem veritatis" (id. xxx. 22),
In some places Jerome distinctly quotes the tines
i«w
VULOATE, TMK
lot: " Turn in editinne Vulgate dupliciter leg.mus ;
quidam «nim codices habent SqXoI flirty, hoc est
mawfetti mil : alii BeiAoIof fifty, hoc est meticu-
kmi fire mittri aunt " ( Comm. in Out, vii. 13 ; comp.
8-11, Itc). But generally he regard* the Old
Latin, which w*» rendered from the LXX., u »ub-
stantially Identical with it, and thua introdocca
Latin quotation* under the name of the LXX. or
Vulgata tditio: "... miror quomodo vulgata edi-
tio . . . testimonium alia interpretatione aubver-
terit : Congrtgabor et glorificabor coram Domino.
. . . Illnd autem quod in LXX. legitur : Congre-
tabor et glorifi /abor coram Domino ..." {Comm.
in/a. xlix.5). So again : " Philisthaeos . . . oiitni-
getuu Vulgata acribit editio*' (ib. xiv. 29). « . . .
Palaestinis, quo* indifferentar LXX. oMenigenos vo-
lant" {in Extk. xvi. 27). In thi* way the trans-
ference of the name from the current Greek text
to the current Latin text became easy and natural ;
but there doe* not appear to be any initance in the
tge of Jerome of the application of the term to the
Latin Version of the 0. T. without regard to it*
derivation from the LXX., or to that of the N. T.
2. Yet more: a* the phrase a-ouH) fcooo-is came
to signify an uncorrected (and so corrupt) text, the
same secondary meaning was attached to vulgata
tditio. Thus in some places the vulgata tditio
stands in contrast with the true Hexaplaric text of
the LXX. One passage will place this in the clearest
light: ** . . . breviter admoneo alum ease editionem
quam Origenes et Caeaariensis Eusebius, omnesque
Graeciae tranalatoras Kotri)*, id est, comtmmem ap-
pellant, atque vulgatom, et a plerisqne nunc Ao»-
ttarbt dicitur; aliam LXX. interpretum quae in
i(ar\t!t oodicibus reperitur, et a nobis in Latinum
sermonem fideliter versa est . . . Koia-^r autem
lata, hoc est, Communis tditio, ipsa est quae et
LXX., sad boo interest inter utramque, quod
awl) pro locis et temporibus et pro roluntate
scriptorum vetus comipta editio eat; ea autem
quae habetur in ({aa-AoTt et quam no* vertimus,
ipsa est quae in eruditorum libri* incorrupt* et
immaculate LXX. interpretum tramlatio reserratur"
(Ep. cvi. ad Sun. et fret. § 2).
3. Thi* use of the phrase Vulgata tditio to de-
scribe the LXX. (and the Latin Version of the
LXX.) was continued to later times. It is sup-
ported by the authority of Augustine, Ado of
Vienna (a.d. 860), R. Bacon, &c. ; and Bellarmin
distinctly recognize* the application of the term, so
that Van Ess is justified in saying that the Couicil
of Trent erred in a point of history when they de-
scribed Jerome's Version a* " vetue et vulgata
editio, quae longo tot aaeculorum usu in ipsa
eeelesia probata est " (Van Ess, Gesch. 84). As
a general rule, the Latin Fathers speak of Je-
rome's Version a* " our " Version (noetra editio,
rastri oodioa) ; but it was not unnatural that the
Tridentine Fathers (as many later scholars) should
be misled by the association* of their own time,
and adapt to new circumstances terms which had
grc-aru obsolete in their original sense. And when
■ This baa been established with toe greatest fulness
ay Card. Wiseman, Two Letters ea 1 Joan ▼. 7, addressed
to the editor of the CatMtic Magatint, 1833-3 ; republished
with additions. Rome, 1835; and again In his collected
ibHOfa, rol. L 1863. Efchhora and Hug bad maintained
the same opinion; and lortimann hss further confirmed It
{.X. T. I. ITatf.y.
* In toe absence of all evidence It la Impossible to say
bow far the Christians of the Italian provinces used toe
Ureek or Latin language habitually.
VULGATE, TUB
the difference of the (Greek) » Vulgate " J the early
Church, and the ( Latin) " Vulgate " of the modern
Roman Church has once been apprehended, ui
further difficulty need arise from the identity oi
name. (Compare Augustine, Ed. Stmdici. Paris
1836, torn. V. p. xxxiii. ; Sabatier, i. 792 ; Van Est,
Oetch. 24-42, who gives very foil and conclusive
references, though he tails to peraeire that the Oli
Latin was practically identified with the LXX.)
II. The Old Latin Versions, — 4. The history
of the earliest Latin Version of the Bible is lost is
complete obscurity. All that can be affirmed with
certainty is that it was maa« in Africa.* Duriug
the first two centuries the Church of Rome, to
which we naturally look for tho source of the
version now identified with it, was essentially Greek.
The Roman bishops bear Greek names ; the tarliest
Roman liturgy was Greek ; the few remains of the
Christian literature of Rome are Greek. 1 The ssnx
remark holds true of Gaul (comp. Westcott, SiiL
of Canon of S. T. pp. 269, 270, and reff.) ; bat
the Church of N. Africa, seems to have been Latm-
speaking from the first. At what date this Chares
was founded is uncertain. A passage of Augustine
(c. Donat. Ep. 37) seems to imply that Africa was
converted late ; but if so, the Gospel spread there
"of the ae
with remarkable rapidity. At the end e
century Christians were found in every rank, and
in every place; and the master-spirit of Tertul-
lian, the first of the Latin Fathers, was then raised
up to give utterance to the passionate thoughts of bia
native Church. It ia therefore from Tertallian that
we must seek the earliest testimony to the crjstnre
and character of the Old Latin (Vetut Latino).
5. On the first point the evidence of Tertuluak,
if candidly examined, is decisive. He distinctly re-
cognizes the general currency of a Latin Version sf
the N. T., though not necessarily of every book at
present included in the Canon, which even in his
time had been able to mould the popular language
(adv. Prax. 5 : In usu est nostrorum per shnplid-
tatem interpretatiouis . . . De liomg. 11 : Soamus
plane non sic esse in Graeco authentico quomodo in
usum exiit per duarum syllabarum aut callidam aut
simplicem eversionem . . .). This was characterized
by a " rudeness " and " simplicity," which seems
to point to the nature of its origiu. In the words
of Augustine (Dedoctr. Christ, ii. 16 (11)), "any
one in the first age* of Christianity who gained
possession of a Greek MS., and fancied that be had
a lair knowledge of Greek and Latin, ventured t*
translate it." (Qui acripturas ex Hebrew lingua ia
Graecam verterunt numerari possunt ; Latini antem
interprets* nullo modo. TJt enim cuivia primia
fidei temporibus in menus venit Codex Graecua, et
aliquantulum facultatis sdbi utriusque linguae habere
videbatur, ausu* est interpretari.)* Tbns the vo
•ion of the N. T. appears to have arisen tram indi-
vidual and successive efforts ; but it dean aut folk*
by any means that numeroue veraiaaw were simul-
taneously circulated, or that the several parts of
the version were made independently.* Evan if it
• Card. Wiseman has shown (Asaye. L »t, J») that
"interpretor" and -verto" any be seed of a ictu*d*;
but in connexion with primUJuIti tesapsrihas tbejf sw
certainly to describe the origin of the Vendon.
• It would be out of place here to point aut nusote
differences In rendering which show that the tranaauiss
was the work of different bands. Mill (Pntaas. ill ft)
hss made some Interesting collections to a stabn asi the
result, but be places too much nuance ea Use ver»o
of D, (Ood. BeaseV
VULGATE, THK
bid been so, the exigencies of the public service
unit soon have given definiteness and substantial
unity to the fragmentary labours of individuals.
The work of private hands would neoewarilv be sub-
ject to revUioL tor ecclesiastical use. The separate
hixr; would be united in a volume; and thus a
tar 'ird text of the whole collection would be esta-
ol» v >d. With regard to the 0. T. the case is less
clear. It is probable that the Jews who were settled
m X. Africa were confined to the Gree> towns ;
otherwise it might be supposed that the Latin
V vision of the 5. T. is in part anterior to the
Christian era, and that (as in the case of Greek) a
preparation for a Christian Latin dialect was already
made when the Gospel was introduced into Africa.
However this may have been, the substantial simi-
larity of the different parts of the Old and New
Testaments establishes a real connexion between
them, and justifies the belief that there was one
popular Latin version of the Bible current in Africa
in the last quarter of the second century. Many
words which are either Greek (machaera, sophis,
periioma, poderis, agonizo, tie.) or literal transla-
tions of Greek forms (vivifico, justifies, Ik.) abound
in both, and explain what Tertullian meant when
lie spoke of the " simplicity" of the translation
[compare below § 43).
6. The exact literality of the Old Version was
>ot confined to the most minute observance of order
md the accurate reflection of the words of the ori-
ginal: in many cases the very forms Of Greek
xmstruction were retained in violation of Latin
isage. A few examples of these singular anomalies
rill convoy a better idea of the absolute certainty
with which the Latin commonly indicates the text
which the translator had before him, than any general
itatemeuta: Matt. iv. 13, habitavit in Capharnaum
naritimam ; id. 15, tern Neptalim nam maris ; id.
15, ab JeronlymU . . . et trans Jordanem ; v. 22,
•eus erit in gthetmam ignis; vi. 19, obi tinea et
omeetura extenninat. Mark xii. 31, majut horum
yraeceptorum aliud non est. Luke X. 19, nihil tot
wcebit. Acts xix. 26, non solum Ephesi sed paene
utiwt Aeiae. Rom. ii. 15, inter as cogitationum
VULGATE, THE
1691
aooutarMum vel etiam defendentium. 1 Cor. vii,
32, sollicitus est quae sunt Domini. It is obvious
that there was ■ continual tendency to alter expres-
sions like these, ana hi the first age of the Version
it is not improbable that the continual Graecism
which marks the Latin texts of 0, (Cod. Bezae),
and E, ( Cod. Laud.), had a wider currency than it
could maintain afterwards,
7. With regard to the African Canon of toe
N. T. the old Version offers important evidence.
From considerations of style and language it seems
certain that the Epistle to the Hebrews, James, and
2 Peter, did not form part of the original African
Version, a conclusion which falls in with that which
is derived from historical testimony (comp. The
Hist, of the Canon of Hie N. T. p. 282 ff.). In
the 0. T., on the other hand, the Old Latin erred
by excess and not by defect ; for as the Version was
made from the current copies of the LXX., it included
the Apocryphal books which are commonly contained
in them, and to these 2 Esdraa was early added.
8. After the translation once received a definite
shape in Africa, which could not have been long
after the middle of the second century, it was not
publicly revised. The old text was jealously guarded
by ecclesiastical use, and was retained there at a
time when Jerome's version was elsewhere almost
universally received. The well-known story of the
disturbance caused by the attempt of an African
bishop to introduce Jerome's " cucvrbita " for the
old " htdera " in the history of Jonah (August. Bp.
civ. ap. Hieron. Epp., quoted by Tregelles, Intro-
duction, p. 242) shows how carefully intentional
changes were avoided. But at the same time the
text suffered by the natural corruptions of copying,
especially by interpolations, a form of error to
which the Gospels were particularly exposed (comp.
{ 15). In the 0. T. the version was made from
the unrevised edition of the LXX., and thus from
the first included many false readings, of which
Jerome often notices instances (e. g. Ep. cvi. ad
Sun. et Fret.). In Table A two texts of the Old
Latin are placed for comparison with the Vulgate
of Jerome.
Cod. rPtrosb.
recatos sum Dommum Deorn
seam et dlxl :
tocnine Dens, msgne et mtrsbuis,
[ul »ervss tatamentura town,
t ulsertcordlsm dlUgentlbus te,
t servantlbu* prsecepU tua :
■eccavimus, feclniw injuria*,
eeutasus ft deoUnsvunus
prarcrptls tab et a Judidle tuts,
t non exsudlvlmus servos tuos pro-
teins,
al koquebsntnr ad reges nostras,
t ad onuses mbuIoi terras.
1W. Dmascjostltla:
obis aalam, et/ratribut neetrit,
tmf iwlo Uriel ;
leal dies hlo Tiro Judat
t utkaoitantOat Hlenuelem,
t omni Israel,
ul proxlml aunt at qui long* sunt,
i qua eus dlasemlnasil Ibl,
Datmnacia eorum,
ua exprabaverunt tlbf, Domlne.
TABLE A. Dax. ix.4-8.*
August. JSp. czl. ail Victor.
Preostns sum Dumtnum l)eum meum.
et eonftuuM turn et dixl :
Domlne Deas, msgne et mlrsbws,
at qui servos testameutum tuum,
et mlserlcordlsm dlllgratlbui te,
et serrsntlbus prsecepta tua :
Fseravhans, otuerns basest fectmus,
aajne tgimut et rssntisHi ei de-
cllnsvlmus
a prsecepus tats et s Judteus tuts,
el non ezsudlrlmus servos tuos pro-
phetas,
qui ioquebsntur as nomine tuo sd
rages nostros.
etadc
lpODUlMSS
TIM, DoaunSkJasUuas
nobis sutem
confusio fitdel ;
Sicul dies hie vtro Ado,
et tabUamtOmt Jerusalem,
et omnl Israel.
2ul proxlml sunt et qui long* sunt,
s osrni terra In qua eos dia*eml-
nseti ibl,
propter eontumsclam eorom,
quia improbaverunt te, Domlne.
Tulgntnnm
Oravi Donunum Deum i
et coofesms sum 1 et dUl :
Oteeon Domlne Dens, msgne el tjr-
nbOie.
euttoiient pactum,
et mlwrlcordlam dlUgentlbus ta,
et cuttodientibut mandate, ras :
Peccavlmus, miquihilcm' feelmts,
imple egimus, et recesstmns et do*
cllnsvtmus
a swndarti tnls ae Jndlclls,
Non ooediviwau sends tuis pr>
pbetls,
qui locuti runt In nomine tuo regions
nostril,
prlndplbus nostrls, pstribus nostrls.
TtbLDoi
• The differences in the two lint columns sre marked fcy Italics. The
mliee in ool. 3 nark when lbs text of Jerome dinars from both Um other
Tlbl,l)omme,JusUtia:
nobis solera *
conAislo ficlet ;
Scut tit kodie vtro Jnda'
et hatritatortbut Jerusalem.
etomnl Israel,
Ail qui pro/* sunt, et *u qui prxuL
in vnioersii terrie sd quas ejected
eos
propter inupiitaUt aorum,
in quibut penmemnt ra te.
• «4 e. a. eas. Tot
• a.ssa.Tri.
> rn.osi.Tol.
• tnlqoe.Tot
» Joase. Tot.
1692
VULGATK, THE
9. Toe Latin translator of Irenaeus was pro-
bably contemporary with TertuUian,' and his
renderings of the quotr<tions from Scripture con-
firm the conclusions which have been already drawn
as to the currency of (substantially) one Latin
version. It doe» not appear that he had a Latin
MS. before him during the execution of his work,
but he was go familiar with the common transla-
tion that he reproduces aontinually characteristic
phrases which he cannot be supposed to hare
derived from any other source (Lachmann, A*. T.
i. pp. x. xi.). Cyprian (f a.d. 257) carries on
the chain of testimony far through the next cen-
tury ; and he is followed by Lactantius, Juvencus,
J. Kirmicus Maternus, HiLary the deacon (Am-
bt -Master), Hilary of Poitiers (t a.d. 449), and
Lucifer of Cagliari (f A.D. 370). Ambrose
ana Augustine exhibit s peculiar recension of the
same text, and Jerome offers sonrf traces of it.
From this date HSS. of parts of the African text
have been preserved (§12), and it is unnecessary
to trace the history of its transmission to a later
time.
10. But while the earliest Latin Version was
S reserved generally unchanged in N. Africa, it fared
itferently in Italy. There the provincial rudeness
of the version was necessarily more offensive, and
the comparative familiarity of the leading bishops
with the Greek texts made a revision at once more
feasible and less startling to their congregations.
Thus in the fourth century a definite ecclesiastical
recension (of the Gospels at least) appears to have
been made in N. Italy by reference to the Greek,
which was distinguished by the name of Ilala.
This Augustine recommends on the ground of its
close accuracy and its perspicuity (Aug. De Doctr.
Chritt. 15, in ipsis interpretationibus Italaf caeteris
nraeseratur, nam est verborum tenacior cum per-
spicuitaie sententiae), and the text of the Gospels
which he follows is marked by the latter charac-
teristic when compared with the African. In the
other books the difference cannot be traced with
accuracy ; and it has not yet been accurately deter-
mined whether other national recensions may not
have existed (as seems certain from the evidence
which the writer has collected) in Ireland (Britain),
Gaul, and Spain.
11. The Ilala appears to have been made in
some degree with authority: other revisions were
made for private use, in which such changes were
introduced as suited the taste of scribe or critic.
The next stage in the deterioration of the text was
the intermixture of these various revisions ; so that
at the close of the fourth century the Gospels wen
in such a state as to call for that final recension
which was made by Jerome. What was the nature
of this confusion will be seen from the accompanying
tables (B and C, on opposite page) more clearly
than from a lengthened description.
12. The MSS. of the Old Latin which have been
' It should be added that Dodwell places htm much
latar, at the cloee of the 4th cent. Comp. Orabe, Jnrottgg.
id 'no. 1L , 3.
a It la nnnecessaty now to examine tbe conjectures
which hsve been proposed, usitata-qvae, illa-ovae. They
were saade st a time when the history of the Old Latin
• To these must probably be added the MSS. of Genesis
and the Psalter In Uie possession of Lord Asuburaham,
»M to be "or the fourth century."
Tbe text of tbe Oxford MS. (So. IS) Is extremely
ml .Trotting, and oners many coincidence* with the earnest
VULGATE, THK
preserved exhibit the various forms of that vmA
which have been already noticed. Those <* i>
Gospels, for the reason which has been gitesu p -f
sent the different types of text with immBum
clearness. In the O. T. the MS. remain* ar» k<
scanty to allow of a satisfactory rlaau lira tup.
i. MSS. of the Old Latm Version of the O. T.
1. Fragments of Gen. (xxxvii., sxxvni.. ii_
xlvi., xlriii.-l., parts) sad Ex. (*.. a., xv.
xrri., rxiii.-xxvti., parts) from Cod. E t
of the Vulgate: VereeOone, i. pp. 1>~»
307-10.
2. Fragments (scattered verses) of the Pet*
tench: Mfinter, MuotU. Bafm. 1*21. as.
89-95.
3. Fragments (scattered verses) «f 1, S Sax
and 1, 2 Kings, and the Cssatidsaj, grrea i*
Sabatier.
4. Corbei. 7, Saw. xiiL (Sabatier). Esther.
5. Pechianns (Sabatier), Fragm. Esther.
6. Orat, (Sabatier), Esther L-in.
7. Majoris Monaat. Saec liL (Maitai— y, Sf
batier), Job.
8. Sangerm. Paalt. Saec vfl. (Sshsaaer .
9. Fragments of Jeremiah (xiv.-xlv, Jetare-J
>), Exekiel (xl.-xrrih., detached rv-
ments), Daniel (iii. 15-23, 33-30,
fragments), Hosea (ii.— »L, fiag S ttmU - M
a palimpsest MS. at Warcburg (Soar. ' .
viL): Mttnter, Jfiscefl. Haf*. M31.
11. Fragments Has. Am. Mich. . . . . •».
E. Kanke, 1858, foe (This hook the »r»
has not seen.)
12. Bodl. Auct. F. 4, 32. Fragment? -
Deuteronomy and the Prophets, " tirsrw 1
Latine litteris Saxonicts," Sate via. is.'
i. MSS. of the Apocryphal books.
1. Reg. 3564, Saec ix. (Sabatier). Tob. and Jei
2, 3. Sangerm. 4, 15, Saec ix. (Saha'ie .
Tob. and Jnd.
4. Vatic (Beg. Suec), Saec vii^ Tob.
5. Corbei. 7 (Sabatier), Jud.
6. Pechian. (Sabatier), Saec x., Jud.
The text of the remaining books of the Tore
Latma not having been revised by
is retained in MSS. of the Vulgate.
Hi. MSS. of the N. T.
(1.) Of the Gospels.
African (i. t. undevised) text.
a. Cod. VerceUcHsis, at YercdE,
by Eusebiua, bishop of VerceUi hi t-«
4th cent. Published by Irici, '.Til,
and Bianchini, Ev. Qmtdr. 1749.
6. Cod. Yeronaai*. at Verona, of tar Mh
or 5th cent. Published by BauvL.*
(as above).
e. Ccd. Co&ertinu, in BibL Imp. *
Pais, of the 11th cent. PahhshaiW
Sabatier, Version** antiqwtt.
African readings. The passages — — — «tH at n n
(a) Dent xxxL t ; 24-30; saxll. 1-4. (ft) Bea, k w a
iv. 1-So; So; vL 16, a; IS; z. lta; xS-<; tSlI-
Amos 111.8; v. 3; 14. Mich. 111. 1; ir. I, 1; s jl.
r. 1; vi. »; vll. «, T. Joel in. Is. Obml M. *«. I
to.*. Nsh.ln.13. Hab.ll.4h; IU.J. Zepfasa. L ?«-.•
18(psri). Ag*.tl.T,8. Zech.L4 (part); **, ii. it, tM
ix.»;xffl. 6;». Mat. Li (part), i«h,n; At; at.
Zecb.lLS»; MaLlv.a.13; S,*o. ( r )Gm LMlj:Ii
xlv.M-a*.*' Is.lv. I.v.t; tv. 14; t* J*. :•*: <*»
xai! •«•'.».
VULGATE, TUB
1693
1692
VULGATE, THE
9. Tne Ijitiu tnuuUtor of Irenaeus is pni-
hably contemporary with Tertullian,' and hi*
renderings of the quotation* from Scripture con-
firm the conclusion* which have been already drawn
as to the currency of (substantially) one Latin
version. It does not apnea* that he had a Latin
MS. before him during the execution of his work,
but he was so familiar with the common transla-
tion that he reproduces continually characteristic
phrases which he cannot be supposed to have
derived from any other source (Lschmann, A'. T.
i. pp. x. xi.). Cypbjan (f A.D. 257) carries on
the chain of testimony tar through the next cen-
tury ; and he is followed by Lactantius, Juvencus,
J. Kirmicus Haternus, Hilary" the deacon (Am-
bt-siaster), Hilary of Poitiers (f a.d. 449), and
Loci FEB of Cagliari (t A.D. 370). Ambrose
sua Augustine exhibit a peculiar recension of the
same text, and Jerome offers some traces of it
From this date MSS. of ports of the African text
have been preserved (§12), and it is unnecessary
to trace the history of its transmission to a later
time.
10. But while the earliest Latin Version was
5 reserved generally unchanged in N. Africa, it fared
ilferently in Italy. There the provincial rudeness
of the version was necessarily more offensive, and
the comparative familiarity of the leading bishops
with the Greek texts made a revision at once more
feasible and less startling to their congregations.
Thus in the fourth century a definite ecclesiastical
recension (of tne Gospels at least) appears to have
been made in X. Italy by reference to the Greek,
which was distinguished by the name of Itala.
This Augustine recommends on the ground of its
close accuracy and its perspicuity (Aug. De Doctr.
Christ. 15, in ipsis interpretatiouibus Italaf caeteris
praeferatur, nam est verborum tenacior cum per-
■picuitate sententiae), and the text of the Gospel*
which he follows is marked by the latter charac-
teristic when compared with the African. In the
other books the difference cannot be traced with
accuracy ; and it has not yet been accurately deter-
mined whether other national recensions may not
have existed (as seems certain from the evidence
which the writer has collected) in Ireland (Britain),
Gaul, and Spain.
11. The Itala appears to have been made in
some degree with authority : other revisions were
made for private use, in which such changes were
introduced as suited the taste of scribe or critic.
The next stage in the deterioration of the text was
the intermixture of these various revisions ; so that
at the close of the fourth century the Gospels were
in such a state as to call for that final recension
which was made by Jerome. What was the nature
of this confusion will be seen from the accompanying
tables (B and C, on opposite page) more clearly
than from a lengthened description.
12. The MSS. of the Old Latin which have been
' It should be added that Dodwell places him modi
latar, at (he elate of the 4th cent. Comp. Grate, J^roUgs.
yl Yen. iL y 3.
c It Is unnecessary now to examine the conjectures
which nave been proposed, luilata-ouae, ilta-qvat. They
were nude at a time when the history of the Old Latin
was uncrown.
• To these must probably be added the MSS. orGenesIs
end the Psalter In the possession of Lord Aahbumham,
»W to be " of the foarth century."
The text of the Oxford MS. (No. IX) Is extremely
lot jresttneand oners many coincidences with the earnest
VULGATE, TOT
preserved exhibit the various forms of that verxvos
which have been already noticed. Those of thf
Gospels, for the reason which has been given, pre
sent the different types of text with unmistakesLe
clearness. In the 0. T. the MS. remains ar* tto
sniuty to allow of a satisfactory classification.
i. MSS. of the Old Latm Version of the O. T.
1. Fragments of Gen. (xxxvii., xxxviii., xll,
xlvi., ilviii.-l., parts) and Ex. (x., xi., xvi.
xni., xxiii.-xxvii., parts) from Cod. E (§$>•
of the Vulgate: Vercellone, i. pp. 183-1,
307-10.
2. Fragments (scattered verses) of the Penta-
teuch: Mttnter, MiacelL Hot*. 1821, pp.
89-95.
3. Fragments (scattered verses of I, 2 Sam.
and 1, 2 Kings, and the Canticles), given by
Sabatier.
4. Corbei. 7, Saee. xiiL (Sabatier), Esther.
5. Peehianns (Sabatier), Fragm. Esther.
6. Oral. (Sabatier), Esther i.-iii.
7. Majoris Monast. Saec xii. (Martina*,*, Ss-
batier), Job.
8. Sangerm. Psalt. Saec. vH. (Sabatier >..
9. Fragments of Jeremiah (xiv.-xli., Jetaoned
verses), Ezekiel (xl.-xhriii., detached rrae-
ments), Daniel (iii. 15-23, 33-50, riiL, xi.,
fragments), Hosea (ii.-vi., fragments), from
a palimpsest MS. at Wttrxburg (Saec. vu
viL): Mttnter, MiaceU. Haf*. 1821.
11. Fragmenht Ho*. Am. Mich, . . . . ed.
E. ttanke, 1858, *c. (Tin* book the writer
ha* not seen.)
12. Bodl. Auct F. 4, 32. Fragments oi
Deuteronomy and the Prophets, " Grans it
Latine litteris Saionicis," Saac viii. is.*
L. MSS. of the Apocryphal books.
1 . Reg. 3564, Saec ix. (Sabatier), Tob. and JoA
2, 3. Sangerm. 4, 15, Saec ix. (Sabatier),
Tob. and Jnd.
4. Vatic. (Beg. Suec), Saec. vii., Tob.
5. Corbei. 7 (Sabatier), Jud.
6. Pechian. (Sabatiei-), Saec x., Jud.
The text of the remaining books of the Yrtm
Latma not having been revised by Jerome
is retained in MSS. of the Vulgate.
Hi. MSS. of the N. T.
(1.) Of the Gospels.
African (i. e. unreviaed) text.
a. Cod. Vercellcmis, at VerceUi, written
by Eusebius, bishop of VerceUi in the
4th cent. Published bv Iriri, 1748,
and Bianchini, Ev. Quadr. 1749.
b. Cod. Veronemit, at Verona, of the 4th
or 5th cent. Published by Biancb.oj
(a* above).
c. Ccd. Colbertima, in Bibl. Imp. -A
Paii*, of the 11th cent. Publish*.! by
Sabatier, Version** antijuae.
African readings. The passages contained as It are
(a) Dent. xxxL t ; Z4-38; xxxlL 1-t. (fi) Bos. ii. If ••
IV. l-3o; 9a; vL 16, it; 16; X. lis; xll. «; l«l.li
Amos ltt. 8; v. S; 14. Mich, lit z; iv. I, J; J awl;
v. 4; vi. 8; vU. «, ». Joel 10. 18. ObstL ti. Jon. I
ts,9. Nab.lu.13. Hab.U.46; IU.S. ZepbavL •*-«.
18 (pert). Agg.ll.7.8. Zech.L< (part); via.ia.lx.ua
ix. 9 ; xill. 6 ; J. MaL L « (part). 106,11; h\T; us. 1
Zech.lL86; MaLlv.2,13; 4, «o- (y) Gen. L I* S ; Kx
xlv. Jt-xv. !• 1*. Iv. 1-v. T; It. M| F* an. :-*s «3e*
xxi! I'.ft
VULGATE, THUS
{*.) Cambridge Unto. IAr. Kk. 1, 34.
Saec Tiii. f St Lake, i. 15-end, and
St John, 1. 18-xx. 17. Bentley's X.
Capitula wanting in St. Lake ; xir. in
St. John. No AmmooJan Sections.
(Plate ii. fig. 1.)
<fi.) Cambridge Unk. Libr. Ti. 6, 82.
Sue. Tiii.-x. IV Book of Deer.
St. Matt i.-Tii. 23. St. Mark, i. 1,
t. 36. St. Luke, i. 1, It. 2. St. John,
entire. Terr many old aud peculiar
readings. Nearer Vulg. than (a), but
rerr carelessly written. No An-
nonian Section! or Capitula. Be-
longed to monks of Deer in Aberdeen-
thin. Comp. Mr. H. Bradshaw in the
Printed Catalogue.*
(l .) Lichfield, Book of St. Chad. Saec
Tiii. St. Matt, St. Mark, and St.
Luke, i.-iii. 9. Bentley's { r
r».) Oxford, Bodl. D. 24 (3946). Saec.
riii. 7V Qospelt of Mac Regal, or
the Rtuhworih MS. Bentley's X - No
Capit, Sect., or Prefaces. A collation
of the Latin text in the Lindisfarne
text of St. Matt, and St. Mark (comp.
p. 1711 , note f ), together with the
Northumbrian gloss, has been pub-
lished by ReT. J. Stevenson. De-
ficient Luke it. 29-riii. 88."
(t.) Oxford, C. C. Coll. 122. Saec.
x., xi? Bentley's C. Hns Canons and
Prefaces, but no Sect or Capit.
{(.) Hereford {Saxon) Gospels. Saec Tiii.
(ix.). The four Gospels, with two
small lacunae. Without Prefaces,
Canons, Capitula, or Sections. A
very important copy, and probably
British in origin.* ( Plate ii. fig. 5.)
(«.) The Book of Armagh (all N. T.),
Trin. Coll. Dublin: written A.D. 807.
Comp. Proceeding* of B. I. A. iii.
pp. 316, 356. Sir W. Betham, Irish
Antiq. Researches, ii.*
(•.) A copy round in the Domhnach
VDLOATJS, THE
1OT6
peeled from his foreign training, gins In the main a
pare Vulgate text in his qnuU'lons from the Vnlgste.
When be differs Iron It (e.f. Lake x. 19, »0; John xL
43 predt), he often appears to quote from memory, and
differs from all MSS.
The quotations given at length tn the British copy of
Jnveocos (Csmb. Urie. lAbr. Ft 4, 43) would probably
repay a careful examlnalloc.
> This H&, In common with many Irish MBS. («.».
Brit Mas. Hart 1801, 17M, toe Book of MacDuman,
and some othess, ss BarL 17t6. Cotton. Tib. A 11.), sepa-
rates iba genealogy In St Matt frcB the rest of the
Gospel, closing v. 17 with the words Unit Proiqnis. and
then adding Incipit Bvangtlium.
m The reading of this MS. In Matt xxl. x* at Is vary
remarkable: Homo quldam habebet doos duos et seee-
dens sd pimram dixit fill rade operare In rlam * meam.
tile antem rerpondens dixit co dne~et non lit aendens
•otem ad alteram dixit similiter at Me respondens alt
anlo. poatea antem puenltentla motus abi;t In vinlam.*
quia ex dnob: fecit vohtnutem patrls. dlcoat * norlssl-
moa.
* For the opportunity of examining una MS the wr'ier
Is asdebasd to the kindness of the Her. J. JeLb, D.D,
Canon of Hereford.
• Thai MS. contains the F.p. to Mm Uedlcenes, wtth
(be nate Sat B i r vn umut mas iff/at tut 1'atii: Betham
Airgid (Royal I. Acad.), Saw. t. ri.
Comp. Petrie, Transactions of B.T. A.,
xriii., 1838. O'Currr'a Ledum,
Dublin, 1861, pp. 321 ff., whan a fic-
simile ia given.
(«.) (a-.) Two copies in Trin. Coll.
Dublin, said to be " ante-Hiarotiy-
mian, Saec. vii."»
To these must be added a large number of Irish,
including under this term North British MSS.,
which exhibit a text more nearly approaching the
Vulgate, but yet with characteristic old readings.
Such ant-
Brit Mca., Harl 1802. Saec. x.-xii. A.O.
1138 ? Prefaces all at the beginning. No
Capitula or Section*. Bentley's W. (Plate
ii. fig. 4.)
Brit. Mus., Hart. 1023. Saec. x.-xii? No
Capitula or Sections. (Plate ii. fig. 3.)
Lambeth. The Book of Mac DurnunS Saec.
x. Has Sections, but no Prefaces or
Canons.
Dublin, T. C. C. The Book of Kelts. Saec.
Tiii.
Dublin, T. C. C. The Book of Durrow. Saec
Tiii.
Dublin, T. C. C. The Book of Vimma.
Saec. Tiii.
Dublin, T. C. C. The Book of Moling. Saec.
Tiii.'
Oallican (t) revision. 1
Brit. Mua, Egerton, 609, formerly Majora
Monasterii ; iv. Gospp. deficient from
Mark vi. 56 to Luke xi. 1. This MS. is
called mm, and classified under Vulgate
MSS. in the editions of the N. T., but it
has been used only after Calmet's very
imperfect collation, and offera a dimities
type of text Praef. Com. No Capitula.
(3.) Of the Act* and Epistles. '
n. Cod. Bobbiensis, at Vienna. A few
fragmeata of the Acta and Cath. Epn.
Edited by Tischendorf, Jahrbuciter d.
LU. 1. c
11. p. 2*3. The stlcbometry has follows: MatKaa rrntus
hatxt MMDCC. Mama MDCC. Lucas MMDCCC. Jo-
hamis MMCCC. Id. p. 318*
T Dr. Beeves undertook to pubnsh the text of the
Book of Armagh, with collations oft, «, snd other MSS.
in T. C D., but the writer has been unable to learn whe-
ther be will carry out his design. The MSS. ■-« the
writer knows only by description, snd very Imperfectly.
* Facsimiles of many of these " Irish " MSS. arc given
In Westwood's PaUofrapkia Sacra snd In CCorry's
Lectures. The text of most of them (even of those col-
lated by Bentley) Is very Imperfectly known, and II
passes by a very gradual transition Into the ordinary
type of Vulgate. The whole question of the general
character snd the specific varieties of these MSS. requires
careful Investigation. The Table (F) will give some Idea
of their variations from the common text The Stow St.
John, at present In Lord Ashburnbam's collection, pro-
bably belongs to this family.
' These four MSS. I know only by Mr. Westwood's
descriptions In his Paiam^raflaa Sacra; snd to Mr.
Westwood belongs the credit of first directing attention
to Irish MSS. after the time or Bentley.
• The text of this recension, which I believe to be con-
tained also In o>, snd Bentley's p (comp. p. HIS, note*) U
closely allied to the British type. As to the rkanuab test
1 nave no sufficient materials to fccm an estimate of 1U
VULGATE. THE
0. Ood. Cartel, t MS. of Ep. of St.
Jama. Published by Martianay, 1695.
p. (Of St. Paul's Upp.) Cod. Clarom.,
the Latin text of IV Pub'lshed by
Tischendorf.
J. (Of St. Paul'* Epp.) Cod. Sangerm.,
tin Latin text of E,, aaid to have an
independent value, but imperfectly
known.
r. (Of St. Paul's Epp.) Cod. Boom., the
Latin text of G„ is in the main an
old copy, adapted in some point* to
the Greek.
$. (>Ste Gospels).
t 5 "tgments of St. Paul's Epistka tran-
scribed at Munich by T >chendorf.
«, «. (Acts) the Latin ten of D, and E,
(Cod. Bezae and Cot.. Laud).
T-> these must be added, from the result of a
naiuai collection : —
*,. Oxford, llodl. K418 (Seldeo, 30).
Acts. twee, viii., vii. An uncial MS.
of the highest interest. Deficient xiv.
26, fidet—xr. 32, cum etsmt. Bent).
Xt. Among its characteristic readings
may be noticed : v. 34, fonts modiccm
apoetolos secedere ; ix. 40, surge in
nomine Domini Ihu Xti. ; xi. 17, ne
daret illis Spiritum Sanctum credent i-
bus in nomine Ihu Xti. ; xiii. 14,
Paulus et Barnabas; xvi. 1, et cum
circuisset has nationes pervenit in
Derben. (Plate i. fig. 4).
*> Oxford, Bodl. Laud. Lot. 108 (E,
67). Saec ix. St. Paul's Epp. in
Ssxon letters. Ends Hebr. xi. 34,
octroi gladii. Correc'ed apparently
by three hiuids. The o/iginal text was
a revision of the Old Latin, but it has
been much erased. In many cases it
agrees with d almost or quite alone :
e. g. Rom. ii. 14, 16, iii. 22, 26,
X. 30, xv. 13, 23, 27, 30. The
Epistles to Then, are placed before the
Ep. to Coloss. This arrangement,
which is given by Augustine \De
Doctr. Christ, ii. 13), appears to have
prevailed in early English MSS., and
occurs in the Saxon Cambridge MS.,
and several other MSS. of the Bible
quoted by Hody, p. 664. Comp.
§3I(2)8.«
The well-known Harltim MS. 1772
(§32, (2) 3) ought to be reckoned
rather among the Old than the Vul-
gate texts. A good collection of its
more striking variations is given in the
Harleian Catalogue. In the Acts and
Epistles (no less than in the Gospels)
there are indications of an unrevised
(African) and revised texts, but the
nalerials are as vet too imperfect to
allow of an exact determination of the
different types.
(3.) In the Apocalypse the text depends on m
*.-,(! early quotations, especially in Primaaius.
' Avar Interesting historical notice of toe nseoftbe
CM LiSa ti tse Worth of Knatand is given by Dede, who
•ays of Ceolfrid, a contemporary abbot. •• BlbMoinecun
atnuii4'jr Uxiasurll [Weannoalb and Janw] magna
VULGATE, THIS
13. It will be seen that far the cfc.<4 jmrt *> <a>
O. T., and for considerable parte of the S. T
(e. g. Apoc Acts), the old text rests upon ta it
quotations (principally TertuUian, Cyprian, Lucue
of Cagliari, for the African text, Ambrose asai A >
gustine for the Italic). These were collected 't
Sabatier with great diligence up to the date of tut
work; but more recent discoveries ie. g. of : e
Roman Speculum) hare furnished a large «'• r> .
new materials which have not yet been frlly na-
ployed. (The great work of Sabatier, alrealy ortr;
referred to, is still the standard work en the Lat*
Versions. His great fault is his neglect to di«*.s-
gaiah the different typts of text, African, ltib-
British, Gallic ; a task which yet remains to I*
done. The earliest work on the subject was fy
rTaminius Nobilius, Vetut Test. tec. LXX. h- *
redditum .... Romae, 1588. The new eodat. <•
made by Tischendorf, Mai, M (inter, Ceriani, t--»
been noticed separately.)
III. The Labours or Jerome. — 14. It has be;
seen that at the close of the 4th century the Lt*. .
texts of the Bible current in the Western Cbs.r -
had fullen into the greatest corruption. The f '.
was yet greater in prospect than at the time : tr-
the separation of the East and West, politically s. i
ecclesiastically, was growing imminent, and the ]"■» •
of the perpetuation of false and conflicting Lai's
copies proportionately greater. But in the (Tr-
ot' danger the great scholar was raised up who pr»
bably alone for 1500 years possessed the qtxa>r i; - t -
tions necessary for producing an original venue -■'
the Sciiptiires for the use of the Latin Chan 1 -.
Jerome — Eusebius Hieronymus — was bora in ' _ '
A.D. at Stridon in Dalmctis, and died at rVthleiv-
in 420 A.D. From his early youth, be was a
vigorous student, and age removed nothing rr>«
his seal. He has been well called the We*vi
Origen (Hody, p. 350), and if he wanted the iarr-
uess of heail and geuerous sympathies of the p*-
Alexandiine, he had more chastened critical st-
and closer concentration of power. After long Si '
self-denying studies in the East and West, Jeroc?
went to Rome a.d. 382, probably at the reqse^
of Damasus the Pope, to assist in an imports^.
synod {Up. cviii. 6), where be seems to bate t»«
at once attached to the service of the Pr>p* i F. .
exxiii. 10). His active biblical labor rs date moi
this epoch, and in examining them it will be ct-
venient to follow the order of time, noticing '.
the Revision of the Oid Latin Version of the X. T. ;
(2) the Revision of the Old Latin Version t fra-
me Greek) of the O. T. ; (3) the New Ven*e -i
the O. T. from the Hebrew.
(1.) The Revision of the Old Zona TVrrra
of the IT. T.— 15. Jerome had not been loot; at
Rome (A D. 383) when Damasus consulted htra ■■»
points of Scriptural criticism {Ep. xix. " DiWue
time est ut ardenti illo strcnuitatis mgeow . . .
vivo sensu scribas"). The answers which be :—
ceived {Epp. xx„ xxi.) may well have ncocrac .
him to seek for greater services : and apparent] y
the same year he applied to Jerome fur a rm- -
of the current Latin version of the N. T. by r .
help of the Greek original. Jerome was - •
sensible of the prejudices which such a woik «t -
excite amoDg those "who thought that sjec-sr-i
gemlnaatt tadneula. Its at tns Pandectas novae tza.-*
Utionts, ad unnm Tetusioe translationls, qnrea o> I «
altulerat. Ipse sapersdjungiTet. . . . .* (if ut. AbtvC " - »
••mi*, et CHrwiav. Quotai by H.djt. J* rcstt. f. it»
VULGATE. TUB
■cat bdiuess" (Ep. ad Mare, xxvii.), bat the need
of it n argent. " There were," he says, " almost
at many forms of text as copies" ("tot sunt ex-
emplsria pene quot codices," Praef. m Em.). Mis-
takes had been introduced " by false transcription,
by clumsy corrections, and by careless interpola-
tions " (id.), and in the confusion which had ensued
the one remedy was to go buck to the original
source (Graeca Veritas, Graeca origo). The Gospels
had naturally suffered most. Thoughtless scribes
inserted additional details in the narrative from the
parallels, and changed the forms of expression to those
with which they had bean originally familiarized
(id.). Jerome therefore applied himself to these 6rst
(" hate praesens praefatiuncula pollicetur quatuor
tautum Evangelia"). But his aim was to revise
the Old Latin, and not to make a new version.
When Augustine expressed to him his gratitude for
" his translation of the Gospel " (Ep. civ. 6, " non
pnrvas Deo gratias agimus de opere tuo quo Evan-
gelium ex Oraeco mterpretatut et"), he tacitly
corrected him by substituting for this phrase " the
correction of the N. T." (Ep. cxii. 20, " Si me, ut
dicis, in N. T. tmendatione suscipis .... "). For
this purpose he collated early Greek MSS., and
preserved the current rendering wherever the sense
was not injured by it (" . . . Evangelia . . . codicum
Graeoorum emendata oollatione sed veterum. Quae
ne tnultum a lectionis Latinae consuetudine discre-
purent, ita calamo temperavimus (all. imperavimue)
ut his tantum quae sensum videbantur mutare,
correctis, reliqua manere pateremur ut fueraut:"
Praef. ad Dam.). Yet although he proposed to
himself this limited object, the various forma of
corruption which had been introduced were, as he
describes, so numerous that the difference of the
Old and Revised (Hieronymian) text is throughout
clear and striking. Thus in Matt. v. we have the
following variations: —
Vetut Latino."
7 Ipals miiertbitur Daa.
II dlxerlnt...
— propter jugtitiaM.
13 ante vos patrtt eorum
(Luke vi. 26).
17 non veol solvere legem
out propheuu.
18 fiant: caelum et terra
tranrtbunt, verba o«-
tem mea non praetor-
ibunt.
99 tratri sao tine causa.
23 es cum Hlo In Ira.
39 eat in gehennun.
37 quod an tern ampliue.
41 adkm alia duo.
43 odtee.
44 veetros, et benedicite qui
Miiloli'u at vobie et
benebctta.
Of these variations those in vers. IT, 44, an only
f irtially supported by the old copies, bat they
i- lustrate the character of the interpolations from
which the text suffered. In St. John, as might be
erpected, the variations are leas frequent. The
tth chapter contains only the following : —
VfTLGATfi, THE
1097
rvlaata iws (Hleron.).
I Ipd atisericoratam con-
uquentur.
11 dlxerlnt . . . mmtienta.
— propter me.
13 ante vos.
17 non venl solvers.
18. fiant.
23 fratrlmo.
2* « In via com a) (and
often).
33 mittatur In gebemarn.
37 quod autem kit abun.
41 at alia duo.
43 •atoaotoMs.
44 vestros benextdte.
3 sequebetur
21 (valebant).
23 (quern benedlxerat Do-
mlnus («1II aUter) ).
J» haecestpum.
2 fit seqnebatnr.
31 (voluerunt).
23 (gratias agente Domino).
Vetut Latino.
3t (Pauls met).
13 (manducaro).
M (a patre).
(7 exaxirgo.
■ In giving the readings of resui Latino the writer has
tbronghout couAosd hlnueir Is Inuse which arc supported
vot. HI.
Vulgota nova (Hloron.).
3t (Patrls met qui muit
me).
53 (ad mandDcaodut),
«« (a patra sue}
67 ex Dee,
16. Some of the changes which Jerome intro-
duced were, as will be seen, made purely on lin-
guistic grounds, but it is impossible to ascertain on
hat principle he proceeded in this respect (oomp.
§35). Others involved questions of interpretation
(Matt vi. 11, mpersubstantialit for Iviovawi).
But the greater number consisted in the removal of
the interpolations by which the synoptic Gospels
especially were disfigured. These interpolations,
unless his description is very much exaggerated,
must have been for more numerous than are found
in existing copies ; but examples still occur which
show the important service which he rendered to
the Church by checking the perpetuation of apocry-
phal glosses: Matt. Hi. 3, 15 (v. 12); (ix. 21),
xx. 28 ; (xxiv. 36) ; Mark i. 3, 7, 8 ; iv. 19 ;
xvi. 4; Luke (r. 10); Till. 48; ix. 43, 50; xi.
36 ; xii. 38; xxiii. 48 ; John vi. 56. Aa a check
upon further interpolation be inserted in his text
the notation of the Eusebian Canons [New Testa-
ment, §21] ; but it is worthy of notice that he in-
cluded in his revision the famous ptricope, John vii.
53, viii. 11, which is not included in that analysis.
17. The preface to Domasus speaks only of a
revision of the Gospels, and a question has been
raised whether Jerome really revised the remaining
books of the N. T. Augustine (a.d. 403) speak*
only of " the Gospel " (Ep. civ. 6, quoted above),
and there is no preface to any other books, such as
is elsewhere found before all Jerome's versions oi
editions. But the omission is probably due to the
comparatively pure state in which the text of the
rest of the N. T. was preserved. Domasus had
requested (Praef. ad Dam.) a revision of the whole,
and when Jerome had faced the more invidious and
difficult part of his work there is no reason to think
that he would shrink from the completion of it.
In accordance with this view he enumerates (a. P.
398) among his works "the restoration of the
(Latin version of the) N. T. to harmony with the
original Greek." (Ep. ad Lucm. lxxi. 5: " N. T.
Graecae reddidl auctoritati, ut enim Veterum
Librorum fides de Hebraeis voluminibus examinanda
eat, ita novorum Graecae (?) sermonis normam desi-
dcrat,'' De Fir. III. cxxxt.: " N. T. Graecae fidei
reddidi. Vetus juita Hebraicam transtuli.") It is
yet more directly conclusive as to the fact of this
revision, that in writing to Marcella (cir. a.d. 385)
on the charges which had been brought agaitut him
for '* introducing changes in the Gospels," he quotes
three passages from the Epistles in which he asserts
the superiority of the present Vulgate reading to
that of the Old Latin (Bom. xii. 11, Domino servi-
cntes, for tempori servientes; 1 Tim. v. 19, odd.
nisi sab duobus aut tribus testibus; 1 Tim. i. 15,
fidelis sermo, for humanus sermo). An examina-
tion of the Vulgate text, with the quotations of
ante-Hieronymian fathers and the imperfect evi-
dence of MSS., is itself sufficient to establish the
reality and character of the revision. This will be
apparent from a collation of a few chapters taken
from several of the later books of the N. T. ; but
it will also be obvious that the revision was hasty
and imperfect; and in later times the line between
by a combination of authorities, avoiding the pocnUerlUai
of single MSS., and (If possible) of a single family.
«Q
1098
VULGATE, THE
the Hieronymian and Old text* beam* rery indit-
tiwx. Okl "endings appear in MSS. of toe Vulgate,
and on the other hand no MS. represent! a pore
African text of the Acta and Epistle*.
Acts
.4-25.
TerrJe Mat.'
•m*.
4 em anraerairelin- on
4 osevssoaas . . . qoam an-
t!Ha . . . qnod aadlitla
t Hiioemint [a me.
t at tili cunvenlentes.
dfetlspsr mum
S baptuabimini.
S tgaur oaf eooreneiant.
1 at 01* teaseaaVw dIxK,
S nptnmttBitt S. S.
f IHxitau'aa.
S neamnuailii 9. a.
10 iniealerenL Ooaip. IB.
10 Intuereutar.
(4). IS; vl It; x. 4;
fell). 9).
IS Mpnaenint t* »«j>e-
It i» niraaniliisi ascend-
riero.
erent.
— crawl tahttaatat.
— mambatU.
14 peraeeenntes mwniwut
14 parser, ununtmitir to
aratumi.
—attjn*.
IS llic igUxr mdquitimX
18 JEI hie qutdtm pmtedit.
11 qui iiinionaiHal uobia-
11 tl* qui nobbcum tttrU
cnin vlrls,
SS ire. Oomp.ivll.30.
amgnyati.
SS mtabint.
ACT8 XT
i. 16-34.
IS oral ahwlacmat.
It KloUotrHM atdUam.
1J JndVU.
IT cimJtxlMk
18 eeaiiMter.
la seaiatiaa-M«*.
a* nptrttiticK*
S3 mpentitioriam.
13 paamJmUBU.
13 proaferinu.
— cultmut veshm
— sfaMlacra vestrs.
SS ex iuio aaamne.
SS ex ano.
Rom. i. 13-15.
13 Abu aatera arbitrar. j 13 nolo satem.
It qnod lame est pramptui\ IS qtwd in me nr eaM af iisi
1 Cor.
4 eeqoentl u (seqnentL
q), ( rod. Juj. t)J
In flgnram.
T kMaram cultcres (g
ojrr.) efldamar.
13 pntat (g corr.).
It drat pradentee, roots
dice.
It quem (f. A
eWtXtt).
SI partkii
SS InftdeU
(S).
((■)■
x.4-29.
4 oumeqimie eoa.
t hi ftgura (f ). («).
T Molohurae (Idolstres, f )
eOobmral (f ).
13 exlsthnat (f).
16 nt (skat, t, () pradenti-
bae hxnwr (dloo, f,g>
It cnL
— pertldpauo.
31 pertlcfpea ieme.
IS (aliens); all* (f). .
2 Cor. Hi. 11-18.
14 1
(f>
18 a claritaU to cJari-
14 dusi (eaad g corr.) urn
reatlamr (g corr.).
18 lie (a g) gloria to aiori-
GtL. iii. 14-25.
•» 14 bm t dic ti im tm (g> 1 14 potUciUUionem (f J.
It irriliM/aal (irrilat, g). It jxemit (fl
3t loniait eatemjtde (g). I 35 At ubi vantJUa (I).
Phil. u. 2-30.
3
KnUMull
13 dilmUttimi (g).
38 M fl i rih u ileym.
SO pjraoolaCMf df am
sua Ok).
teem...e»ael(f).
11 carinM (f).
3« wuotut (f).
38 /eUOwiirtu aye (/est.
see, 1: fatt. jMtem, g).
SO tradau anuaam Mast
1 Tut. iii. 1-12.
1 ffinmi (g eonA
S deeCMnt &
4 bsbentem in ndeeoiiip.
8 tarpavorae.
13 fH— bent ngmta (g
«fi.X
l/*«i(f).
3 dociorrm (r>
4 lubentrm ■ ubdilct (f, g).
3 run* leervat wctentei
(0(««rpa.t.g).
13 on filiU tatff Nw prae-
• St* >io«r •, p, itML
i The Latin leadlne* of CM. -<<v- hm been added, a>
<a>Kl=t an InUreeUne; example of Ike edmlxUin of a few
ud Teadlna* with Uw rert««; text. Tho* or Cod. Botrm.
■jfi differ. «f will be tees, rcry widely frooi luem.
VUIXiATE. THK
(2.) The Rtnmmoftki 0. T. fnm. tW LXX.
— 18. About the same time (cir. A.n. 383) at trmA
he was engaged on the reriaion of the K. T, liiaa m
undertook also a fin* reriaion of the Palter. Tan
be made by the help of the Greek, bat the vnk
wa not Terr complete or careful, and the wvnb a>
which ha describee it may, perhaps, be ataadat
without injustice to the reriaion of the later beaks
of the N. T.: "Paalterium Komee . . . emendaraat
et juxta LXX. interpretea, (Man) amn i ij at i
•Wud ex parti correxeram " {Proof, m LA. ***..
This revision obtained the name of the iYwaua
Piialter, probably because it was made for the use
of the Roman Church at the request of lanaama
where it was retained till the pontificate of Pats V.
(AJ>. 1566), who introduced the GaUkan Paaher
genenlly, though the Roman Psalter waa still re-
tailed in three Italian churches (Hody, p. 383, - a
una Romae VaUcana ecclesia, et extra arbam a
Mtdiolcaunsi et in ecclesia 8. Hard, Vie«liii"* > .
In a short time " the old error preraued orer the
new correction," and at the nrgen reqaeat of Pasta
and Enstochinm Jerome commenced a new tad
more thorough reriaion (Q allium Peaher).* The
exact date at which this waa made ■ not known ,
but it may be fixed with great probability eery
shortly after A.D. 387, when be retired to Beth-
lehem, and certainly before 391, when be bad
begun bis new translations from the H ebrew. la
the new reriaion Jerome attempted to i
far as possible, by the help of the Greek
the reel reading of the Hebrew. With thai ran
he adopted the notation of Origen [SaTTCteMST;
ottnpara Proof, m Qtn~, Ik.], and than aaeSeatel
all the additions and omMons of the LXX. test
reproduced in the Latin. The additions were eaaiiia 1
by an obtha {*-) ; the omissions, which he sap-
plied, by an asterisk ( • )■ The omitted Sa aam tw
he supplied by a version of the Greek of Thendobac.
and not directly from the Hebrew (■* imiaasaesiei
. . . nbicunque riderit virgulam !»»«■»*'"♦—■ <—
ab ea tuque ad duo puncta ( " ) quae liiiiiuai
sciat in LXX. interpretibus plus haberi. Uba I
stellae ( • ) similitudinem perspexerit, dr Bel
roluminibus additiim norerit, aequo oaqne ad dae
poncta, juxta Thtodotkma domtaxat nlititmtm. fm
simpticitaU oermona a LXX. mUrprmttbrno mm
discardat," Proof, ad Pt. ; compare Prmof.imjjt,
Paratip. Libr. Mom, juxta LXX. Intt. Ep. rr_
ad San. et Frit.). This new edition soon nUaisi4
a wide popularity. Gregory of Toon is saad at
bare introduced it from Rome into the? paler
services in France, and from this it obttaned the
name of the Qattkm Psalter. The eteaaxerawa
of one or two pasaag a will show the extant and
nature of the corrections which Jerome mtrodiuu!
into this second work, as compared with that stoma
Psalter. (See Table D, opposite.)
How far he thought change reaDy lin i iaia a i r*"
appear from a comparison of a few v ei s i a et* b
translation from the Hebrew with the earner ae
vised aeptoagintal translations. (See Tahto K.)
Numeroos MSS. remain which centoja ten* lata*
Psalter in two or more forma. Thus AM. ML
Laud. 35 (Saec x.?) contains m. triple Peahr.
Gallican, Roman, and Hebrew: Oait. C. C Mttra
xii. (Saec. xr.) Gallican, Roman, Hebrew/ : Ui
" In one place Jerome aeems Is
alone In one work: "Itolterlnm..
Joxta LXX. Interpretea nostra
dptt- . . . Otoe: JsTe. «k/. VL 10J.
VULGATE, THE
Taec. xiv.) Gallican, Hebrew, Hebr. text with
Interlinear Latin: Brit. Mm. Hurt. 684, a double
Psalter, Galilean aud Hebrew: Brit. Mm. Arnnd.
155 (Saee. zi.) a Roman Psalter with Gallican
corrections : Coll. SS. 7Kn. Cambr., R. 17, 1,
a triple Paalter, Hebrew, Gallican, Roman (Saee.
xll.): Id. R. 8, 6, a triple Psalter, the Hebrew
text with a peculiar interlinear Latin rersion,
Jeiwne's Hebrew, Gallican. An example of the
unrevised Latin, which, indeed, is not very satis-
factorily distinguished from the Roman, is found
VDLGATE. THE
1699
with in Anglo-Saxon interlinear version, Unto.
Ltbr. Cambr., Ff, i. 23 (Saee. xi.). H. Stephen!
published a " Quinaiplex PtaUeriam, Oallicum,
Rhomaicwn, Hebraicum, Veto*, Ctmoiliatum. . . .
Paris, 1513," but be does not mention the MSS.
from which he derived his texts.
19. From the second (Gallican) revision of the
Psalms Jerome appears to have proceeded to a
revision of the other books of the 0. T., restoring
all, by the help of the Greek, to a general con*
f'ormity with the Hebrew. In the Preface to the
TABLE D.
IE TaUes D, E, and 7, the M anges are taken bom Maruanar'e and Sabatter's texts, without any reference to If 81.
as that the variatt
i variations cannot be regarded as more Ibsx. approxuutel j correct.
Tttm Lattua.
9**
Ntnqi
tqmt)
tiiei quia, (quod)
Ps.viii.4-6.
Pult. Amanitas.
Qnonlun vldebo coeloa, opera dlgltormn
tnorum:
isaam et steHaa quae to tundasU.
Quid est homo, mod manor es ejua t
ant Alius hominls, quaniam vlsitati earn?
Jfyutitti earn paulo minus sb augells |
gloria et honore coronas tl eum :
et oonstitmstt sum super opera rjanraum
Piatt. OaBiamum.
Quoniam vldebo eoelos * toos " opera dl<
gitonnn tuonun f
lanam et Stellas quae + tn " fundastl.
Quid est homo, quod memor es ejus t
aut flllus bominls, quondam vndus earn ?
Mmuitti eum psnlo minus ab angells ;
gloria et honor* coronast! eum,
t el " consUtoisU <
;. 1-4.
mpmtt me.
Pa.
Kxspectana exspectavl Dominum :
et reepemit me ;
et exaudl vtt aepreeatumem mesm ;
et ednxlt me da lacn mlsertae,
et de luto feeds.
Et atatuit super petram pedes meos ; *
et dlrexlt gres»ua meos.
Et ImmlsU In os uwum osnticum aovomi
Deo nostra.
Exspeetans exspectavt Domlnnm :
etJaf—nVr mOU;
et tex"andl vl t preset mess ;
et ednxlt mo ds lacn mlserlaa,
tot "de luto feeds,
Et statnit super petram pedes meos ;
' V dlrexlt gre aa n a meos.
; munlaU In os meum <-*t,a#«m novum :
i Deo i
Etta
mp-Hmferm.
PB. xvi. (xv.) 8-11 (Acts ii,
Provldebsm Dominum In conspecm meo
semper,
quoniam a dextrb est mini, ne co m movear.
Propter hoc doUriahm est cor meum,
et exsuluvit Ungua mea :
msuper et caro mea requlescet In ape.
Quoniam non derellnques ainmaui mesm In
inferno (-ma);
nee dabis Sanctum mum vidare corrupUooem.
Notes mini feclsU vise vitae:
adlmplebls me laetltla cum vultu tuo :
deteetatkmea in dextra tua, usque In finem.
25-28).
Provktebam Dommum
In conspectn mea
quoniam a dextrb est mini, ne oommovear.
Propter boo fo fff eduei eat cor meum,
et exsultavit lingua mea :
t msuper "et cam mea requlescet In ape.
Quoolam non derettnquea anlmam meaa hi
inferno \
nee debts Sanctum tmun -Mere ocsTupUonem.
Notes mihl fedati visa vltae:
adbnplebls me laetltia cum vultu too :
deleetstloneslndexteratnat ueque "mftoem,
TOw latino,
•jule est homo qui vult vltam,
aw eaaatt vmere dtea bonce?
Gtik&e Unguam tuam a malo :
•t labia tua ne loquaumr dolum.
JDeverte a malo et fee bonum :
fjtqulre pacem et eequere earn.
Oeull Domini super Justos
est aurea ejus ad preces eorum.
n/wtus Domini super Cadeetaa mala.
TABLE E.
P». xxxUL (xxxrv.) 13-16 (1 Part. Bi. 10-12).
Vuloata.
Quia est homo qui vult vltam,
dmait dies vldere bonos t
Prembe Ungnsm tuam a malo:
at labia tua ne loquantur dolum.
Divert* a malo et lac bonum :
Inquire pacem, et f e ia c ^H ere earn.
Orc!i Dumtnl super Juatos
et aurea ejua in preces eorum.
Vultua autem Domini super fadentes
Pa. xxxix. (xL) 6-8 (Hem. x. MO)
tBacrlBdom et oblationem nuHlstl :
SacruVrnm et oblationem nolutsti :
avures autem perlMstl mlbi.
sores autem perfedaU mini.
Holocausts euam pro delicto non
Holocaastnm at pro peccant non
poeiulaati.
pottnlssU:
rune dlxl : Ecce venlo.
Tunc dlxl : Bcee venlo.
In capita Hbri acrlptum est de me
In capita Ubrl sulpimn eat da me.
ut/acvoat voioalateaa tuam.
nt/oesress volantatem tuam-
Jeremwi liwisL^fros* fas flfcor.
Quia eat vh- qui vellt vltam
iOtgau dies vldere bonosf
Cwtodt lingnam tuam a male,
et labia tua ne loquantnr dolum.
Btade a malo et fac bonum:
quaere pacem et peraequere earn.
Ocull Domini aJJustoa
et aurea ejus ad clamant eorum.
Vuitus Domini super nwientea m
Victims et eMolians no* iiuUom.
aures/HUsN mini.
Holocauamm et pro peccato non
prtutL
Tunc dlxl: Eecevenift
In veUimmt Ubrl senpemn est de me
ut.bcerem j ea ot la w i MM.
PB. xviii. (xix.) 5 (Ron. x. 18).
In
1700
VULGATE. THE
Revision ut Job, he notices the opposition which he
had met with, sod contrasts indignantly his own
labours with the more mechanical occupations of
monks which excited no reproaches (" Si aut fiscel-
hun junco texerem ant polmarum folia complicsrem
. . nuUus morderet, nemo repi-ehenderet. Nunc
autem . . . collector vitiorum &lsarius vocor").
Similar complaints, but less strongly expressed,
occur in the Preface to the Books of Chronicles, in
which he had recourse to the Hebrew as well as to
the Greek, in order to correct the innumerable
errors in the names by which both texts were de-
formed. In the preface to the three Books of So-
lomon (ProTerbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles) he notices
no attacks, but excuses himself for neglecting to
revise Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom, on the ground
that " he wished only to amend the Canonical Scrip-
tures" ("tantummodo Canonicas Scriptures vobis
emendars desiderans ")• No other prefaces remain,
and the revised texts of the Psalter and Job have
alone been preserved; but there is no reason to
doubt that Jerome carried out his design of revising
all the " Canonical Scriptures " (comp. Ep. cxii.
al August, (cir. A.D. 404), " Quod autem in aliis
quaeris epistolis : cur prior mea in libris Canonicis
interpretatio asteriscos habeat et virgulas praeno-
tatas . . ."). He speaks of this work as a whole in
several places (e. g. adv. Euf. ii. 24, " Egone contra
LXX. interpretes aliquid sum lootus, quos ante
annos plurimos diligentissime emendatos meae lin-
guae studiosis dedi . . . ? " Comp. Id. iii. 25 ; Ep.
lxxi. ad Latin., " Septuaginta interpretum editio-
nem et te habere non dubito, et ante annos plu-
rimos (he is writing A.D. 398) diligentissime
emendatom studiosis tradidi"), and distinctly re-
presents it as a Latin version of Origen's Hexaplar
text (Ep. cvi. ad Sim. et Fret., " Ea autem quae
habetur in 'E{oirAoir et quam non vertinius"),
if, indeed, the reference is not to be confined to the
Psalter, which was the immediate subject of dis-
cussion. But though it seems certain that the
revision was made, there is very great difficulty in
tracing its history, and it is remarkable that no
allusion to the revision occurs in the Preface to the
new translation of the Pentateuch, Joshua (Judges,
Ruth), Kings, the Prophets, in which Jerome
touches more or less plainly on the difficulties of
his task, while he does refer to his former labours
on Job, the Psalter, and the Books of Solomon in
the parallel prefaces to those books, and also in his
Apology against Kufinus (ii. 27, 29, 30, 31). It
has, indeed, been supposed ( Vallarsi, Praef. m Hier.
>.) that these six books only were published by
Jorome himself. The remainder mar have been
put into circulation surreptitiously. But this sup-
position is not without difficulties. Augustine,
writing to Jerome (cir. A.D. 405), earnestly begs
for a copy of the revision from the LXX., of the
publication of which be was then only lately aware
'Ep. xcvi. 34, " Deiude nobis mittas, obsecro, inter-
putationem tuam dc StrV.uaginta, qtuan to edidisse
Msaebam;" comp. §34/. It does not appear whether
the request was granted or not, but at a much later
reriod (dr. A.D. 416) Jerome sap that he cannot
irnish him with " a copy of the LXX. (•'. «. the
Latin Version of it) furnished with asterisks and
obeli, as he had lost the chief part of his former
labour by some person's treachery " {Ep. exxxiv.,
■ A question has been nused whether Daniel was not
translated at a later time (comp. TO. fHeron. axl.), as
Jerome does not include him among the prophets In the
PnL Gal.; but in a totter written A.D. 3M (A>. 1UL
vulgate. nre
" Pieraque prions laboria frnude cojosdain i
mus"). However this may have been. Jeruai
could not have spent more than four (or five' yews
on the work, and that too in the midst of othei
labours, for in 491 he was already engaged on tin
versions from the Hebrew which constitute hu
great claim on the lasting gratitide of the Church.
(3.) The Translation of the O. T. from the Bf
brew. — 20. Jerome commenced the study of Hebrew
when he was already advanced in middle life cir.
A.D. 374), thinking that the difficulties of the lan-
guage, as he quaintly paints them, would serve tt
subdue the temptations of passion to which he was
exposed (Ep. cxrv. § 12; comp. Praef. in Dm.}.
From this time he contim el the study with un-
abated zeal, and availed himself' of every help -e
perfect his knowledge of the language. His una
teacher had been a Jewish convert ; but afterwaroV
be did not scruple to seek the instruction of Jewt,
whose services he secured with great difficulty ana
expense. This excessive zeal (as it seemed) exposed
him to the misrepresentatirns of his enemies, and 1
liufiuus indulges in a silly pan on the name of cut
of his teachers, with the intention of showing that
his work was not " supported by the authority of
the Church, but only of a second Barabbas " (Rof.
Apol. ii. 12; Hieron. Apol. i. 13; comp. Ep.
lxxxiv. §3, and Praef. m Parol.). Jerome, bow-
ever, was not deterred by opposition from pursuing
his object, and it were only to be wished that he
had surpassed his critics as much in generous cour-
tesy as he did in honest labour. He soon turned
his knowledge of Hebrew to use. In some of ha
earliest critical letters he examines the force of He-
brew words (Epp. iviii., xx., A.D. 381, 383); sad
in A.D. 384, he had been engaged for some time in
comparing the version of Aquila with Hebrew USS.
(Ep. xxxii. § 1), which a Jew had succeeded in ob-
taining for him from the synagogue {Ep. xxxvi. § 1 )»
After retiring to Bethlehem, he appears to have
devoted himself with renewed ardour to the study
of Hebrew, and he published several works on the
subject (cir. A.D. 389 ; Quacst. Hebr. in Gen. 4c;.
These essays served as a prelude to bis New Version,
which he now commenced. This version was not
undertaken with any ecclesiastical sanction, as the
revision of the Gospels was, but at the urgent re-
quest of private fnends, or from his own tense of
the imperious necessity of the work. Its history
is told in the main in the Prefaces to the several in-
stalments which were successively published. The
Book* of Samuel and Kings were issued first, and
to these he prefixed the famous Prologvt galetdss,
addressed to Paula and Eustochium, in which he
gives an account of the Hebrew Canon. It is im-
possible to determine why he selected these books
for his experiment, for it does not appear that be
was requested by any one to do so. The wk*
itself was executed with the greatest care. Jerome
speaks of the translation as the result of constant
revision (Proi. Gal., " Lege ergo priraum Samuel
et Malachim meum : meum, inquain, meum. Q&&-
quid enim crebrius vertendo et emendando sollicitiii*
et didicimus et tenemus nostrum est"). At tht
time when this was published (cir. aj>. 391. 39-'
other books seem to have been already translate
(Prol. Gal. " omnibus libris -|UOS de Hebraeo ver-
timus") ; and in 393 the sixteen prophets* wen ia
ad PauL) he places him distinctly arouug the t«K stats
prophets. The Preface to Daniel contains no msrk of Us-«
It appears only that the translation was made after taw
of ToMI, when Jerome was not yet tsmloar wna ta s i a n
VULGATE, THE
circulation, and Job had lately been pat into the
hands of hia most intimate friends (Ep. xlix. ad
Pnminack.). Indeed, it would appeal' that already
in 392 he had in tome sense completed a version of
the O. T. (De> Vir. III. cxxxv., '« Vetus jurta He-
hraieom transtuli." This treatise was written in
chat year) ; ' but many books were not completed
and published till some years afterwards. The next
books which he pat into circulation, yet with the
provision that they should be confined to friends
(Praef. m Exr,), were Esra and Nehemiah, which
he translated at the request of Dominica and Roga-
tianus, who had urged him to the task for three
years. This was probably in the year 394 ( Vit.
Hieron. xzl. 4), for in the Preface he alludes to his
intention of discussing a question which he treats
in Ep. hrii., written in 395 (De optima Oen. inter-
pret.). In the Preface to the Chronicles (sddi eased
to Chromatins), he alludes to the name Epistle as
" lately written,'' and these books may therefore be
set down to that year. The three Books of So-
lomon followed in 398,' having been " the work
of three dava" when he had just recovered from
a severe illness, which he suffered in that year
(Praef. " Itaque longa aegrotatione fractus ....
tridni opus noinini vestro [Chromatio et Heliodoro]
oonsecravi." Comp. Ep. lxziii. 10). The Octa-
teuch now alone remained {Ep. lzxi. 5, ». «. Pen-
tateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, and Esther, Praef.
m Jot.). Of this the Pentateuch (inscribed to De~
sidarius) was published first, but it is uncertain in
VULGATE, THE
1701
what yea.'. The Preface, however, is net quoted in
the Apology against Kufinus (a.d. 400), as thuse ol
all the other books which were then published, and
it may therefore be set down to a later date (Hody,
p. 357). The remaining books were completed at
the request of Eustochium, shortly after the death
of Paula, A.D. 404 (Praef. «* Joe.). Thus the
whole translation was spread over a period of about
fourteen years, from the sixtieth to the seventy-sixth
year of Jerome's life. But still parte of it were
finished in great haste (e.g. the Books of Solomon).
A single day was sufficient for the translation ol
Tobit (Praef. in Tab.); and "one short effort"
(una lucubratiuncula) for the translation of Judith.
Thus there are errors in the work which a moit
careful revision might have removed, and Jerome
himself in many places gives renderings which he
prefers to those which he had adopted, and admits
from time to time that he had fallen into error
(Hody, p. 362). Yet such defects are trifling
when compared with what he accomplished suc-
cessfully. The work remained for eight centuries
the bulwark of Western Christianity ; and as a
monument of ancient linguistic power the trans-
lation of the O. T. stands unrivalled and unique.
It was at least a direct rendering of the original,
and not the Version of a version. The Septungintal
tradition was at length set aside, and a few passage*
will show the extent and character of the differences
by which the new translation was distinguished
from the Old Latin which it superseded
Yttui Latino.
El tu Bethlehem domus Ephmta
nequaquam minima a vt tie In mlUibus Judae
ex te mihl egretlietur
ut tit inprincipem Israel,
et c i c r e as u s ejns sb initio,
m diebut taecuU.
T ABLE F.
Mic. v. 2 (Matt. ii. 6).
IWooramm.
Et to Bethlehem Ephrata,
parmdut a in mlUibus Judge :
ex te mint esTalletur
qui tit dominator in Israel,
et egressus ejus ab Initio,
a diebut aetcmitatit.
Vox m Mama audita est,
lamentatlo et fletus et lnctos,
Rachel plorantls Alios sua,
et noUut amquiaare,
quia non sunt.
Jeb. xxxviii. (xxxi.) 15 (Matt. ii. 18).
Vox In exctUo audita est
lamenlatlonls Indus et flelus,
Rachel plorantls fillos snos ;
et nolmtit [nolnll] contotari
super els [a flllis sulsl quia non snnt.
Hocprimum tribe vdoexterfac
reglo Zabuton, terra Neptallni ;
et retuiui quijuzta mare cttie
trans Jordanem Oalllaeae gentium
1'opulus qui arobuUbal In lenebrfai
vldll lucem magnam :
qui habltatis in reglooe et umbra mortis
lux erictur vobls.
IB. ix. i. 2 (Matt. it. 15, 16).
JYimo tempore aUeviata est
terra Zabufun et terra Nephtball :
et rtmiuimo aggravate, at via marie
trans Jordanem Galilaeae gentium.
Populas qui ambulabat In teuebtla
vldll lucem magnam ;
babttantlbua In regions umbrae mortis
mx erta at els.
Iste pemata nostra portal
et pro nobis dotes.
Oaude veHtmenttr, fllla Sion,
pratdvoa fllla Jerusalem :
Ecce Rex tuns venlei tlbl Justus et salvaa*
Ipse aaansuscMi el ascrndens super
evbjugaicm et pulium novuia.
Is. liii 4 (Matt. viii. 17}.
(Vers langueret nostras Ipsa tullt
et dotora ncttrae treecprtorit,
Zbch. ix. 9 (Matt. xxi. 5;.
Exsulta satis, filia. Sion,
JubuTa fllla Jerusalem.
"Ecce Hex tuns venle t UW Justus at salvaw i
Ipse pauper et aaeendens super
aiinass et luperpultum jlluns arfflas.
Sphilus Domini super me.
propter quod unxit me :
ecangetieare pauperilmt mlsit me,
ssnare cootrltos corde.
Is. hd. 1, 2 (Luke it. 18, 19).
Bptrltus Domini (el. add. Dei) super me,
eo quod unxerit Domlons me :
ad annvneianiium mantuetit mislt me,
ut mederer ooolrtlls corde.
b fiopbraultu (As Rr. ill cxxxlv.) bad also '.hen trans-
lated Into Greek Jerome's version of the Psalms sod
ITvpOfts.
• The date given by Hody (1A 388) rests on a tales
B(p.3M\
1702
VUIXtATE, THE
VULGATE, THE
araedicare ospUvIs i
Toctra annum aoceptabuaai Doatiao
etdtemretrtbnuonla:
I*, hi. 1, 8 (Luke ir. 18, lfl>— oattamed.
mm f.nWm
ft
•t
ot praedicamn (aL et
bilem Domino
at dam ulttonia Deo (Mara
nl canaolarar torn li
Hot tt. M
Eta
Populua oh is to.
EMpeedlcet:
Dmxiiuu Dene m as to.
A erlt la loeo «M Jfcaaai a* «k:
Aion popolwi
Fooahmnar SI
0M. tx 25).
Etdteam nonpopnlomeo*
Btipmdlcet:
Dim men as ta.
■FlWDeivtveBtte.
P00B CHD IflHU itMfll in IvDQUECOlft
et gal crenMartt acn osa/aa) aafar
De murta radtmam UlM :
uM art oasm has mora f
ai, Interne r
Hob. L 10 (Sox. ft 26).
Et erlt la loco nU dfcetar eta :
Non populua men* too :
Mortar ate.- FUU Dal vlvcntie.
II. xxriil. 16 (ROM. x 11).
Ooa laptdem ... I Ecce ego mUU.il ta fandunentls Ska
| qui credlderlt non/etfeaeC.
Ho*. aiL 14 (1 Cob. it. 55).
Da anrta redmum eaa:
are man luo, o mora,
awmu taw era, IntoCh
Kt spirltae la fadem anal oocurrit,
Horrnemat capiUl mel et cameo.
Exsnrrexl et bob oocnovl.
lnapexl, at bob eratBgura ante lack—
ted unua taatmn et room aiiilliil—
QuidaDlat? Nungnid homo coram Docalaa muni
erlt,
ant ab o p erlbn a aafa atae aucala Ttr?
81 contra aerraa noa bob credit,
et adrenal engeka sues prarnm quid reperU.
Habttantea aatam domce lutau,
de qulbu et noa az eodem Into Samoa,
percnetlt Uloa "»r"« tinea,
at a mane usque ad veeperam Bltrs bob snot ;
et quod non poaaeat aibt Ipaia subTealra perierant.
Affl&vtt enim eos et arnerunt,
tnterterunt, quia non babebant asptanttam.
Job ir. 15-21.
EteL .
maocraeruBt pul carols
Stetit quabm, cajui non
Imago coram ocull* mela,
et nana quasi aarat leala andM.
Manqaid boaao Dal aoaipanitloae '
ant fietoresuo parlor erlt Ttr f
Eon qui eerrtont et non sunt a
et In angelta sals repef.t pravltatem.
Ojusnto magla bl qui habitant domoa laftsaa,
qui tarrenum habent lundamentam,
oonenmentnr velut a tinea?
Da man* usque ad veapenm iiii ilaantsjr:
et quia uullus iBtalKglt In aetemam perfemt,
Qui aatem rattqui faernrt anferenujr ex eta :
Korientar, et non in aapieniia.
IV. The Hwtokt of Jerome's Translatioh
TO the iHVEHTioit ov PRnrratG.— 21. The cri-
tical labours of Jerome were received, as such
labours always an received by the multitude, with
a loud outcry of reproach. He was accused of
disturbing the repose of the Church and shaking
the foundations of faith. Acknowledged errors, as
he complains, were looked upon as hallowed by
ancient usage (Praef. t» Job. ii.) ; and few had the
wisdom or candour to acknowledge the importance
>>f seeking for the purest possible text of Holy
Scripture. Era Augustine was carried away by
the popular prejudice, and endeavoured to dis-
courage Jerome from the task of a new translation
\Ep. civ.), which seemed to him to be dangerous
and almost profane. Jerome, indeed, did little to
smooth the way for the reception of his work. The
violence and bitterness of his language is more like
that of the rival scholars of the 1 6th century than of
i Christian Father; and there are few more touching
nistancea of humility than that of the young Au-
gustine bending himself in entire submission before
ha contemptuous and impatient reproof of the ve-
teran scholar {Ep. em. a./.). But even Augustine
could not overcome the force of early habit. To the
' When be quotas It, be seems to consider an exphv-
nation neoeaavr (ft dsotr. Carirt.lv. 7, l»): "Ex lluus
prophetae llbro ponadmum hoi) feriam non autam se-
cundum LXX. Interpretes, cut atiaat ifti dtvaw (swift*
mtnprtiati, si aec alitor •idaatar ai—iilln diaiaM, nl
ad ijnritaataa kmw aaeaii aaaimi'i ttw Itctant >n-
. .aed sicut ex Hebraeo In Latiaum atoqalum
last ha remained faithful to the Italic text which hi
had first used ; and while ha notices in iris AVtroett-
«on«s several faulty readings which he had feaaerly
embraced, he shows no tendency to substitute ge-
nerally the New Version for the Old.* In such
cases Time is the great reformer. Clamour basal
upon ignorance soon dies away ; and the New trans-
lation gradually came into use equally with the Old,
and at length supplanted it. In the 5th century it
was adopted in Gaul by Eucherius of Lyons, Vin-
cent of Loins, Sedulius and Claudianus Mamartns
(Hody, p. 398) ; but the Old Latin was still retained
in Africa and Britain (id.). In the 6th century
the use of Jerome's Version was universal among
scholars except in Africa, where the other still lin-
gered (JunUius) ; and at the close of it Gregory
the Great, while commenting on Jerome's Version,
acknowledged that it was admitted equally with
the Old by the Apostolic See (/■roe/. mJcb.ai
Ltandrmn, " Novam tranalationem diseero, ad ut
oomprobationis causa exigit, nunc Novam, none
Veteran, per teatimonia aasuroo; ut quia aria
Apostolica (cui auctore Deo praaaideo) utraque
utitur ttw qnoque labor studii ex utrejoe
fulciatur"). But the Old Version was not
prasbrtero Hleroajmo otrtusqoe linguae psrits aw*-
prctanta, translata sunt" In his AtCretsstaaaa laert *
no definite reference, as far at 1 Una iibaBrrad. te Jaaaasi
critical laboura. He tuOcai, however, some false icaaaca'
Ub.frtL; PilxIIII. x>(Bom.>1n.3S); Wlat-vaU.
Eoclcs.l.2; <d.xix.4i Matt. v. Xt oat 4ne«aa)'XA
li. xil. ( Matt, KX.11 (dacdanat for xaa),
VULGATE TILE
vithnritatively displaced, though the cuav.ni of
the Roman Church prevailed also in the other
churches of the Wot. Thna Isidore of Seville,
\lk Offlc. Ecclet. i. 13), after affirming the inspira-
tion of the LXX., goes on to recommend the Version
of Jerome, " which," he says, " ia used univers-
ally, ss being more truthful in substance and more
perspicuous in language." " [Hierooymi] editione
geueraliter omnes ecciesiae usquequaque utuntur,
pro eo quod reracior sit in seuteutiia et clarior in
verbis : " (Hody, p. 402). In the 7tn century the
traces of the Old Version grow rare. Julianus of
"""ledo (a.n. 676) affirms with a special polemical
purpose the authority of the LXX., and so of the
Old Latin ; but still he himself follows Jerome when
not influenced by the requirements of controversy
(Hody, pp. 405,406). In the 8th century Bede
speaks of Jerome's Version as " oar edition " (Hody,
p. 408); and from this time it ia needless to trace
its history, though the Old Latin was not wholly
forgotten.* Yet throughout, the New Version made
its way without any direct ecclesiastical authority.
It was adopted in the different Churches gradually,
or at least without any formal command. (Compare
Hody, pp. 411 ff. for detailed quotations.)
22. But the Latin Bible which thus passed gra-
dually into use under the name of Jerome was a
strangely composite work. The books of the 0. T.,
with one exception, were certainly 1 taken from his
Version from the Hebrew ; but this had not only
been variously corrupted, but was itself in many
particulars (especially in the Pentateuch) at va-
riance with his later judgment. Long use, how-
ever, made it impossible to substitute his Psalter
from the Hebrew for the Gallican Psalter; and
thus this book was retained from the Old Version,
as Jerome had corrected it from the LXX. Of the
Apocryphal books Jerome hastily revised or trans-
lated two only, Judith and Tobit. The remainder
were retained from the Old Version against his
judgment; and the Apocryphal additions to Dsnid
and Esther, which he had carefully marked as apo-
cryphal in his own Version, were treated as Integral
parts of the books. A few MSS. of the Bible faith-
fully preserved the "Hebrew Canon," but the
rreat mass, according to the general custom of
copyists to omit nothing, included everything which
liad held > place in the Old Latin. In the N. T.
:he only impoitant addition which was frequently
nterpolated was the apocryphal Epistle to the Lao-
iiceaos. The text of the Gospels was in the main
lerome'a revised edition; that of the remaining
>ooks his very incomplete revision of the Old Latin.
Thus the present Vulgate contains elements which
belong to every period and form of the Latin Ver-
aon—(l.' Vnremted Old Latin: Wisdom, Ecelus.,
1, 2 Mace, Baiucb. (2.) Old Latin recited from
he LXX. : Psalter. (3.) Jerome's free transla-
ion from tit original text: Judith, Tobit. (4.)
VULGATE, THE
1703
• Thus Bede, speaking of a contemporary shoot, ssys
bat be increased lie library ot two monasteries with
Teat seal, " Its at Irs Pandtdat " (toe name tor toe
oUeeti-m of the Holy Scriptures adopted by Alcorn, m
'lace of Bibliotheca) u novae trsnslstlools ad ojram ve-
LisUe tranalatloula. quam ds Roma aUolerat. Ipse super*
djungeret . . . (Body, p. tea).
' Jerome notices this fruitful source of error: "H quid
ro studio rx latere addltura est non debet pool In corpora,
f prlorem tracsUtionesa pro scrlbenUiun voluntate con-
irbat"(A)LcvLaa.<AM.«t>r<> Be**. WalaMd Slnbo,
ii'l others, coiup'aln o toe asms cuetcm.
v Hk-n.ii. Vaoot. in Jen. uv t" C.mm a* Bccla ta.
>« ; id. ml". <M.
Jerome's translation from Me Original: O T.
except Psalter. (5.) Old Latin revised from Greek
MSS. : Gospels. {6.) Old Latin oaraorilj -oittd:
the remainder of N. T.
The Revision of Akum 28. Meanwhile the text
of the different parts of the Latin Bible was rapidly
deteriorating. The simultaneous use of the Old and
New Versions necessarily led to great corruptions
of both texts. Mixed texts were formed accnrdins;
to the taste or judgment of scribes, and the »«•
fusion was further increased by the changes whiea.
were sometimes introduced by those who had some
knowledge of Greek.' From this cause scarcely
any Anglo-Saxon Vulgate MS. of the 8th or 9th
centuries which the writer has examined is wholly
free from an admixture of old readings. Several
remarkable examples are noticed below (§ 32) ;
and in rare instances it is difficult to decide whether
the text it not rather • revised Vttut than a cor-
rupted Vulgata nova (e.j. Brit. Mus. Beg. f. E.
vi. ; Addit. 5463). As early as the 6th century,
Cassiodorus attempted a partial revision of the tex .
(Psalter, Prophets, Ensues) by a collation of oh.
MSS. But private labour was unable to check the
growing corruption; and in the 8th century this
had arrived at such a height, that it attracted the
attention of Charlemagne. Charlemagu* at once
sought a remedy, and entrusted to Alcuin (cir. a.d.
802) the task of revising the Latin text for public
use. This Alcuin appears to have done simply by
the use of MSS. of the Vulgate, and not by refer-
ence to the original texts (Porson, Letter vi. to
Travit, p. 145). The passages which are adduced
by Hody to prove his familiarity with Hebrew, are in
fact only quotations from Jerome, and he certainly
left the text unaltered, al least in one place where
Jerome points out its inaccuracy (Gen. xxv. 8)3
The patronage of Charlemagne gave a wide currency
to the revision of Alcuin, and several MSS. remain
which claim to data immediately from hit tiroe>
According to a very remarkable statement, Char-
lemagne was more than a patron of sacred criticism,
and himself devoted the last year of hit life to the
correction of the Gospels " with the help of Greeks
and Syrians " (Van has, p. 159, quoting Theganus,
Script. Hist. Franc, ii. p. 277).'
24. However this may be, it is probable that
Alcuin'a revision contributed much towards preserv-
ing a good Vulgate text. The best MSS. of bis re-
cension do not differ widely from the pure Hiercny-
miau text, and his authority must have done much
to check the spread of the interpolations which re-
sppear afterwards, and which were derived from
the intermixture of the Old and New Versions.
Examples of readings which seem to be due to him
occur: Deut. i. 9, add. soiitudnem ; psiiisssmiiii, for
-eta ; id. 4, ascendimus, for ascendemm; ii. 24, ta
numu tua, for at -nanus ruas ; is/. S3, vidisti, for
vixisti; vi. 13, ipti, add. son'; rv. 9, oeufos, on
> Among these is that known ss Cbarlrnuaxw's Bible,
BrU. Mus. Add, 10,M6, which has been described by
Hug, MaL ,128. Another la In the library of the Oratory
at Borne (comp. (30, Cod. D). A third Is In too huperUl
Library at Paris. All of these, however, ore later than
the age of Charlemagne, and date probably from the time
of Charles the Bald, uo. *»».
• Mr. B. Bradsbaw suggest* that tab statement da
lives some confirmation from the Preface watch Charle-
magne added to the collection of Homilies srrsnfed liy
Paulas Discoou, In whkh he speaks " of the pajna wlik-b
he had taken to sal the church books to rights." A cupy
of this collection, with lbs Preface (xi.u crnt), la pre
served In the library of 8U Peter's Coll.Can.br.
27ft*
VULGATE, THE
tm* ; xvii. SO, filim, for filii ; xxi. 6, add.
nri. 16, at, for et. But the new revision m gradu-
ally deformed, though later attempt* at correction
were made by Lanfranc of Canterbury (A.D. 1089,
Hody, p. 416), Card. Nicolaus (a.d. 1150), and
the Cistercian Abbot Stephanui (cir. A.D. 1150).
In the 1 3th century Correctoria were drawn up,
especially in France, in which varieties of reading
were discussed ;* and Roger Bacon complains loudly
of thd confusion which was introduced into the
k VerceJlone has given the readings of three Vatican
Carrtctaria, and refers to his own essay upon them in
Atti deSa Pmtif. Acad. Bam. d» Arcktotogia, xiv.
Then la a Correctorium in Brit. Mum. Beg. 1 A. Till.
■ The divisions of the Latin Versions into capitula were
very various. Caastodonu (f 660 I.D.) mention* an ancient
division of some books existing in bis time ("Octateuchi
[i. e. Pentateuch. Josbna, Judges, Roth] tltnloe
credLllmus tmprimendoe a majortbos noetris online cur-
rante descriptoe." Dt Jnst X/io. LitU L), and In other
books (1,2 Cnron., the Books of Solomon), be himself made
a corresponding division. Jerome mentions copitwJa. but
the sections which be Indicates do not seem to establish
the existence of any generally received arrangement ; and
the variety of the capitulation In the best existing MSS.
of his Version proves that no one method of subdivision
could claim his authority. The divisions which are given
In MSS. correspond with the summary of contentsby which
the severs! books are prefaced, and vary considerably In
length. They are called Indiscriminately cajnrufa, brtttt,
tituli. Hartlanay, In his edition of the Bibtiotlieca, gives
a threefold arrangement, and assigns the different terms
to the three several divisions ; thus Genesis has xxxvlii
tituli, xlvl brna, Ixxxli (or dlv) capUuta. But while
Jerome does not appear to have fixed any division of the
Bible into chapters, he arranged the text in lines (versus,
oti'xo.) for convenience in reading and interpretation;
and the lines were combined in marked groups (membra,
«uA<t). In the poetical books a further arrangement
marked the parallelism of the answering clauses (Mar*
tianay, Prolegg. lr. Ad Bit. Bibl). The number of lines
(versus) is variously given In different MSS. (Comp. Ver-
cellone, For. Ltd. App. ad Jot.) For the origin of the
present division of the Vulgate, see Bibli, i. 213.
An abstract of the cajritula and terra* given m the
Alculn MS., known as " Charlemagne's Bible " (Brit. Mm.
Addlt, 10.M6), will give a saUsfactory Idea of the con-
tents, nomenclature, and arrangement of the beat copies
of the Latin Bible.
Epistola ad Paullnum. Praefatlo.
AreritLe. Generis, capp. lxxxli. habet versos BL noc.
EUamotk,l.e.Eaodtu. capp. cxzxvllll. T. m.
btuUiou, Hebralce
VBtasra. . . . capp. lxxxvtlll. T. B. one.
rVtoa-«ri ... capp. Ixxvlill. nab. Ten. nnmr. BL
AddabaHm, Oreca
Deuimmom i v m . . capp. civ. habet vera. fl. DC.
Praefatlo Jean Naue et Jndloum.
/otus Bm As . . capp. xxxlH. habet vera. L dccl.
Saftim, L a. J u dim m,
(Uber, .... capp. xvul. habet vers. nemr.
Ldocl.
Rutk none, habet vex. num. ccl.
Praefatlo (Prologus galeatua).
SomuAei (Btgum), Ub.
prim. capp. zxvt habet versus, B. ceo.
Oaatuaei (Ssffuat), lib.
sec. capp. xvul. habet versus, n. on.
JnatooUat, L e. Aesttm,
lib. text. . capp. xvllli. (for xvlil.) habet vera. II. D.
awilacatai, L e. Begum,
lib. quart. .... capp. xvU. habet versus IL ccl.
Pnlogis.
/anas ..... none, habet vera.
BLDLXXX.
holers.
VUXGATE, THE
" Common, that is the Parisian copy," and qtntet
a alee reading from Hark viii. 38, w li *ie the oxr-
rectora had substituted cmfama tor cvn/usn
(Hody, pp. 419 ff.). Little more was done foi
the t* it of the Vulgate till the invention of print-
ing ; and the name of Laorentiui Valla (cir. 1450*
ilol.e deserves mention, as cf one who devotee
the highest powers to the criticism of Holy Scrip-
tare, at a time when such studies were little
esteemed.-* -
ifsereauas (with Lam. and
Praynr) ..... none, habet verans EB. ccoct.
Prologue.
Biettcktct (-fcl) . • . . none. none.
Damihel none. habetversuaMcca.
Osse, Mkd, Asset, Abauu.
Jonas, IKcaas. Ifaum, Aba-
em, SopkoniaM, Affftui,
tackariat, M alack i ai . none. none.
Prologus.
Jab none. v. L boo.
Orlgo Propb. David . . Praefauo.
Liber Ptalmorun (Galilean) none, habet vr. v.
EpIsL ad ChronL et HeUbd.
Liber /-roeerbiorum . capp. lx. habet veraas
Ldocxx.
EecUtiasta . . . capp. xxxi none.
Cantica Cantioorum , • none, babet versos ooxxxx.
Liber sapiaUiat . capp. xlvili. habet versus L ncc
BDcletiastiaa . . capp. cxxvU. habet versus H. seal
Praefatlo.
Dabrtiamin. lib. prim. . none. bah. (ale)
Paralypomiium (Jib. aec) . none. none.
Praefatlo.
Liber Ktrat . • • • • — — — —
Prologus.
Better (with add.) . . . none, habet venca v. nee.
Praefatlo.
Tobiat ...... none. none.
Prologue.
Judith babet versus lo.
Liber Maekabr. prim. ... txL none.
JCocaobr. liber sec • • • • lv.
Praef. ad Damasum.
Arrumentum.
Cauonea.
Prologus.
. . . capp. Ixx-d. habet vara. B. so.
. . . capp. xlvl. ban. T. L doc
Lucas .... capp. lxxtiL vers. HL nccc.
Jokama ... capp. xxxv. vers. L dccc
Lib. Aotuaaa Apart. capp. IxxiliL habet vera. H. DO.
Prologus aeptem Erlsmlamm Can.
EpisU. Aa. Jaebbi , . capp. xx. none,
BpML Set. Pttri prtas. capp. xx.
Rplstl. ScL Petri sec • capp. XL
Eplstl. ScL Ja\.prim. . capp. xx. — —
KplstL aV.Jbk.nc . capp. v.
Eplstl. ScL Jok. tart . capp. v. — —
BplstL **. Jui. . . . capp. viL
Gplv ad Bomoam , , capp.lt. habet ve rs os n oo rrT .
Kpla-ad Oor.j-rtta. . capp. IxxIL none.
KpU. ad Car. lee. . oapp. xxvlii hah. vers, ooxax.
Epla. ad Oalatkat . oapp. xxxvii. habet vera cexm.
Epla. ad Bpkttiai . . capp. xxxl habet versos oocx\n
Epla. od /'AtKpnatser . capp xvtllL none.
Epla. ad nest, pries. . capp. xxv. habet versos cexxn.
Epla. ad lkeu. sax . capp. viiil. none.
Epla. ad QaTatmta . capp. xxxl. none.
Epla. ad Tim. prim, • capp. xxx. vers, cexxx.
Epla. ad Tim, aee. . • capp. xxv. none.
Epla. ad Hit .... capp x. none.
Epla. ad PkHem. . . capp. till, none
Epla. ad JSTebr. . . capp. xxxviili. none.
Epla. ad FanKemm . . none. none.
Apocatypris .... capp. xxv. habet versm 1 toca
An orovatenfttai is given before each of the bo-ks >4
VULGATE, THE
T. Tbi Historit op the Pkjnted Text. —
25. It Tia a noble ojpen for the future progress of
printing that the first book which issued from the
press was the Bible ; and the splendid pages of the
Maxarin Vulgate (Mainz, Gutenburg and Fust)
stand yet unsurpassed by the latest efforts of typo-
graphy. This work is referred to about the year
1455, and presents the common teit of the 15th
century. Other editions followed in rapid succession
(the first with adate, Mainz, 1462, KustandSchoiffer),
but they offer nothing of critical interest. The
first collection of various readings appears in a
Paris edition of 1504, and others followed at Venice
and Lyons in 1511, 1513; but Cardinal Ximenes
(1502-1517) was tie first who seriously revised
the Latin test (".... contulimus cum quamplu-
rimis exemplaribus venerandae vetustatis; sed bis
maxima, quae in publics Complutensis nostra*
Universitatis bibliotheca reconduntur, quae supra
octingentesimum abhinc annum litteris Gothicia
conacripta, ea aunt ainceritate ut nee apicia
lapsus possit in eis deprehendi," Praef.)*, to
which he assigned the middle place of honour in
his Polyglott between the Hebrew and Greek texts
[corcp. New Testament, p. 521]. The Complu-
taisian text is said to be more correct than those
which preceded it, but still it it very far from
being pure. This was followed in 1528 (2nd edi-
tion 1532) by an edition of R. Stephens, who had
bestowed great pains upon the work, consulting
three MSS. of high character and the earlier edi-
tions, but as yet the best materials were not open
for use. About the same time various attempts
were mads to correct the Latin from the original
texts (Erasmus, 1516 ; • Pcgninus, 1518-28 ; Card.
Cajetanus; Steuchius, 1529 ; Clarius, 1542), or even
to make a new Ijttin version (Jo. Campeusis, 1533).
A more important edition of K. Stephens followed
in 1540, in which he made use ol twenty MSS.
and introduced considerable alterations into his
VULGATE. IBE
1706
former text. In 1541 another edition was pub-
lished by Jo. Benedictus at Paris, which was based
on the collation of MSS. and editions, acd was often
reprinted afterwards. Vercellone speaks much mart
highly of the Biblia Ordinaria, with glosses, Ac,
published at Lyons, 1545, as giving readings in
accordance with the oldest MSS., though the sources
from which the) are derived are not given ( Variae
Lect. xcix.). The course of w?troversy in the 16th
century exaggerated the importance of the differ-
ences in the text and interpretation of the! Vulgate,
and the confusion called for some remedy. An
authorized edition became a necessity for the Romish
Church, and, however gravely later theologians may
have erred in explaining the policy or intentions
of the Tridentine Fathers on this point, there can be
no doubt that (setting aside all reference to the
original texts) the principle of their decision — the
Seference, that is, of the oldest Latin text to any
Ser Latin version — was substantially right.*
The Sixtine and Clementine Vulgates.— 116. The
first session of the Council of Trent was held on
Dec 13th, 1545. After some preliminary arrange-
ments the Nicene Creed was formally promulgated
as the foundation of the Christian faith on Feb. 4th,
1546, and then the Council proceeded to the ques-
tion of the authority, text, and interpretation of
Holy Scripture. A committee was appointed to
report upon the subject, which held private meet-
ings from Feb. 20th to March 17th. Considerable
varieties of opinion existed as to the relative value
of the original and Latin texts, and the final decree
was intended to serve as a compromise.* This was
made on April 8th, 1546, and consisted of two
parts, the first of which contains the list of the
canonical books, with the usual anathema on those
who refuse to receive it ; while the second, " On the
Edition and Use of the Sacred Books," contains no
anathema, so that its contents are not articles of
faith.' The wording of the decree itself contains
the N. T. exeapt the Catholic Epistles and the Ep. to the
Laodlceans. and the whole MS. closes with alxty-clght
hexameter Latin verses.
The divisions agree generall y with Brit. Hue. Hart. MM,
and IjomtbeA 3, 4. In the ValUcelllan Alcaln MS (romp.
p. 1710 r) the apocryphal Ep. to Vie Laodiceant Is not
found ; bat It occurs In the same position In the great
Bible to the King's Library (1 E. vtt. vllL), with four
capitula.
Many examples of the various divisions into oaptruZa
are given at length bjr Tbomastus, Opera, L ed. Venost,
Aoaaac, 174.7. The divisions of the principal MSB. which
the writer has examined are given below, $30.
Bentley gives the following audiometry from Cod.
Scmgcrm. (a - ):—
Ep. ad Rom., Scribta it Ctorm&a, Verm noccc. (so
two other of R's MSS.).
ad Cor. L, Sonata dt Philipit. Venue dcoclxx.
ad Cur. 1L. Scribta ds Macedonia, remit uxr.
(ale),
ad UalaL, Scribta it urbe Roma. Yem ocumxe,
(sic).
ad Epbea, Scribta it ttrte Roma. Terms coexn.
ad Philip, Scribta it urbe Roma. Terti occl.
ad Coksav, Scribta dt ttrbe Roma. Vent oevm.
ad These. L, Soripta dt JUenit. Terti CLXUH.
ad These. It., Scripta dt urbe Roma. Venut aval.
ad Tim. L. Scribta it taudaia. Venue ooxxx.
sad Tun. 11, Scripta a Roma. Venue clxxu.
ad Tit, Scripta it SieopoUn. Vertut ixvn.
ad Phllem. Scribta it urbe Roma. Vertut xxxrrn.
Ski Bebr., Scribta dt Roma. Vertut DOU.
Wo T«rrea are given from this MS. for the other books.
• The copy whkh Is here alluded to Is still m tbt
library at Alcala, but the writer Is not aware that it has
been re-examined by any scholar. There Is also a second
copy oT the Vulgate of the 11th cent. A list or Biblical
MSS. at Alcala Is given In Dr. TregeUes' Printed Test of
X. T.. pp. 15-18.
• Erasmus himself wished to publish the Latin text as
be found it In MSS.; bnt be was dissuaded by the advics
of a friend, "urgent rather than wise" (" amid conslltls
lmprobts verlos quam felldbus ").
a Bellarmtn Justly Insists on this fact, which baa been
strangely overlooked tn later controversies (Dt Verbe
Dei, x. ap. Tan Ess, ,») : " Nee enlm Patres [TrldeutlnlJ
fontrnm uuam mentlonem fecernnt Sed solum ex tot
latlnls verstonfbus, quae nunc drcumferuntur, unam dele-
geront, quam ceteris anteponerent anUquam novls,
probatam longo usu recentibus adhuc, ac ut sic loqaar
cradle. ..."
i The original authorities are collected and given at
length by Van Ess. $17.
' Insuper eadem Sacroeancta Synodus conaldcrans non
parum uKIitotts aocedere posse eeclrslc Dei, si ex omni-
bus tatinit edltlonlbua, quae drcumreruntur aacrorum
llbrorum.qnaenani pro autbenltca habenda sit. innoteacatj
statnlt et decUrat, ut base Ipsa vetus et vulgata edltio.
quae longo tot secnlorum nsn hi ipsa ecclrmla probata eat.
In pubtidt leetloulbus, dlsputatlonlbua, pradlcatlonlbua
et exposluouibus pro authentka habeatur; et ut neine
Ulam rejlcere qnovia praetextu audeat vel praesumat. ..
Sed et ImprvsaorftKM modum. . . . lmrxmere votcna. . . .
decrevit et statnlt nt poathac sacra scrlptun potittimwm
vero have Ipsa vetna et vulsjata edltio quam emendatlesuw]
unproBianBr
1706
VULGATE, THE
several marks of the controversy from which it
nut, and admit* of a for more liberal construction
than later glomes bare affixed to it. In affirming
the authority of the 'Old Vulgate* it contains no
estimate of the mine of too original teztt. The
question decided is simply the relative merits of the
current Latin versions (" ri ex omnibus Lstinis
verskmibus quae circumferuntnr ....*), and this
only in reference to public exercises. Tot object
contemplated is the advantage (ntfll at) of the
Church, and not anything essential to its constitu-
tion. It was farther enacted, as a check to the
licence of printers, that ■ Holy Scripture, but eups-
eiatly the old and common ( > ulgate) edition (evi-
dently without excluding the original texts), should
be printed as correctly as possible." In spite, how-
ever, of the comparative caution of the decree, and
the interpretation which was affixed to it by the
highest authorities, it was received with little
favour, and the want of a standard text of the
Vulgate practically left the question as unsettled
as before. The decree itself was made by men
little fitted to anticipate the difficulties of textual
criticism, but afterwards these were found to be so
great that for some time it seemed that no antho-
riaed edition would appear. The theologians of
Belgium did something to meet the want. In
1547 the first edition of Hentcnius appeared at
Louvain, which had very considerable influence upon
later copies. It was based upon the collation of Latin
MSS. and the Stephanie edition of 1540. In the
Antweip Polyglott of 1568-72 the Vulgate was bor-
rowed from the Complutensian (Vercellone, Var.
Ltd. oi. ) ; but in the Antwerp edition of the Vulgate
of 1573-4 the text of Hentenins was adopted with
copious additions of readings by Lucas Brugensis.
This last was designed as the preparation and tem-
porary substitute for the Papal edition: indeed it
may be questioned whether it was not put forth as
the " correct edition required by the Tridentine de-
cree " (comp. Lucas Brag. ap. VerceUone, cii.). But
t Papal board was already engaged, however de-
sultorily, upon the work of revision. The earliest
trace of an attempt to realise the recommendations
of the Council is found fifteen years after it was
made. In 1561 Paulus Hanutius (son of Aldus
Hanutius) was invited to Rome to superintend the
printing of Latin and Groek Bibles (Vercellone,
Var. Ltd. be., i. Prol. xlx. a.). During that year
and the next several scholars (with Sirletus at
their head) were engaged in the revision of the
text. In the pontificate of Pius V. the work was
continued, and Sirletus still took a chief put in it
(1569, 1570, Vercellone, I. c. xx. n.), but it was
currently reported that the difficulties of publishing
* The original words are both Interesting and Im-
portant: " Nos .... Ipsius Apostolornm Prtnctpls sneto*
rltste conns! .... fcsudqnaqasm grand snnras .... hunc
qnoqae non medlocrem sccuratse lncabimtlonls lsborem
BiHdpera, stque es omnia perlegere quae slH collegerant
sut aenserant, dtversarum lectlonum rsdooeo porpsnd er e,
sanctorum doctorum sentcntlss reoognosoere : quae qui bos
antafereixm assent d|jadtcsn>, sdeo ot In boc labortottssi-
m«e emendstionls eurrlcuto, in quo opersm quotldlanam,
esmqne phnibus noris oollocendam dnxlmns, allonim
qntdem labor fsnrtt tn consulendo, noster antem In eo
quod ex plnrtbos esset optimum deHgendo: Its tsmen
nt veteran mulcts tn EcoJesta abhme e seo oUs receptsm
leotknem omnlno rettauerimas. Novsm tnterea Typo-
graphism m Apostollco Ysticsno ftuatio nostra
exstruxinres . . . . et hi ea mtndatum Jam Blbllornm
volomen exruderetur' esane rw ioo magls locorrupte
VULUATE, THE
an authoritative edition were bsuperable. Nothing
further was done town* the revision of the Vul-
gate under Gregory XIII., but prepared nos were
made for an edition of the LXX. This appeared in
1587, In the second year of the pontificate of Sixtua
V, who had been one of the chief promoters of the
work. After the publication of the LXX., Situs
immediately devoted himself to the production ot
an edition of the Vulgate. He was hifneetf a
scholar, and his imperious genius led Urn to mot
a task frun which others had shrank. " He had
felt," he says, - from his first accession to the papal
throne (1585), great grief, or even indignation
(iiriagne ferentes), that the Tridentine decree was
still unsatisfied ;" and a board was appointed, under
the presidency of Card. Carafe, to arrange the ma-
terial* and offer suggestions for an edition. Situs
himself revised the text, rejecting or cnohrmrug the
suggestions of the board by his absolute judgment ;
and when the work was printed be examined the
sheets with the utmost care, and corrected the errors
with his own hand. 1 The edition appeared in 15SO,
with the famous constitution Atlertua tNr 'dated
March 1st, 1589) prefixed, in which Sixtua affirmed
with characteristic decision the plenary a uth or i ty
of the edition for all future time. " By the fulness
of Apostolical power " (such are Ins words) "• we
decree and declare that this edition .... approved
by the authority delivered to us by the Lord, is te
be received and held as true, lawful, authentic and
unquestioned, in all public and prtoofc diacuaboo,
reading, preaching, and explanation,'' > He farther
forbade expressly the publication of various read-
ings in copies of the Vulgate, and pronounced that
all readings in other editions and MSS. which vary
from those of the revised text "are to have no
credit or authority for the future " (ea in Hs qua*
huic nostras edition! non consenserint, nullum in
posterum fidem, nnllamque auctoritatem habitura
esse decernimus). It was also enacted that the
new revision should be introduced into all miisile
and service-books ; and the greater ucommuaica-
tion was threatened against all who m any way
contravened the constitution. Had the life of Situs
been prolonged, there b no doubt but that his iron
will would have enforced the changes which he
thus peremptorily proclaimed ; but he died in Aug. (
1590, aud those whom he had alarmed or offended
took immediate measures to hinder the execution
of his designs. Nor was this without goad reason.
He had changed the readings of those whom be hoc
employed to report upon the text with the ms«*>
arbitrary and unskilful hand; and it was s a ia ts T
an exaggeration to say that his pre ri p i tato " sett*
reliance had brought the Church Into the
perBosratur, nostra nos Ipsl mans correxhnns, si qaa>
praelo vlUa obrepsersnt, et quae confuse sat ladle ooo-
fnndl posse videbsntur disUnxlmna" (Body, p. «•«;
Vsn Ess, p. MS).
« » exotrtenostnsdentla.dequeApMtancaa
potostans plenltodlne statnunns ac dedanmns. esas
Valentam same, tam vetms, qosm novt Tes ta sae at J
pagtnae Lattnam edluonem, quae pro sntbssUca a
Oondllo Trkkntuo recepu eat, sins oils dabttstfcne, sat
controversia censeodsm esse banc tpssm, quam none;
prout optlme Bsri polerit, emendatam et Is Vsnossa
Tvpographia tmpressam In universe Christiana Repabttos,
atqus In omnibus Cnrtstlsnl urbis Kcdesiis
evnlgamus, deeernentes cam .... pro van,
sutbentkm et lndubliata. In omnibus publlrta prio
dlspuutlonlbus, lecUonlbus, nrseiUcsllacnbos,ets
Uonlbus redptendam M lenendsaa ssss."
VULGATE, THE
Mriout peril." ■ During the brief pontificate :(
Urban VII. nothing could In done ; but the reac »o
was not long delayed. On the ai cession of Gregory
XIV. wroe went so far as to propose that the edi-
tion of Sixtus should be absolutely prohibited ; but
Bel In. rain suggested a middle course. He propa
that the erroneous alterations of the text which had
been nude in it (" quae male mutata erant ")
" should be corrected with all possible speed and
the Bible reprinted under the name of Status, with
a prefatory note to the effect that errors (aliqua
errata) had crept into the former edition by the
carelessness of the printers." " This pious fraud,
or rather daring falsehood/ for it can be called by
no ether name, found favour with those in power.
A commiarion was appointed to revise the Sixtine
teat, under the presidency of the Cardinal Colonna
(Columns). At first the commissioners made bat
•low progress, sad it seemed likely that a year
would elapse before the revision was completed
( Ungarelli, in Vercellone, Prolog, lviii .). The mode
of proceedings wss therefore changed, and the com-
mission moved to Zagarolo, the country seat of Co-
lonna; and, if we may believe the inscription which
still commemorates the event, and the current re-
port of the time, the work was completed in nineteen
days. Bat even if it can be shown that the work
extended over six months, it is obvious that there
was no time for the examination of new authorities,
but only for making a rapid revision with the help
of the materials already collected. The task was
hardly finished when Gregory died (Oct. 1591), and
the publication of the revised text was again delayed.
His successor, Innocent IX., died within the same
year, and at the beginning of 1592 Clement VIII.
was raised to the popedom. Clement entrusted the
final revision of the text to Toletus, sad the whole
was printed by Aldus Hanutias (the grandson)
VT.LGATE, THE
1707
• Bellarmin to Clement VUI. s - Novtt beatiudo vestra
col se laumque erelesls ia dunrlmml commlserit Status T.
etnas jurnt a propria* dorf i sans seams sacroram MbUorum
<naendetioaem tuu ni u s est; nee sans sdo sn grevlus
nnqnam pericnlun oocorrerlt" (Van Ess, p. 190).
• Toe following is the origins! passage quoted by Tan
Ess from the flist edition of BeUannln's JnUobiegraeAy
Cp- »1). anno 1591 : " CumGregprln* XIV. cogltaret quid
agendum esset de bl bills a Slxto V. edltls, in qnlbns erani
permulta perpet u se sswtasa, non deerant viri graves, qui
eenserent ea MMU esse pnblloe prohlbenda, sed N. (Bellar-
mintu) oorsss nonUDos demonstravtt, bibila Ola non saas
prubib«ida.eedess*IUcorrls»da,ots»Wob<a»reSUuV.
pottttnefs bibua Ills emendate prodereutur, quod neret si
qiuun eelerrune toUerentor quo* male mutata sraat, et
tolbtla recoderentur sab nomine ejaedsm 8UU, et sddits
pnteTatlone qas slgniflcaretnr in prima edltlone Slxtl
fame feettnoUont irrepeieee aliqua errata, vel typogra-
p bu s uui vel allornm Incnria, et sk N. reddidit Sbtto pon-
ttrlct boats pro nulls." Ttas Isst words refer to Sottas'
cwndrawatlon of a toasts of Bellarmin, in which be tented
- Popameue donilnum directum totlaeorUs^' and it was
th • whole pstsage. and not the Preface to the demenUne
Vufcsate. which cost Bellarmin bis eanontaauon (Van Ess,
rrum the original documents, pp. ISI-SIS). It will be
orawrvcsl that Bdlamla first desorlbes lbs errors of the
Sixtine edition really as dsAbsrass otterorioae, and then
proposes so represent them ss error*.
r The evidence collected by Van Ess (pp. MO 6T.). and
res ttaa eanUoas sdmlsslnaa of OagareUl and VeroeUona
(pp. xxxilc-xBv.). will peovs that this lassraafs Is not
• Thus fact Bauarmlu pot* In stranger light whan
•rrst:nsj so Loess Bragensls (1S03) to acknowledge hie
rrttlLa.1 collations on the teat of the Vulgate : " De llbello
■d too mlaao grsuss ago, sad sdas veum blblla vnlgata
before the end of 1593. The Pre&et, which is
moulded upon that of Sixtus, was written by
Bellarmin, and is favourably distinguished from
that of Sixtus by its temperance and even modettv.
The text, it is said, had been prepared with the
greatest ore, and though not absolutely perfect
was at least (what is no idle boast) more correct
than that of any former edition. Some readings
indeed, it is allowed, had, though wrong, been
left unchanged, to avoid popular otience.* But yet
even here Bellarmin did not scruple to repot the
fiction of the intention of Sixtus to recti his edition,
which still disgraces the front of the Boxnan Vul-
gats by an apology no leas needless than untrue.*
Another edition followed in 1593, and a third in
1598, with a triple list of errata, one for each of
the three editions. Other editions were afterwards
published at Rome (oomp. Vercellone, civ.), but
with these corrections the history of the authorised
text properly concludes.
27. The respective merits of the Sixtine and
Clementine editions have been often debated. In
point of mechanical accuracy, the Sixtine seems to
be clearly superior (Van Est, 365 ff.), but Van
Ess baa allowed himself to be misled tn the esti-
mate which he gives of the critical value of the
Sixtine readings. The collections lately published
by Vereellone* place in the clearest light the strange
and uncritical mode in which Sixtus dealt with the
evidence and results submitted to him. The recom-
mendations of the Sixtine correctors are marked by
singular wisdom and critical tact, and in almost
every esse where Sixtus departs from them he is in
error. This will be evident from a collation of
the readings in a few chapters as given by Vereel-
lone. Thus in the first four chapters of Genesh
the Sixtine correctors are right against Sixtus : i. 2.
27, 31 ; ii. 18, 30 j iii. 1, 11, 12, 17, 21, 22 ; iv.
non esse s nobis aocurauaatme castigata, multa enhn ds
Industrie Justis ds canals perDanatvimae, quae csrrecuoae
indlgere vMebantur."
* Tne original text of the passages bare referred to la
fall of Interest : " Sixtus V. . . . opes tandem confecium
trnts mandarl JnsslC Qood com Jam esset exensnm et
at In lnoem emltteretar. Idem Pootlfex openun dsret
[Implying that the edition was net published), anlmad-
vertens non panes In Sacra Blblla prell vttia Irrapaiase,
quae Iterate dulgentta Indlgere vMerentnr, totnm opus
sab Incadem ravocandam censalt atone oecrevtt [of this
there Is not the faintest shadow of proof]. Aodpe
Igttur. Chrteuana lector ex Vatlcana typofraphla
veteran as vulgstam same scriptures edltkmttn, quanta
fieri potuil dUlgenna castlgatam: qnam quldrm stent
omnibus nnmerts sbsolutam, pro humane tmbetiUttate
afflrmare diffldle est, Its ceteris omnibus quae ad bane
usque diem prodternnt emendatlorem, purluremque esse,
mlntme dubttandum. In bee tnmen pervulgata lec-
Uone ateat numnlla consnllo mutata. Ita etlam sua. quae
matsnda vMabsntnr, consnllo tmmutata rellcta sunt, tarn
qood ila fsrtsndttm esse sd oftenslonem popoiorum vltan-
dam a, Hieronymna non samel admonolt tmn quod . . . .'
The candour uf those words contrasts strangely with the
fbuy of later champions of toe edition.
In consequence of a very amusing mjatranalatlon of a
phrase of Hug, It has been commonly stated In England
that this Preface gained. Instead or ossf, Bellarmin his
canonisation: (Hng. BM. I.4S0, "Welebe inn am seine
HeiUgspreehung gebracbt habea soil "). The real onVoc*
lay In the words quoted above (note ').
» The moat lmporunl of tbeae b the (Ipdaa tlnra^">"a,
a copy of the Antwerp edition of 1SS3, with the MS,
onmciione of the Sixtine board. Tale was fennel by
Cngarelll In the Library of the Roman Coi;^a» uf Set
Blalsn sod Cuaitss. Uomp. VeroeUons. ."rat/, ai.
1708
VULGATE, THE
VULGATE, THE
1, 5, 7, 8, 9, 15, 16, 19 ; and on the other html
Siitus i« right against the correctors in i. 15. Tiv
Gregorian correctors, therefore (whose results are
giren in the Clementine edition), in the main ■imply'
restored readings adopted by the Sixtine board and
rejected by Siitus. In the Book of Deuteronomy
the Clementine edition follows the Sixtine correctors
where it differ* from the Sixtine edition : i. 4, 19,
31 ; ii. 21 ; it. 6, 22, 28, 30, 33, 39; t. 24; vi.
4; riii. 1 ;ix. 9; X. 3; xi, 3; lii. U, 12, 15, 4c.;
and every change (except probably vi. 4; xii. 11,
IZ\ is right ; while on the other hand in the same
chapters there are, as far as I have observed, only
two instances of variation without the authority of
the Sixtine correctors (xi. 10, 32). But in point of
fart the Clementine edition errs by excess of caution.
Within the same limits it follows Siitus against the
.correctors wrongly in ii. 33; iii. 10, 12, 13, 16,
19, 20; iv. 10, 11, 28, 42; vi. 3; xi. 28; and in
the whole book admits in the following passages ar-
bitrary changes of Siitus: iv. 10 ; v. 24 ; vi. 13 ;
xii. 15, 32 ; xriii. 10, 11 ; xxix. 23« In the N. T.,
as the report of the Siitine correctors has not yet
been published, it is impossible to say how far the
same law holds good ; but the following comparison
of the variations of the two editions in continuous
passages of the Gospels and Epistles will show that
the Clementine, though not a pure teit, is yet very
tar purer than the Siitine, which often gives Old
Latin readings, and sometimes appears to depend
•imply on patristic authority* (i. e. pp. 11.) :—
Suctitte. | Ckmentme.
Matt L 13, vocabltnr (pp. 11.) — vorabunt
ii. 6, Juda (gat mm. 4c.) ' — Judae.
13, surge, accipe (?) I — surge et aedpe.
UL 2, appropinquablt (Iv. I — appropinquavtt
17), (USS. Gallic I
pp. 11.).
3, d> quo dlctam est
(tol. It.).
10, arborls (Tert).
— qui dlctos est
— aroorum.
It. s, ut . . . tollant (it).
— et . . . tollent
7, Jesus rursum.
— Jesus: Rursum.
It, Galilaeae at, am.
«rc.).
IS, ambulnlKit if)
— GaUlaea.
— sedebat
t. 11. VQbid hum lues (gat
— vobls.
mm. fcc).
30, nbfclndt' (?),
— absdde.
411, In Jiidicio (it).
— Judldo.
tL T. ttlt factum (It)
— ethukL
3U, tnliu (li.l.
— autcm.
vii. 1, eiiKiTiju.JIcublmlni,
— nt nun Judlosmlnl.
ii.'lir*- . Mi,.|«mnare
et non n [..lemna-
blinlm (?)
4, sine. IrjtM (it pp.
— SUM.
11.).
33, a ni" 1 mimes (it
— a roe.
pp. 11 -)-
-
< l nc n-mnii'ii sUtrtrjent that the Clementine edition
fellows the rcvtil.ji i of A [coin, white the Sbn'ue gives the
tro* text of Jerome, is apparently a mere conjectural
mr-"*~ I" IJentcronotny, Siitus giTes the Alculntan
trading in ilie follow inir passages : L I» ; It, 30, 33 ; xxL • ;
j^j i have not otwrv'tl one passage where the Clemeu-
ujk b-it agrees wlib. Hut of Alcuiu unless that of Sixtna
"I
%
PiMagrs have bivn uken from the Pentateuch, because
H taat Vsroeltooe lue riTen complete and trustworthy
iKirrlnlt. Tlic bit Book of Samuel, in which the later
gumptions are very r > lonslve, gives results generally of
im samF character. Hr. at and obvious interpolations are
,T*eil l»-ib In the Sixtine and Clementine editions :
■ . y. •■ : » i ; xllL if. . xtT. 33,41 ; XT. 3, 12; xvlL 3«;
H <- "w I.XX.). The Sixtine text gives
from the Clementine : ill. 3. 3;
\ 35. The Clementine restores
— caput
Sfenaui
llattvU. 3S, supra (pp. 1L tol
Ac).
3*. scrlbee (It).
Tin. », alio (It am. Ac).
13, ubi (pp. UA
la, juaslt dlacipolos
(It).
30, caput sunm (It
loL>
38, venlasat Jeans (It).
32, magno unpetu(it).
33, bare omnia (?).
34, rogahant eum nt
Jesus (?).
Ephes.1.16, iDChrlsto S, (pp.lL
Bodl.).
31, dominstionem (7).
II. 1, yob convlviflcevK
(PP- 1L).
11, toi eratis (pp. UL
Bodl. Ac).
— , ritoebamtni (pp. D >
13. qui (pp. II. BudX
•x.).
33, Spiritu Sancto (pp.
11. Sang. Ac).
UL 8, rami enun (pp. 11).
.1, Tirtutem (It).
— , in lntcrlore homine
(pp. IL BodL).
tr. 33, deponite (It)
30. In die (pp. 1L BodL
he).
v. M, mundans earn (pp.
U.).
37, in glorloaam (?).
vL 16, m praeparaHonem
(It).
30, in catena IsU (it?).
(Soma of the readings of BodL (413, (3) **) an sisal
It. Is used, as is commonly done, lor the old texts sw
rally ; and the notation of the MSB. Is that nasally stUesastj
28. While the Cleroentine edition was stiO most
some thoughts seem to have been entertained of re-
vising it. Lucas Brugensis made important eat>e-
tions for this purpose, but the practical diOcnitas
were found to be too great, and the study of vsricia
reading! was reserved for scholars (BeUarraia. ai
Lucam Brug. 1606). In the next g e n er ati on car
and controversy gave a sanctity to the authsrixst
text. Many, especially in Spain, pronounced it ■
have a value superior to the originals, and t» V
inspired in every detail (comp. Van E.-*, *.-'..
402 : Hody, in, ii. 15) ; but it is metes to dwe.
on tile history of such extravagancies from wtttca
the Jesuits at least, following their great caanrpa
BeUarmin, wisely kept aloof. It was a more *er.> •
matter that the universal acceptance of tie par*
text checked the critical study of the metmifc «
which it was professedly be/dd. At length. bw-
ever, in 1706. Martianay published a new, as* a
the old reading against Slxtus L », 1»; It 11. K. St. »
It. »(?), (21); vL»; ix.7; x. 13; xtt. a, n. u, 33; i*
18; Ut, 3 (?), 14, 16. Thos m Bfleen chapters On**
alone gives the old readings sixteen times. Sxxxos eanr
five times. Vercellone, In the second part of baa Vanat
Lectlones, which was pnbtlabed after Una article <s>
printed, promises a special dtscnanon of the Inns sua
tions of 1 Sam., which were, as might nave bare as*
pected, expunged by the cUxUna u o u a a.ua a . TanW
ad 1 Beg. It. 1.
* The variations between the Sixtine sod C asin o
editions were collated by T. Jamas, BtUum poaaate, a aa»
cordto ditoort . . . . Land. ISM; and more cseapfca:'
with a collation of the Clemen tine editions, by H-d* Bs**
top, Lm to hue, lib. (it pp. 316 ff. Vereellooe, mm— t
earlier critics, reexons that the whole ■■■■t" of •ar^»
tions between the two revisions is ahum men </ rasaj
xlvULnofal
VULGATE, THF
lh» amir. b*tter text, chiefly from origiual MSS., in
his edition of Jerome. Vallarsi added fresh colla-
tions in his revised issue of Martianay's work, but
in both cases the collations axe imperfect, and it is
impossible to determine with accuracy on what MS.
authority the text which is given depends. Sa-
batier, though professing only to deal with the
Old Latin, published important materials for the
criticism of Jerome's Version, and gave at length
the readings of Lucas Brugeosis (1743). More
than a century elapsed before anything more of im-
portance was done for the text of the I<atin version
of the 0. T.. when at length the fortunate discovery
of the onginJ revision of the Sixtina correctors
again directed the attention of Roman scholars to
their authorised text. The first-fruits of their
Labours are given in the volume of Vercellone
already ofteu quoted, which baa thrown more light
upon the history and criticism of the Vulgate than
any previous work. There are some defects in the
arrangement of the materials, and it is unfortunate
that the editor has not added either the authorised
or corrected text ; but still the work is such that
• The materials which Bentley collected (tee p. 1711.
note ') are an Invaluable help for investigation, but they
will not supersede it. It is. Indeed, Impossible to determine
on what principle he Inserted or omitted variations. Some-
time* he notes with the greatest care discrepancies of
orthography, and at other times he neglects Important
dinVrenees of text. Thus tn John 1. 1841 he gives cor-
rectly 21 variations or the Cambridge MS. (Kk. 1,
S4) and omits 61 ; and In Luke i. 1-39 he gives 13 vari-
ations of St. Chad's Oospels and omits 30 ; and there
la nothing In the character of the readings recorded
which can have determined the selection, as the varia-
tions which are neglected are sometimes noted from other
M9&,and are In themselves of every degree ofimpur-
tanee. A specimen from each of the volumes which
contain his collations will show the great amount of
labour which be bestowed upon the work ; and. hitherto,
do specimen baa been published. The student may find
It Interesting to compare the variations noted with Ibuue
to Table B.
Coll. SS. Trin. Omar., Hark lx. 46-4.8.
& 11, 6.
26 1
El si pes tuns to scandal-
*
last, amputa ilium: bonum
2 cWpl ■*,
1 2 o o y d> C do m est tlM ciaudum Introlre in
vluun aeternam, quam duos
pedes habentem mittl in
gebennam ignis inextlngnl-
bills : [ubl vermis eorum
>•*
non moritur, et ignis » non
exttaowi'tur. Quod si ocuius
toos scandallzat te ei[>]ce
»M*1
X eum: bonum est tlbt lasram
Introlre In regit um Del, quam
duos oculos habentem mitti
In gebennam ignis :] ah!
*>
veruiis eorum non moniur,
* *u
et Ignis non txtingui-
P*
mr. Omttit [enim] rgru
(jsaiietur, et omnls vktlma
[ j id. n>aarwv'alH«xO» [sale] salletur. Bonum est
VULGATE. THE
1708
llpaf
eum it
[jdelT
ricpxyC rfonun w
gut opvC
aVt as o irave> eUo
llaC me
«*P(«X«'
ptin ix one o p r
del I a nl or
•very student of the Latin text must wait anxiously
for its completion.
29. The neglect of the Latin text of the 0. T.
is but a consequence of the general neglect of the
criticism of the Hebrew text. In the N. T. far
more has been done for the correction of the Vulgate,
though even here no critical edition has yet been pub-
lished. Numerous collations of MSS., more or leas
perfect, hare been made. In this, as in many other
points, Bentley pointed out the true path which
others have followed. His own collation of Latin
MSS. was extensive and important (comp. Ellis,
Bmtltii Critica Sacra, xxxv. fl'.).* Griesbach ndded
new collations, and arranged those which ethers
had made. Lachmaun printed the Latin text in his
larger edition, having collated the Codex Ful-
dentit for the purpose. Teschendorf has laboured
among Latin MSS. only with less zeal than among
Greek. And Tregelles has given in his edition of
the N. T. the text of Cod. Amiatinus from his own.
collation with the variations of the Clementine
edition. But in all these cases the study of the
Latin was merely ancillary to that of the G reek text.
CM. SS. Trin. Castor.
(B. It. 5.)
«ter g eat ::::«) sic
solar* acova'THfx
Mark lx. 46-48.
M«
Habete In, voMs sol, et
pacem habete Inter voa.
Hornnes eniiu igne examln-
antur p..
In this excerpt « — 4 (except y) represent French
MSS. collated chiefly by T. Walker ; M. H, the MSS. In
the Brit. Mus. marked HarL 2788, BarL 2826 respec-
tively; (. the Oospels of St. Chad; *, the Gospels of
Mac Regol ; y. tbe Oospels of S - » John C. Oxon. (comp.
lie lints p. 1682, seq.).
tlC
quod si sal Insulsum
r.t, III quo Mud eondietts t
Mark lx. it-it.
2EH0TD
Et si pes tuns to scandal-
last, amputa Ilium: bonum
2 1 F
est tibt ciaudum introlre In
vltarn aeternam, quam duos
pedes habentem mltu m ge-
bennam Ignis Inexstlngui-
bills : ubl vermis eorum noa
moritur, et Ignis non exstln-
F
ovitur. [Quod si ocuius tana
scandallzat te, ejlce eum :
bonum est tibi luscum in-
trolre In regnum Del, quam
duos oculos habentem mlitl
In gebennaat Ignis*, ubl ver-
mis eorum non moritur, et
ignis , non exstinawtur.]
YED KPBF
Omnls enim Igne ealietsw et
E
omnls victims [sale] solie*
tur. Bonum est sal : quod al
sal lnrnfiu*t fuorit. In quo
DZEHOY
Mud condietttf Habete to
THI'DKfY*
vobis sal, et pacem habete
inter voa.
The collations In this volume are, as will be seen, some
what confused. Many are In Bentley's hand, who has
added numerous emendations of the Latin text In B. IT
14. Thus, on the same page from which this example to
taken, we find : Mark lx. 20, ab infantia. io. leg. at
in/antt. ra&»9»r. x. 14, Qvo$ quum eideret. forte leg.
Quod cfl. videret (sic a p. m. 0: a later note), x. 3s, M
baptitmum cm ego. leg. Aut baptitma, quod ego. \r\jt
the MSB. quoted, see die lists already referred la
CaU. SS. Trin. Castor.
(B. IT, 14.)
1*1) do B
t K T P B (camper)
vie Z.
oiieZ. CjdsL Z.
,K inexttnguibllla (erased)
rU Z (erased) em Y
true Z (erased)
,eorum K (erased)
m alii H B (sic)
DAYfZFottOBPHK
fust P sol P K
dietur (can. -is) E.
Z R salem B D E
1710
VULGATE, THE
rrjbaWy from the greet antiquity and purity of
the CoM. Amiatimt and Puldmtit, there '• com-
paratively little toopa for criticism in the -.-vision
of Jerome's Version ; bat it could not be ui unpro-
fitable woifc to examine mora in detail than hat yet
been done the eeveral phase* through which it has
passed, and the causes w hieh led to its gradual cor-
ruption. (A full account of the editions of the
Vulgate is given bj Masch [Le Long], Bibliotbeca
Sacra, 1778-80. Copies of the Sixtine and Clem-
entine editions are in the Library of the British
Museum.)
VI. The Materials for the Retbioh or
Jkbohk'i Text.— 30. Very few Latin MSS. ot
the O.T. hare been collated with critical accu-
racy. Toe Pentateuch of Vercellone (Homo*, 1860)
is the first attempt to collect and arrange the ma-
.eriala Sir determining the Hieronymisn text in a
manner at all corresponding with the importance of
the subject. Kven in the N. T, the criticism of the
Vulgate text has always been made subsidiary to
that of the Greek, and most of the HSS. quoted
hare only been examined cursorily. In the follow-
.ng list of MSS., which is necessarily very imper-
fect, the notation of Vercellone (from whom most
of the details, as to the MSS. which be has ex-
amined, are faired) has been followed as far as
possible; but it is much to be regretted that he
marks the readings of MSrf. Correcturia and editions
in the same manner.
L MSS. of Old Tett. and Apocrypha.
A (Codex Amiatuua, BibL Laurent. Flor.) at
Florence, written about the middle of the 6th cent,
(dr. Ml, Tiscbdf.) with great accuracy, to that
both in age and worth it stands first among the
authorities for the Rieronymian text. It contains
Jerome's Psalter from the Hebrew, and the whole
Latin Bible, with the exception of Bench. The
variations from the Clementine text in the N. T. have
been edited by F. F. Fleck (1840) ; and Tischendorf
and Tregelles separately collated the N. T. in 1843
and 1846, the former of whom published a com- I
plete edition (1850 ; 2nd ed. 1854) of this part of:
the MS., availing himself also of the collation of !
Tregelles. The 0. T. has been now collated by '
Vercellone and Palmieri for Veroellone's Variae I
Uctiona (Vercellone, i. p. Lrxriv.). The MS. was j
rightly rained by the Sixtine correctors, who in
many places follow its authority alone, or when
only feebly supported by other evidence: e.g. Gen.
ii. 18, t. 26, vi. 21, rii. 3, 5, ix. 18, 18, x. 1.
B (Code* IbUtanui, Bibl. Eodes. Tolet.), at
Toledo, written in Gothic letters about the 8th cent.
The text is generally pure, and closely approaches
to that of A,at least in O. T. A collation of this
MS. with a Lourain edition of the Vulgate (1569,
fol.) was made by Christopher Palomares by the
command of Sixtue V., and the Sixtine correctors
set a high value upon its readings : se. <7- Gen. vi.
4 The collation of Palomares was published by
Bianchioj ( VavUciae, pp. lv. ff.), from whom it
has been reprinted by Migne (Bteron. Opp. x. 875
ff.). Vercellone has made use of the original col-
lation preserved in the Vatican Library, which is
not always correctly transcribed by Bianchini ; and
at the same time he bad noted the various readings
which hare been neglected owing to the difference
betwten the Louvain and Clementine texts. The
MS. contains all the Latin Bible (the Psalter from
the Hebrew), with the exception of Baruch. A
new eollatkn of the MS. is still desirable; anJ for
YCLGATE,THS
the H. T. at least the work it one whim nor*
eaauv be accomplished.
C (Coder Pamttmn, v. CaroUmm, Beam lha.
S. Benedict, ap. BasO. S. PauBi extr. atsauY, i
MS. of the whole Latin Bible, with the ostesoa a
Baruch. Vercellone assigns it to the 8th tanarr.
It follows the recension of Alcorn, sad was tat a
the MSS. used bv the original board appaatti W
Pius IV. for the roviaioa of the Vatgat*. It an
been collated by VerceUoae.
D (Coda VdRMmm olim ffliirViasai. Esaas,
BibL Vallicell. Oral. & vi.), an Al nil in MS. ef n>
Bible also used by the Roman correctors, of tht sax
date (or a little older) and character as C. Caap,
Vallana, Pratf. ad Hiiro*, ix. 15 (ed. Miget,, a*
note \ p. 1703. Collated by VerctBsae.
E (Codex OUobomicau* olim Cm natulan, Vatic.
60), a MS. of a portion of the O. T„ bapeHss) a
the beginning, and ending with Jndg. xm. 10. h
is of the 8th century, and gives a teat eider tan
Alcuin's recension. It contains aba haasruet
fragments of the Old Version of Genesis and Kaata
published by Vercellone in his Variae Lt cti mm, -
Coll. by Vercellone.
F (Romae, Coll. SS. Blaan et CeroK), a MS. 4
the entire Latin Bible of the 10th century. U al-
lows, in the main, the i r rien si o n of Alexia, wa
some variations, and contains the Bttnta Paula
CoU. by Vercdkne.
G(Komae, CoU. SS. Blarii et Carol), a MS. «
the 13th century, of the common late type. Oil
by Vercellone.
H, L, P, Q, are used by VeraJlcoe to xtsrk b»
readings riven by Martianay, Hentenins, Oater
lanus, and R. Stephanos, in editions of the Vttljae.
I, Sate. xiii. Collated in part by C J. Baas.
Eichhorn, Sepm to ri m m, xvu.
K (Monast. SS. Tria. Cavae), a most iia a ntaa
MS. of the whole Bible, belonging to the m « rt
of La Cava, near Salerno. An exact espy tf 1
was made for the Vatican library (nam. MM
by the command of Leo XIL, and this ass bes
used by Vercellone for the books after Lerintai
For the three first books of the Pentateuch he aa*
only an imperfect collation. The MS. bekats it
the 6th or 7th century (Mai, .Wows PatnmBH-
i. 2, 7; Spioil. Bom. ix. Praet mU), sad as-
sents a peculiar text, Tischendorf has tjnettd it a.
1 John v. 7, 8.
M, N, 0, are Correetoria in the Vatican Librsry.
R, S (Romae, CoU. SS. Blaari et Carchl. Sstc
xiv., of the common late type given in the abuis
of the 15th century. T. Saec. x., xL ; U.Sttc t.
two MSS. of the type of the recension of Alcsia.
V (Romae, CoU. SS. Blaaii et Caroh), Saec m,
akin to F.
These MSS., of which Vercellone proxeaaa nan-
plete collations thus leut ese ut the three great trpn.
oftheHieronymian text: the original text in tstwj
stages of decadence (A, B, K); the recenaneai'A-
cuin (C, D, F, T, D, V) ; and the current lets.- tat
(E, G, R, S). But though perhaps an MS. «■'
eror surpass A in general purity, it is to hr btf»*
that many more MSS., representing the ss»-
Aicuinian text, may yet be examined.
31. Martianay, in his edition of the ftnajea *»
liotheca, quotes, among others, the following M-'*-
but be uses them in such a way that it is iatssra*
to determine throughout the reading of act w*
UculariSS.:—
Codex Memmkam, Saec x.
Codex Caroatmmemeu, Saec x.
IBrit. Km.- Hart. 1775.
Vol. HI. coO'rTe PU,
eTWOTMTBlT
q vi t s e xt>u ob u s f ecrrao
• lU"NTATeCTkp ATRTS
1CU KTT*J O U * pttJ <T)VTS
01ClTll-l.lSltf]3
AroeAJ^>»COXJOBTS
CI V 1A|>UJ5L1 c *™ ieTcr»e
2 Brit Mas.- Addit. mm.
ATT , eoi>KB
GTNOKJBTT
Cja7SGXOUQB'j:6QTCiO
UlNTTATGCOpXTRT S
DJCQ/STT, MOClJSSTCr>OS
3 SUnjrtinrst- (St. CuthUrt's, St. John.)
uon ^ABemus fce<jCnr>
|UNC«*K50TR*6ldlTetS lUxico
SUTcru*cipi<;eKeTUR ^
uscepem«Nr axctotv) ik«>
eT BaioUn $> si Bl CRUcero
4 Oxon. Bodl. - 348 (Sdd 30)
erMT euiMucbus Gcce/vqux qui£ roe-
»RO*>iBeT BA]?T1ZM3T T>paT pJilLtpptrf
31CRSZM3 ^CTOTOCOR^eLlCeT, ^
esse iboo TrpnD encissrr s-o^rc
SPECIMENS OF UNCIAL MSS OF THE LATIN BIBLE
VULGATE, THE
Codex Smgermanmsu (1), Saec X.
Codex Begin*, 3563-4.
Codex Sanyermaitensu (2), a fragment.
Codex AaroowmsM. (/«fer Jf&S. CbeU.
Hieron. ix. pp. 135 8°. ed. Migne.)
Tt these, Vallani, in hit revised edition, adds a
collation, more or lew complete, of other MSS.
for the Pentateuch (Joshua, Judges) — of
Cod. Palafinm, 3.
Cod. Vrbinat.
For the Books of Samuel and Kings.
Cod. Vmmcruis, a MS. of the rery highest
▼slue. (Corap. Vallai-si. Praef. 19 ff. ed.
Migne.)
For the Psalms.
Oodd. Reg. Saec. ii. 1286.
Cod. Vatio. 154.
Cod. S. Cruds (or 104, Cittercieiuit), (the
most valuable).
For Daniel.
Cud. Patai. 3.
Cod. Vatio. 333.
For Esther, Tobit, and Judith.
CM. Reg. Saec. 7.
Cod. Vatic. Palat. 24.
But of all these only special readings are known.
Other MSS. which deserve examination are: —
1. Brit. Mux. Addit. 10, 546. Saec. ix.
(Charlemagne's Bible) an Alcuinian copy. Comp.
p. 1704, note •».
2. Brit. Mm. Reg. 1 K, vii. viii. Saec ix. x.
(Bentley s MS. R).»
3. Brit. Mm. Addit. 24,142. Saec. ix. x. (Im-
portant : apparently taken from a much older copy.
The Psalter is Jerome's Version of the Hebrew. The
Apocryphal books are placed after the Hagiographa,
with the heading : Indpit quartm ordo eontm
tibrorwm gut m Veteri Testamento extra Canonem
Hebraeontm twit. The MS. begins Gen. xlix. 6.)
1711
' Bentley procured collations of upwards of sixty
Kngueb sod French Latin MSS. of the N. T, which are
still preserved among his papers in Trin. Coll. Cambridge,
B. 1?. 5. and B. IT, 14. A list of these, as given by bentley,
la printed in Ellis's Rentleii Critica Sacra, pp. xxxv. ff.
I have ideniltted and noticed the English MSS. below
(ramp. p. nil), or Bibles Bentley gives more or less
complete collations of the N. T. from Paris. B8&. Reg.
3S4U (un VIS); 3561, Saec lx; 3M3-4, Saec be; 3M4»,
Saec lx., x. All appear to be AJculnlan.
Str F. Madden has given a list of the chief MSS. of tbe
Latin Bible (19 copies) in the Gentieman'i Hagasine,
183/6. pp. 580 01 This list, however, might be increased.
* For all critical purposes tbe Latin lexts of this
edition are worthless. In one chapter taken at random
(Mark vitt.) there are seventeen errors In tbe text of the
I Jndlefame MS., Including tbe omission of one Hoc with
tbe corresponding gloat.
a Tbe accompanying Plates will give a good Idea of
tbe external character of some of the most ancient and
predooa Lathi MSS. which tbe writer has examined. For
permission to take tbe tracings, from which the facsimiles
went made, his sincere thanks are due to tbe various
InatitnrJons In whom charge the MSB. are placed.
PL l./f. L BrU. Mm. Hart 1775, Matt. xxl. 30, 11, Bo
m\omine—etm>4retrien} This MS. (like figs. 1, 8) exhibits
the arrangement of tbe text in lines (versus, arixw.). Tbe
artsrtnal readhir noviuiwwi baa been changed by a late
bend Into prusms. A cbaracteriatlc error of sound will be
noticed. Out for Mt (ft for «), which ocean saw In fig. 1.
rig. X Brit. Mm. Add. 54*3. Matt. xxl. 10, 31. aU-
sswrdsststaa. This magnificent MS. shews tbe beginning
of contraction (duoo) and punctuation
VULGATE, THE
4. Brit. Mm. Harl. 2805 to Psalms witl i
lacunae. Saec. ix.
5. Brit. Mm. Egerton 1046. Saec. viii. Prur.
Eoclee. Cant. Sap. Ecclus. (with soma lacunae)
Ciood Vulgate.
6. Lambeth, 3, 4. Saec. xil.
32. ii. MSS. of the N. t.
A, 3, C, D, F, tie., a* enumerated before. To
thaw must be added the Codex Fuldetuit of the
whole N. T., which, however, contains the Gospels
in tin form of a Harmony. The text of the MS. is
of nearly equal value with that of A, and both seem
to bars been derived from the same source (Tischdf.
Prolegg. Cod. Am. p. xxiii.). The MS. boa (wen
collated by Lachmann and Bnttmann, and a com-
plete edition is in preparation by E. Ranke.
Other Vulgate MSS. of parts of the N. T. have
been examined more or less carefully. Of the
Gotpeh, Tischendorf {ProUg. ccxlix. ff.) gives
a list of a considerable number, which have been
examined very imperfectly. Of the more important
of these the best known are :—
For.' Prog, (at Prague and Venice). Published
by Bianchini, in part after Dobrowsky.
Sari. (Brit. Mux. Harl. 1775). Saec. vii. Coll
in part by Griesbach (Symb. Crit. i. 305 ff.).
Per. Fragments of St. Lake, edited by Bianchini.
Brit. Mux. Cotton. Nero D, iv. Saec. viii.
(BentLT). The Lindisfarne (St. Cuthbert) Gospels
with interlinear Northumbrian gloss. Ed. by Ste-
venson, for Surteet Society (St. Matt. ; St. Mark).
The Northumbrian gloss by Bouterwek, 1857.
Stevenson has added a collation of the Latin of the
Roshworth Gospels I (p. 1695, No. I).
The following, among many others in the United
Kingdom,, deserve examination :» —
(1.) Of the Gospels.
1. Brit Mus. Harl. 1775. Saec. vii. (Gries-
bach's Harl. Bentley's Ty A new am.
Kg. 3. Stonytvrit John xix. 15-17, eon snn miii —
cnuxm. This MS., nnllke tbe former, seems to nave
been prepared lor private nse. It Is written throughout
with the greatest regularity and care. Tbe large capitals
probably indicate tbe beginnings of ssmfrns (a&Ao). Tbe
words are here separated.
Kg. «. Omf. Boil. 1418. Acta vlll 3ft, ST, el ait-
don.
PL B. Kg. 1. Caster. Unto. Mot. Kk. L M. Job v.
4, tamu JUbat—hono Oi. This MS. otters a fine ex-
ample of tbe seml-undal ■ Irish " character, with tbe
characteristic dotted capitals, which seems to have bem
used widely In tbe 8th century throughout Ireland and
erntret and northern England. The text contains a most
remarkable Instance of tbe Incorporation of a marginal
gloss into the body of the book (Aoe in (Tracts memphai-
but non soberer), wttbont any mark of separation by
the original band. This elanso also offers a distinct oivwf
of tbe revision of tbe oopy from which the MS. was de-
rived by Greek MSS. The contraction lor antral Is
worthy of notko.
Kg. X. Brit. Mm. Big. l&rl Another type of
"Saxon" writing.
Kgi. 3, 4. Brit. Mm. Harl. ion. Matt, xxvtt. 4», with
tbe addition Altai an tra l a f savunris. Mr). 1801. Mail
xxL 30, 31, tt sua ti t pup l f amfy Two eharacteritttc
specimens of later Irish writing. Tbe contractions lor
turn, auUm./fiu.tt.aqua. 'in fig 3, and tar at, mat, curat
jtnatn fig. 4, are noticeable.
Kg. 5. Hertford Betpcli. John L S, 4, /aenst at—
eompraeduaideiwit. Probably a British type of tbe
"Irish " diameter. Tbe symbol lur est !-*-), and U» sh
for a, are to be ob
1712
VULGATE, THE
complete collation ot this most pieaous
MS. is greatly to be desired. It contains
the Prefaces, Canons, and Section, with
blank place* for the Capitula. 1 (Plata 1.,
fig- K
3. Brit. Mas. Reg. 1 E. <ri, Saec vii. (Bent
ley's P). A very important English MS.,
with many old readings, Praef. Can. (no
Sections), Cap. Mt xxviii. Mc. xii. (?) Lc.
zz. Joh. ziv. Supposed to have formed
put of the Biblia Gregoriana : Westwood,
Archaeological Journal, zl. p. 292.
?. Brit Mus. Reg. 1 B. vii. Saec. viii. (Bent-
ley's H). Another very important MS.,
preserving an old text* Praef. Can. (Sect.)
Cap. Mt. lxxxvii. (sic). Mc. xlvi. Lc zdr.
Joh.zlv. (Plate II., fig. 2.)
4. Brit. Mai. Cotton. Otho C V. Saec. viii
(Fragments of Matt and Mark. Bentiey's
e>). Injured by fire : restored and mounted,
1848. The complement of 24.
5. Brit Mus. Adda. 5463. Saec viii. (Bent-
ley's F). A magnificent (Italian) uncial
MS. with many old readings. Praef. Can.
(Sect.) Cap. Mt xxviii. Mc. ziii. Lc. zz.
Joh. ziv. (Plate L, fig. 2.)
6. Brit Mus. Harl. 2788. Saec viii., ix.
(Codex aureus i. Bentiey's M,). Good Vul-
gate.
I. Brit Mas. Harl. 2797. Saec viii. ix.
(Codflz aureus ii.) Vulgate of late type.
8. Brit. Mus. Reg. 2 A. zz. Saec. viii. (Leo-
tiones quaedam ez Evangeliis.) Good Vul-
gate.
9. Brit Mus. Harl. 2790, cir. 850. A fine
copy, with some old readings.
10. Brit Mas. Harl. 2795. Saw. iz. (In red
letters.) Vulgate of late type.
II. Brit. Mus. Harl. 2623. Saec. iz. Good
Vulgate, with versus.
12. Brit Mus. Harl. 2826. Saec iz. riii.
(Bentiey's H,). Good Vulgate.
13. Brit Mas. Reg. 1 A, zviii. Saec. iz. x.
(Cod. Athelstani. Bentiey's 0). Many old
and peculiar readings.
14. Brit Mus. Reg. 1 Da-H. Saec. z. Like
13, but most carelessly written.
1 The varying divisions Into oapituia probably Indicate
different families of MSS., and deserve attention, at least
In Important MSS. The terms breviarium, captiula.
breves, appear to be need quite Indiscriminately. One
term Is often given at the beginning and another at the
end of the list Brit. Mm. Addlt 9381 gives tituli (a di-
vision Into smaller sections) as well as capitula.
k This Ma contains the addition, after Matt xx. 18,
ka the following form:—
Voe autem qnaerltis de modieo
cr e sc e te et de maxima minui
Cum autem introieretis
ad ooenam voeati
NoUta recnmbere In sups
rioribui loos [venlat
Ne forte dfynior te super
et aoccdens it qui to mvitavit
Ineat tiM sdhuc inferius
accede et confundans
feU autem reeubueris in in
feriori leoo et venerit hu
mlliorte
Woet tin qui to invUabit
Acttsde adkue tuperius et
arlt Ubi aoc ulillua.
VULGATH, THE
15. Brit Mus. Addit. 11,848 Saec. ix. Can-
fully written and correcied. Ckachr ■*•
aembling 20.
16. Brit. Mus. Addit. 11,849. Saec ix. Vul-
gate of late type.
17. Brit Mus. Egerton, 768. Saec ix. (St.
Luke and St John.) Seme important read-
ings.
18. Brit Mas. Egerton, 873. Saec ix. Goal
Vulgate. Praef. Can. (Sect) Cap. Matt
xxviii. Mc ziii. Le. zzi. Job. ziv.
19. Brit Mus. Addit. 9381. Saec ix. Fran
St Petroc's, Bodmin. Some peculiar read-
ings. Praef. Can. (Sect.) TUuli. Ml edit.
{Cap. lzzzhr. versus Qooc.). Mc clxxrr.
Lc ccczl. Joh. eexxvi.
20. Brit. Mus. Cotton. Tib. A, ii. Saec. x.
(The Coronation Book. Bentiey's K). Man?
old readings in common with 1, 3, 5, but
without great interpolations.*
21. Brit Mus. Reg. 1 D. iz. Saec zl (Ca-
nute's Book. Bentiey's A). Good Vulgate.
22. Cambridge Univ. Libr. U. i. 10. (hue
et Resurrectio ez ir. Err.). Sate vis.
Written (apparently) for Ethelwald, Bp.of
Lindis&rnc
23. Cambridge, C. C. C. Libr. edxxxvi. (ir.
Gospels, with Easebian Canons.) Saec vi,
vii. Supposed by many to have been tent
by Gregory the Great to Augustine. Cap.
Matt xxviii. Mark xiii. Luke xx. Johu
xiv. Vulgate with many old readings. It
has been corrected by a very pure Volga's
text Described and some readings given
by J. Goodwin, Publ. of Cambr. AiOtjyo-
rim Society, 1847»
24. Cambridge, C. C. C. Libr. exevii. (Frag-
ments of St. John and St Luke, estendinj.
over John i. 1-z. 29, and Luke iv. 5-xxni.
26, with Eusebian Canons.) Saec viii.
The fragments of St John were published
by J. Goodwin, I. e. A curiously mixed
text, forming a connecting link between the
" Irish " text and the Vulgate, but with-
out any great interpolations. See So. 4.
Comp. p. 1694.
25. Cambridge, Irtn. Coll. B. 10, 4, ir.
The same addition Is given in the first hand of Oxterd
Boil. 867, and in the second band of BJC AW.J4.nJ,
with the following variations: intmisritis, oonwit,
invilavit. In B.W. Reg. A. xvuL the variants* an
much more considerable: pusilio. majori minora am,
mtroeuntes autem et roeati ad eoemam, lent eauaaa*
tioribus, darior, am. if, ad comas* voeavii, dwmm. w
I inf. ret, supertenerit, ad catnam nxamit, asftacnmsa
accede, am. hoe.
■ Bentley has also given a collation of another O*-
tonUn MS. (Otho, R Ix.) very similar to mis, vafc*
almost perished In the fire m 1131. Mr. E. A. ***
Deputy Keeper of the MSB., to whose kindness the writer
is greatly Indebted for Important help In fismletaj the
magnificent collection of Latin MSS. In the Brio*
Museum, has shown him fragments of a few leaves of
this MS. which were recovered from the wreck of Iks
fire. By a singular error Bentley calls this MS, sal sat
Tib. A. IL, the Coronation Book. Corns, Smith, Catfsn.
Cat.
• A complete edition of Una text, with ooUaDona <*"
London iirit. Mus. Harl. 1776. Hog. 1 K. vi., 1 B. A;
Addit. M63 ; Oxford. Boil 867. Is, I believe, in prefer*
tion by the Rev. Q. Williams, Fellow of MncaCeUtn
Cambridge.
(p
I i*
4
If
ill
I go
U
(/>
VCLQATE. THK
Oosiela, Saec. ix. (Cop.) Matt xxvii. Mo.
riii. Lc xxi. Joh. zhr. Good Vulgate, with
mow old readings. (Bentiey's T.)
26. Cambridge, Cb«. D. J ok. C. 23. The
Beadiah Gospele, Smc. ix. Good Vulgate,
very carefully written.
87. Oxford. BoM. 857 (a 2. 14). Sate. vtt.
Begins, Matt. ir. 14, ut adim.— enda John
xxi. 15, with a lacuna from Matt. viii. 29,
dieentes — ix. 18, defuncts eat. Seat.
Praef. (Cap.) Mc. xdii. Lc xx. Joh. xiv.
Closely akin to 23.*
28. Durham," Codex Evangeliorum plua mille
annoruro, litteria capitalihus ex Bihliotheea
Dunelmemi." (Bentiey's K.) Enda John
i. 27.
89. Durham, " Codex Evangeliorum plua mille
annorum, sed imperfectua." (Bentiey's (.)
Begins Mark i. 12. Two very important
MSS. Both have many old readings in
common with 1, 3, 4, 5.
SO. Stouyhurat, St. Cuthbert'i St. Joh*,
found in 1105 at the head of St. Cuthbert
when his tomb was opened. Saec. ril. Very
pure Vulgate, agreeing with Cod. Am. in
many very remarkable readings: e.g. 1. 15,
sttri oo*i»; U. 4, tibi *t mihi; ir. 10, re-
epondit Jesue dixit ; it. 16, tt neat, on.
hue, Ik f (Plate I. fig. 3.)
C«.) Of the Acta and Epistles and Apoc s—
1. Oxford, Bodl. Sold. 30 (Acta). See §12,
(2). (Plate I. fig. 4.)
8. Oxford, Bodl. Laud. E, 67 (Epp. Paul).
See §12. (2).
3. Brit. Mas., Earl. 1772. (Epp. Paul, et
Cath. (except 3 Jo. Jud.) Apoc.). Saec.viii.
Griesbach, Symb. Crit. i. 326 ff., a most im-
portant MS. (Bentiey's M.) See §12, (2).
4. Brit. Mua. Hart. 7551. (Fragm. of Oath.
Epp. and St Lake.) Smc riff. (Bentiey's
«.y-)
iWJQAVE, THE
1713
5. Brit. Mae. Addit. 11.852. Saec. ix. Epp
PauL Act. Cath. Epp. Apoc Good Vul-
gate.*
6. Brit Mas. Beg. 1 A. xri. Saec. xi. Good
Vulgate.
7. Cambridge, Cott. 88. TrM. B. 10, 5.
Saec U. (Collated by F. J. A. Hort
Bentiey's S.) In Saxon letters : akin to 2.'
8. Cambridge, Coil. 88. Trim. Cod. Aug. (F.)
Published by F. H. Scrivener, 1859.*
9. " Codex ecclesiae Linoolniensis 800 an
noram." (Bentiey's |, Act Apoc)
10. Brit.Mu3.*fj.2F.l. Saec.xii. (Bentiey's
B.) PauL Epp. xiv. cum oommentario.
Many old readings.
A Lectkraary quoted by Sabatier (Saec viii.), and
the Mosarabic liturgy, an also of great critical
value.
In addition to MSS. of the Vulgate, the Anglo-
Saxon Version which wss made from it is an im-
portant help towards the criticism of the text Of
this the Heptateuch and Job were published by E.
Thwaites, Oxfd. 1699 ; the (Latin-Saxon) Ptalter,
by J. Spelman, 1640, and B. Thorpe, 1835 ; the
Ootptk, by Archbp. Parker, 1571, T. Marshall,
1665, and more satisfactorily by B. Thorpe, 1842,
and St. Matt, by J. M. KemUe (and C. Hardwick?
with two Anglo-Saxon texts, formed on a collatioc
of five MSS., and the Liodisfarne text and gloss.
Comp. also the Prankish Version of the Harmony
of Ammoniue, ed. Schmeller, 1841.
VII. The Critical Value or the Latin
Versions. — 33. The Latin Version, in its various
forms, contributes, as has been already seen, more
or less important materials for the criticism of the
original texts of the Old and Mew Testaments, and
of the Common and Hexaplaric texts of the LXX.
The bearing of the Vulgate on the LXX. will not be
noticed here, aa the points involved in the inquiry
more properly belong to the history of the LXX.
Little, again, need be said on the value of the
• By a very stnosn mistake Teschendorf describes this
MS-Vaiultortmi NL 7t fragrnentonun.'* J
v It may be Interesting to give a rooih elsasuVanon of
tfaeae MSS, all or which the writer hss examined with ;
snore or leas care. Many others of later dale may' be '
of equal value ; and there are several early copies ra !
private collections (ss st lilddlehlll) and at Dublin <«.«. i
the (Vallate) Boole of St. CoUamba, Saec. vtt. West- ;
wood. Vol. Sacra) which ho has been obliged to leave
euiexanuned.
Group I. VulfmUtmt afpro a tU mg ctosaTyoajtsswaels
«• tie Co*. Assist,: «, 8, 11,11. 18. 11.31, IS. M, 30.
Oronplt. Vulgate taste/ a later rape : T, 10,1s.
oroep Hi. A Vulgate teat mumSmlm with eld resdatH:
1, ». IT. M, 13, IT.
droop Iv. Amamitatt,tm uJtkk Bte old raaawpr am
■■B u ria l oad iau/ortaat: x, 8. 4 (M), », la. 14. Is,
SO, **,»*•
A more oomplete collation might modify this simajs
cptw*. bat It Is (I believe) approxlmatoly troa.
• This Ma eostaias the Epistle to tba I a aOem m after
txtat to the Hebrews, sod also. the addition 1 Job. V. I,
fa, Um following form : Quia, tret eunt Qui teeUmemtum
elomU e^ et aqma,et mmgute.et tret umumeumt. Sieutm
cvdo tree mat, •alar nrwaas st opt, et tree tmum iwac.
It is remarkable that the two other oMeat aathorlUas In
amppurt of thlsaddUtoo. also support taw Epistle to the
I j ortlr o nf s t he Ma. of La Cava, and the ep a mlaa a aauV
Mabedta-Mal
• A fragment eoraahang prefatory excerpts to a copy
VOL. in,
obllng
of 8t Paul's epistles written In a hand closely i
this U found EM. Cotton, Vltett. C. vllL
• Prom an examination of Bentiey's unpublished col-
latione. It may be well to add that of the eighteen French
MSS, which bo caused to be compared with the OemenUna
text (LuUt. Pari*. ipod Claudhtm d e eame s t, VMXXvm.
Bee Trm. Ooll. Osmb. & 11,*% the following are (be most
Important, and would repay a complete collation. The
writer has retained Bentiey's notation: some of the MBS.
may probably have passed Into other collections.
a. 8. Vermont a PratU Ban. vHL Gold uncials oa
purple vellum. Matt. vL 1, at— to end. Msrk Is.
4T, cios-xL 18, viateteU xlL S3, nranwawint-to
and. Good Vulgate.
m. 8. OermeeU a PratU. (of of Tlscbdf. sic.) A mr
hsportaot M&, containing part or O.T, toe whole
of N.T. (of Galilean teztr), and - Wo fiUa Far
toris." Existing collations are very Incomplrta.
At the end of the Solatia to the Hebrews, which
weoedes the Shepherd, the MS. baa (aooardwit tc
Bentley) the following note: BmpUcU a* Beoraeee
lag* cam face. JHUieOeca BieremmU Prubt-
tort B e tUem um a ih sji Or atoum m tmemaat U.mio
atemptaribu* cmlatue (sic).
r. 8. Om ma ul a PratU, 1, x, ju>. 80*.
a. BM. Kegiae, Paris. 3T0*. 4 deep. Base Ix. Many
old readings,
w. BM. Begiat, Paris. 3T06 (xJ). 4 Soap, with earns
lacunae. Bwcrlli. Many old nadugs.
a. 8. Mmrtk* rurvmmtU. Lit aorela. Ban. vtU. Aa
Important MB. (GaUkenl> Oomp. p. lsas. note •
5 B
1714
VULGATK, TKfc
translation of Jerome lor the textual criticism of
the 0. T. As a whole l-swoik is a reraarkable
monument of the substantial identity of the Hebrew
jtA of the 4th century with the present Hasoretic
text ; and the want of trustworthy materials for
the exact determination of the Latin text itself, has
made all detailed investigation of his readings im-
possible or unsatisfactory. The passages which
were quoted in the premature controversies of the
K.th and 17th centuries, to proTe the corruption of
the Hebrew or Latin text, are commonly of little
importance as tar aa the text ia concerned. It will
be enough to notice those only which are quoted by
Wltitaker, the worthy antagonist of Bellarmin
{Disputation on Scripturt, pp. 163, ff., ed. Paik.
Soc.).
Gen. i. 30, om. all green herbs (in Vet. L.) ;
Hi. 15, Jpsa conteret caput tuum. There see
good reason to believe that the original reading was
ipae. Comp. Vercellone, ad toe. See also Gen. iv,
16.
. iii. 17, in opera tuo. -pUM for *rTOM-
iv. 16, om. Nod, which is specially noticed in
Jerome's Quaat. Hebr.
vi. 6, add. et iiraecavena in futnrnm. The words
are a gloss, and not a part of the Vulgate text.
Tiii. 4, vicenmo aeptimo, for septimo deciaio.
So LXX.
. Id. 7, egrediebatur et non revertebatur. The
■on is wanting in the best MSS. of the Vulgate,
and has been introduced from the LXX.
xi. 13, trecentu tribus, for quadringentis tribus.
So LXX.
ix. 1, fondetor sanguis alius. Om. " by man."
xxxvii. 2. Sedecim for seutemdecim. Probably
a tranarxipturul error.
mix. 6, om. " Wherefore he left — Joseph."
xl. 5, om, "The butler— prison."
xlix. 10. Comp. Vercellone ad lots.
. 33, om.
. In xxiv. 6, xxvii. 5, xxiiv. 29, the variation
is probably in the rendering only. The remaining
passage*, ii. 8 ; iii. 6 ; iv. 6, 13, 26 ; vi. 3 ; xiv. 3 ;
xvii. 16; xix. 18; xxi. 9; xxiv. 22; xxv. 34;
xxvii. 33 ; xxxi. 32 ; xxxriii. 5, 23 : xlix. 22, con-
tain differences of iuterpi etation ; and in xxxvi. 24,
xli. 45, the Vulgate appears to have preserved im-
portant traditional renderings.
34. The examples which have been given show
the comparatively narrow limits within which the
Vulgate can be used for the criticism of the Hebrew
text. The Version was made at a time when the
present revision was already established ; and the
freedom which Jerome allowed himself in rendering
the sense of the original, often leaves it doubtful
whether in reality a various reading is represented
by the peculiar form which he gives to a particular
passage. In the N. T. the case is for different.
In this the critical evidence of the Latin ia separable
into two distinct elements, the evideuce of the Old
Latin and that of the Hieronymian revision. The
latter, where it differs from the former, represents
the received Greek text of the 4th century, and so
far claim* a respect (speaking roughly) equal to
th-it due to a first-class Greek MS. ; and it may be
fi'vly concluded, that any reading opposed to the
combined testimony of the oldest Greek MSS. and
tho true Vulgate text, either arose later than the
4th century, or was previously confined within a
vary narrow range. The corrections of Jerome do
lot carry us back beyond the age of existing Greek
MSS.. but. at the same time, they supplement the
VULGATE. THE
original testimony of MSS. by an indi pes deal ••*•
new. The euhftancc of the Vulgate, and the • <our
of the Olii Latin, hare a more venerable aataunr
The origin of the Latin Version dates, as ha* was
seen, from the earliest age of the Christian O0.10.
The translation, as a whole, was practically nnj
and current' more than a century before the tru-
scription of the oldest Greek MS. Thos it k> s
witness to a text more ancient, and, thtrtf-rr,
caeteru paribia, more valuable, than is rspreaN.teJ
by any other authority, unless the FWuto in i*
present form be excepted. This primitive text «»
not, as for a* can be ascertained, free from semes
corruptions (at least in the synoptic fii»i|«li fnsa
the first, and was variously corruptee afterward*.
But the corruptions proceeded in a d ii lti eut dim-
tion and by a different law from those of Gieii
MSS., and, consequently, the two asstXHtitn
mutually correct each other. What is the nsi~»
of these corruptions, and what the csatracter aa*
value of Jerome's revision, and of the Old Lata.
will be seen from some examples t» be give* ra
detail.
35. Before giving these, however, esse prsjass
nary remark must be made. Ia estiaaaJung tae
critical value of Jerome's labour*, it is aensssrr
to draw a distinction b e tw een hi* different 1
His mode of proceeding was by no 1
and the importance of his judgment Taries area
the object at which be aimed. The three 1 1,1 iini
of the Psalter represent completely that three <*>
ferent methods which he followed. At first h*
was contented with a popular revision o> the
current text (the Soman Pi-nlter) ; then he io*o-
tuted an accurate comparison between the euros*
text and the original (the GoJH.nn Psalter ; sari
in the next place he translated inJrpende :\w.
giving a direct version of the original (the lUnt
Psalter). These three methods follow am an-
other in chronological order, and answer to t--t
wider views which Jeome gradually gained •»" U*
functions of a biblical scholar. The rev won «/ uW
N.T. belongs nrtfortunately to the first period- Wbm.
it was made, Jerome was as yet unused t» the ia*.
and he was anxious not to arouse popular prejjiBA.
His aim was little more than to remove ohrssu
interpolations and blunders ; and in doing this U
likewise introduced some changes of 1 nmn—
which softened the roughness of the old 11 1 —
and some which seemed to be required for the Xrjr
expression of the sense (e.g. Matt. vi. ll.aaavr-
substantialem for quotiiianmn). But who* *»
accomplished mush, he foiled to carry oat enc tarn
limited purpose with thorough reanpleteness. A
rendering which he commonly altered neaa still «sv-
fered to remain in some places without 1
reason («. g. suwrvtptoi', Segdfas mfmrljm,
the textual emendations which he introduced 1
from the removal of glosses) seem to have bees
made after only a partial examination of f!r"*
copies, and those probably few in number. T,«
result was such as might have been _xavcf»'
The greater corruptions of lie OM Latin, wbrtar
by addition or omission, are generally mionl
in the Vulgate. Sometimes *hso, Jerome t, ' i «e
the true reading in details which had bara m*
in the Old Latin: Matt. i. 25, cognmetiot. a
23, propktku; T. 22, om. sun); ix. 15, *■*■*»,
John iii. 8; Luke ii. 33, i nrr*j*>; rr. 12:
not rarely he leaves a false
(Matt. ix. 28, vobis; x. 42), or
' ceding where the true one was asm cum n ot ; I
VULGATE, THE
m. 6{ win. 29; irix. 4; John L 3, 16; tI. 64.
Krm In purer variations he is not exempt from
error. The famous pericope, John vii. 53-viii.
1 1, which had gained only a partial entrance into
the Old Latin, is certainly established in the Vulgata.
The additicua in Matt, xxvii. 35, Luke it. 10,
John v. 4, 1 Pet. Hi. 22, were already generally
or widely received in the l<atin copies, and Jerome
left them undisturbed. The same may be said of
Mark xvi. 9-20 : but the " heavenly testimony "
(1 John v. 7), which is found in the editions of the
Vulgate, is, beyond all doubt, a later interpolation,
due to an African gloss; and there is reason to
tdieve that the interpolations in Acts viii. 37,
ix. 5, were really erased by Jerome, though they
maintained their place in the mass of Latin copies.
36. Jerome's revision of the Gospels was far
mora complete than that of the remaining parts of
the N. T. It is, indeed, impossible, except in the
Gospels, to determine any substantial difference in
the Greek texts which are represented by the Old
and Hieronymian Versions, Elsewhere the differ-
ences, as far as they can be satisfactorily estab-
lished, are differences of expression and not of
text ; and there is no suflicient reason to believe that
the readings which exist in the best Vulgate MSS.,
when they are at variance with other Latin autho-
rities, rest upon the deliberate judgment of Jerome.
On the contrary, his Commentaries show that he
used copies differing widely from the recension
which passes under his name, and even expressly
condemned as faulty in text or rendering many
passages which are undoubtedly part of the Vulgate.
Thus in his Commentary on the Galatians he con-
demns the additions, iii. 1, veritati non obedire;
v. 21, homicidia ; and the translations, i. 16, non
acquievi carni et samgmni ( for non contuii cum carne
et sanguine) • v. 9, modicum fermmtmn totam
masam corrumpit (for modicum fermentum Mam
coiapni sm wem fermentat) • v. 11, eeacuatwn est
( tor ceaaeit) ; vi. 3, tension (seipse) teducit (for
mentem swan decipit). And in the text of the
Kpistle which be gives there are upwards of fifty
readings which differ from the best Vulgate text, of
which about ten are improvements (iv. 21 ; v. 13,
23 ; vi. 13, 15, 16, be.), as many more inferior
readings (iv. 17, 26, 30, be.), and the remainder
differences of expreiMon: malo for neauam, mto
pede incedunt for rente ambulant, rarsum for
itenm. The same differences are found in his
Commentaries on the other Epistles: ad Ephes.
i. 6; iii. 14; iv. 19; v. 22, 31: ad Tit. iii. 15.
From tfck it will be evident that the Vulgate text
i»f the Acts and the Epistles does not represent the
critical opinion of Jerome, even in the restricted
sense in which this is true of the textof the Gospels.
But still there are some readings which may with
pretability be r efc ir e d to his revision: Acts xiii. 18,
n—rts eartcm mstfenat for nurrot {aluit) eo*.
Rom. xdi. 11, Domino for ttmpori. Eph. iv. 19,
iUwtunabU U Ckritha fin- cantmget Christian.
Gad. ii. 5, negus ad horam cessitnut for ad horam
omima. 1 Tim. v. 19, add. nisi tub duabus out
tribuo testAus.
37. The chit f corruptions of the Old Latin con-
stat in the introduction of glosses. These, like the
corresponding additions in the Codex Besae (D,),
arc sometimes indications of the venerable antiquity
eef the source from which it was derived, and seem
to carry us back tc the time when the evangelic
tradition had not yet been wholly superseded by
the written Gssnrb). Such are the interpolations
VULGATE, THE
1/18
at Matt. iii. 15; xx. 28; Luke iii. 1.2 (compare
also Luxe i. 46; xii. 38); but more frequently
they are derived from parallel passages, either by
direct transference of the words of another evangelist
or by the reproduction of the substance of them
These interpolations are frequent in the synoptic
Gospels; Matt. iii. 3; Mark xvi. 4; Luke i. 29,
vi. 10; ix. 43, 50, 54 ; xi. 2 ; and occur also in
tit. John vi. 56, &c But in St John the Old Latir
more commonly errs by defect than by excess. Thus
it omits clauses certainlv or probable genuine: iii.
31 ; iv. 9 ; v. 36 ; vi. '23 ; viii. 58, be. Some-
times, again, the renderings of the Greek text are
free: Luke i. 29 ; ii. 15; vi. 21. Such variations,
however, are rarely likely to mislead. Otherwise
the Old Latin text of the Gospels is of the highest
value. There are cases where some Latin MSS,
combine with one or two other of the most ancient
witnesses to support a reading which has been
obliterated in the mass of authorities : Luke vi. 1 ;
Mark xvi. 9 if.; v. 3 ; and not (infrequently (camp.
§ 35) it preserves the true text which is lost in the
Vulgate: Luke xiii. 19; xiv. 5; xv. 28.
38. But the places where the Old Latin and the
Vulgate have separately preserved the true reading
are rare, when compared with those in which they
combine with other ancient witnesses against the
great mass of authorities. Every chapter of the
Gospels will f nrnish instances of this agreement,
which is often the more striking because it exists
only in the original text of the Vulgate, while the
later copies have been corrupted in the same way as
the later Gieek MSS.: Mark ii. 16; iii. 25(7);
viii. 13, &o. ; Rom. vi. 8; xvi. 24, Asc In the first
few chapters of St. Matthew, the following may be
noticed: i. 18 (to); ii. 18; iii. 10; v. 4, 5, 11,
30, 44,47; vi. 5, 13; vii. 10, 14,29; viii. 82
(x. 8), be. It is useless to multiply examples
which occur equally in every part of the N. T. :
Luke ii. 14, 40 ; iv. 2, &c ; John i. 52 ; iv. 42.
51; r. 16; viii. 59; xiv. 17, be.; Acts ii. 30,
31, 37, be. ; 1 Cor. i. 1, 15, 22, 27, tc. On the
other hand, there are passages (comp. § 35) in which
the Latin authorities combine in giving a raise lead-
ing: Matt vi. 15; vii. 10; viii. 28 (?), be. ; Luke
iv. 17; xiii. 23, 27, 31, be.; Acts iii. 20, be. ;
1 Tim. iii. 16, bo. But then are comparatively
few, and commonly marked by the absence of all
Eastern corroborative evidence. It may be impos-
sible to lay down definite laws for the separation of
readings which are due to free rendering, or care-
lessness, or glosses, but in practice there is little diffi-
culty in distinguishing the variations which are
due to the idiosyncrasy (so to speak) of the Version
from those which contain real traces of the original
text And when every allowance has been made
for the rudeness of the original Latin, and the haste
of Jerome's revision, it can scarcely be denied that
the Vulgate is not only the most venerable but alsu
the most precious monument of Latin Christianity.
For ten centuries it preserved in Western Europe a
text of Holy Scripture far purer than that which was
current in the Byzantine Church ; and at the revival
of Greek learning, guided the way towards a revision
of the late Greek text >» which the best biblical
critics have followed the steps of Bentley, with ever-
deepening conviction of the supreme importance of
the coincidence of the earliest Greek and Latin
authorities.
39. Of the interpretative value of the Vu]gat«
little ncwl be said. There can be no doubt that
in dealing with the N. T., at least, we are now
5 R 2
1716
VULOATK. THE
in pompon of means mftniteiy more varied end
better suited to the right elucidation of the text
ttiau could hare been enjoyed by the original
African translators. It is a din! humility to rate
u nothing the inheritance of ages. If the inves-
tigation of the laws of language, the clear per-
ception of principle* of grammar, the accurate
investigation of worth, the minute comparison of
ancient teste, the wide study of antiquity, the
long lessons of experience, have contributed nothing
towards a fuller understanding of Holy Scripture,
all trust in Divine Providence is gone. If we are
not in this respect far iu advance of the simple
jH-nsant or half-trained scholar of North Africa, or
even of the laborious student of Bethlehem, we
rnve proved false to their example, and dishonour
them by our indolence. It would be a thankless
Link to quote instances where the Latin Vernon
rewlers the Greek incorrectly. Such faults arise
moat commonly from a servile adherence to the
rxact words o* the original, and thus that which
is an error in rendering proves a fresh evidence of
the scrupulous care with which the translator
generally followed the text before him. But while
the interpreter of the N. T. will be roily justified
in setting aside without scruple the authority of
early versions, there are sometimes anib'guous
passages in which a version may preserve the
traditional sense (John i. S, 9, vlii. 25, 4c.) or
indicate an early difference of translation ; and then
its evidence may be of the highest value. But
even here the judgment must be fice. Versions
supply authority for the text, and opinion only for
the rendering.
VIII. THB LAlfGCASB Or THE LATIN VER-
SIONS. — 40. The characteristics of Christian
Latinity have been most unaccountably neglected
by lexicographers and grammarians. It is, indeed,
only lately that the full importance of provincial
dialects in the history of languages has bean fully
recognised, and it may be hoped that the writings
of Tertullian, Aroobius, and the African Fathers
generally, will now at length receive the attention
which they justly claim. But it is n ece s sa ry to
go back one step further, and to seek in the
remains of the Old Latin Bible the earliest and the
purest traces of the popular idioms of African
Latin. It is easy to trace in the patristic writings
the powerful influence of this venerable Version ;
and, on the other hand, the Version itself exhibits
numerous peculiarities which were evidently bor-
rowed from the current dialect. Generally it is
necessary to distinguish two distinct elements both
in the Latin Version and in subsequent writings :
(1) Provincialism" and (2) Graecisms. The former
are chiefly of interest as illustrating the history
of the Latin language ; the latter as marking, in
some degree, its power of expansion. Only a few
ismarks on each of these heads, which may help
to guide inquiry, can be offered here; but the
careful reading of some chapters of the Old Version
(«. g. Psalms, Ecclus., Wisdom, in the modern Vul-
gate) will supply numerous illustrations.'
(1.) Prorincuilams. — 41. One of the most in-
teresting facts in regard to the language of the
Latin Version is the reappearance in ii of early
which are found in Plautus or noted as
VUK5ATE. THB
archaism* by gi-ammarinns. These establish m s
signal manner the vitality of the popular as aw-
tinguiahed from the literary idiom, and, from tat
great scarcity of memorials of the Italian dialects,
possess a peculiar value. Examples of xords, forms,
and constructions will show the extent to which
this phenomenon prevails.
(■) Words:
StultHoquium, mttltikxpiium, vanOotfrnt
(Plautus); stabilimentiaa (id.); dutvt
(subst. id.) ; condigma (id.) ; oraf'w-
aula (id.) ; versipellis (id.) ; salurHm
(id.); (facte (id.); cord-iras (Eauiu* ,;
cvstoditio (Festus) ; dtcipvla, dtjtn
(Plautus); cxtntrro (id.); seine (1'at)
mmo (to drive, Kestus).
fj) forms:
Deponents as Passive: coiuoJor, forte,
promereor (Heb. xiii. 16); mtaunw.
Irregular inflections: partibor cisamsut
conversely, exies, &c.
tapetii (Plautus), hasc (fern, pi.)
Unusual forms: pascua (fern.); nun**
(msac.); sal (neut.); refii (sing.',,
certor, odio, cormum, placer (substl
dulcor.
(7) Constructions:
Emigro with ace. (Pa. W. 7, emigrsbit »«
de tabemacnlo) ; dommor with jra.;
sjoceo with ace. ; #>«", sum for ejus, tic ;
man for a* prohibitive ; eapit imrers.
42. In addition to these there are many otbrr
peculiarities which evidently belong to the Afiiaa
(or common) dialect, and not merely to the Oirwoaa
form of it. Such are the words lanoranc, «sw-
ratio, impropsrium, framta (a sword), aWadolw.
nmwato, aUniart, ptcUsculnm, imtitmuaU, pssi
fioa, paratura, tortura, tribulart (met. ), trMwMl*,
xxdtfaosrt, ttredaritu, trior*, vichuMa, turct-m
(viretum), vOulamen, voUtiUo (subst), fsuterau,
rsdmatarium, taruimim, sponsors, si/iaWni
(subst.), tufsrentia, soficirntia, super ab tmOm l iL.
mdSiuteiiia,oarlak^cojsidUs,coUaci<mrm,amiU-
care, g e nim e n, grouitmln, rtftctio (s s s ra fl u a na ). (f
termMum, dtfmctso ( dec eas e ), subs tantia (ate.),
moolatm.
New verbs are formed from adjectives: ptmman,
proximare, apprarmare, assiduart, ptgritari,
salvors {sahatar, satcatio), obviare, Jwcindart,
and especially a large data in -Jtoo: mortipat, *ia-
fico, sanctifieo, gbrifiao, obrifioa, bsat^co, oasb-
fico, gratifico, fructiioo.
Other verba worthy of notice are : appropritt,
appretiare, tentbnsosrt, induloar*, imphsari
(planus), manicars.
In this class may be reckoned also many
(1) New substamsvea derived from adjective?:
possibiHtas, pratdaritm, patermtat, p i mii i ' insis.
reli/iositas, natimtas, tupertacuitas, wiagnaUa.
or verbs: reutuWw, rtspsdio, creatura,sMlatit\
extollentia.
(2) New verbals'. aeoensilnSs, acc+ptabZix. oVo>
bilis, prodvctUis, posnWii, rtocptibUis, t tp s uk m n
bills, suadibilis, subjtdMUs, arreptitns ; sad psru-
cipial forms: pndoratut, angustiaha, riaawnfsi,
smsatus, disciplinaUs, magnates, Unguatak.
* Csrd. Wiseman (Tuo Uttert, Ac., republished m
assays, L pp. 46-64) has examined ibis siildect In some
setsll, nsd the writer Uu rail/ svalled hlmseir of bis
eunii4es.m addition t: UasK which be bad himself col-
lected. The Tkewmnis of Fsber (ed. lW«)la tae saat
complete (or Ecclesiastical Latin; and laxtripser s 0»
eordance Is. as tar as the writer has u assiilt. 1 ""
for the aalhorised Clemeotisa tact.
VULGATE, THJB
- {S) New adjectives: aaimaeqwti, temporanevt,
Kntjmitii*,querulo»in; and adverbs, taribMter, ma-
Itmiier, tpirituaiiter, cognoacUnlUer, fidueiaUUr.
The series of negative compounds h peculiarly
worthy of notice . immemoratio, mcrtditio, inoon-
emumatio; inkonorare; tnausiliatut, indeficient,
tncaifvtibilw, mportabilk.
Among the characteristic* of the late stage of a
language most be reckoned the excessive frequency
of compounds, especially formed with the preposi-
tions. These are peculiarly abundant in the I.atin
Version, but in many cases it is difficult to deter-
mine whether they are not direct translations of the
latr LXX, forms, and not independent forms: e. g.
adimunare, adinvenire -nrtu, adincreeeere, per-
effiatre, permmdare, propwgare, tuperexaltare,
uqterinoalexere, tupererogare, remoitart, rememo-
ratio, repropUiari, tvbinftrre. Of these many are
the direct representative! of Greek words: super-
aduita (1 Cor. vii. 36), tuperteminare (Matt. liii.
35), oomparticipet, oancaptimt, oomplantatue, &c.
(snperaubstantialis. Matt vi. 11); and others are
formed to express distinct ideas: tubcineririui, tub-
nervare, Ac»
(3.) Qraecimt. — 13. The " simplicity " of the
Old Version necessarily led to the introduction of
Tory numerous Septuagintal or N. T. forms, many
cf which have now passed into commou use. In
nhis respect it would be easy to point out the differ-
ence which exists between Jerome's own work and
the original translation, or his revision of it. Ex-
amples of Greek words are: zelare, peruoma, py-
tAon,pytAonitta,protelytut,prophetee -Una -titan
-tare, poderii, pompatice, thetaurizare, anathema-
titan, agonixare, agonia, aromnlizare, angehit
-sons, peribotut, pittimt, probatica, papyrio, potto-
phorim, tekmimm, encharii, ackarit, rompkaea,
travium, ditkalattw, doma (tkrrmut), thymiato-
riwm, trittega, toandatam, sitarda, blatphtmare,
me., besides the purely technical terms : patrianka,
Panmoete, Pemka, ParaolefoiM. Other words based
oa the Greek are : aporior, angaria, apattatare,
apottolatut, aoedior (ia-qtla).
Some dose renderings an interesting: amodo
(<sW» rsoVotf), propi'tiatortuni (Uao-r*>ior), sasbV
ijpsMxa, (M rb anVro), rational* (Xoyftbr, Ex.
xxTiii. 15, Ac), toenofactmiut (Acts xviii. 3), se-
minieerbim (Acts xvii. 18), suonslroinotiss (Gal.
is. 4), tupercertari (Jade 3), cmUiat (Acts xxii.
28), mtentator malorvm (Jam. i. 13). To this
bend also must be referred such constructions as
xciare with aoau. ((ri\w run) ; facer* with inf.
ItMir . . . 7<rrV0u) ; potato* with mi/. (i(ourU
ssWmi) ; the use of the us/, to express an end (Acta
vii. 43, sVoriVare »po«-wvre>) or a result (Lake
i. 25, eVeitsr idnKtw, raape.nl auferre) ; the in-
troduction of q utts for bVi in the sense of that (Luke
i. 58, audienmt . . . quia), or for art reoitatimm
(Mutt. vii. 23, Otnfitebor illit quia ...); the dat.
with osseous (Lake 1. 3, waswKoAevvstr V. L.);
Use use of the j««. with the comparative (John 1.
.=•©. majora horum) ; and such Hebraisms as e*r
moriu (1 K. ii. ad). Comp. § <(.
tieunally it may be observed that the Vulgate
|j»lio lean traces' of a threefold influence derived
° It would be InieiMtlng to trace the many striking
■araUleliSMis between die Vulgate and the African Ap-
points (e.g. iHcrcMbtlit (set.) ixt/Tvgibllii. motatart,
•bc>. or las Spanish seueca (e. g. inquietude, ixyimitia,
asc.).
» lTobablv the ssost remarkable example of toe In-
VULGATE, TI1E
1717
from the original text; and the mo-iincatioo* oi
form which aie capable of bring carried back to
this aouice, occur yet moie hugely in modem
languages, whether in thin case they are to be
referred to the plastic power of the Vulgate
on the popular dialect, or, as is more likely, we
must suppose that the Vulgate has preserved s
distinct record of powers which were widely work-
ing in the times of the Kmpire on the common
Latin. These are (1 ) an extension of the use oi
prepositions for simple cases, e.g. in the rendering*
of cV, Col. Hi. 17, facere m verba, &c. ; (2) an
assimilation of pronouns to the meaning cf the
Greek article, e.g. 1 John i. 2, ipsa vita; Luke
xxiv. 9, UUt undecim, &c. ; and (3) a constant
employment of the definitive and epithetic genitive,
where classical usage would have required an
adjective, «. g. Col. i. 13, filius caritatii suae; iii.
12, viscera mitericordiae.
44, The peculiarities which have been enume-
rated are found in greater or less fiequency through-
out the Vulgate, it is natural that they should be
most abundant and striking in the parts which have
been preserved least changed from the Old Latin,
the Apocrypha, the Acts, Epistles, and Apocalypse.
Jerome, who, as he often says, had spent many
years in the schools of grammarians and rhetoricians,
could not foil to soften down many of the asperities
of the earlier version, either by adopting variations
already in partial use, or by correcting faulty ex-
pressions himself as he revised the text. An ex-
amination of a few chapters in the Old and Mew
Versions of the Gospels will show the character and
extent of the changes which he ventured to intro-
duce : — Luke i. 60, o*x'> no". Vet. L. ntquaquam,
Vulg. ; id. 65, eV Iky if ipttrf, m omns montana.
Vet. L. stiper omnia montana, Vulg.; ii. 1, pro-
fiterttur, profeaio, Vet. L. detariberetur, de-
Kriptio, Vulg. ; id. 13, extrcUui oaclestis, Vet L.
mUitiat caelestii, Vulg. ; sol 34, oiiod oontradioe-
tw. Vet L. o«i oontr. Vulg.; id. 49, in propria
Patrit mti. Vet L. in hit quae patrit met sunt,
Vulg. Some words he seems to have changed con-
stantly, though not universally : e. g. obmditio,
obomdi) (obedientia, obedio); meniurare (metiri);
dilectio (caritas); tacramentum (mysterinm), &c
And many of the most remarkable forms are con-
fined to books which he did not revise : ehirtdart,
inaltare ( jucundari) ; fumigabundits, iBamtn t at ut,
inditciplmatut, inxutpicabilit ; extecramentum {ex-
termmimn), gwidimmium ; extoUentia, honorifi-
centia ; horr^pUatio, Monoratio.
45. Generally it may be said that the Scriptural
idioms of onr common language have come to us
mainly through the Latin; and in a wider vie^v
the Vulgate is the connectiug link between classical
and modem languages. It contains elements which
belong to the earliest stage of Latin, and exhibits
( if often in a rude form) the flexibility of the putular
dialect On the other hand, it has furnished the
source and the model for a large portiou of current
Latin derivatives. r>en a cursory examination ol
the chaitcteristic words which have been given will
show how many of them, and how many corre-
sponding forms, have passed into living languages.'
fluence of theology upon popular language, is the entire
suppression of the correlatives of mbitvt In all the
Romance languages. '11m forms occur li. ibe religious
technics! twnee (ibe Wurd), but otuers'lse tbey sre re-
placed by the representatives of rxtrioboJa (psrass, psrok
St). Compare Dies, JHym. Wlrlb. 2S3.
I7!8
VULTUBE
To follow out this question in detail would be out
of place here ; but il would furnish a chapter in the
history of language fruitful in result* and hithei-to
^nwr'ten. Within a more limited range, the au-
thority of the Latin Versions h undeniable, though
its extent is rarely realised. The vast power which
they have had in determining the theological terms
of Western Christendom can hardly be overrated.
By tar the greater part of the current doctrinal
terminology is based on the Vulgate, and, as far
as can be ascertained, was originated in the Latin
Version. Predestiaatiun, jollification, supereroga-
tion {supererogo\ sanctification. Miration, medi-
ator, regeneration, reoeiation, visitation (met.),
propitiation, first appear in the Old Vulgate.
(trace, redemption, election, reconciliation, satit-
faction, inspiration, scripture, were devoted there
to a new and holy use. Sacrament (jiv<rr*)ou>r)
and communion are from the same source; and
though baptism is Greek, it comes to us from the
Latin. It would be easy to extend the list by the
addition of orders, penance, congregation, print.
But it can be seen from the forms already brought
forward that the Latin Versions have left their mark
both upon our language and upon our thoughts;
and if the right method of controversy is based
upon a clear historical perception of the force of
words, it is evident that the study of the Vulgate,
however much neglected, can never be neglected
with impunity, it was the Version which alone
they knew who handed down to the Reformers the
rich stores of mediaeval wisdom ; the Version with
which the greatest of the Reformers were most
familiar, and from which they had drawn tlieir
earliest knowledge of Divine truth. [B. V. W.]
VULTURE. The rendering in A. V. of the
Heb. n^ (dayy&h) and SltH ; and also in Job
xxviii. 7, of n*K, ayy&h ; elsewhere, in Lev. xi. 14,
and Deut. xir. 13, more correctly rendered "kite:"
I.XX. yty and txriros, Vulg. vuitur; except in
Is. xxxiv. 15, where LXX. read t\tupot, and Vulg.
correctly miltm.
There seems no doubt but that the A. V. transla-
tion is incorrect, and that the original words refer
to some of the smaller species of raptorial birds, as
kites or buzzards. iVi is evidently synonymous
with Arab. SmXA, h'dayah, the vernacular for the
"kite" in Noith Africa, and without the epithet
"red" for the black kite especially. Bochart
(fliferor. ii. 2, 195) explains it Vuitur niger. The
Samaritan and all other Eastern Versions agree in
rendering it " kite." n*M (ayyih) is yet more cer-
tainly referable to this bird, which in other passages
it is taken to represent. Bochart 'Hierot. ii. b. 2,
c. 8, p. 193) says it is the same bird which the
Arabs call LiL» (jyaya) from its cry ; but does not
state what species this is, supposing it apparently
to be the magpie, the Arab name for which, how-
ever, a olxixM, el agaag.
There are two very different species of bird com-
prised undar the English term vulture : the griflbn
Heb.
{Gyps fuivus, Sav.), Arab. «m*j
"03, nether; invariably rendered "eagle" by A. V. ;
and the percnopter, or Egyptian vulture (Neophron
percno terus, Sav.), Arab. S+ai»» raihma ; Heb.
Bm Sohin; rendered " gier-eoglc" by A. V.
VULTUBE
The identity of the Hebrew and Arabic terms n
these cases can scarcely be questioned. Howerr:
degrading the substitution of the iguohlt vidtun
for the royal eagle may at first sigh*, appear in
many passages, it must be borne in mind that tht
griffon is in all its movements and characteristics a
majestic and royal bird', the largest and mast power-
ful which is seen on the wing in Palestine, and far
surpassing the eagle in size and power. Its only
rival in these respects is the Bearded Vulture or
Lammergeyer, a more uncommon bird everywhere,
and which, since it is not, like the griffon, bald on tht
head and neck, cannot be referred to as neater (set
Mia i. 16). Very different is the slovenly sad
cowardly Egyptian vulture, the familiar scavenger
of all Oriental towns and villages, protected for hv
useful habits, but loathed and despised, till its nana
has become a term of reproach like that of the dog
or the swine.
If we take the Heb. ayyih to refer to the red kite
inwfoua regaiit, Temm,), and dayyak to the black kite
milvut ater, Temm.). we shall find the piercing sight
of the former referred to by Job (xxviii. 7), sod
the gregarious habits of the latter by Isaiah (xxxiv.
15). Both species are inhabitants of Palestine, tht
red Into being found all over the country, as for-
merly in England, but nowhere in great numbers,
generally soaring at a great height ever the plains,
according to Dr. Roth, and apparently leaving tht
country in winter. The black kite, which is so
numerous everywhere as to be gregarious, may be
seen at all times of the year, hovering over the
villages and the outskirts of towns, on the look-out
for offal and garbage, which are its favourite foal
Vulture-like, it seldom, unless pressed by hunger,
attacks living animals. It is therefore never mo-
lested by the natives, and builds its nest on tnm
in their neighbourhood, fantastically decorating it
with as many rags of coloured cloth as it eta
collect.
There arc three species of vulture known ts
inhabit Palestine: —
1. The Lammergeyer (frtpeutosooTOoliai Cur.*,
which is rare everywhere, and only found in deso-
late mountain regions, where it rears its young in
the depth of winter among inaccessible preoinieas.
It is looked upon by the Arabs as an eagle ratba
than a vulture.
2. The Griffon (Gyps fuhus, Sav.), mentioned
above, remarkable for its power of vision and the
great height at which it soars. Aristotle (Aaiat.
H int. vi. 5) notices the manner in which the griffon
scents its prey from afar, and congregates ia tht
wake of an army. The same singular instinct was
remarked in the Russian war, when vest numbers
of this vulture were collected in the Crimea, sad
remained till the end of the campaign in the neigh-
bourhood of the camp, although previously they
had been scarcely known in the couutry. " When-
soever the carcase is, there will the eagles be gatbend
together'' (Matt xxiv. 28); "Where the shin
are, there ia she" (Job xxxix. 30). The wtir*
observed this bird universally distributed in all trr:
mountainous ard rorkr districts of Palestine, awl
especially abundant in the south-east. Its fsveurw
breeding-places are between Jerusalem and Jericho
and all round the Dead Sea.
The third species is the Egyptian vulture (Set-
phron percnopterus, Sav.), orteu called I'haraot'i
hen, observed in Palestine by Hassclqnist and aS
subset] uen t travellers, and very numerous every-
where. Two other species of very iuge size, tf*
WAUK8
tared and dtereoiib vultures ( Vtdtnr mtbiem, Smith,
and Vulttr cinema, L.), although inhabitant! of the
neighbouring countries, and probably alao of the
toath-east of Palestine, have not yet been noted in
collection* from that country. [H. B. T.]
w
WAGES.* Tha earliest mention of wages is of a
tecompence not in money but in kind, to Jacob from
Labia (Gen. xxiz. 15, 30, xxx. 28, xxzi. 7, 8, 41).
Thi» usage ww only natural among a pastoral and
a)isuiging population like that of the tent-dwellers
of Syria. In Egypt, money payments by way of
wage) were in use, but the terms cannot now be
ascertained (Ex. ii. 9). The only mention of the
rate of wages in Scripture ia found in the parable
of the householder and vineyard (Matt. xx. 2),
where the labourer's wages are set at one denarius
per day, probably = 7 fd., a rate which agrees with
Tobit V. 14, where a drachma is mentioned as the
rate per day, a sum which may be fairly taken as
equivalent to the denarius, and to the usual pay of
a soldier (ten asses per diem) in the Inter days of
the Roman republic (Tac. Ann. i. 17; Polyb. vi.
39). It was perhaps the traditional remembrance
of this sum as a day's wages that suggested the
mention of " drachmas wrung from the hard hands
of peasants " (Shakspeare, Jul. Caes. iv. 3). In
earlier times it is probable that the rate was lower,
as until lately it was throughout India. In Scot-
jad we know that in the last century a labourer's
daily wages did not exoeed sixpence (Smiles, Lives of
iingmttrt, ii. 96). But it is likely that labourers,
and also soldiers, were supplied with provisions
(Michael is. Laws of Moset, §130, vol. ii. p. 190,
ed. Smith), as is intimated by the word iifidria,
used in Luke iii. 14, and 1 Cor. it. 7, and also
by Poly bi us, vi. 39. The Mishnah {Baba metzia,
rii. 1, §5), speaks of victuals being allowed or
not according to the custom of the place, up to the
value of a denarius, •'. e. inclusive of the pay.
The Law was very strict ia requiring daily pay-
ment of wages (Lev. xix. 13 ; Deutxxiv. 14, 15);
and the Mishnah applies the same rule to the use of
animals (Baba metzia, ix. 12). The employer
who refused to give his labourers sufficient victuals
ia censured (Job xxir. 11), and the iniquity of
withholding wages is denounced (Jer. ixii. 13;
Mai. iii. 5 ; James v. 4).
Wages in general, whether of soldiers or labourers,
awe mentioned (Hag. i. 6 ; Ex. xxix. 18, 19 ; John iv.
3*5). Burrkhardt mentions a case in Syria resembling
closely that of Jacob with Laban — a man who served
eight years for his food, on condition of obtaining his
master's daughter in marriage, and was afterwards
ootnpelled by his father-in-law tc wrforra acts of
i for him (Syria, p. 297). " [H. W. P.]
WALLS
1719-
WAGGON. [Cart anJ Chariot.] The
Oriental waggon or arabah is a vehicle composed of
two or three planks fixed on two solid circular
blocks of wood, from two to rive fret in diameter,
which serve as wheels. To the floor are sometimes
attached wings, which splay outwaids like the side"
of a wheelbarrow. For the conveyance of pas-
sengers, mattresses or clothes are laid in the bottom,
and the vehicle is drawn by buffaloes or oxen
(ArundeU, Atia Minor, ii. 191, 235, 238 ; Olearius,
Trav. p. 309 ; Ker Porter, Trav. ii. 533.) Egyp-
tian carts or waggons, such as were sent to convoy
Jacob (Gen. xlv. 19, 21, 27), are described under
Cast. The covered waggons for conveying the
materials of the tabernacle were probably con-
structed on Egyptian models. They were each
drawn by two oxen (Mum. vii. 3, 8). Herodotus
mentions a four-wheeled Egyptian vehicle (afio(a)
used for sacred purposes (Her. ii. 63). [H. W. P.]
WALLS.* Only a few points need be noticed
in addition to what has been said elsewhere on wall-
construction, whether in brick, stone, or wood.
[Bricks; Handicraft ; Mortar.] 1. The prac-
tice common in Palestine of carrying foundations
down to the solid rock, as in the case of the Temple,
and in the present day with structures intended to
be permanent (Joseph. Ant. xv. 11, §3 ; Luke vi.
48; Robinson, ii. 338; Col. Ch. Chron. (1857),
p. 459). The pains taken by the ancient builders
to make good the foundations of their work may
still be seen, both in the existing substructions
and in the number of old stones used in more
modem constructions. Some of these stones-^
ancient, but of uncertain date — are from 20 feet to
30 feet 10 inches long, 3 feet to 6 feet 6 inches
broad, and 5 feet to 7 feet 6 inches thick (Rob. i.
233, 282, 286, iii. 228). As is the case in number-
less instances of Syrian buildings, either old or
built of old materials, the edges and sometimes the
faces of these stones are " bevelled" in Bat grooves.
This is commonly supposed to indicate work at
least as old as the Roman period (Kob. i. 261, 286,
u. 75, 76, 278, 351, iii. 52, 58, 84, 229, 461, 493,
511 ; Fergnsson, Hdbk. of Arch. p. 288). On the
contrary side, see Col. Ch. Chron. (1858), p. S50.
But the great size of these stones is far exceeded
by some of those at Baalbek, three of which are
each about 63 feet long ; and one, still lying in the
quarry, measures 68 feet 4 inches in length, 17
feet 2 inches broad, and 14 feet 7 inches thick.
Its weight can scarcely be las than 600 tons (Hob.
iii. 505, 512; Volney, Trav. H. 241).
2. A feature of some parts of Solomon's build-
ings, as described by Josephus, corresponds remark-
ably to the method adopted at Nineveh of encrusting
or veneering a wall of brick or stone with slabs ol n
more costly material, as marble or alabaster (Joseph.
Ant. viii. 5, §2; Fergnsson, Hdbk. 202, 203).
3. Another use of walls in Palestine is to sup-
port mountain roads or terraces formed on the sid«
• i. T3fe>, Jfiife>0; utettti
X HtJJB ; (uffMc ; oput: wages for work done, bom
Jgv), 'work "(Gee, p. in*).
*> 1. niTtW ; xoprr^i murl : only In Bo-, v. 3.
*• («> T!} i ***»*■> sMosrta. <») "H| ; *>wh';
(e) nriJ ; oWnuut, fcuvpet; arnai
TWnfy i nim ;
4. 711; evmtuc; vbtuf. also irportfrwsia ; aga:
5. yV\ snd f?ll; voixsc; jw-is*.
C pill; «»<mx«t; *>*»: only hi Dan. tx. ?A
I. (a) ?rfr- O) 7J13, Child. ; r«xw; I
a. Tj3; vomer; Borise.
»• IXdi *»x«l sears*
IV20
WANDERING
t* bilk for pui pu se s of cultivation (Bob. U. 493, lii.
14,45V
4. The « path of tin vmeyards " (Nan. zziL 24)
U illustrated by Robinion at a pathway through Tine-
yard*, with wall* on each aide (B. X. ii. 80; Stanley,
A ami P. 102, 420 ; Lindsay, Trail, p. 289 ; Maun-
d»eU. £oWy 7rm>. p. 437). [WmdowJ [H. W. P.]
WANDKEING IK THE WIXDKBNE8&
rWlLDERNEBB OF WAKBSEaNI.]
WAB. The most important topic ia oannexion
with war ii the formation of the army, which fa
iestined to carry it on. This haa Dean already
escribed under the head of Abut, and we shall
therefore take op the subject (rem the point when
that article leaves it. Before entering on a war
of aggression the Hebrews sought for the Urine
sanction by consulting either the Urim and Thum-
mim (Judg. 1. 1, xx. 27, 28 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 87, xziii.
2, xxviii. 6, xxx. 8), or some acknowledged prophet
(1 K. xxii. 6 ; 2 Chr. xriii. 5). The heathens
betook themselves to various kinds of divination
for the same purpose (Ex. xxi. 21). Divine aid
was further sought in actual warfare by bringing
into the field the Ark of the Covenant, which was
the symbol of Jehovah Himself (1 Sam. iv. 4-18,
xiv. 18), a custom which prevailed certainly down
to David's time (2 Sam. xi. 11 ; comp. Ps. Ixviii.
1, 24). During the wanderings in the wilderness
the signal for warlike preparations was sounded by
priests with the sOrer trumpets of the sanctuary
(Num. x. 9, xxxi. 6). Formal proclamations of
war ware not interchanged between the belligerents ;
but occasionally messages either deprecatory or
defiant were sent, as in the cases of Jephthah and
the Ammonites f Judg. xi. 12-27), Beu-hadad and
Ahab (1 K. xx. 2), and again Amasiah and Jehoash
(2 K. xiv. 8). Before entering the enemy's district
spies were sent to ascertain the character of the
country and the preparations of its inhabitants
for resistance (Num. xiii. 17 ; Josh. ii. 1 ; Judg.
vii. 10; 1 Sam. xxvi. 4). When an engagement
whs imminent a sacrifice was offered (1 Sam. vii. 9,
xiii. 9), and an inspiriting address delivered either
by the commander (2 Chr. xx. 20) or by a priest
(Deut, xx. 2). Then followed the battle-signal,
sounded forth from the silver trumpets as already
described, to which the host responded by shouting
the war-cry (1 Sam. xvii. 52 ; b. xiii. 13 ; Jer.
1. 42; Ex. xxi. 22; Am. i. 14). The combat
assumed the form of a number of hand-to-hand
contests, depending on the qualities of the individual
soldier rather than on the disposition of masses.
Hence the high value attached to fleetness of foot
and strength of arm (2 Sam. i. 23, ii. 18; 1 Chr.
xii. 8). At the same time various strategic devices
were practised, audi as the ambuscade (Josh. viii.
2, li; Jmlg. xx. 36), surprise (Judg. vii. 16), or
* "riYO, lit. an •• enclosing » or « besieging," and henca
applied to the wall by which the siege was effected.
k 'T9D. 8aahcbtHs(.sreeaU&«M) understands uts
term of the tcallng -ladder, comparing the oognate tuttoss
Uen. xxvlli. 13), and giving tbe veib safijaaae, which ac-
ounipanlcs toUda, the sense of a " hurried advancing " of
the ladder.
* P^. Some doubt exists as to tbe meaning of this
trim. Tbe sense of "turrets" assigned to It by Ge-
senlus (7ara p. 330) has been objected to on tin ground
that the word always appears In tbe singular number,
sod at oouoealon with the expression " round about "
tbe attj. Hxcce the sense V "drcumvsllalkn" has.
WAS
circumvention (2 Sam. v. 23). Aao'ner made si
settling the dispute was by the selection if champions
( 1 Sam. xvii. ; 2 Sam. ii. 14), who were sparred
on to exertion by the offer of high reward (1 asm
xvii. 25, xviii. 25; 2 8am. xriii. 11; lChr.xi.6>
The contest having been decided, tlis conqueror!
were recalled from the pursuit by the sound of s
trumpet (2 Sam. ii. 28, xriii. 16, xx. 22).
The siege of a town or fortress was conducted la
the following manner: — A line of ciraimvallattoB*
was drawn round the place (Ex. iv. 2 ; Hit v. 1),
constructed out of the trees found in the neighbour-
hood (Deut. xx. 20), together with earth and say
other materials at nana. This line not only cut
off the besieged from the surrounding country, bat
also served as a base of operations for tbe besiegers.
Tbe next step wax to throw out from this line out
or more " mounts" or " banks"* ia the direction
of the city (2 Sam. xx. 15; 2 K. xix- 32 ; I*, avrii.
33), which was gradually increased in height until
it was about half as high as the city wall. On
this mound or bank towers* were erected (2 K.
xxv. 1 ; Jer. lii. 4; Ex. iv. 2, xvii. 17, xxi. 22,
xxvi. 8), whence the slingers and archers might
attack with effect. Battering-rams* (Ex. iv. 2, xxi.
22) were brought up to the walls by means of tit
bank, and acsiing-ladders might also be placed oa
it. Undermining the walls, though practised by tat
Assyrians (Layard, Asss. ii. 371), is not noticed ia
the Bible: the reference to it in the LXX. sad
Vulg., in Jer. Ii. 58, is not warranted by the ori-
ginal text. Sometimes, however, the walls were
attacked near the foundation, either by individual
warriors who protected themselves from above by
their shields (Ex. xxvi. 8), or by the further use of
such a machine as the Bjtltpolit,* referred to in
1 Mace. xiii. 43. Burning the gates was another
mode of obtaining ingress (Judg. ix. 52). Tbe
water-supply would naturally be cut off, if it were
possible (Jud. vii. 7). Tho besieged, meanwhile,
strengthened and repaired their fortifkationt (Is.
xxii. 10), and repelled the enemy from the waD by
missiles (2 Sam. xi. 24), by throwing over basins
and heavy stones (Judg. ix. 53; 2 Ssm. it. 21;
Joseph. B. J. t. 3, §3, 6, S3), by pouring down
boiling oil {B. J. iii. 7, §28), or lastly by erecting
fixed engines for the propulsion of stones and arrows
(2 Chr. xxvi. 15). [Ehoihe.J Sallies were sbo
made for the purpose of burning the besiegers'
works (1 Mace. vi. 31; B. J. v. 11, §4), and
driving them away from the neighbourhood. The
foregoing operations receive a large amount of illus-
tration from the representations of s-jch scenes oa
tbe Assyrian slabs. We there see the "bank"
thrown up in the form of an inclined plane, with
the battering-ram hauled up on it saaaulting the
walls: moveable towers of considerable elevation
brought up, whence the warriors discharge their
bean assigned to It by tlicbsells, Kefl (JrcasW. H. JO*)
and others. It fs difficult, however, hi this ease, taws
any distinction between the terms days* ant stats*-.
The expression "round about" may rater to tbe eas-
tern of casting up banks at different points: the ws
of the singular in a coUertive sense forms a gnsaa-
dl fnculty.
* una
• This b described by Ammlarms atstvaUaaaja (xxnt t
,10) as a combination of the statade and the bstsarasr
ram. by means of which the besiegers broke (breast <a>
lower part of the wall, and thus "leaned Into Ihsdty,"
not from above, as tbe words nruaa /sxar haply, oaf
from below.
WAP.
trmra into the city: the walla undermined, or
attempts made to destroy theni by picking to pieces
the lower courses: the defender! actively engaged
in archery, and arerting the force of the battering-
rran by chains and ropai: the scaling-ladders at
length brought, and the conflict become hand-to-
hand (Uyard'i HTm. B. 366-374).
The treatment of the conquered was extremely
severe in ancient times. The leaders of the host
were pot to death (Josh. x. 26; Jodg. vii. 35),
with the occasional indignity of decapitation after
ateath (1 Sam. rrii. 51 ; 2 Mace. it. 30 ; Joseph.
B. /. L 17, §2). The bodies of the soldiers killed
la action were plundered (1 Sam. xxxi. 8 ; 2 Mace,
eitt. 27): the survivors were either killed in some
savage manner (Judg. ix. 45; 2 Sam. xii. 31;
3 Chr. xrr. 12), mutilated (Judg. I. 6; 1 Sam.
xi. 2), or carried into captivity (Num. xxxi. 26 ;
Dent. xx. 14). Women and children were ooca-
eionally put to death with the greatest barbarity
(2 K. riii. 12, xt. 16; Is. nil. 16, 18; Hos. x.
14, xiil. 16; Am. i. 13; Nab. Hi. 10; 2 Mace. v.
13) : but it was more usual to retain the maidens
as concubines or aernnta (Judg. t. 30 ; 2 K. t. 2).
Sometimes the bulk of the population of the con-
quered country was removed to a distant locality,
as in the case of the Israelites when subdued by the
.Assyrians (2 K. xvii. 6), and of the Jews by the
Babylonians (2 K. xxiv. 14, xxt. 11). In addition
to these measures, the towns were destroyed (Judg.
Ix. 45; 2 K. iii. 25; 1 Msec T. 28, 51, x. 84),
the idols and shrines were carried off (la. xlri. 1, 2),
or destroyed (1 Mace. v. 68, x. 84) ; the fruit-trees
were cut down, and the fields spoiled by over-
spreading them with stones (2 K. Ui. 19, 25) ; and
the horses were lamed (2 Sam. riii. 4; Josh. xi. 6,
9). If the war was carried on simply for the pur-
pose of plunder or supremacy, then extreme mea-
sures would hardly be carried into execution; the
conqueror would restrict himself to rifling the trea-
•uries (1 K. xiv. 26; 2 K. mr. 14, xxiv. 18), or
levying contributions (2 K. xrlii. 14).
The Mosaic law mitigated to a certain extent the
severity of the ancient usages towards the con-
quered. With the exception of the Oanaanites, who
were delivered over to the ban of extermination by
the ex press command of God, it was forbidden to
the Israelites to pat to death any others than males
bearing arms : the women and children were to be
kept auve (Deut. xx. 13, 14). In a similar spirit
of humanity the Jews were prohibited from felling
fruit-trees for the purpose of making siege-works
(Dent, xx. 19). Toe law further restricted the
power of the conqueror over females, and secured
to them humane treatment (Dent. xxi. 10-14).
f The majority of the savage acts recorded as having
been practised by the Jews were either in reta-
liation for some gross provocation, as instanced in
the cases of Adoni-bezek (Judg. i. 6, 7), and of
David's treatment of the Ammonites (2 Sam. x.
2-4, xii. 31 ; 1 Chr. xx. 3); or else they were
done by lawless usurpers, as in Menahem's treat-
ment of the women of Tiphssh (2 K. xt. 16). The
Jewish kings generally appear to have obtained
credit for clemency (1 K. xx. 31).
The conquerors celebrated their success by the
erection of monumental stones (1 Sam. Til. 12;
1 cam. Tili. 13, where, instead of " gat him a
■am," we should read " art up a memorial" ), by
hanging np trophies in their public buildings (1
Sean, xxi. 9, xxxi. 10; 2 K. xi. 10), and by tri-
umphal songs and dances, ir. which the whole ;\>pu-
WASHING HANDS AND FKET 1721
lation took part (Ex. xt. 1-21 ; Judg. t. ; 1 Sam.
XTiii. 6-8; 2 Sam. xxii.; Jud. xvi. 2-17; 1 Mace
iv. 24). The death of a hero was commemorated
by a dirge (2 Sam. i. 17-27 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 25), or
by a national mourning (2 Sam. iii. 31). The fallen
warriors were duly burled (1 K. xi. 15), their arms
being deposited in the grave beside them (Ex. xxxii.
27), while the enemies cor pses were exposed to the
beasts of prey (1 Sam. xrii. 44; Jer. xxt. 33). The
Israelites were directed to undergo the purification
imposed on those who had touched a corpse, before
they entered the precincts of the camp or the sanc-
tuary (Num. xxxi. 19). The disposal of the spoil has
already been described under Booty. [W. L. B.j
WASHING THE HANDS AND FEET.
The particular attention paid by the Jews to the
cleansing of the hands and feet, as compared with
other parts of the body, originated in the social
usages of the East. As knives and forks were dis-
pensed with in eating, it was absolutely necessary
that the hand, which was thrust into the common
dish, should be scrupulously clean ; and again" as
sandals were ineffectual against the dust and beat
of an Eastern climate, washing the feet on enter-
ing a bouse was an act both of respect to the com-
pany and of refreshment to the traveller. The
Conner of these usages was transformed by (be Pha-
risees of the New Testament age into a matter of
ritual observance (Mark vii. 3), and special rules
were laid down as to the times and manner of its
performance. The neglect of these rules by our
Lord and His disciples drew down upon Him the
hostility of that Met (Matt. xt. 2 ; Luke xi. 38).
Whether the expression rvy/tf used by St. Mark
has reference to any special regulation may per-
haps be doubtful; the senses "oft" (A. V.), and
"diligently" (Alford), have been assigned to it,
but it may possibly signify " with the fist," ai
though it were necessary to close the one hand,
which had already been cleansed, before it was
applied to the unclean one. This sense appears
preferable to the other interpretations of a similar
character, such as " up to the wrist" (Lightfoot) ;
" up to the elbow " (Theophylact) ; " having
closed the hand " which is undergoing the washing
(Grot. ; Scalig.). The Pharisaical regulations on
this subject are embodied in a treatise of the Mishnah,
entitled Yadaim, from which it appears that the
ablution was confined to the hand (2, §3), and that
great care was needed to secure perfect purity in the
water used. The ordinary, as distinct from the
ceremonial, washing of hands before meal? is still
universally prevalent in Eastern countries (Lane, i.
190 ; Burckhardt's Notn, i. 63).
Washing the feet did not rise to the dignity of a
ritual observance, except in connexion with the ser-
vices of the sanctuary (Ex. xxx. 19, 21). It held
a high place, however, among the rites of hospi-
tality. Immediately that a guest presented himseli
at the tent-door, it was usual to offer the necessary
materials for washing the i'eet (Gen. xviii. 4, xix.
2, xxiv. 32, xliii. 24 ; Jwig. xix. 21 ; camp. Horn.
Od. iv. 49). It was a yet more compliment-
ary act, betokening equally humility and affec-
tion, if the host actually performed the office for
his guest (1 Sam. xxv. 41 ; Luke vii. 38, 44 ; John
xiii. 5-14; 1 Tim. v. 10). Such a taken of hour*,
tality is still occasionally exhibited in the East,
either by the host, or by his deputy (Robmsou'i
Bet. ii. 229 ; Jowett s Res. pp. 78, 79). The feet
were again washed before retiring to bed (Cant.
v. 3). A symbolical significance is attached in John
J 72*2 WATCHES OF MGHT
Shi. 10 to washing the fort as compared with bath-
ing the whole body, the former being partial (rftme).
the letter complete ( taow), the fonner oft-repeated
in the cuurae of the day, the latter done once for
all ; whence they are adduced to illustrate the dis-
tinction between occasional sin and a general stale of
sinfulness. After being washed, the feet were on
festive occasions anointed (Luke rii. 88 ; John xii.
3). The indignity attached to the act of wishing
another's feet, appeals to have been extended to the
vessel used (Ps. Is. 8;. [Vf. L. B.]
WATCHES OF NIGHT (fnCC*: fv-
Xcurii). The Jews, like the Greeks and Romans,
divided the night into military watches instead of
hours, each watch representing the period for which
sentinels or pickets remained on duty. The proper
Jewish reckoning recognised only three such watches,
entitled the first or " beginning of the wahhes " *
(L»m. ii. 19), the middle watch > (Judg. vii. 19 1,
and the morning watch* (Ex. xiv. 24; 1 Sun. xi.
11). These would last respectively from sunset
to 10 p.m. ; from 10 p.m. to 2 a.m. ; and from
2 A.M. to sunrise. It has been contended by Light-
foot {Hot. Heb. in Matt xiv. 25) that the Jews
really reckoned four watches, three only of which
were in the dead of the night, the fourth being in
the morning. This, however, is rendered impro-
bable by the use of the term " middle," and is
opposed to Rabbinical authority (Mishnah, Bench.
1, §1 ; Kimchi, on Ps. lxiii. 7; Kashi, on Judg.
vii. 19). Subsequently to the establishment of the
li'oman supremacy, the number of watches was in-
creased to four, which were described either accord-
ing to their numerical order, as in the case of the
."fourth watch" (Matt. xiv. 25; comp. Joseph.
Ant. v. 6, §5), or by the terms "even, midnight,
cock-crowing, and morning " (Mark xiii. 35). These
terminated respectively at 9 P.M., midnight, 3 a.m.,
and 6 a.m. Conformably to this, the guard of
soldiers was divided into four relays (Acts xii. 4),
showing that the Roman regime was followed in
Herod's army. Watchmen appear to have patrolled
the streets of the Jewish towns (Cant. iii. 3, v. 7 ;
1's.cixvii. 1,« where for " waketh" we should sub-
stitute " watcheth ;" Ps. exxx. 6). [W. L. B.]
WATEB OF JEALOUSY (Num. r. U-31),
(Onen '?, " waters of bitterness," sometimes with
Omkon added, at "causing a curse" (TUt,
•it:- *■ - t »
Simp rev ikryiwv ; Philo, ii. 310, worox sAif-yx"" )•
• niioirtc thh.
< -v^an rrtoat.
» rutovin n-toefc.
t : - v : -
■1j3C>.
* Tet being an offering to M bring Iniquity to re-
membrance" (v. 16% It is ceremonially rated aa a "eta
offering ;" hence no oil Is to be mixed with the meal
Vefore burning it, nor any frankincense to be placed upon
t when burnt, which same rule was applied to " sin
iffirines" generally (Lev. v. 11). With meat offerings,
m the contrary, the mixture of oil and the ImposlLion of
frankincense were prescribed (il. 1, 2, f. 14, 1}).
I Prvhsbiy not the " water of separation " for purifica-
tion, mixed wllh the ashes of the red heifer, for as its
ceremonial property was to defile the pore and to purify
the andean (Num. xlx. 21) who touched lt.it could hardly
be used in a rite the object of which was to establish the
Innocence of the upright or discover the guilt of the
sinner, without the symbolism Jarring. Perusps water
fro-1 toe laver of the sanctuary Is intendH.
■ The weros n?B3- 7'DJ7. iT>W, lendered In the
A V. by tne word " rot," rather indicate, according *
WATEB OK JEALOVHY
The ritual prracril-ad contastal in the hnstanJ*s
bringing the woman before the pri e st , and the
essential pmt ot it is unquestionably tile osth
to which the " water " was subsidiary, srmboliosl,
and ministerial. With her ne was to bring the
tenth part of an ephah of barley-meai as ac
offering. Perhaps the whole is to be r e ga ine d
from a judicial point of view, and this " offering "
in the light of a court-fee.* God Hnxnelf%aa
suddenly invoked to judge, and His pres enc e re-
cognised by throwing a handful of die barley-
meal on the blaxing altar in the course of the rite.
In the first instance, however, the priest " set Her
before the Lord " with the ottering in her hand.
The Mishnah {Sotah) prescribes that she be clothed
in black with a rope ginlie around her waist;
and from the direction that the priest "shall
uncover her head" (ver. 18), it would seen she
came in veiled, probably also in black. As eke
stood holding the offering, so the priest stood hold-
ing an earthen vessel of holy water' mixed with
the dust from the floor of the sanctuary, and de-
claring her free from all evil consequences if inno-
cent, solemnly devoted her in the name of Jehovah
to be " a curse and an oath among her people," if
guilty, further describing the exact consequerjoa
ascribed to the operation of the water in the "mem-
bers" which the had "yielded as servants to un-
cleanness"* (vers. 21, 22, 27; comp. Rom. vi.
19 ; and Theodoret, Qmat. x. in Nmu). He ties
" wrote these curses in a book, and blotted them
out «i»h the bitter water." and. having throws,
probably at this stage of the proceedings, the handful
of meal on the altar, " caused the woman to drink "
the potion thus drugged, she moreover answering to
the words of his imprecation, "Amen, Amen."
Joseph us adds, if the suspicion was unfounded, she
obtained conception, if true, she died in&mooslv.
This accords with the sacred text, if she " be dean,
then shall she be free and sAott ccsscetne ted" (ver.
28), words which seem to mean that when restored
to her husband's affection she should be Ueaseil with
fruitfulnest ; or, that if conception had taken place
before her appearance, it would have its proptr
issue in child-bearing, which, if she had been un-
fiuthful, would be intercepted by the operation of
the curse. It may be supposed that a husband
would not be forward to publish his sasptauns of
his own injury, unless there were symptoms of ap-
parent conception,' and a risk of a child by siwowv
being presented to him at his own. In this cast
If Id-sells
Gesen. a v. 7E3« to * become or make lean."
- 1
thought oiarlan dropsy was Intended by the eyeapteeas
Josephus says, row n o-WAovt mcwco-ottov avry. oi rvr
CMAtar voepov K*raAajt0aa*w-roc (Ami. HI. 11. yC).
• This Is somewhat supported by the rendering In the
A. V. of the words ffeBK tS Hm\. v.l3.by-neitbri
she be taken wits Oe suuiwer," the Italicised words betas
added as explanatory, without any to correspuoal m tot
original, and pointing to the sadden cessation of "the
usntifr"or "custom of women ** (Gen. xvtii. 11. xxxi-XS)
i. e. the menstrual flux, suggesting, in the esse of a wtansft
not past the age of child-bearing, that conceptkm has
takenplsce. tr this be the sense of the original, lbs «o*
piclons ol the husband would be so far based upnn a Isci
It seems, however, also possible that the words may be as
extension of the sense of those Immediately preceJ-as,
M3 |*et *tj**|. when the connected tenowwooM fee. ->aae
there be no witness against her. and she be not takes.*
I e. taken in the fact ; camp. John via. s. asvsj s y»v*
««rs(Ajri#s se a s i ■*>■ » ■* awittvesua-e.
WATER nv SEPARATION
the woman's natural apprehension* regarding her
awn gestation would operate very strongly to make
her shrink from the potion, if guilty. For plainly,
the enact of auch a ceremonial on the nerrooa
system of one so circumstanced, might easily go flu-
to imperil her life, eren without the precise symp-
toms ascribed to the water. Meanwhile the rale
would operate beneficially for the woman, if inno-
cent, who would be during this interval under the
fiotection of the court to which the husband had
imself appealed, and so far secure against any
violent consequence of his jealousy, which had thus
found a vent recognised by law. Further, by thus
interposing a period of probation the fierceness of
conjugal jealousy might cool. On comparing this
argument with the further restrictions laid down in
the treatise Sotah tending to limit the application
at this rite, there seems grave reason to doubt whether
lecoarse was ever had to it in act. [Adulter v.]
The custom of writing on a parchment words
cabc&tic or medical relating to a particular ease,
and then washing them off, and giving the patient
the water of this ablution to drink, has descended
among Oriental superstitions to the present day,
and a sick Arab would probably think this the
most ratural way of " taking " a prescription. See,
on the general subject, Groddeck do tett. Rebr.
mrgat. castitatis in Dgol. T/iesaur. (Wine:).
The custom of such an ordeal was probably tradi-
tions! in Mows' time, and by fencing it round with
the wholesome awe inspired by the solemnity of
the prescribed ritual, the lawgiver would deprive it
jb a great eitent of its bsrharous tendency, and
jrouki probably restrain the husband from some of
the ferocious extremities to which he might other-
wise be driven by a sudden fit of jealousy, so
powerful in the Oriental mind. On the whole it
is to be taken, like the permission to divorce by a
written instrument, rather as the mitigation of a
custom ordinarily harsh, and as a barrier placed in
tbe way of uncalculating vindictivecess.' Viewing
the regulations concerning matrimony as a whole,
we shall find the same principle animating them in
all their parts — that of providing a legal channel
nor the course of natural feelings where irrepres-
sible, but at the same time of surrounding their
outlet with institutions apt to mitigate their in-
tensity, and so assisting the gradual formation of a
gentler temper in the bosom of the nation. The
precept was given " because of the hardness of
their hearts,'' but with the design and the tendency
of softening them. (See some remarks in Spencer,
<U Ltg. Bebr.) [H. H.]
WATEB OF SEPARATION. [Pounca-
iion.]
WAVE- OFFERING (HB13R, "a waving,"
from P|U, " to wave," STiiV ')& flBljn, " a
waving before Jehovah "). This rite, together with
that of " heaving" or " raising" the offering, was
au inseparable accompaniment of peace-orlerings.
In such the right shoulder, considered the choicest
p» -t of the victim, was to be " heaved," and viewed
au holy to the Lord, only eaten therefore by the
priest ; the breast was to be " waved," and eaten
67 the worshipper. On the second day of the
Passover a sheaf of corn, in the green ear, was to
be) wared, accompanied by the sacrifice of an un-
blemished lamb of the first year, from the per-
formance of which ceremony the days till Pentecost,
were to be counted. When that feast arrived, tivo
•save*, the fiat-fruits of the ripe oars, wan U at
WAVE-OFFERING
1723
offered with a burnt-offering, a sin-oflenng; and two
lambs of the ftrst year tor a peace-offering. Thest
likewise were to be waved.
The Scriptui-al notices of these rites am to be
found in Ex. xxix. 24, 38 ; Lev. vii. 30, 34, vi*
97, fat. 21, x. 14, 15, xxiii. 10, 15, 20; Nam. vi
20, xviii. 11, 18, 26-29, te.
We rind also the word nBUIl applied m Ex.
sxxvrii. 24, to the gold offered'by the people for the
fnraiture of the sanctuary. It is there called
ilBUnn 3flt. It may have been waved when
presented, but it seams not impossible that 1*101311
had acquired a secondary sense so as to denote
" free-will offering." In either case we must suppose
the ceremony of waving to have been known to and
practised by the Israelites before the giving of the
It seems not quite certain from Ex. xxix. 26, 27,
whether the waving was performed by the priest or
by tbe worshipper with the former's assistance.
The Rabbinical tradition represents it as done by
tbe worshipper, the priest supporting his hands
from below.
In conjecturing the meaning of this rite, regard
must be had, in the first instance, to the kind ot
sacrifice to which it belonged. It was the accom-
paniment of pence-offerings. These not only, like
the other sacrifices, acknowledged God's greatness
and His right over the creature, but they witnessed
to a ratified covenant, an established communion
between God and man. While the sin-offering
merely removed defilement, while the burnt-offer-
ing gave entirely over to God of His own, the
victim being wholly consumed, the peace-offering,
as establishing relations between God snd the wor-
shipper, was participated in by tbe latter, who ate,
as we have seen, of the breast that was wared.
The Kabbis explain the hearing of the shoulder
as an acknowledgment that God has His throne in
the heaven, the waring of the breast that He is
present in every quarter of the earth. The cue
rite testified to His eternal majesty on high, the
other to His being among and with His people.
It is not said in Lev. xxiii. 10-14, that a peace-
offering accompanied the wave-fheaf of the Pass-
over. On the contrary, the only bloody sacrifice
mentioned in connexion with it is styled a burnt-
offering. When, however, we consider that every-
where else the rite of waving belongs to a peace-
offering, and that besides a sin and a burnt-offering,
there was one in connexion with the wavj-loaves of
Pentecost (Lev. xxiii. 19), we shall be wary of con-
cluding that there was none in the present case.
The significance of theee rites seems considerable.
The name of the month Abib, in which the Pass-
over was kept, means the month of the green ear
of corn, the month in which the great produce of
the earth has come to the birth. In that month
the nation of Israel came to the birth ; each suc-
ceeding Passover was the keeping of the nation':
birthday. Beautifully and naturally, therefore,
were the two births — that of the people into nation*]
life ; that of their needful sustenance into yearly life
— combined in the Passover. Ail first-fruits were
holy to God : the first-born of men, the first-produce
of the earth. Both principles were recognized in the
Passover. When, six weeks after, the harvest had
ripened, the first-fruits of its matured produor were
similarly to be dedicated to God. Both were waved,
the rite which attested the Divine presence and
working all around us being sorely most appropriate
and significant in their case. [F. G. |
1724
WAT
WAY. Thi» word hoi now in ordinary parlance
10 entirely forsaken it* original mut (except in
combination, ai in " highway," " causeway "), and
ia to uuifonDly employed in the secondary or meta-
phorical aeoae of a "custom" or " manner," that
t, is difficult to remember that in the Bible it most
frequently signifies an actual road or track. Our
translators hare employed it as the equinilent of
no less than eighteen distinct Hebrew terms. Of
these, several had the same secondary sense which
the word " way" baa with us. Two others (mil
and 3*113) are employed only by the poets, and
are commonly rendered " path " in the A. V. But
the term which most frequently occurs, and in the
majority of cases signifies (though it also is now
and then used metaphorically) an actual road, is
TPR, dene, connected with the German tretm and
the English " tread." It may be truly said that
there is hardly a single passage in which this word
occurs which would not be made clearer and more
real if " road to" were substituted for " way of.
Thus Gen. xri. 7, " the spring on the road to
Shur;" Num.xiv. 24, "the road to the Red Sea;"
1 Sam. vi. 1 2, " the road to Bethshemesh ;" Judg.
ix. 37, " the road to the oak • of Meonenim ; " 2 K.
xi. 19, " the road to the gate." It turns that which
is a mere general expression into a substantial reality.
And ra in like maimer with the word Ms in the
New Testament, which is almost invariably trans-
lated " way." Mark x. 82, " They were on the
road going up to Jerusalem ; " Matt. xx. 17, " and
Jesus took the twelve disciples apart in the road" —
out of the crowd of pilgrims who, like themselves,
were bound for the Passover.
There is one use of both deree and 6S4t which
must not be passed over, viz. in the sense of a reli-
gious course. In the Old Test, this occurs but
rarely, perhaps twice: namely in Amos viii. 14,
" the manner of Beersheba," where the prophet is
probably alluding to some idolatrous rites then
practised there ; and again in Vs. cxxxix. 84, " look
if there be any evil way," any idolatrous practices,
" in me, and lead me in the everlasting way." Bat
in the Acts of the Apostles oJdi, " the way," " the
load," ia the received, almost technical, term for
the new religion which Paul first resisted and
afterwards supported. See Acta ix. 2, xix. 0, 23,
xxii. 4, xxiv. 14, 22. In each of these the word
" that " is an interpolation of our translators, and
should have been put into italics, as it is in
xxir. 22.
The religion of Islam is spoken of in the Koran
as " the path," (et tarik, iv. 66), and " the right
■nth" (i. 5; iv. 174). Gesenius (Vies. 353)
lias collected examples of the same expiesaion in
other languages and religions. £G.]
WEAPONS. [Arbb.]
WEASEL (iVh.cMfed: T<*y: nuaUla) occurs
only in Lev. xi. 29, in the list of unclean animals.
According to the old versions and the Talmud, the
Heb. chiled denotes "a weasel" (see Lewysohu,
Xuol. das Tabn. p. 91, and Buxtorf, Lex. v. Sab.
et Kite. p. 756) ; but if the word ia identical with
Sit J
the Arabic ckM (oJLs>>) and the Syriac chuldo
j | , \*» ■ ■)- as Bechort ( Hiero*. ii. 435) and others
* This Is more obscure in the A. V. even than the
others—" Oune slung by the plain of Meonenim.'' |
WEAvnro
have endeavoured to show, acre ia no doubt thai
" a mole " is the animal indicated. Gamins ( Tkn.
p. 474), however, has the fallowing very true ob-
servation: "Sntis constat ansmalium nemiua par-
saepe in hac lingua tss in alia cognata ttliucL, id
rero simile, animal sigmficare." Me pufers t/
render the term by •' Weasel."
Moles are common enough in Palestine; TTn—s
quist (2Ha>. p. 120), speaking of the eountry
between Jaffa and Kama, says he had never area ia
any place the ground so cast up by moks as ia
these plains. There waa scarce a yard's length
between each mole-hill. It ia not improbable that
both the Talpa evnpaea and the T. owes, the
blind mole of which Aristotle apeak* {HiK jbUm.
i. 8, §.')), occur in Palestine, though we haw no
definite information on this point. The family of Mm-
telidae also is doubtless well represented. Perhsp-
it is better to give to the Heb. tens the same signi-
fication which the cognate Arabic and Syriac hsvs,
and understand a "mole" to be denoted by it.
[MOWS.] [W.H.J
WEAVING (IT*). The art of weaving appears
to be coeval with the first dawning of cmlixstion.
In what country, or by whom it was invented, we
know not ; but we find it practised with great skill
by the Egyptians at a very early period, and hence
the invention was not unnaturally attributed te
them (Plin. vii. 57). The " vesture* of fine linen'
such as Joseph wore (Gen. xli. 42) were the product
of Egyptian looms, and their quality, a* attested by
existing specimens, is pronounced to be not inferior
to the finest cambric of modem times (Wilkinson,
ii. 75). The Isitwiites were probably acquainted
with the process before their sojourn in Egypt ; but
it was undoubtedly there that they attained the
proficiency which enabled them to execute the
hangings of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxxv. 35; 1 Car.
iv. 21), and other artistic textures. At a later
period toe Egyptians were still famed for their ma-
nufactures of "fine" («. e. hackled) flax and of
chtrl* rendered in the A. V. *• networks," bat
more probably a white material either of linen or
cotton (Is. xix. 9). From them the Tyriaas pro-
cured the " fine linen with broide r ed srork " for the
sails of their vessels (Ex. xxvii. 7), the handsome
character of which may be inferred from the repre-
sentations of similar sails in the Egyptian pa'rt'fg*
(Wilkinson, ii. 131, 167). Weaving was carried en
in Egypt, generally, but not universally, by men
(Herod, ii. 35; comp. Wilkinson, ii. 84). This was
the ease also among the Jew* about the time at the
Exodus (I Chr. iv. 2 1 ), but in later time* it usually
fell to the lot of the females to supply the household
with clothing (1 Sam. ii. 19 ; 2 K. xriii. 7), and as
industrious housewife would produce a aorplos for
sale toothers (Prov. xzxi. 13, 19, 24).
The character of the loom and the arauss of
weaving can only be inferred from incidental notias*.
The Egyptian loom was usually upright, and the
weaver stood at his work. The doth was fixed
sometimes at the top, sometimes at the bottom, so
that the remark of Herodotus (ii. 85) that the
Egyptians, contrary to the usual practice, ptessci
the woof downwards, must be received with mer-
vation (Wilkinson, ii. 85). That a similar variety
of usage prevailed among the Jews, may be inferred
from the remark of St. John (six. 23V that ike
it was woven " from tie top (la tot
»nn.
WEAVING
(raft*). Tusks of thin 1/itvt were designated by |
the Komana recta*, implying that they were made
at an upright loom at which the weaver stood to
his work, thrusting the woof upwards (Plin. viii.
74). The modem Arabs use a procumbent loom,
raised above the pound by short legs (Burckhanlt's
Xotes, i. 67). The Bible does not notice the loom
itself, but speaks of the beam* to which the warp
was attached (1 Sam. xvii. 7; 2 Sam. xxi. 19);
and of the pin* to which the cloth was fixed, and
on which it was rolled (Jndg. ivi. 14). We have
»!«> notice of the shuttle." which is described by a
term significant of the ct .if wearing (Job vii. 6) ;
the thrum ' or thread* which attached the web to
the beam (la. xxxviii. 12, margin); and the web*
itself (Judg. xri. 14; A. V. "beam"). Whether
the two terms in Lev. xiii. 48, rendered " warp " *
and "woof," 1 really mean these, admits of doubt,
inasmuch as it is not easy to see how the one
could be affected with leprosy without the other :
jierhaps the terms rarer to certain kinds of texture
(Knobel, in Aw.). The shuttle is occasionally dis-
pensed with, the woof being passed through with
the hand (Hobinson's Bib. Ret. i. 169). The
xpeed with which the weaver used his shuttle, and
tlie decisive manner in which he separated the
web from the thrum when his work was done,
supplied vivid images, the former of the speedy
parage of lift (Job vii. 6), the latter of sudden
death (la. xxxviii. 12),
The textures produced by the Jewish weavers
were vary various. The coarser kinds, such as
tent-cloth, sackcloth, and the " hairy garments "
of the poor wen made of goat's or camel's hair
(Ex. xxvi. 7 ; Matt. ili. 4). Wool was extensively
used for ordinary clothing (Lev. xiii. 47 ; Prov.
xxvii. 26, xxai. 13; Ex. xxvii. 18), while for finer
work flax was used, varying in quality, and pro-
ducing the different textures described in the Bible as
"linen " and " fine linen." The mixture of wool and
flax in cloth intended for a garment was interdicted
(Lev. xix. 19; Deut xxH. 11). With regard to
the ornamental kind* of work, the terms rikmah,
" needlework," and ma'StVi cMeAlo, " the work of
the cunning workman," have been already discussed
under the head of Embboidkbeb, to the effect that
both kinds were produced in the loom, and that the
distinction between them lay in the addition of a
device or pattern in the latter, tho ri&mah con-
sist ing simply of a variegated stuff without a pattern.
We may further notice the terms: (1) sAdoati 1
and taMIU * applied to the robes of the priest (Ex.
xxviii. 4, 39), and signifying ttaelated (A. T.
*' broidered"), «'. «. with depressions probably of a
square shape worked in it, similar to the texture
described ny the Romans under the term acufu&xtus
(Plin. viii. 73; Jut. ii. 97); this was produced in
the loom, as it is expressly said to be the work of
the weaver (Ex. xxxix. 27). (2) Midair* (A. V.
" twined "), applied to the fine linen out of which
the curtains of the tabernacle and the sacerdotal
vestments were made (Ex. xxvi. 1, xxviii. 6, fcc.):
in this texture each thread consisted of several finer
threads twisted together, as is described to have
* TbO ; so oilled from lie rsseuiblancB to a plough-
nun's yoke.
' H3BC. This (era Is otherwise undemuwd of the
warp, as in the 1AX. and the Vulgate (Gesso. Tftes.
p. em
WEEK
1725
hem the east with the famed corslet of Aatasi*
(Herod, iii. 47). (3) MishbetaUh zihab- (A. V.
'* of wrought gold"), textures in which gold thread
was interwoven (Pa. xlv. 13). The Babylonians
were particularly skilful in this branch of weaving,
and embroidered groups of men or animals on the
robes (Plin. viii. 74; Layard, Xm. ii. 41U):
the "goodly Babylonish garment" secreted by
Achnn was probably of this character (Josh. vii. 21).
The sacerdotal vestments are said to hare been
woven in one a piece without the intervention ot
any needlework to join the seams (Joseph. Ant. iii.
7, §4). The " coat without seam " (jctriir Affra-
«*>») worn by Jesus at the time of his crucifixion
(John xix. 23), was probably of a sacerdotal cha-
racter in this respect, but made of a less costly
material (Carpxov, Appar. p. 7:2). [W. L. B.]
WEDDING. [Marriauk.]
WEEK W3&, or JJ-jB>, from »3B>, " seven,"
a heptad of any thing, but particularly used for a
period of seven days : t$Sofiis : tepthnana). We
have also, and much ofteuer, rQT2s7, or nj73S?
Whatever controversies exist respecting the origin
of the week, there can be none about the greas an-
tiquity, on particular occasions at least, among the
Shemitic races, of measuring time by a period ot
seven days. This has been thought to be implied
in the phrase respecting the sacrifices of Cain and
Abel (Gen. iv. 3), " in procesv of time" literally
" at the end of days." It is to be traced in the
narrative of the subsidence of the Flood (Gea. viii.
10), "and he stayed yet other seven days;" an J
we find it recognised by the Syrian Laban (Gen.
xxix. 27), « fulfil her week." It is needless to say
that this division of time is a marked feature
of the Mosaic law, and one into which the whole
year was parted, the Sabbath suilicwotly showing
that. The week of seven days was also mails
the key to a scale of sereu, running through
the Sabbatical years up to that of jubilee. [See
Sabbath; Sabbatical Ykab; and Jcbilkk,
Year op.]
The origin of this division of time is a matter
which has given birth to much speculation. Its
antiquity is so great, its observance so widespread,
and it occupies so important a place in sacred thing*,
that it has been very generally thrown hack as tiu
as the creation of man, who on this supposition was
told from the very first to divide his time on the
model of the Creator's order of working and resting.
The week and the Sabbath are, if this be so, as oh)
as man himself; and we need not seek for reasons
either in the human mind or the facts with which
that mind comet in contact, for the adoption of
such a division of time, since it in to be referred
neither to man's thoughts nor to man's will. A
purely theological pound is thin established for
the week and for the sscrednesH of the number
seven. They who embrace this view support it
by a reference to the six days' creation and tht
IHvine rest on the seventh, which they consider tc
have been made known to man from the very first,
• JTK.
the shuttle.
* nV?.
The suae word describes both the web i
an{ nwatjte.
1726
WQsK
ud by an appeal tn the exceeding prevdence of I
the hebdomadal division of lime fi-ora the earliest
age — an argument the force of which is cmsidered
to be enhanced by the alleged absence of an/ natural
ground for it
To all this, however, it may be objected that we
are quite in the dark as to when the record of the
six days' creation waa made known, that as human
language is used and human apprehensions are ad-
dressed in that record, so the week being already
known, the perfection of the Divjne work and
.Sabbath may well have been aet forth under the
figure of one, the existing division of time mould-
ing the document, instead of the document giving
birth to the division ; that old and widespread as
ia the recognition of that division, it is not uni-
versal ; that the nations which knew not of it were
too important to allow the argument from its pre-
valeucy to stand ; and that so far from its being
without ground in nature, it is the most obvious
and convenient way of dividing the month. Each
of thesepoints must now bo briefly considered : —
1st. That the week rests on a theological ground
may be cheerfully acknowledged by both sides ; but
nothing is determined by such acknowledgment as
to the original cause of adopting this division of
time. The records of creation and the fourth com-
mandment give no doubt the ultimate and there-
fore the deepest ground of the weekly division,
but it does not therefore follow that it was not
adopted for lower reasons before either was known.
Whether the week gave its aacredness to the number
seven, or whether the ascendency of that namber
helped to determine the dimensions of the week, it
Li impossible to say. The latter tact, the ancient
aaceudenry of the number seven, might rest on
divers grounds. The planets, according to the
astronomy of those times, were seven in number ;
so are the notes of the diatonic scale; so alto many
other things naturally attracting observation
2ndly. The prevalence of toe weekly division
was indeed very great, but a nearer approach to
universality is required to render it an argument
for the view in aid of which it is appealed to. It
was adopted by all the Shemitic races, and, in the
later period of their history at least, by the Egyp-
tians. Across the Atlantic we find it, or a division
ail but identical with it, among the Peruvians. It
also obtains now with the Hindoos, but its antiquity
among them is matter of question. It is possible
that it waa introduced into India by the Arabs and
Mohammedans. So in China we find it, but whether
universally or only among the Buddhists admits of
doubt. (See, for both, Priaulx's Question** Mo-
taicat, a work with many of the results of which
we may be well expected to quarrel, but which
deserves, in respect not only of curious learning, but
of the vigorous and valuable thought with which
it is impregnated, to be far more known than it is.)
On the other hand, there is no reason for thinking
the week known till a late period either to Greeks
or Itomans.
3rdly. So far from the week being a division of
time without ground in nature, there was much to re-
commend its adoption. Where the days were named
from planetary deiuas, as among first the Assyrians
and ChaUees, and then the Egyptians, there of
course each period of seven days would constitute a
whole, and that whole might come to be recognized
by nations that disregarded or rejected the practice
which had shaped and determined it. But further,
the week is a most untuial and nearly an exact qoa-
WKKK
driparrition of the month, so that the q u a ifa . of
the moon may eaiily have suggested it-
It is beside the purpose of this article tc trava
tie hebdomadal division among other natksss lews
the Hebrews. The week of the Bible is thai with
which we hare to do. Even if it were proved that
the planetary week of the Egyptians, as tketchnt
by Dion Cassius (JSTut. item. mni. 18>, existed
at or before the time of the Exodus, the chilirea
of Israel did not copy that. Their week was
simply determined by the Sabbath; and there is
no evidence of any other day, with them, having
either had a name assigned to it, or any partacaiar
associations bound op with it. The days aaeanad
to have been distinguished merely by the axtfisxd
numerals, counted from the Sabbath. W« saaal
have indeed to return to the Egyptian planetary
week at a later stage of ear inquiry, bat our brat
and main business, as we have already said, av w.ta
the week of the Bible.
We have seen in Gen. vjrix. 87, that it was knwwn
to the ancient Syrians, and the injunction to Jacob,
" fulfil her ween," indicates that it was ia nee as a
fixed term for great festive celehratinat The i
probable exposition of the passage is, tl
telb Jacob to fulfil Leah's n*l, the [
of the nuptial festivities in connexion with his i
riage to her, and then he may have Rachel alas
(romp. Jndg. xiv.). And so too for funeral observ-
ance, as in the case of the obsequies of Jacob,
Joseph " nwle a mourning for his father seven
days" (Gen. I. 10). But neither of these instaews
any mote than Noah's procediite in the ark. go
fuither than showing the custom of observm; a
term of seven days for any observance of impurv-
ance. They do not prove that the whole year, «.-
the whole month, was thus divided at all l-aa**,
and without regard to remarkable events.
In Exodus of course the week comes into ve y
distinct manifestation. Two of the great leasu —
the Passover and the Feast of Tabernacles — we pro-
longed for seven days after that of their inhiaixa
(Exod. xii. 15-20, &c), a custom which retnajis .a
the Christian Church, in the rituals of which the
remembrances and topics of the great fe4ira*> are
prolonged till what is technically called the octart.
Although the feast of Pentecost lasted but one «by.
yet the time for its observance was to be counted
by weeks from the Passover, wbeuce one of it*
titles, " the Feast of Weeks."
The division by seven was, as we have wen, ex-
panded so as to make the seventh month and- tie
seventh year Sabbatical. To whatever extent the
laws enforcing this may have been neglected befas
the Captivity, their effect, when studied, mibtbii
been to render the words JTUC, e/tasauft, rari.
capable of meaning a seven of years almost as
naturally as a seven of days. Indeed the gvnrnil.tr
of the word would have this effect at any rata.
Hence their use to denote the latter in prophecy,
more especially in that of Daniel, ia not mere ui>-
trary symbolism, but the employment of a net u-
familiar and easily understood language. This ia est
the place to discuss schemes of prophetic interpre-
tation, nor do we propose giving our opinion of say
such, but it is connected with our subject w> re-
mark that, whatever be the merits of that wtsUfc a
Daniel and the Apocalypse understaada a year by a
day, it cannot be set aside as forced and usaatura'
Whether days were or were not i n tended to be tbsx
understood >n the places ia question, their ten e t, a.
would have been a congruous, and we nary say
WEEKS, If EAST OF
fogical attendant on the scheme which counts weeo
of jeim, and both would have been a natural com-
putation tc minds familiar and occupied with the
law of the Sabbatical year.
In the N. T. we of course find such clear recog-
nition of and familiarity with the week as needs
scarcely bo dwelt on. Sacred as the division was,
and stamped deep on the minds and customs of
Uod's people, it now received additional solemnity
from onr Lord's hut earthly Passover gathering up
His work of life into a week.
Hence the Christian Cho.-ch, from the very first,
was familiar with the week. St. Paul's language
(1 Cor. xvi. 2, awra su'ar o-a^/Sdror) shows this.
We cannot conclude from it that such a division of
time was observed by the inhabitants of Corinth
generally ; tor they to whom he was writing,
though doubtless the majority of them were Gen-
tiles, yet knew the Lord's Day, and most probably
the Jewish Sabbath. But though we can infer no
more than this from the place in question, it is clear
that if not by this time, yet very soon after, the
whole Roman world bad adopted the hebdomadal
division. Dion Caseius, who wrote in the 2nd
ecitury, spnks of it as both universal and recent
in his time. He represents it as coming from
Egypt, and gives two schemes, by one or other of
which he considers that the planetary names of the
different days were fixed (Dion Cassias, zzvii. 18).
Those names, or corresponding ones, have perpetu-
ated themselves over Christendom, though no asso-
ciations of any kind are now connected with them,
except in so tar as the whimsical conscience of some
has quarrelled with their Pagan origin, and led to
on attempt at their disuse, it would be interest-
ing, though foreign to our present purpose, to in-
quire into the origin of this planetary week. A
deeply-learned paper in the Philological Museum,
b* the bite Archdeacon Haie,* gives the credit of
i -a invention to the Chaldees. Dion Camius was
however pretty sure to have been right in tracing
its adoption by the Roman world to an Egyptian
origin, it is very striking to reflect that while
Christendom was in its cradle, the law by which
•■lie was to divide her time came without collusion
with her into universal observance, thus making
things ready for her to impose on mankind that
week on which all Christina life has been shaped —
that week grounded on no worship of planetary
deities, nor dictated by the mere wish to quadri-
partite the month, but based on the earliest lesson
of revelation, and proposing to man his Maker's
model as that whereby to regulate his working
and his rest — that week which once indeed in
modern times it- has been attempted to abolish,
because it was attempted to abolish the whole
Christian faith, but which has kept, as we are sure
it ever will keep, its ground, being bound np with
that other, and sharing therefore in that other's
iiivincibilit" and perpetuity. [¥. G.]
WEEKS, FEAST OF. [Pbktkoow.]
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.
I. WEIGHTS.
Introduction. — it will be well to explain briefly
the method of inquiry which led to the conclusions
stated in, this article, the subject being intricate,
and the conclusions in many main particulars
[liferent from auy at which other investigators
hsrre arrived. The disagreement of the opinion*
Mrtfekw. Mi*, vol. L
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 1721
respecting apcient weights that have been forme!
on the evidcice of the Greek and Latin writers
shows the importance of giving the first place to
the evidence of monuments. The evidence of the
Bible is clear, except in the case of one passage, bat it
requires a monumental commentary. The general
principle of the present inquiry was to give the
evidence of the monuments the preference on ail
doubtful points, and to compare it with that of lite-
rature, so as to ascertain the purport of statements
which otherwise appeared to be explicable in two,
or even three, dinerent ways. Thus, if a certain/
talent is said to be equal to so many Attic drachms,-
these are usually explained to be drachms on the
old, or Commercial, standard, or on Solon's reduced
standard, or again on the further reduced standard
equal to that of Roman denarii of the early em-
perors; bat if we ascertain from weights or coins
the weight of the talent in question, we can decide
with what standard it is compared, unless the tea
is hopelessly corrupt.
Besides this general principle, it will be necessary
to bear in mind the following postulates.
1. All ancient Greek systems of weight were
derived, either directly or indirectly, from au Eastern
source.
2. All the older systems of ancient Greece and
Persia, the Aeginetan, the Attic, the Babylonian,
and the Eubolc, are divisible either by 6000, or by
3600.
3. The 6000th or 3«00th part of the talent is a
divisor of all higher weights and coins, and a mul-
tiple of all lower weight! and coins, except its two-
thirds.
4. Coins are always somewhat below the standard
weight.
5. The statements of ancient writers as to the
relation of different systems are to be taken either
as indicating original or curiert relation. When a
set of statements shows a special study of metro-
logy we must infer original relation ; isolated state-
ments may rather be thought to indicate current
relation. All the statements of a writer, which are
not borrowed, probably indicate either the one or
the other kind of relation.
6. The statements of ancient writers are to be
taken in their seemingly-obvious sense, or discarded
altogether as incorrect or unintelligible.
7. When a certain number of drachms or other
denominations of one metal are said to correspond
to a certain number of drachms- or other denomina-
tions of another metal, it must not be assumed that
the system is the same in both cases.
Some of these postulates may seem somewhat
strict, but it must be recollected that some, if not
all, of the systems to be considered have a mutual
relation that is very apt to lead the inquirer to
visionary results if he does not use great caution in
his investigations.
The information respecting the Hebrew weights
that is contained in direct statement* necessitates
an examination of the systems used by, or known to,
the Greeks as late as Alexander's time. We begin
with such an examination, then state the direct data
for the determination of the Hebrew system or
systems, and finally endeavour to cHcct that deter-
mination, adding a comparative view of all our
main result*.
1. Eaiiy Qmk taint: — Three prinripal system*
were used by the Greeks before the time of Alex-
ander, those of the Aeginetan, the Attic, and tha
KuboJc talents.
1728 WEIGHTS AKD MEASL-aEfl
1. The Aeginetan talent is stated to bare con-
tained 60 minae, and 6000 dmehms. The following
paints are iciontestablr established on the evidence
of ancient writers. Its drachm was heavier than
tin Attic, by which, when unqualified, we mean
the drachm of the full. monetary standard, weighing
about 67-5 grains Troy. Pollux states that it con-
tained 10,000 Attic drachms and 100 Attic minor.
Anlus Cell i us, referring to the time of Demo-
sthenes, speaks of a talent being equal to 10,000
dnichmr, and, to leave no doubt, says ther woufc
be the same number of denarii, which in his owr<
time were equal to current reduced Attic drachms,
the terms drachms and denarii being then used in
terchangeably. In accordance with these statement; ,
we find a monetary system to have been in use in
Macedonia and Thrace, of which the drachm weighs
about 110 grs., in very nearly the proportion required
to the Attic (6 : 10 : : 67-5 : 112-5).
The silver coins of Aegina, however, and of many
ancient Greek cities, follow a lower standard, of
which the drachm has an average maximum weight
of about 96 grs. The famous Cyzicene staters of
electron! appear to follow the same standard as the
wins of Aegina, for they weigh about 240 grs., and
are said to have been equal in value to 28 Attic
drachms of silver, a Doric, of 129 grs., being equal
to 20 such drachms, which would give the Cyzicenes
(20 : 129 :: 18 : 180) three-fourths of gold, the
very p roportion assigned to the composition of dee-
tram by Pliny. If we may infer that the silver
was not counted In the value, the Cysieenes would
be equal to low didrachms of Aegina. The drachm
obtained from the Hirer coins of Aegina has very
nearly the weight, 92 3 grs., (hat Beeekh assigns
to that of Athens before Solon's reduction, of which
the system contimnil in use afterwards as the
Commercial talent. The coins of Athens give a
standard, 67-5 grs., for the Scdooian drachm that
does not allow, taking that standard for the basis of
nutation, a higher weight for the ante-Solonian
m than about that competed by Boeckh.
An examination of Mr. Burgoo's weight! from
Athens, in the British Museum, has, however, in-
duced us to infer a higher standard in both esses.
These weights bear inscriptions which prove their
denominations, and that they follow two systems.
One weighing 9980 grs. troy has the inscription
MNA ATOP (u*5 areata*?), another weighing
7171,simplyMNA. We hare therefore two systems
evidently in the relation of the Commercial Attic,
and Solooisn Attic (9980 : 7171 : : 138-88 : 99*7
instead of 100), a conclusion borne out by the fuller
data given a little later (§1. 2). The lower weight
is distinguished by AEMO on a weight of 3482
(X2 = 6964) gr».,and by ^ Q on one of 884
(X8s707t): its mina was therefore called 8*-
ae-rla. The identity of then two systems, the
Ksrket and the Popular, with the Commercial and
Sohmian of Athens, is therefore evident, and we
thus obtain a higher standard for both Attic talents.
From the correct relation of the weights of the two
miliar given above, we may compute the drachms
of the two talents at about 99*8 and 71-7 grs.
The heavier standard of the two Attic systems
afforded by these weights reduces the difficulty that
is occasioned by the difference of the two AcgJnetaa
standards.
We thus obtain the following principal standards
ef the Aeginetan weight,
a. The Macedonian talent, or Aeginetan of the
WEIGHTS AND MEABTJBBS
writers, weighing about 660,001 gxt*, craataaaiag
60 minae and 6000 drachms.
0. The Commercial talent of Athens, used for the
coins of Aegina, weighing, as a monetary ttdrai.
never more than about 576.000 gw., reduced tr-en
a weight-talent of about 59830", and divided aaM>
the same principal parts as the preceding.
It may be objected to thai opinion, that the coins
of Aegina should rather give us the true *ngisrfia
standard than those of Macedonia, but it mar be
replied, that we know from litoature and n»*B-
ments of but two Greek syvtems hearier than tie
ordinary or later Attic, and that the heavier at' these
systems is sometimes called Aeginetan, the le*kast,
which bears two other names, nerer.
2. The Attic talent, when simply thua desig-
nated, is the standard weight introluced by Salsa,
which stood to the older or Commercial talent ■
the relation of 100 to I38|. Its a vera g e anaav
mum weight, as derived from the coma of Athena
and the evidence of ancient writers, gives a dradsst
of about 67-5 grs. ; but Mr. Burgoo's weights, ••
already shown, enable us to raise this an to 71*/.
Those weights have also enabled us to malm a <-ry
curious discovery. We have already seen teas* two
minae, the Market and the Popular, are recaaraeard
in them, one weight, having the i u s uiptiu a UNA
ATOP (cu-5 fryopouM?), weighing 9980 gtsw and
another, inscribed MNA (au^exxasVta]), ■■ghssg
7171 grs., these being in almost exactly the rela-
tion of the Commercial and ordinary Attic xatnae
tmiAvuu. There is no indication of say thr-i
system, but certain of the marks of value are**
that the lower system had two talents, the hi a s i n
of which wax double the weight of the ojasanrf
talent. No. 9 has the inscription TKTArT, - ta*
quarter," and weighs 3218 grs., giving a wait af
12872 grs.; no. 14, inscribed ^JJ, the -hatf.
quarter." weighs 1770 gra, giving a nait of 14IW
grs. We thua obtain a mine twice that of Satan's
reduction. The probable reason for tat ase of thai
larger Solonian talent will be shown ia a later
place (§ IV.). These weights are of ahont the dste
of the Peloponnesian War. (See Table A.)
From these data it appears that the Attic talent
weighed about 430,260 grs. by the weights, sad
that the onus give a talent of about 405,000 grv.
the latter being apparently the weight to whx-a
the talent was reduced after a time, and the i
mum weight at which it ia reckoned by i
writers. It gradually lost weight ia the i
until the drachm fell to about 57 gra. or seat, ta a
coming to be equivalent to, or a little lighter than,
the denarius of the early Caesars. It is isaaertaat,
when examining the statements of ancsast writers,
to consider whether the full monetary ■ ei ght ef tie
drachm, mine, or talent, or the weight after tha
last reduction, ia intended. There are cases, a* •
the comparison of a talent fallen into djsnst. whan
the value in Attk drachms or denarii an dasersVsi
it evidently need with reference ta the fall Art*.
monetary weight.
3. The Kuboic talent, though need ia Gn
also said to hare been used la Persia,
can be no douM of its Eastern origin. We I
fore reserve tre sto-cua-wa of ft for the asat atrbaa
« "-, *V
II. Fbreigr tafcafe o/ sW sasar ptrwd.— T»e
foreign systevi of the same pe ri od, bashtea the H-»
brew, are a-atcisoed bv ancient writers, tha H st»»
ad the fcUiboH, which
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
A.-TABLE OF MR. HOKGOJTS WEIGHTS FKOM ATHENS.
All then weight* sre of lead, except dm. IS and 38. which are of bnm.
I72S
Wright
Con-
dition.*
Value Attic
^ xctm ! Vahitt Attic
Eacesr
Mo.
Urn.
Inscription.
Trpa.
Com-
T Ban Aks»aV
. - . SuknUn.'
*..?
troy.
mercial. 8
deficiency j «« wuaB -
deficiency.
1
9888
UNA ATOP
Dolphlo
A
Mlna
, .
. .
t
8780
D
(Mina)
-190
, ,
, .
3
nn
MNA
Id!
A
. .
Mlna
.
4
7048
Id.
d
.
, ,
(Mlna)
-123
*
4414
Dlou
B
,
, ,
1 MINA r
-316-4
«
3814
Tortoise
B
.
, .
I MINA?
-f-288-6
I
3483
AEMO
ld.1
B
.
, ,
*Mlna
-103-6
8
3481
Tnrtle
B
, ,
4 Mlna
-134-6
•
3318
TETAPT
Tortnlsa
ArorDl
.
. #
i MINA
-387'S
10
29J»
H.lfdtota
d
m
# .
I MINA?
+ 80-6
11
«MS
M0
Turtle
B
.
. ,
1 MINA?
- 3-4
12
2310
AEMO
Half dlou
C
,
# #
iMINA
-180-3
13
1872
Half turtle
B
.
, .
J MINA
+ 73-3
14
1770
EMITETAP
Half tortoise
B
.
, ,
|MINA
- 32-J
IS
1«»8
Crescent
Bf
i Ulnar
-288
.
, .
IS
1848
,
B
{Miner
-348
. ,
. .
11
1803
r m
. ,
BrorJJr
{Mlna?
-383
, .
13
1348
B
• •
A
■ •
• •
2 deca-
drachms.
- 88 2
1*
in
MO
Quarter dk>U>
B
. ,
, ,
A MINA ?
+ 36-8
30
11/3
AH
Crescent
B
, .
. .
X MINA ?
£ MINA?
- 23-1
31
1171
Crescent
B
. .
. .
- 24-1
23
1083
Half tnrtle'
B
T,Mlna?
+ «
J Mlna?
-113-1
%i
1048
AEMO
Crescent
K
. .
J Mlna?
-168-1
34
888
AEMO
Dtou In wreath •
B
„ #
, ,
1 Miliar
4- 81-6
35
818-6
AEMO
Owl, A. In Held •
. # ■
. ,
I Mlna
4- 32-1
•M
.34
Half crescent and
star
B
* '
« *
{Mlna
+ 27-6
27
•15-6
. .
1>?
1 .
. .
1 Mlna
-f- 13-1
38
>10'6
. .
B
. #
. .
Mlna
4-14-1
29
801
Quarter dloU
B
„ .
, .
Mlna
+ ««
SO
888
A . . O
. .
d
« .
, .
Mlna
- 7-3
31
884
AE orAO
. .
0?
. .
. .
Mlna
- 12-3
33
888
Rose
0>
„ .
. .
{Mlna
- 27-3
33
869
AEMO
Uncertain old. In
wreath 4
d
* '
• •
.Mina
I Mlna?
- 37-3
34
846
Half crescent
B
m ,
, ,
- 61-3
35
76t'6
A
Dr
♦ didrachm*
-41-3
3*
641-6
B
. .
. .
8 drachma?
- 32-1
St
637'6
T
B
Jof imina?
+28-6
, .
, .
38
460
Br
6dr»chiiuf
-48
4 drachms?
+ 18-7
3»
411
B
* dncbmfl?
+11-8
6 drachma?
- 18-1
40
388
B?
4<trachnuf
-11-2
6 drachms?
-I-28-4
1 Ooantsrmark, tripod. • Countermark, prow. ' Turtle, headiest ? * Countermark.
• Explanation of signs: A, Scarcely Injured. B, A little weight lost. C, More thsn a little lost. D, Much
weight lost, d. Much corroded. E, Very much weight lost When two signs sre given, the former la the more
probable. • The weight of the Commercial Attic mlna la here assumed to be about 8980 grs. ' The weight
of the 8oletuan Attic mlna Is her* assumed to be about 7171 grs. The heavier talent la Indicated by capital letters.
B.-TABLE OF WEIGHTS FROM NINEVEH.
Two weights to the series are omitted in this table: one U a large duck representing the ssnu weight as no. U
iut much injured ; toe other Is a small lion, of which the weight la doubtful, as it cannot be decided whether it was
adjusted with one or two rings.
No.
Form and
Phoenician
Cuneiform
Mark-
Con-
Weight.
Computed
Weight.
Division of
Material.
InecrtcMcn.
Inscription.
of Value
dition.'
Ore. troy.
OCT.
UeserT
1
Duck stone
XXX Maneha
A
333,300
238,760
,,
t
2
»■ t ■
. .
X Manehs
,
B
77,600
73,830
.«
i
3
», ff
, ,
B
18,080
16,384
,.
4
Lion brome
XV Manehs
. .
B
330,480
338,7*0
*
.»
5
>• >f
VManebs
V Manehs
,
B
77,820
78,820
T»
,.
«
»• »•
III Manehs
III Manehs
C
44,188
47,863
%>
..
*
fa »»
II Manehs
II Manehs
A
30,744
31,3*8
i
..
H
if f f
II Manehs
II Manehs
B
28,7*8
Id.
i,
..
•
• f tf
II Manehs
. •
.
B
14,8*4
16,884
*
10
f f f *
, .
m
A
16,*84
Id.
a.
It
•f tf
Manefa
Muefa
B
14,724
Id.
i,
..
13
• ••
• .
. .
.
B
10,372
>
..
13
f f f f
Maneh
JUneb
,
B
7,334
7,*82
,.
J.
14
if ff
Maneb
Vaoeb
,
B
7,404
Id.
>#
1
IS
9f ff
. .
. ,
B
3,708
3,88*
,.
1«
f f «f
Fifth
,
B
3,080
3,18*
IS
17
—*». »•
Quarter
. ,
B
3,848
3,88*
18
Cxkitone
. ,
mm
C
3,804
3,1M
#s
19
f > t«
, .
*
mm
B
1,748
Id.
..
#
30
ff ff
IIIU11I
B
1,8*8
1,131
4.
vot„ m
1 A, Well preserved. B. Soniewhst injured. 0, Much Injured.
&»
1730 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
relates to have been ami by the Penan* of hi*
time respectively for the weighing of their silver
ind gcM paid in tribute.
1. The Babylonian talent may be determined
flora existing weight* found by Mr. Layard at
Nineveh. These are in the forms of lions and ducks,
and are all upon the same system, although the same
ienominations sometimes weigh in the proportion
of 2 to 1. On account of their great importance
we insert a table, specifying their weights, inscrip-
tions, and degiee of preservation. (See Table B,
previous page.)
From these data we may safely draw the follow-
ing inferences.
The weights represent a double system, of which
the heavier talent contained two of the lighter talents.
The heavier talent contained 60 manehs. The
maneh was divided into thirtieths and sixtieths.
We conclude the units having these respective rein-.
tions to the maneh of the heavy talent to be divi-
sions of it, because in the out of the first a thirtieth
is a more likely division than a fifteenth, which it
would be if assigned to the lighter talent, and be-
cause, in the case of the second, eight sixtieths is a
more likely division than eight thirtieths.
The lighter talent contained 60 manehs. Accord-
ing to Dr. Hiucks, the maneh of the lighter talent
was divided into sixtieths, and these again into
thirtieths. The sixtieth is so important a division in
any Babylonian system, that there ran be no donbt
that Dr. Hincks is right in assigning it to this talent,
snd moreover its weight is a value of great conse-
quence in the Babylonian system as well as in one
derived from it. Besides, the sixtieth bears a dif-
ferent name from the sixtieth of the heavier talent,
sn that there must have been a sixtieth in each,
unless, but this we have shown to be unlikely, the
latter belongs to the lighter talent, which would
then have had a sixtieth and thirtieth. The follow-
ing table exhibits our results.
Heavier Talent. On. troy.
4, Maneh 266-4
•i ^ Maneh 532-8
60 SO Maneh 15,984
3600 18(10 60 Talent 959,040
Lijhter- Talent.
J, of i, Maneh 4-44
30 *), Maneh 1332
1800 60 Maneh 7.992
108000 3600 60 Talent 479,520
Certain low subdivisions of the lighter talent
may be determined from smaller weights, in the
British Museum, from Babylonia or Assyria, not
Ibund with those last described. The** are, with
one exception, ducks, and have the following weights,
which we compare with the multiples of the smallest
subdivision of the lighter talent.
Smtln* Bafcrluritiui or AwrriKit
WntMs.
TMrtMMhf of SUM* oT
Maoeb.
Oad.i-M ^UgT"
80. 355-2 3-0'
Gn. Iroy.
1 . Duck, marked 11, w*. 329
I: : !»} 3 °- «»■"
4. „ 100 25. Ill 100
5. m 87+ 22. 97-6 88
6. Weight like short
stepper.
7 Duck. 80+ 20. 888 80
8. » 40- 10. 44-4 40
». .. 34- S. S5'5 32
JO. „ 19 5. 22-2 20
}«
83 21. 93-2
120
84
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
Before comparing the eviaeuce of the coins which
we may suppose to have been struck according t>
the Babylonian talent, it will be well to ascertain
whether the higher or lower talent was in iff e, or
whether both were, in the period of the Persia*
coins.
Herodotus speaks of the Babylonian talent a* not
greatly exceeding the Kuboic, which has keen com-
puted to be equivalent to the Commercial Attic, but
more reasonably as nearly the same as the ordinary
Attic. Pollux makes the Babylonian talent equal to
7000 Attic drachm*. Taking the Attic drachm at
67-5 gr*\, the standard probably used by Polhi,
the Babylonian talent would weigh 472,500, which
ia very near the weight of the lighter talent. Aeban
says that the Babylonian talent was equal to 72
Attic minae, which, on the standard of 67*5 to ths
drachm, gives a sum of 486,000. We may there-
fore suppose that the lighter talent was generally,
if not universally, in uae in the time of the Persian
coins.
Herodotus relates that the king of Persia recejrol
the silver tribute of the satrapies according to tin-
Babylonian talent, but .the gold, according to the
Kuboic. We may therefore infer that the silve.
coinage of the Persian monarchy was then adjusted
to the former, the gold coinage to the latter, if then
was a coinage in both metals so early. The oldest
coins, both gold and silver, of the Persian monarchy,
are of the time of Herodotus, if not a little earlier;
and there are still more ancient pieces, in bt<*
metals, of the same weights as Persian gold ar.1
silver coins, which are found at or near Sardes, sod
can scarcely be doubted to be the coinage of Croesus,
or of another Lydian king of the 6th century. The
larger silver coins of thi Persian monarchy, and
those of the satraps, are of the following denomina-
tions and weights : —
Gis.aa>.
Piece of three sigli .... 253-5
Piece of two sigli .... 169
Siglos 84-5
The only denomination of which we know the
name is the siglos, which as having the same type
as the Darin, appears to be the oldest Persian silver
coin. It is the ninetieth part of the maneh of the
lighter talent, and the 5400th of that talent. The
piece of three sigli is the thirtieth part of Uv.t
maneh, and the 1800th of the talent. If rhere
were any doubt as to these coins being struck up-i.
the Babylonian standard, it would be remove*] .i.
the next part of our inquiry, in which we skill
show that the relation of gold and silver occasione!
these divisions.
2. The Eubolc talent, though bearing a Greek
name, is rightly held to have been originally an
Eastern system. As it was used to weigh the gnU
sent as tribute to the king of Persia, we may infer
that it was the standard of the Persian gold nwoey ;
and it is reasonable to suppose thnt the coinage "f
Kuboea was upon its standard. If our result » to
the talent, when tested by the coins of Persia and
Kubcea, confirms this inference and supposition, it
may be considered sound.
We must now discuss the celebrated passapc <■■''
Herodotus on the tribute of the Persian sntiape-.
He there states that the Babylonian talent contain*!
70 Eubotc minjc (in. 89). He specifies the Arown*.
of silver paid in Babylonian talents ly each pr>
yinee, and then gives the sum of the silver areori
<ng to the Kuboic standard, reduces the gold pul
to ru equivalent in silver, recexaung the fcrmer at
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
thirteen times the value of the latter, and lastly
greet the sum total. His statements mav be thus
tabulated:—
iliSenom.
+ (10
Sum of iten
Sim.
1J40 & T,
OoMtrflmte. EqntokatBllSM
3ei.E. T. MM E. T.
Eqotnlent hi E T.
•t n mma& T.
•030 E. T.
Equtrfttatf
■Med.
M40E.T.
Id.
Total . . . 13,110 E.T.
Total stated UfitO
DUTerence . +SM
+ 340.
It is impossible to explain this doable error in
any satisfactory manner. It is, however, evident
that in the time of Herodotus there was some such
relation between the Babylonian and Eubolc talents
as that of 11-66 to 10. This is so near 12 to 10
that it may be inquired whether ancient writers
speak of any relative value of gold to silver about
this time that would make talents in this propor-
tion easy for exchange, and whether, if such a pro-
portion is stated, it is confirmed by the Persian
coins. The relative value of 13 to 1, stated by Hero-
dotus, is very nearly 12 to 1, and seems as though
it had been the result of some change, such as might
hare been occasioned by the exhaustion of the sur-
face-gold in Asia Minor, or a more careful working
of the Greek silver-mines. The relative value 12
to 1 is mentioned by Plato (Hipparch.). About
Plato's time the relation was, however, 10 to 1.
He is therefore speaking of an earlier period. Sup-
posing that the proportion of the Babylonian and
Eubolc talents was 12 to 10, and that it was based
upon a relative value of 12 to 1, what light do the
Persian coins throw upon the theory ? If we take
the chief or only Persian gold coin, the Dane, as-
suming its weight to be 129 grs., and multiply it
by 12, we obtain the product 1548. If we divide
this product as follows, we obtain as aliquot parts
the weights of all the principal and heavier Persian
silver coins: —
1548 •+■ 6 = 258 three sigli.
•+■ 9 = 172 two sigU.
+ 18 = 86 sigli.
On these grounds we may suppose that the
Eubolc talent was to the Babylonian as 60 to
72, or 5 to 6. Taking the Babylonian maneh
at 7992 grs^ we obtain 399,600 for the Eubolc
talent.
This result is most remarkably confirmed by
am ancient bronxe weight in the form of a lion
discovered at Ahvdos in the Troad, and bearing
in Phoenician characters the following inscription
KBD3 T KnnD hlph paDK, "Approved," or
" found correct, on the part of the satrap who is
appointed over the silver, or " money." It weighs
396,000 grs., and is supposed to have lost one or
two pounds weight. It has been thought to be a
weight of 50 Babylonian minae, but it is most un-
likely that there should have been such a division
of the talent, and still mora that a weight should
have been made of that division without any dis-
tinctive inscription. If, however, the Eubolc talent
was to the Babylonian in the proportion of 5 to 6,
60 Babylonian minae would correspond to a Eu-
bolc talent, and this weight would be a talent of
fchat standard. We have calculated the Eubolc
talent at 399,600 grs., this weight is 396,000, or
WEIGHTS AND MEA8UUE8 1732
3600 deficient, but this is explained by the sup-
posed loss of one (5760) or two (11,520) pounds
weight.*
We have now to test our result by the Persian
gold money, and the coins of Euboea.
The principal, if not the only, Persian gold coin
is the Dane, weighing about 129 grs. This, we
have seen, was the standard coin, according to
which the silver money was adjusted. Its double
in actual weight is found in the silver coinage, but
its equivalent is wanting, as though for the sake of
distinction. The double is the thirtieth of the
maneh of the lighter or monetary Babylonian
talent, of which the Dane is the sixtieth, the latter
being, in our opinion, a known division. The
weight of the sixtieth is, it should be observed,
about 133-2 grs., somewhat in excess of the weight
of the Daric, but ancient coins are always struck
below their nominal weight. The Daric was thus
the 3600th part of the Babylonian talent. It is
nowhere stated how the Eubolc talent was divided,
but if we suppose it to have contained 50 minae, then
the Daric would have been the sixtieth of the njina,
but if 100 minae, the thirtieth. In any case it
would hare been the 3000th part of the talent As
the 6000th was the chief division of the Aeginetan
and Attic monetary talents, and the 3000th, of the
Hebrew talent according to which the sacred tri-
bute was paid, and as an Egyptian talent contained
6000 such units, no other principal division of the
chief talents, save that of the Babylonian into
3600, being known, this is exactly what we should
expect.
The coinage of Euboea has hitherto been the great
obstacle to the discovery of the Eubolc talent. For
the present we speak only of the silver coins, for
the only gold win we know is later than the earliest
notices of the talent, and it must therefore have
been in Greece originally, as far as money was con-
cerned, a silver talent. The coins give the follow-
ing denominations, of which we state the average
highest weights and the assumed true weights, com-
pared with the assumed tnie weights of the coins
of Athens : —
Coins of Euboea.
Coins of Athens.
Highest
Assumed true
Assumed true
weight.
weight.
weight
258
Tetradrachm 270
12!
129
Didrachm 135
85
86
63
64-5
Drachm 67 '5
43
43
Tetrobolon 45
* Once tats was written we nave ascertained that
K. de Yogs* ass sufouasd Uus 'ton to be • Kubnk talent
It must be remarked that the first Eubolc deno-
mination is known to us only from two very early
coins of Eretria, in the British Museum, which
may possibly be Attic, struck during a time of
Athenian supremacy, for they are of about the
weight of very heavy Attic tctradrachma.
It will be perceived that though the weights of
all denominations, except the third in the Eubolc
list, are very near the Attic, tlie system of division
is evidently different. The third Eubolc denomi-
nation is identical with the Persian siglos, and indi-
cates the Persian origin of thftsystem. The second
piece is, however, identical with the Daric. It
would seem that the Persian gold and silver systems
of division were here combined; and this might
perfectly have been done, as the Dane, though a
division of the gold talent, is also a division at tin
(Rnm AirMAytpK. n. s. Jan. I8S3). See also Anhaee
kgfottt Jtrnm U , 1S*0, Sept. pp. 1M, 200.
5 S 2
1732 WEIGHTS AKD MEASURES
silver talent. As we have noticed, the Daric U
omitted in the Persian silver coinage for some spe-
cial reason. The relation of the Persian and Greek
systems maj be thus stated :
Persiar silver, Persian told, Grtek Enbote.
Bsbvlimian. Kotxrtc Actual weight Assumed.
253-5 258
169
129 121 129
84-5 85 86
63 64-5
43 43
The standard weights of Persian silver coins are
here assumed from the highest average weight ot
the siglos. We hold that the coins of Corinth
probably follow the Eubotc system.
The only gold coin of Euboea known to as has
trie extraoitiinary weight of 49-4 grs. It is of
Cnrystus, and probably in date a little before Alex-
ander's time. It may be upon a system for gold
money derived from the Eubolc, exactly as the
Eubolc was derived from the Babylonian, but it is
not safe to reason upon a single coin.
3. The talents of Egypt have hitherto formed a
most unsatisfactory subject. We commence our
inquiry by stating all certain data.
The gold and silver coins of the Ptolemies follow
the same standard as the silver coins of the kings of
Macedon to Philip II. inclusive, which are on the
full Aegiuetan weight. The copper coins have been
thought to follow the same standard, but this is an
error. ,
The ancient Egyptians are known to have had
two weights, the MeN or UTeN, containing tra
smaller weights beariog the name KeT, as M.
Chabas has proved. The former name, if rightly
lead MeN, is a maneh or mina, the latter, accord-
ing to the Copts, was a drachm or didrachm
(KI"f : KIT6, CKXTB S. drachma, di-
diachma, the last form not being known to have
the second signification). A weight, inscribed " Kive
KeT," and weighing 698 grs., has been discovered.
It probably originally weighed about 700 (Xevue
ArcJuMogupu, n. s.). We can thus determine the
KeT to have weighed about 140 grs., and the MeN*
or UTeN about 1400. An examination of the cop-
per coins of the Ptolemies has led us to the in-
teresting discovery that they follow this standard
nnd system. The following are all the henvier
denominations of the copper coins of the earlier Pto-
lemies, and the corresponding weights: the coins
vary much in weight, but they clearly indicate
~cir standard and their denominations :—
Egyptian Copper Coins, and Whishts.
Cam*.
en.
A dr. 1400.
3 dr. 700.
Car. 280.
Drir. 140.
K cir. 70.
Weight*.
MeN, or UTeN (Maneh?)
5 KeT.
(2 KeT).
KeT.
(* KeT).
We most therefore conclude that the gold and
silver standard of the Ptolemirs was different from
the copper standard, the latter being that of the
ancient Egyptians. The two talents, if calculated
from the coins, which in the gold and silver are
helow the full weight, are in the proportion of
about 10 (gold and silver) to 13 (copper) ; or, if
nakulatcd from the higher correct standard of the
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
gold and silver system, in the propoitioa efabnf
10 to 12-7: we shall speak as to the s adss Mi »
a later place (§ III.).
It may be observed that the difficulty ot ajbm-
ing the statements of ancient writers aa to the
Egyptian, Alexandrian, or Ptolemaic talent or
talents, probably arises from the nse of two syst e ms
which could be easily confounded, at least » thar
lower divisions.
4. The Carthaginian talent may not be as aid ■
the period before Alexander, to which we limit vox
inquiry, yet it reaches so nearly to that period that
it cannot be here omitted. Those silver coins «f
the Carthaginians which do not follow the Attic
standard seem to be struck upon the standard **
the Persian coins, the Babylonian talent. The ealy
clue we have, however, to the system is afiordsJ
by a bronze weight inscribed TOO TpCO, sad
weighing 321 grammes = 4956-5 gia. . Dr. Levy is
Zeitschrift Dtutack. morgeml. QaetbcA. xrr. p. 71 .
This sum is divisible by the weights at* all tar
chief Carthaginian silver coins, except the ** dera-
drachm," but only as sevenths, a system of divtoa
we do not know to have obtained in any ancxA
talent. The Carthaginian gold coins seem at* Is
be divisions of this mina on a different princrpje.
HI. Th* Btbme taint or talent* ami ifsinT ■
— The data we have obtained enable ns to exanisr
the statements respecting the Hebrew weights w.«S
some expectation of determining this difficult qsc-
tion. The evidence may be thus stated.
1 . A talent of silver is mentioned in Exed -.
which contained 3000 shekels, distinguished as - w
holy shekel," or " shekel of the sanctuary." TV
number of Isiaelita men who paid the raassa -i
half a shekel a-piere was 603,550, and the » j»
paid was 100 talents and 1775 shekels of elver
(Ex. xxx. 13, 15, xxxvih. 25-28). whence we ki
discover that the talent of silver contained $.••>*•
shekels (603,550+8=301,775 shekels— 177i =
300,000+100 talents = S000 shekels to the taleni .
2. A gold maneh is spoken of, and, in a penui
passage, shekels are mentioned, three maneha boa;
represented by 300 shekels, a maneh theresere ob-
taining 100 shekels of gold.
3. Joseplra* states that the Hebrew tahai <i
gold contained 100 minae (Xuxrim 4m XfT?
araB/ibr txovaa fttit ecardr, ix * T *'/* T —*'-i air
eeAovo-i xlyxaptt, tit Si <rhr *EAAwnsrhe **-
■raBaWintvoy yXlnHm omtmlrtt riXmrtm
Ant. iii. 6, §7).
4. Josephus states that the Hebrew mina <-f
gold was equal to two librae and a half i (sew
6\<xr<pvfrli\aTor XfX^'t «V xmc ratssKeuw
moawivnr. r> Si iui wop' iuur 'urxjm Alraa
tia col fifuav. Ant. xiv. 7, §1). Takinc ti«
Roman pound at 5050 grs., the maneh of s-U
would weigh about 12,(125 grs.
5. Epiphauius estimates the Hebrew talert *
125 Korean pounds, which, at the value gt't.
alioTe, arc equal to about 631,250 grs,
t>. A difficult passage in Eaekiel in to jjvo
of a nuuieh of 50 or 60 shekels : " And the shok-i
[shall be] twenty gerahs: twenty shekels, fin n\i
twenty shekels, fifteen shekels, shall be vonx tannest *
(xlv. 12). The ordinary text of the LXX. givrs •
series of small sums as the Hebrew, though diner;;
in the numbers, out tne Alex, and Vat. MS&. am
50 fur 15 (fXnoa-t o0oXol, srtrre rlnKm. wvr-t
Kal o-ImXoi Sees, eel trtyrfcrorra #{eAe* 4 _m
fo-Toi ifttf). Tut meaning would be. ether Cj*
WEIGHTS ASD MEASURES
there were to be three manehs, respectively con-
taining 20, 25, and 15 shekels, or the like, or
dee thit a sum a intended by these numbers
(.20+ 25+ 15) = 60, or possibly 50. But it must
be remembered that this is a prophetical passage.
7. Josephns makes the gold shekel a Doric (Ant.
iii. 8, §10).
From these data it may be reasonably inferred,
(1.) that the Hebrew gold talent contained 100
manehs, each of which again contained J 00 shekels
of gold, and, basing the calculation on the stated
value of the maneh, weighed about 1,262,500 grs.,
or, basing the calculation on the correspondence
of the gold shekel to the Daric, weighed about
1,290,000 gm. (129X100X100), the latter being
probably nearer the true value, as the 2$ librae
may be supposed to be a round sum, and (2.) that
the silver talent contain. J 3000 shekels, and is pro-
bably the talent spoken of by Epiphanius as equal
to 125 Roman pounds, or 631,250 grs., which
would give a shekel of 210*4 grs. It- is to be
observed that, taking the estimate of Joseph us as
the basis for calculating the maneh of the former
talent, and that of Epiphanius for calculating the
latter, their relation is exactly 2 to 1, 50 manehs at
2} pounds, making 125 pounds. It is therefore
reasonable to suppose that two talents of the same
system are referred to, and that the gold talent was
exactly double the silver talent.
Let us sow examine the Jewish corns.
1. The shekels and half-shekels of silver, if we
take an average of the heavier specimens of the
Maccabaean issue, give the weight of the former as
about 220 grs. A talent of 3000 such shekels
would weigh about 660,000 grs. This result
agree* very nearly with the weight of the talent
given by Epiphanius.
2. The copper coins are generally without any
indications of value. The two heaviest denomina-
tions of the Maccnbaean issue, however, bear the
names "half" ('VH), and "quarter" (JT31).
M. de Saulcy gives the weights of three " halves "
«s, respectively, 251'6 grs. (16*3 grammes), 236-2
(15*3),and219*2(14*2). In Mr. Wigan's collection
are two " quarters," weighing, respectively, 145*2
grs. and 118-9 grs.; the former being, apparently,
the one " quarter " of which H. de Saulcy gives the
weight as 142- (9-2 grammes). We are unable to
add the weights of any more specimens. There is
a smaller coin of the same period, which has an
average weight, according to M. de Saulcy, of 818
gt.. (5-3 grammes). It this be the third of the
" half," it would give the weight of the latter at
245*4 grs. As this may be thought to be slender
evidence, especially w far as the larger coins are
concerned, it is important to observe that it is con-
firmed by the later coins. From the copper coins
mentioned above, we can draw up the following
scheme, comparing them with the silver coins.
Copper Coins. Silver Coisi.
Average ftipposed Average Supposed
weight -weight. weight. weight.
Half . 235-4 2:>0 Shekel . . 220 Id.
Quarter 132*0 125 Half shekel 110 Id.
(Sixth). 81*8 83*3 [Third] . 73*3.
It m evident from this list that the copper "half"
and " quarter " are half and quarter shekels, and
ar-5 nearly in the relation to the silver like denomi-
nations of 2 to I. But this relation is not exact,
ai»l it is therefore necessary to ascertain further,
whether the standard of the silver talent can be
WEIGHTS AUD MEASURES 1733
raised, if not, whether the gold talent can be mors
than twice the weight of the silver, and, should
this explanation be impossible, whether there i» any
ground for supposing a third talent with a shekel
heavier thin two shekels of thi silver.
The silver shekel of 220 grs., gives a talent ot
660,000 grs. : this is the same as the Aeginetnu,
which appears to be of Phoenician origin. There is
no evidence of its over having had a higher shekel cr
didrachm.
The double talent of 1,320,000 gra., gives a
Daric of 132 grs., which is only 1 gr. and a small
fraction below the standard obtained from the
Babylonian talent.
The possibility of a separate talent for copper
depends upon the relations of the three metals.
The relation of gold to silver in the time of He-
rodotus was 1 : 13. The early relation upon which
the systems of weights and cuius used by the Persian
state were founded was 1 : 12. Under the Ptolemies
it was 1 : 12*5. The two Hebrew talents, if that
of gold were exactly double that of silver, would
have been easy for exchange in the relation of 1 : 12,
1 taleut of gold corresponding to 24 talents of silver.
The relation of silver to copper can be best conjec-
tured from the Ptolemaic system. If the Hebrews
derived this relation from any neighbouring state,
Egypt is as likely to have influenced them as Syria ;
for die silver coinage of Egypt was essentially the
same as that of the Hebrews, and that of Syria was
different. Besides, the relation of silver and copper
must have been very nearly the same in Syria and
Palestine as in Egypt during the period in which
the Jewish coinage hod its origin, on account of the
large commerce between those countries. It ha%
we venture to think, been satisfactorily shown
by Letronne that the relation of silver to copper
under the Ptolemies was 1 : 60, a mina of silver
corresponding to a talent of copper. It has, how-
ever, been supposed that the drachm of copper was
of the some weight as that of gold and silver, an
opinion which we have proved to be incorrect in
an earlier part of this article (§11. 3). An im-
portant question now arises. It the talent of cop-
per, when spoken of in relation to that of silver, a
talent of weight or a talent of account ? — in other
woids, Is it of 6000 actual drachma of 140 grs.
each, or of 6000 drachms of account of about 110 grs.
or a little less ? This question seems to be answered
in favonr of the former of the two replies by the
facts, (1) that the copper wins being struck upon
the old Egyptian weight, it is incredible that so
politic a prince as the first Ptolemy should lav*
introduced a double system of reckoning, which
would have given offence and occasioned confu-
sion ; (2) that the ancient Egyptian name of the
monetary unit became that of the drachm, as is
fhowu by its being retained with the sense drachm
and didrachm by the Copts (§11. 3); and had there
been two didrachms of copper, that on the Egyptian
system would probably have retained the native
name. We are of opinion, therefore, that the
Egyptian copper talent was of 6000 copper
drachms of the weight of 140 grs. each. But
this solution still leaves a difficulty. We know
that the relation of silver to copper was 1 : 60
in drachms, though 1 : 78 or 80 in weight. In
a modern state the actual relation would foice
itself into the position of the official relation, and
1 : 60 would become 1 : 78 or 80; but this was not
necessarily the case in an ancient country in so
peculiar * condition as Egypt, Alexandria tux! a
1736 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
independent interest of its own, demands s few pse-
fatory remarks, viz., the origin of these measure*,
and their relation to those of surrounding countries.
The measures of length are chiefly derived from the
members of the human body, which are happily
adapted to the purpose from the circumstance that
they exhibit certain definite proportions relatively
to each other. It is unnecessary to assume that a
system founded on such a basis was the invention
of any single nation : it would naturally be adopted
by all in a rude state of society. Nevertheless,
the particular parti of the body selected for the
purpose may form more or less a connecting link
between the systems of various nations. It will be
observed in the sequel that the Hebrews restricted
themselves to the fore-arm, to the exclusion of the
foot and also of the pace, as a proper measure of
length. The adoption of foreign names is also
worthy of remark, as showing a probability that
the measures themselves were borrowed. Hence
the occurrence of words of Egyptian extraction,
such as Am and tpkak, and probably ammah (for
** cubit "), inclines us to seek for the origin of the
Hebrew scales both of length and capacity in that
quarter. The measures of capacity, which have no
such natural standard as those of length, would
more probably be settled by conventional usage,
and the existence of similar measures, or of a similar
scale of measures in different nations, would furnish
a strong probability of their having been derived
from some common source. Thus the coincidence
of the Hebrew bath being subdivided into 72 logs,
and the Athenian metrtth into 72 xettae, can
nardly be the result of chance ; and, if there further
exists a correspondence between the ratios that the
weights bear to the measures, there would be still
farther evidence of a common origin. Boeckh, who
has gone fully into this subject in his Metro/ogitcht
Umttnuchungen, traces back the whole system of
weights and measures prevalent among the civilized
nations of antiquity to Babylon (p. 89). The
scanty information we possess relative to the He-
brew weights and measures as a connected system,
precludes the possibility of our assigning a definite
place to it in ancient metrology. The names
already referred to lead to the inference that Egypt
rather than Babylonia was toe quarter whence it
was derived, and the identity of the Hebrew with
the Athenian scales for liquids furnishes strong
evidence that these had a community of origin. It
is important, however, to observe in connexion with
this subject, that an identity of ratios does not in-
volve an identity of absolute quantities, a distinc-
tion which very possibly escaped the notice of early
writers, who were not unnaturally led to identify
the measures in their absolute values, because they
held the same relative positions in the several scales.
We divide the Hebrew measures into two classes,
according as they refer to length or capacity, and
subdivide each of these classes into two, the former
into measures of length and distance, the latter into
liquid and dry measures.
1. Measures of length.
(1.) The denominations referring to length were
• jay* • nets. « mr.
* ■ * - r vv
' ilQM. Thlstena Is generally referred to a Coptic
orlgui, being derived from * word, stoat or maM. signifying
the " fare-arm." which with the article prefixed becomes
sstssoU (Boeckh. p. 265). Goenlns, however, refers it to
list Hebrew word signifying " mother," as though the fora-
WETOHTS AND MEASURES
derived for the most part from the svi
We may notice the tallowing four i
this source : — (a) The etsoa,* or finger's breadth,
mentioned only in Jer. Hi. 21. (6) The teplack* m
hattd breadth (Ex. xxr. 25; I K. vi. 96; 3 Ck=
iv. 5), applied metaphorically to a short period ef
time in Ps. xxxix. 5. (c) The tenth? or spaa, tfcr
distance between the extremities of the tbsunb and
the little finger in the extended head (Ex. xxvm. 14;
1 Sam. xvii. 4 ; Ex. xliii. 13), applied generally ts
describe any small measure in Is. xL 12. efl Ts*
anunih* or cubit, the distance from the tlbsw t.
the extremity cf the middle finger. Ttas nxn
very frequently n the Bible in relation to bsnhlhtgi,
such as the Ark (Gen. vi. 15), the Tabernacle Ex,
xxvi., xxvii.), and the Temple (1 K. vi. 3 ; Ex. xL,
xli.), as well as in relrtioo to man's » tissu e 1 1
Sam. xvii. 4; Matt. vi. 27), and cither ewjtcts
(Esth. v. 14; Zech. v. 2). In addition to tat
above we may notice: — » The owasstt,* lis. s
rod, applied to Egkn's dirk (Judg. Hi. 16). lis
length is uncertain, but it probably fell below the
cubit, with which it is identified in the A. V.
(/) The i&iehfer reed (compare our word "cane" .
for measuring buildings on a large scale (Ex. xi.
5-8, xli. 8, xlii. 16-19).
Little information is furnished by the Bible itsei
as to the relative or absolute lengths describes! under
the above terms. With the exception of the lason
that the reed equals six cubits (Ex. xL 5), wi
have no intimation that the measures were eos>
bined in anything like a scale. We should, fastVsd,
infer the reverse from the circumstance thsst Jere-
miah speaks of " four fingers," where SCTnrdjps; it
the scale, be would have said " a hand breadth :"
that in the description of Goliath's height (1 Jess.
xvii. 4), the expression " six cubits and a seam," a
used instead of "six cubits and a half;" sosd that
Ezekiel mentions "span" and "half a cubit" st
close juxtaposition (xliii. 13, 17), as though they
bore no relation to each other either in the t tuasss.1
or the long cubit. That the denomination*, heii s
certain ratio to each other, arising out of the pro-
portions of the members in the body, could hardiv
escape notice ; but it does not follow thai they were
ever worked up into an artificial scale. The mm*
important conclusion to be drawn from the BJesVal
notices, is to the effect that the cubit, which may
be regarded as the standard measure, was of vary-
ing length, and that, in order to secure aocoracv.
it was necessary to define the kind of cubit mtenwd.
the result being that the other deomarinsfin.., d
combined in a scale, would vary in like ratio. That
in Deut. iii. 11, the cubit is specified to be "after
the cubit of a man ;" in 2 Chr. iii. 3 " after tse
first," or rather "after the olderx me saa xu f sed
in Ex. xli. 8, "a great cubit," or literally " a cwitt
to the joint," which is further defined ai-SiS
be " a cubit and an hand breadth." These exacts-
sions involve one of the most knotty; points <•'
Hebrew archaeology, vix., the number said the re-
spective lengths of the Scriptural cubits. That
there was more than one cubit, is dear ; but wie-
ther there were three, or only two, is net so esse.
We shall have occasion to refer to this txmia sgu
arm were tn some sense the ""tnolhes of the suas" iraw
p. 110).
•1DJ. .' n ^-
• That the expression fOWIO appaies to snwalr/ tf
time, as well as of order. Is dear from maay pwxatcm. *
Cf>.,aK.svU.M; Bsr.IU.lt; Has* n\ 3.
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
in Judaea, u the .-Meat Greek and Phoenician
system, and as the J.-?ish system. As tlie Jewish
byatern, it must have been of far greater antiquity
than the date of the earliest coin struck upon it.
Tlie weight according to which the ransom was
first paid must hare been retained as the fixed
legal standard. It may seem surprising, when we
remember the general tendency of money to de-
puviflte, of which such instances as those of the
Athenian silver and the English gold will occur to
the reader, that thW system should hare been pre-
served, by any but the Hebrews, at it* lull weight,
from the time of the Exodus to that of tlie earliest
<>reek coins upon the Aeginetan standard, a period
probably of not much less than a thousand years ; but
we may cite the case of the solidus of the ltoman and
Byzantine emperors, which retained it* weight from
its origination under CnnsUntine the Great until
the fall of Constantinople, and its purity from the
time of Constantine until that of Alexins Comnenus ;
-uui again the long celebrity of the sequin of Venice
and tlie florin of Florence lor their exact weight. It
must be remembered, moreover, that in Phoenicia,
and originally in Greece, this system was that of
the great trading nation of antiquity, who would
hare had the same interest as the Venetians and Flo-
rentines in maintaining the full monetary standard.
There is a remarkable evidence in favour of the an-
tiquity of this weight in the circumstance that,
■iter it had been depreciated in the coins of the
kings and cities of Macedon, it was restored in the
silver money of Philip 11. to its full monetary
standard.
The Hebrew system had two talents for the
precious metals in the ralation of 2 : 1. The gold
talent, apparently Dot used elsewhere, contained
100 manehs, each of which contained again 100
shekels, there being thus 10,000 of these units,
weighing about 132 grs. each, in the talent.
The silver talent, also known as the Aeginetan,
contained 3000 shekels, weighing about 220 grs.
each. One gold talent appears to have been equal
to 24 of these. The reason for making the talent
of gold twice that of silver was probably merely for
the sake of distinction.
The Babylonian talent, like the Hebrew, con-
sisted of two systems, in the relation of 2 to 1,
ii|»n one standard. It appears to hare been formed
flora tlie Hebrew by reducing the number of units
from 10,000 to 72(>0. The system was altered by
the maneh being raised so aa to contain 120 instead
of 100 units, and the talent lowered so as to con-
tain t>0 instead of 100 manehs. It is possible that
this talent was originally of silver, as the exchange,
in their common unit, with the Hebrew gold, in
the relation of 1 : 12, would be easy, 6 units of
the gold talent pausing for 72 of the silver, so that
10 gold units would be equal to a silver maneh,
which may explain the reason of the change in
the division of the talent.
The derivation, from the lighter Babylonian talent,
of the Euboic talent, is easily asoeitained. Their
relation i* that of t> : 5, so that the whole talent*
could be readily exchanged in the relat en of 1 2 : 1 ;
and the units being common, their exJunge would
be (Ten moie easy.
The Egyptian talent cannot be traced to any
ether. Either it is an independent system, or,
perhaps, it is the oldest talent and patent of
the rest. The Hebrew copper talen*. is equally
obscure. Perhaps it is the double ol the Persian
fold talent.
HEIGHTS AND MEASURES 1735
The Aeginetan talent, as we hare seen, waa the
same as the lesser or silver Hebrew talent. It* in-
troduction into Greece was doubtless due to the
Phoenicians. The Attic Commercial was a degrada-
tion of this talent, and was itself further degraded
to form the Attic Solonian. The Aeginetan talent
thus had five successive standards (1, Original
Aeginetan ; 3, Attic Commercial ; 3, Id. lowered ;
4, Attic Solonian ; 5, Id. lowered) in tlie following
relations : —
I.
II.
m.
IT.
T.
6
5-44
6-
5-
6-
39
: 4-3
3-6
4-3
The first change was probably simply a degrada
tion. The second may have been due to the influ-
ence of a Gracco- Asiatic talent ofCyzicus or Phocaea,
of which the stater contained about 180 grs. ol
gold, although weighing, through the addition of
60 gr*. of silver, about 240 grs., thus implying a
talent in the relation to the Aeginetan of about
5 : 6. Solon's change has been hitherto an unre-
solved enigma. The relation of the two Attic talents
is so awkward that scarcely any division is common
to them in weight, as may be interred from the data
in the table of Athenian weights that we hare given.
Had the heavier talent been divided into quarters,
and tlie lighter into thirds, this would not have
been the case. The reason of Solon's change is
therefore to be looked for in tlie influence of some
other talent. It has been supposed that this talent
was the Eubolc, but this theory is destroyed by our
discovery that the Attic standard of the oldest coins
is below" the weight-standard of about the time of
the Peloponnesian War, and thus that the reduc-
tion of Solon did not biiug the weights down to
the Eubolc standard. If we look elsewhere we
set that the heavier Solonian weight is almost the
same in standard as the Egyptian, the didrachm
of the former exceeding the unit of the latter by no
more thou about 3 grs. This explanation is almost
proved to be tlie true one by the remarkable fact
that the Attic Solonian talent, apparently unlike
aD other Greek talents, had a double talent, which
would give a drachm instead of a didrachm, equi-
valent to the Egyptian unit. At tlie time of
Solon nothing would be more likely than such an
Egyptian influence as this explanation implies. The
commercial relations of Egypt and Greece, through
Naucratis, were then active; and the tradition cr
myth of the Egyptian origin of the Athenians was
probably never stronger. The degradation of the
Attic Solonian talent was no doubt effected by the
influence of the Eubolc, with the standard of which
its lower standard is probably identical.
The principal authorities upon this subject are :
— Boeckh's Metroloykche Untersuchnnttm; Mon:n>
sen's Getchichte da JBmischen HSiuuaent ; and
Hursey's Ancient Weights. Don V. Vaique*
Queipo's Essui $w la St/stima iUtriqnct tt
Hunftaira da Ancient Peupla also contains much
information. The writer must express his obliga-
tions to Mr. do Salis, Mr. Vaux, and Mr. E. Wigan,
and more especially to his colleagues Mr. Madden
and Mr. Coxe, for valuable assistance. [R. S. P.]
IL MEASURES.
The roost important topic to be discussed in cos>
nexion with the subject of the Hebrew measures u,
their relative and absolute value. Another topic,
of secondary importance perhaps, but posstiiing n.
17-18 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
ar. i in this respect contrast with the Mosaic cubit,
which, according to Rabbinical authorities, was di •
Tided into 24 dibits. There is some difficulty in
reconciling this discrepancy with the almost certain
fact of the derivation of the cubit from Egypt. It
has been generally surmised that the Egyptian cubit
was of more than one length, and that the sepul-
chral measures exhibit the shorter as well as the
longer by special marks. Wilkinson denies the exist-
ence of more than one cubit (Anc. Eg. ii. 257-259),
apparently on the ground that the total lengths of
the measures do not materially vary. It may be
conceded that the measures are intended to repre-
sent the same length, the variation being simply the
result of mechanical inaccuracy ; but this does not
decide the question of the double cubit, which rather
turns on the peculiarities of notation observable on
these measures. For a full discussion of this point
we must refer the reader to TheiuWs essay in the
Thmlogische Stndum und Ktitiken for 1846, pp.
297-342. Our limits will permit only a brief
statement of the facts of the case, and of the views
expressed in reference to them. The most perfect
of the Egyptian cubit measures are those preserved
in the Turin and Louvre Museums. These are
unequally divided into two parts, the one on the
right hand containing 15, and the other 13 digits.
In the former part the digits ore subdivided into
aliquot parts from J to -fa, reckoning from right to
left. In the latter part the digits are marked on
the lower edge in the Turin, and on the upper edge
in the Louvre measure. In the Turin measure the
three left-hand digits exceed the others in size, and
have marks over them indicating either fingers or
the numerals 1, 2, 3. The four left-hand digits are
also marked off from the rest by a double stroke,
and are further distinguished by hieroglyphic marks
supposed to indicate that they are digits of the old
measure. There are also special marks between the
6th and 7th, and between the 10th and 11th digits
of the left-hand portion. In the Louvre cubit
two digits are marked off on the lower edge by lines
running in a slightly transverse duration, thus pro-
ducing a greater length than is given on the upper
side. It has been found that each of the three
above specified digits in the Turin measure = ,', of
the whole length, less these three digits; or, to put
it in another form, the four left-hand digits = j of
the 25 right-hand digits : also that each of the two
digits in the Louvre measure = ^ of the whole
length, less these two digits ; and further, that
twice the left half of either measure = the whole
length of the Louvre measure, less the two digits.
Mo»t writers on the subject agree in the conclusion
that the measures contain a combination of two, if
Dot thm, kinds of cubit. Great difference of
opinion, however, is manifested as to particulars.
Thenius makes the difference between the royal
and old cubits to be no more than two dibits, the
average length of the latter being 484'289 * milli-
ni&tres, or 19-066 inches, as compared with
523-524 millimetres, or 20-611 inches and 523
millimetres, or 20-591 inches, the lengths of the
Turin and Louvre measures respectively. He ac-
counts for the additional two digits as originating
in the practice of placing the two fingeis crosswnrs
At the end of the arm and hand used in measuring,
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
| S3 as to mark the spot op to which the doth c
other article has been measured. He further finds
in the notation of the Turin measure, indication!
of a third or ordinary cubit 23 digits in length.
Another explanation is that the old cubit consisted
of 24 old or 25 new digits, and that its length was
462 millimetres, or 18-189 inches; and again,
others put the old cubit at 24 new digits, as
marked on the measures. The relative proportions
of the two would be, on these several hypotheses,
as 28 : 26, as 28 : 25, and as 28 : 24.
The use of more than one cubit appears to have
also prevailed in Babylon, for Herodotus states
that the " royal" exceeded the "moderate" cubit
(wQxvt fiirpiot) by three digits (i. 178). The
appellation " royal," if borrowed from the Baby-
lonians, would itself imply the existence of another ;
but it is by no means certain that this other was
the " moderate" cubit mentioned in the text. The
majority of critics think that Herodotus is there
speaking of the ordinary Greek cubit (Boeckh, p.
214), though the opposite view is affirmed by
Grote in his notice of Boeckh's work (doss. Mv*.
i. 28). Even if the Greek cubit be understood, a
further difficulty arises out of the uncertainty
whether Herodotus is speaking of digits as they
stood on the Greek or on the Babylonian measure.
In the one case the proportions of the two would
be as 8 : 7, in the other case as 9 : 8. Boeckh
adopts the Babylonian digits (without good reason,
we think), and estimates the Babylonian royal cobit
at 234-2743 Paris lines, or 20-806 inches (p. 219).
A greater length would by assigned to it according
to the data furnished by M. Oppert, ss stated in
Kawlinaons Herod, i. 315; for if the cubit and
foot stood in the ratio of 5 : 3, and if the latter
contained 15 digits, and had a length of 315 milli-
metres, then the length of the ordinary cub,t
would be 525 millimetres, and of the loyal cubit,
assuming, with Mr. Grote, that the cubits in each
rase were Babylonian, 588 millimetres, or 23-149
inches.
Keverting to the Hebrew measures, we should be
disposed to identify the new measure implied in
2 Chr. iii. 3 with the full Egyptian cubit; the
" old " measure and Ezekiel's -ibit with the lesser
one, either of 26 or 24 digits ; and the " cubit of a
man " with the third one of which Thenius speaks.
Boeckh, however, identifies the Mosaic measure with
the full Egyptian cobit, and accounts tor the dif
ference in the number of digits on the hypothesis
that the Hebrews substituted a division into 24
for that into 28 digits, the size of the digits being
of course increased (pp. 266, 267). With rtvtrd
to the Babylonian measure, it seems highly im-
probable that either the ordinary or the royal cubit
could be identified with Ezekiel's short cubit (ss
KosenmiUler thinks), seeing that its length on either
of the computations above offered exceeded that of
the Egyptian cubit.
In the ilishnah the Mosaic cubit is defined to be
one of six palms (Cetim, 17, §10). It is termed
the moderate 1 cubit, and is distinguished from s
lesser cubit of five palms on the one side ( Cfftm,
io.), and on the other side from a larger one, too-
sisting, accortfing to Barteuora (is Cei. 17, §&1, of
six palms and a digit. The palm consisted, accord-
k The precise amount of 484 HI Is obtained by taking
the mean of the four following amounts :— 1| of 623-624,
toe total length of the Tnrtn meusurc, = 4H6-130 ; twice
the left-band division of the same measure, = 480-192;
the length of the 26 digits on the Louvre measure. =
4»« 375 ; and twice tbe left-hand dlvtsljn of the mm
= 4X3-MM).
1 nwan "».
WEIGHTS AND HEA8UBE8
tag to Maimonidea {ibid.), of four digits ; and the
digit, according to Arias Moutanus {Ant. p. 11 :\\
of four barleycorn*. This gives 144 barleycorns .«
the length of the cubit, which accords with the
nnmber assigned to the cubitut jitstut et mediaern
of the Arabians (Boeckh, p. 246). The length of
the Mosaic cubit, aa computed by Thenios (after
several trials with the specified number of barley-
corns of middling size, placed side by side), is
214-512 Paris lines, or 190515 inches (St. «. Kr.
p. 110). It seems hardly possible to arrive at any
very exact conclusion by this mode of calculation.
Kisensclimid estimated 144 barleycorns as equal to
238-35 Paris lines (Boeckh, p. 269), perhaps from
having used larger grains than the average. The
writer of the article on " Weights and Measures"
in the Penny Cyclopaedia (xviii. 198) gives, as the
result of his own experience, that 38 average grains
make up 5 inches, in which case 144 — 1 8-947
inches ; while the length of the Arabian cubit
referred to is computed at 213-058 Paris lines
(Boeckh, p. 247). The Talmud ists state that the
Mosaic cubit was used for the edifice of the Taber-
nacle and Temple, and the lesser cubit for the
▼easels thereof." This was probably a fiction ; for
the authorities were not agreed among themselves
as to the extent to which the lesser cubit was used,
some of them restricting it to the golden altar, and
(parts of the brazen altar (Mishnah, Cel. 17, §10).
But this distinction, fictitious as it may have been,
shows that the cubits were not regarded in the
light of tacred and profane, as stated in works on
Hebrew archaeology. Another distinction, adopted
by the Rabbinists in reference to the palm, would
tend to show that they did not rigidly adhere to
any definite length of cubit : for they recognised
two kinds of palms, one wherein the ringers lay
loosely open, which they denominated a smiling
palm ; the other wherein the fingers were closely
compressed, and styled the grieving palm (Carpxov,
Appar. pp. 674, 676).
The conclusions to be drawn from the foregoing
considerations are not of the decisive character that
we could wish. For while the collateral evidence
derived from the practice of the adjacent countries
and from later Jewish authorities favours the idea
that the Biblical cubit varied but little from the
length usually assigned to that measure, the evi-
dence of the Bible itself is in favour of one con-
siderably shorter. This evidence is, however, of so
uncertain a character, turning on points of criticism
and on brief notices, that we can hardly venture to
adopt it as our standard. We accept therefore, with
reservation, the estimate of Thenius, and from the
cubit we estimate (he absolute length of the other
denominations according to the proportions existing
between the members of the body, the cubit equal-
ling two spans (compare Ex. xxv. 3,10, with Joseph.
Ant. ill. 6, §£&, 6), the span three palms, and the
palm four digits.
Digit
4
12
24
144
Paha
3
6
36
2
12
Cubit.
6 I
Reed
•7938
3-1752
9-5257
19-0515
114-3090
- Hence (hey were denominated pan ilBK. "cubit
of the building." and 0^3 fl "K- " cubit of the vessels."
• The term " acre " occurs In the A. V. as the equiva-
lent far SMStaaA (!"I3J?P) In 1 Sam. xlv. 14, and for
temtd { *!OVy In Is v 10. The latter term also occurs
WEIGHTS AND MEASUKES 173S
Land and arm were measured either by the cubit
(Num. xxsT. 4, 5; Ex. xl. 27) or by the reed (Ex.
xlii. 20, xliU. 17, xlr. 2, xlviii. 20 ; Rev. xxi. 16).
There is no indication in the Bible of the use of a
square measure by the Jews. 1 Whenever they wished
to define the size of a plot, they specified its length
and breadth, even if it were a perfect square, as iu
Ex. xlviii. 16. The difficulty of defining an area
by these means is experienced in the interpretation
of Num. xxxv. 4, 5, where the suburbs of the
Levitical cities are described as reaching ontward
from the wall of the city 1000 cubits round about,
and at the same time 2000 cubits on each side from
without the city. We can hardly understand these
two measurements otherwise than as applying, the
one to the width, the other to the external boundary
of the suburb, the measurements being taken respec-
tively perpendicular and parallel to the city walls.
But in this case it is necessary to understand the
words rendered " from without the city," in ver. 5,
as meaning to the exclusion of the city, so that the
length of the city wall should be added in each
case to the 2000 cubits. The result would be that
the size of the areas would vary, and that where
the city walls were unequal in length, the sides of
the suburb would be also unequal. For instance,
if the city wall was 500 cubits long, then the side
of the suburb would be 2500 cubits ; if the city
wall were 1000 cubits, then the side of the suburb
would be 3000 cubits. Assuming the existence of
two towns, 500 and 1000 cubits square, the area
of the suburb would in the former case =6,000,000
square cubits, and would be 24 times the size of
the town; while in the latter case the suburb
would be 8,000,000 square cubits, and only 8 times
the size of the town. This explanation is not wholly
satisfactory, on account of the disproportion of the
suburbs as compared with the towns : nevertheless
any other explanation only exaggerates this dispro-
portion. Keil, in his comment on Josh. xiv. 4,
assumes that the city wall was in all cases to be
regarded as 1000 cubits long, which with the 1000
cubits outside the wall, and measured in the same
direction as the wall, would make up the 2000
cubits, and would give to the side of the suburb in
every case a length of 3000 cubits. The objection
to this view is that there is no evidence a* to an
uniform length of the city walls, and that the suburb
might have been mora conveniently described as
3000 cubits on each side. All ambiguity would
have been avoided if the size of the suburb had
been decided either by absolute or relative acreage ;
in other words, if it were to consist in all cases of a
certain fixed acreage outside the walls, or if it were
made to vary in a certain ratio to the size of the
town. As the text stands, neither of these methods
can be deduced from it.
(2.) The measures of distance noticed in the Old
Testament are the three following : — (a) The tsa'ad,"
or pace (2 Sam. vi. 13), answering generally to our
yard. (6) The Cibrath haarets,* rendered in the
A V. " a little way " or " a little piece of ground "
(Gen. xxxv. 16, xlviii. 7; 2 K. v. 19). The ex-
pression appear* to indicate some definite distance,
but we are unable to state with precision what that
distance was. The I.XX. retains the Hebrew woi-d
in the passage first quoted, and would with more con-
tkrtencv be rendered acre Instead of -joke." It means
such an amount of land as a yoke of oxen w-» Id plough
In a day. Maanak means u furrow.
1VV.
' P?*?? "'I'M-
1740 'WRIOHTS AND MEASURES
■a the form Xa&paSi, as though H were the name
of a place, adding in Gen. dviii. 7 the words Kuril
to* Iwwitpoiur, which is thus a second translation
of the expression. If a certain distance was intended
\y this translation, it would be either the ordinary
length of a raoe-oourse, or such a distance as a
horse could travel without being over-fatigued, in
other words, a stage. Bat it probably means a
locality, either a race-course itself, as in 3 Mace,
iv. 11, or the space outside the town walls where
the race-course was usually to be found. The
LXX. gives it again in Gen. ilriii. 7 as the equi-
valent for Ephrath. The Syriac and Persian ver-
sions render cibratk by parasang, a well-known
Peiinan measure, generally estimated at 30 stades
'Herod, ii. 6, v. 53), or from 3} to 4 English miles,
but sometimes at a larger amount, even up to 60
stades (Strab. xi. 518). The only conclusion to be
diawn from the Bible is that the cibratk did not
exceed and probably equalled the distance between
Bethlehem and Rachel s burial-place, which is tra-
ditionally identified with a spot 1} mile north of
the town, (c) The dene yam,* or ma/Mac y6m,'
a day's journey, which was the most usual method
of calculating distances in travelling (Gen. xxx. 36,
xxxi. 23; Ex, iii. 18, r. 3; Num. z. 33, xi. 31,
xixiii. 8; Deut. i. 2; 1 K. xix. 4 ; 2 K. iii. 9;
Jon. iii. 3 ; 1 Mace v. 24, 28, vii. 45 ; Tob. vi. 1),
though but one instance of it occurs in the New
Testament (Luke ii. 44). The distance indicated
by it was naturally fluctuating according to the
circumstance* of the traveller or of the country
through which he passed. Herodotus variously
estimates it at 200 and 150 stades (iv. 101, t. 53) :
Marinus (op. Ptol. i. 11) at 150 and 173 stades;
Pausanias (x. 33, §2) at 150 stades ; Strab© (i. 35)
at from 250 to 300 stades; and Vegetius (De Se
ML i. 11) at from 20 to 24 miles for the Roman
army. The ordinary day's journey among the Jews
was 30 miles ; but when they travelled in com-
panies only 10 miles: Neapolis formed the first
stage out of Jerusalem, according to the former,
and Beeroth according to the latter computation
(Light foot, Exere. m Luc. ii. 44). It is impossible
to assign any distinct length to the day's journey :
Jahn's estimate of 33 miles, 172 yards, and 4 feet,
is based upon the false assumption that it bore
some fixed ratio to the other measures of length.
In the Apocrypha and New Testament we meet
with the following additional measures :— (d) The
Sabbath-day's journey, 1 already discussed in a sepa-
rate article. («) The stadion,' or "furlong," a
Greek measure introduced into Asia subsequently
to Alexander's conquest, and hence first mentioned
in the Apocrypha (2 Mace. xi. 5, xii. 9, 17, 29),
and subsequently in the New Testament (Luke xxiv.
13; John vi. 19, xi. 18; Rev. iiv. 20, in. 16).
Both the name and the length of the stade were
borrowed from the footrace course at Olympia. It
equalled 600 Greek feet (Herod, ii. 149), or 125
lioman paces (Plin. ii. 23), or 606} feet of our
measure. It thus falls below the furlong by 53}
feet. The distances between Jerusalem and the
places Bethany, Jamnia, and Scythopolis, are given
with tolerable exactness at 15 stades (John xi. 18),
WEIGHTS AMD MEASURES
240 stades (2 Mace xii. 9), and 600 stades (2 Hast
xii. 29). In 2 Mace xi. 5 there la an evident enw
either of the author or of the text, in respect to the
position of Bethsura, which is given as only 5 stades
from Jerusalem. The Talmudista describe the stale
under the term rfc," and regarded it as equal as
625 feet and 125 paces (Carpxov, Appar. p. 679).
(/) The Mile,* a lioman measure, equalling H»X
Roman paces, 8 stades, and 1618 English Tina
[Milk].
2. Measures of capacity.
The measures of capacity for liquids wen:— (a)
The logr (Lev. xiv. 10, Ac.), the name originally
signifying a " basin." (6) The bin," a naxae of
Egyptian origin, frequently noticed in the Bible
(Ex. xxix. 40, xxx. 24; Num. xv. 4, 7, 9; Ea.
ir. 11, &e). (c) The bath,* the name aaeenntg
" measured," the largest of the liquid uiiaiuu
(1 K. vii. 26, 38; 2Chr. ii. 10; Ear. viL 82; Is.
v. 10). With regard to the relative values of tarn
measures we learn nothing from the Bible, but we
gather from Joseph u» (Ant. iii. 8, §3) that the
bath contained 6 bins (for the bath equalled 72
xsttae or 12 cAoet, and the hin 2 cases), and front
the Rabbinists that the hin contained 12 leas
(Carpxov, Appitr. p. 685). The relative values
therefore stand thus : —
Log
12 I Hin
72 I 6 | Bath
The dry measure contained the following; chaa-
minations : — (a) The cab,* mentioned only is 2 ft.
vi. 25, the name meaning literally talkm or e»
euro. (6) The omer,* mentioned only in Ex. xvi.
16-36. The same measure is elsewhere termed
istdrin* as being the tenth part of an epbah (cam*.
Ex. xvi. 36), whence in the A. V. " tenth deal "
(Lev. xiv. 10, xxiii. 13; Num. xv. 4, Ac). The
word omer implies a heap, and secondarily a afaaa/.
(c) The Oik,* or « measure," this being the ety-
mological meaning of the term, and appropr iat ely
applied to it, inasmuch as it was the ordinary mea-
sure fur household purposes (Gen. xviii. 6 ; 1 Seat,
xxv. 18; 2 K. vii. 1, 16). The Greek eqaivmlrat
occurs in Matt. xiii. 33 ; Luke xiiL 21. The sank,
was otherwise termed th&llah,' as being the th.r*
partofanephah(Is.xl. 12;Ps.lxxx. 5). (of) The
ephah,f a word of Egyptian origin, and of freqaect
recurrence in the Bible (Ex. xvi. 36; Lev. v. 11.
vi. 20; Num. v. 15, xxviii. 5; Judg. vi. 19; Rsta
ii. 17 ; 1 Sam. i. 24, xvii. 17 ; Ex. xlv. It, IS. 14.
xlvi. 5. 7, 11, 14). (<) The Uthec* or ~cwJk
homer," literally meaning what is swans* oat : it
occurs only in Hot. iii. 2. (/) The homer
meaning heap (Lev. xxviL 16 ; Num. xi. 32 ; Is, v.
10; Ea. xlv. 13). It is elsewhere termed car,*
from the circular vessel in which it was measured
(1 K. iv. 22, v. 11 ; 2 Chr. ii. 10, xxvii. 5; Err.
vii. 22 ; Ex. xlr. 14). The Greek eqnivalent <
in Luke xvi. 7.
The relative proportions of the dry i
to a certain extent expressed in the :
meaning a tenth, and thilhh, a third. In adl-
tion we hare the Biblical statement that the eaaw
« d*» jn. > Di» ^no.
•3D. « HOB.
'jYirp.
• mfipirai Mo*. • critiaD.
« riKD • estsK.
• trte
' OH. ' fiAuv.
>6. • nj. • na.
• HBU
- Urbi imimmn
»tdH.
r
. -ra=«4»i.
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
n the tenth pert of the ephah (Ex. xvi. 36), and
that the ephah mi the tenth part of a homer, and
corresponded to the bath in liquid measure (Ex.
xlv. 11). The Kabbinists supplement this by
stating that the ephah contained three seaha, and
the seah six cabs (Carpxov, p. 683). We are thus
enabled to draw out the following scale of relative
Tallies:—
Cab
11
Oicjr
6
3.
18
10
180
100
Sean
Ephah
, 10 I Homer
The above scale is constructed, it will be ob-
served, on a combination of decimal and duodecimal
ratios, the former prevailing in respect to the oraer,
ephah, and homer, the latter in respect to the cab,
seah, and ephah. In the liquid measure the duo-
decimal ratio alone appears, and hence there it a
fair presumption that this was the original, as it
was undoubtedly the most general, principle on
which the scales of antiquity were framed (Boeckh,
p. 38). Whether the decimal division was intro-
duced from some other system, or whether it was
the result of local usage, there is no evidence to
show.
The absolute values of the liquid and dry mea-
sures form the subject of a single inquiry, inasmuch
as the two scales have a measure of equal value,
viz. the bath and the ephah (Ex. xlv. 11): if either
of these can be fixed, the conversion of the other
denominations into their respective values readily
follows. Unfortunately the data for determining
the value of the bath or ephah are both scanty and
conflicting. Attempts have been made to deduce
the value of the bath from a comparison of the
dimensions and the contents of the molten sea as
given in 1 E. vii. 23-26. If these particulars had
been given with greater accuracy and fulness, they
would have furnished a sound basis for a calcula-
tion ; but, as the matter now stands, uncertainty
attends every statement. The diameter is given as
1 cubits, and the circumference as 30 cubits, the
diameter being stated to be "from one brim to
the other." Assuming that the vessel was circular,
the proportions of the diameter and circumference
are not sufficiently exact for mathematical purposes,
uor are we able to decide whether the diameter was
measured from the internal or the external edge of the
vessel. The shape of the vessel has been variously
conceived to be circular and polygonal, cylindrical
and hemispherical, with perpendicular and with
bulging aides. The contents are given as 2000
baths in 1 K. vii. 26, and 3000 baths in 2 Chr.
iv. 5, the latter being probably a corrupt text.
Lastly, the length of the cubit is undefined, and
hence every estimate is attended with suspicion.
The conclusions drawn have been widely different,
aa might be expected. If it be assumed that the
form of the vessel was cylindrical (as the descrip-
tion trwfid facii seems to imply), that its clear
Hiimeter was 10 cubits of the value of 19*0515
English inches each, and that its full contents were
2wO baths, then the value of the bath would be
4-8965 gallons; for the contents of the vessel
would equal 2,715,638 cubic inches, or 9,793 gal-
lons. If, however, tlie statement of Josephus (Ant.
riii. 3, §5), as to the hemispherical form of the
vwel, be adopted, then the estimate would be re-
filled, tagey, as quoted by Boeckh (p. 261), on
"hr* liypofhesM calculates the value of the bath at
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 1741
18'086 French litres, or 3-9807 English gallons.
If, further, we adopt Saalschutz's view as to thi
length of the cubit, which he puts at 15 Dresden
inches at the highest, the value of the bath will be
further reduced, according to his calculation, to
10) Prussian quarts, or 2-6057 English gallons;
while at his lower estimate of the cubit at 12
inches, its nine would be little more than one-half
of this amount (Archiol. ii. 171). On the other
hand, if the vessel bulged, and if the diameter and
circumference were measured at the neck or nar-
rowest part of it, space might be found for 2WV) or
even 3000 baths of greater value than any of the
above estimates. It is therefore hopeless to arrive
at any satisfactory conclusion from tnis source.
Nevertheless we think the calculations are not
Without their use, as furnishing a certain amount
of presumptive evidence. For, setting aside the
theory that the vessel bulged considerably, for
which the text furnishes no evidence whatever, all
the other computations agree in one point, vix. that
the bath fell far below the value placed on it by
Josephus, and by modem writers on Hebrew archae-
ology generally, according to whom the bath mea-
sures between 8 and 9 English gallons.
We turn to the statements of Josephus and other
early writers. The former states that the bath
equal* 72 xestae {Ant. viii. 2, §9), that the hin
equals 2 Afjc chait (/o. iii. 8, §3, 9, §4), that
tile seah equals 1} Italian modii (lb. ix. 4, §5),
that the cor equals 10 Attic mcdimni {lb. xv. 9,
§2), and that the issaron or omer equals 7 Attic
cotylio {lb. iii. 6, §6). It may further be im-
plied from Ant. ix. 4, §4, as compared with 2 K.
vi. 25, that he regarded the cab as equal to 4 xetttt.
Now, in order to reduce these statements to con-
sistency, it must be assumed that in Ant. xv. 9, §2,
he has confused the medimmu with the metritis,
and in Ant. iii. 6, §6, the aotyli with the xestet.
Such errors throw doubt on his other statements,
and tend to the conclusion that Josephus was not
really familiar with the Greek measures. This
impression is supported by his apparent ignorance
of the term metritis, which he should hare used
not only in the .pessnge above noticed, but also in
viii. 2, §9, worm he would naturally have substi-
tuted it for 12 xestae, assuming that these were
Attic xestae. Nevertheless his testimony must be
taken as decisively in favour of the identity of the
Hebrew bath with the Attic metrltet. Jerome (m
Matt. xiii. 33) affirms that the seah equals 1} modii,
and (in Ex. xl v. 1 1 ) that the cor equals 30 modii,—
statements that are glaringly inconsistent, inasmuch
as there were 30 seahs in the cor. The statements
of Epiphanius in his treatise De Menmiris an
equally remarkable for inconsistency. He states
(ii. 177) that the cor equals 30 modii: on this
assumption the bath would equal 51 textarii, but
he gives only 50 (p. 178) : the seah would equal
1 modiut, but he gives li modii (p. 178), or, ac-
cording to his estimate of 17 textarii to the modiut,
21 J textarii, though elsewhere he assigns 56 tex-
tarii as its value (p. 182) : the omer would be
5^, textarii, but he gives 7J (p. 182), implying
45 modii to the cor: and, lastly, the ephah is iden-
tified with the Egyptian artabe (p. 182), which
a-Hs either 4A or 3 \ modii, according as it was in
the old or the new measure, though according to
his estimate of the cor it would only equal 3 modii.
Little reliance can be placed on statements so looselv
nude, and the question arises whether the identifi-
cation of the bath with the metritis lid not eras
I
1742 WEIGHTS AND MEASUBF8
oat of the circumstance that the two manures held
the came relative position in the Kales, each being
subdivided into 72 parts, and, again, whether the
assignment of 30 modi's to the cor did not arise oat
of there being 30 scabs in it. The discrepancies
can only be explained on the assumption that a wide
margin was allowed for a long measure, amounting to
an increase of SO per cent. This appears to hare been
the cane from the definitions of the aeah or ciror
given by Hesychius, puttta* yip**, ♦your, tr fi/uav
ultio* IraAuraV, and again by Soidaa, pittmr intp-
wtwKnpmfLirmi, As «Iwu /tootsv lew. col fifuirvr.
Assuming, however, thai Josephus was right in
identifying the bath with the metritis, its value
would be, according to Boeckh's estimate of the
latter (pp. 361, 278), 1993-95 Paris cubic inches,
or 8-7053 English gallons, but according to the
estimate of Bertheau (GescA. p. 73) 198577 Paris
cubic inches, or 8'6696 English gallons.
The Babbinists famish data of a different kind
Tor calculating the value of the Hebrew measures.
They estimated the log to be equal to six hen eggs,
the cubic contents of which were ascertained by
measuring the amount of water they displaced
(Maimonides, th Cel. 17, §10). On this basis
Thenius estimated the log at 14-088 Paris cubic
inches, or -06147 English gallon, and the bath at
1014-39 Paris cubic inches, or 4-4286 gallons (St.
H. Kr. pp. 101, 121). Again, the log of water is
said to hare weighed 108 Egyptian drachmae, 1 each
equalling 61 barleycorns (Maimonides, th Peak, 3,
§6, ed. Guisius.)- Thenius rinds that 6588 barley-
corns fill about the same space as 6 hen eggs (St.
u. Kr. p. 112). And again, a log is said to fill
a vessel 4 digits long, 4 broad, and 2fo high (Mai-
monides, th Prat J. itenachoth). This vessel would
contain 21-6 cubic inches, or -07754 gallon. The
conclusion arrived at from these data would agree
tolerably well with the first estimate formed on
the notices of the molten sea.
As we are unable to decide between Josephus
and the Rabbinists, we give a double estimate of
the various denominations, adopting Bertheau'a
estimate of the metritis : —
(Sosej*tu.) (JatbMMstt.)
Gallons. Gallons.
Homer or Cor . 81-696 or 44-386
Kphah or Bath . 8-66M or 4-4386
Sean .... 1-88*8 or 1-4763
Hbl . . . . 1-4441 or -J381
Omer .... •»**» or •4438
Cab .... -481* or -346
Lug ... . -1304 or •061(
In the New Testament we have notices of the
following foreign measures: — (a) The mrtrsfes"
(John ii. 6 ; A. V. " firkin ") for liquids. (6) The
clutmix* (Kev. vi. 6 ; A. V. " measure"), for dry
goods. («) The xesUs,* applied, however, not to
the particular measure so named by the Greeks,
bet to any small vessel, such as a cup (Hark vii.
4, 8; A. V. "pot"), (d) The modtus, similarly
applied to describe any vessel of moderate dimen-
sions (Matt T. 15; Mark iv. 21; Luke xi. 33 ;
A. V. " bushel ") ; though properly meaning a Ro-
man measure, amounting to about a peck.
The value of the Attic metritis has been already
< In toe table the weight of the log is given aa 104
araebms; but tat this ease the contents of the log aro
supposed to bt wine. The reUUve weights of water and
wtae were as 34 : 36.
■/•croer**. ■ gowi{.
WELL
stated to be 8-6696 gallons, bad eoasequcatry tat
amount of liquid in six stone jars, rontsknisaj ex
the average 2} metrita* each, would exceed 110
gallons (John ii. 6). Very possibly, however, the
Greek term represents the Hebrew bat*, and if the
bath be taken at the lower estimate si ifjaed to 4,
the amount would be reduced to about 60 galhaai
Even this amount far exceeds the reqiniemewt* »
the purposes of legal purification, the tendon. 7 «•
Pharisaical refinement being to reduce the amoora
of water to a minimum, so that a quarter of a ice;
would suffice for a person (Miahnah, Tad. 1. f I .
The question is one simply of archaeological iiiaeres
as illustrating the customs of the Jews, and dees
not affect the character of the miracle with what
it ia connected. The ehoaUx was 4 •*"■» Atoe
medmuat, and contained nearly a quart. It itaat
sauted the usual amount of corn for a clay's aasrU
and hence a cAoewar for a penny, or dm u say
which usually purchased a bushel (CSe. Ytrr. m
81 ), indicated a great scarcity (Rev. vi. 6).
With regard to the use of fair miaaiina, vanoos
precepts are expressed in the Mosaic law aaat other
parts of the Bible (Lev. xix. 35, 36 ; Dent. xrr.
14, 15; Prov. xz. 10; Ex. xlv. 10), sadxu
probability standard measures were kept ia tnc
Temple, as was usual in the other driliaed eassa-
tries of antiquity (Boeckh, p. 12).
The works chiefly referred to in the present artscl-
are the following: — Boeckh, Metnkgitdm fhter-
tuc/amgat, 1838; Classical Jfusiim, vwL i.:
T/ieoiagischt Studie* md KritOem tar 184»;
Mishnah, ed. Sarenhusius ; Wilkinson, Amomi
Egyptians, 2 vols. 1854; Epiphanios, Opera, J rsK
ed. Petavios. [W. L. B,}
WELL* The difference between a well 'Bier
and a cistern (Btr) [Cisterx], consists chterlr a
the use of the former word to denote a recces*."*
for water springing up freshly from the grouM,
while the latter usually denotes a reservoir for rue-
water (Gen. xxvi. 19, 32; Prov. v. 13; Jets
iv. 14).
The special necessity of a supply of water ,' Jade.
i. 15) in a hot climate has always involved axonce;
Eastern nations questions of property of the fccrhw
importance, and sometimes given rise to trriooi
contention. To give a name to a wrfl denoted s
right of property, and to stop or destroy one our
dug was a military expedient, a mark of ooaqaeat
or an encroachment on territorial right cxarcDed er
existing in its neighbourhood. Thro the well Bee—
sheba was opened, and its possession attested wra
special formality by Abraham (Gen. xxi. 3>\ '• ■
In the hope of expelling Isaac from their neigr.t> t. -
hood, the Philistines stopped np the wells wl -
had been dug in Abraham's time and called ox .»
name, an encroachment which was stoutly reuste:
by the followers of Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 1S-33: we
also 2 K. iil. 19; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10; Burckhar*.
Notes, ii. 185, 194, 204, 276). The Koran art-, at
abandoned wells as signs of desertion '.Stir, xxf."
To acquire well* which they had not then n e h ei
dug, was one of the marks of favour fontroi w
the Hebrews on their entrance into i^"*— i ' (was,
vi. 11). To possess one is noticed as a mark «*"»
' 1. "IR3; y4»4p: patent; In four places -an.*
3. 1^3; Assam; cuteraa; asoalr/ -ate* (Prrj
X 1T!>D; Muallv •fcontain " ntewTAOX]
4. ~i\pD. [FocxTacf;
WELL
dependence (Prov. t. 15), and to abstain from che
□ae of wella belonging to others, a disclaimer of in-
terferenoe with their property (Mum. xx. 17, 19,
xxi. 22 ). Similar rights of possession, actual ana
hereditary, exist among the Arabs of the present
day. Wells, Barckhardt says, in the interior of the
Desert, are exclusive property, either of a whole
tribe, or of individuals whose ancestors dog the
wells. If a well be the property of a tribe, the
tents are pitched near it, whenever rain-water be-
comes scarce in the desert ; and no other Arabs are
then permitted to water their camels. But if the
well belongs to an individual, he receives presents
from all strange tribes who pass or encamp at the
well, and refresh their camels with the water of it.
The property of snch a well is never alienated ; and
the Arabs say, that the possessor is sure to be for-
tunate, as all who drink of the water bestow on
him their benedictions (Kotaon Bed. i. 228, 229;
comp. Num. xxi. 17, 18, and Judg. i. 15).
It is thus easy to understand how wells have
become in many cases links in the history and
landmarks in the topography both of Palestine anil
of the Arabian Peninsula. The well once dug in
the rocky soil of Palestine might be rilled with
earth or stones, but with difficulty destroyed, and
thus the wells of Beersheho, and the well near A**V
buhu, called Jacob's well, are among the most un-
doubted witnewes of those transactions of sacred
history in which they hare borne, so to speak, a
prominent part. On the other hand, the wells dug
in the sandy soil of the Arabian valleys, easily de-
stroyed, but easily renewed, often mark, by their
veady supply, the stations at which the Hebrew
pilgrims slaked their thirst, or, as at Marah, were
disappointed by the bitterness of the water. In like
manner the stations of the Mohammedan pilgrims
from Cairo and Damascus to Mecca (the Hadj
route) are marked by the wells ( Kobinson, i. 66,
..!>, 204, 205, ii. 283; Burckhardt, Syria, 318,
172, 474 ; App. III. 656, 660 ; Shaw, Trm. ZU;
Ni.bohr, Detcrip. de CAr., 347, 348; Wellsted,
Tr,n>: ii. 40, 43, 64, 457, App.).
Wells in Palestine are usually excavated from
the solid limestone rock, sometimes with steps to
descend into tbem (Gen. xxiv. 16; Burckhardt,
S'/rin, p. 232; Col. Ch. Chrm. 1858, p. 470).
The brims are furnished with a curb or low wall
of stone, bearing marks of high antiquity in the
furrows worn by the ropes used in drawing water
(Hob. i. 204). This curb, as well as the stone
rover, which is also very usual, agrees with the
directions of the Law, as explained by Philo and
Josephus, viz. as a protection against accident (Kx.
xxi. 33 ; Joseph. Ant. ir. 8. §37 ; Philo, l)t Spec.
1-eg. iii. 27, ii. 324, ed. Mangey; Maundrell, in
£. Trav. 435). It was on a curb of this sort that
our Lord sat when He conversed with the woman
of Samaria (John iv. 6), and it was this, the usual
stone cover, which the woman placed on the mouth
of the well at Bnhurira '2 Sam. xvii. 19), where
A.V. weakens the sense by omitting the article.'
Sometimes the wells are covered with cupolas raised
on pillars (Burckhardt, App. V. p. 665).
The usual methods for raisinr/ water are the fol-
lowing: — 1. The rope and bucket, or water-skin
(Gen. xxiv. 14-20; John iv. 11). When the well
is deep the rope is either drawn over the curb by
the man or woman, who pulls it oat to the dis-
tance of its full length, or by an ass or ox exiphyed
WKLL
174S
in the same way for the same purpose. Sometimes
a pulley or wheel is fixed over the well to assist
the work (Kobinson, i. 204, ii. 248; Niebuhr,
Deter, de VAr. 137, pi. 15; Col. Ch. Chron. 1859,
p. 350; Chardin, Voy. ir. 98; Wellsted, Trm. i.
280). 2. The sakiyeh, or Persian wheel. This
consists of a vertical wheel furnished with a set ot
buckets or earthen jars, attached to a cord passing
over the wheel, which descend empty and return
full as the wheel revolves. On the axis of the
wheel revolves a second wheel parallel to it, with
cogs which tum a third wheel set horizontally at s
sufficient height from the ground to allow the
animal used in turning it to pass under. One or
two cows or bulls are yoked to a pole which passes
through the axis of this wheel, and ss they travel
round it turn the whole machine (Num. xxiv. 7 ;
Lane, Mod. Eg. ii. 163; Niebuhr, Voy. i. 120;
Col. Ch. Chron. 1859, p. 352 ; Shaw, p. 291, 408).
3. A modification of the last method, by which a
man, sitting opposite to a wheel furnished with
buckets, turns it by drawing with his hands one
set of spokes prolonged beyond its circumference,
and pushing another set from him with his feet
(Niebuhr, Voy. i. p. 120, pi. 15; Robinson, ii. 22,
iii. 89). 4. A method very common, both in ancient
and modern Egypt, is the shadoof, a simple con-
trivance consisting of a lever moving on a pivot,
which is loaded at one end with a lump of clay or
some other weight, and has at the other a bowl or
bucket. This is let down into the water, and,
when raised, emptied into a receptacle above ( Nie-
buhr, Voy. i. 120; Lane, M. E. ii. 103; Wilkin,
son. A. E. i. 35, 72, ii. 4).
Wells are usually furnished with troughs of
wood or stone,' into which the water is emptied for
the use of persons or animals coming to the wells.
In modem times an old stone sarcophagus is often
used for this purpose. The bucket is very com-
monly of skin (Burckhardt, Syria, 63 ; Robinsou,
i. 204, ii. 21, 315, iii. 35, 89, 109, 134; Lord
Lindsay, Trav. 235, 237 ; Wilkinson, A. E . 1. e. ;
Gen. xxiv. 20 ; Ex. ii. 16).
• ^D^'l • "* eVwa>v>uu>; ralassm.
Anci e n t Egyptian machine for railing water. Identical w-IUi
laaatoaaa/of Uta preeant Oar. (WUklnmu.)
Unleai machinery is used, which is commonly
worked by men, women are usually the water-
carriers. They carry home their water-jars un
their bonds (Lindsay, p. 236). Great contention*
often occur at the wells, and they are often, amoiq
* fl£)C; nmurrlixor ; OOYlfil
1744
WHALE
Bedouins, favourite place* for attack by
(Ex. ii. 16, 17 ; Judg. v. 1 1 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 15, 16 ;
Burckhardt, Syria, p. 63 ; Note* on B&l. i. 228 ;
Got. Ch. Ckron. 1859, p. 473 ; Lane, M. X. i. 252 ;
Bobinaon, iii. 153). [H W. P.]
WHALE. A» to the signification of the Hebrew
terms tan (JH or JJI) and tannin (flrl), variously
rendered in the A. V. by " dragon," " whale,"
■ serpent," " sea-monster, see DtUGON. It re-
mains for as in this article to consider the transac-
tion recorded in the Book of Jonah, of that prophet
baring been swallowed by some " great fish " (3^
TTIi), which in Matt. xii. 40 is called htjtoi,
rendered in oar Tendon by " whale."
Much criticism has been expended on the Scrip-
tural account of Jonah being swallowed by a large
fish ; it has been variously understood as a literal
traaMctioD, as an entire fiction or an allegory, as a
poetical mythus or a parable. With regard to the
remarks of those writers who ground their objec-
tions upon the denial of mirade, it is obvious that
this is not the place for discussion; the question
of Jonah in the fish's belly will share the same
fate as any other miracle recorded in the Old
Testament.
The reader will find in RosenmQller's Prolego-
mena several attempts by various writers to explain
the Scriptural narrative, none of which, however,
have anything to recommend them, unless it be in
some cases the ingenuity of the authors, such as
for instance that of Godfrey Less, who supposed
that the " fish " was no animal at all, but a ship
with the figure of a fish painted on the stem, into
which Jonah was received after he had been cast
ont of his own vessel ! Equally curious is the ex-
planation of G. C. Anton, who endeavoured to solve
the difficulty, by supposing that just as the prophet
was thrown into the water, the dead carcase of
some large fish floated by, into the belly of which
he contrived to get, and that thus be was drifted
to the shore 1 The opinion of RosenmuMler, that
the whole account is founded on the Phoenician
fable of Hercules devoured by a sea-monster sent
by Neptune (Lycophron, Caaand. 33), although
sanctioned by Gesenius, Winer, Ewald, and other
German writers, is opposed to all sound principles
of Biblical exegesis. It will be our purpose to con-
sider what portion of the occurrence partakes of a
natural, and what of a miraculous nature.
In the first place then, it if necessary to observe,
that the Greek word irij-ror, used by St. Matthew,
is not restricted in its meaning to " a whale," or
any Cetacean; like the Latin eete or eetui, it may
denote any sea-monster, either "a whale," or " a
shark," or " a seal," or •* a tunny of enormous
site" (see Athen. p. 303 B, ed. Dindorf; Odye.
xii. 97, iv. 446, 452 ; ft. xx. 147). Although two
or three species of whale are found in the Mediter-
ranean Sea, yet the " great fish " that swallowed
the prophet, cannot properly be identified with any
Cetaoean, for, although the Sperm whale (Catodon
macroctpkaVei) has a gullet sufficiently large to
admit the body of a man, yet it can hardly be the
fish intended; as tba natural food of Cetaceans
consists of small animals, such as medusae and
Nor again, can we agree with Bishop Jebb (So-
tted Literature, pp. 178, 179), that the aoiAia of
the Greek Testament denotes the back portion of a
whalj's mouth, in the cavity of which the prophet
WHEAT
was concealed ; for the while paaage a .
clearly opposed te such an interpretation.
The only fisn, then, capable of swallowing a
man would be a large specimen of the White amok
(Carchariat vulgaris), that dreaded ececy >i
sailors, and the most voracious of the mmily ai
Squalidae. This shark, which sometimes attainr
the length of thirty feet, is quite able to swal-
low a man whole. Some commentators are aces.
tical on this point. It would, however, be easy fc»
quote passages from the writings of authors sad
travellers in proof of this assertion ; we eoofiae our-
selves to two or three extracts. The shark "hast
large gullet, and in the belly of it are sometimes ha
the bodies of men half eaten, s om e tim es aaaoir am
entire" (Nature Displayed, in. p. 140). But lea
■he AbbtS Pluche should not be co ns ideie j — "■--
authority, we give a quotation from Mr. Cooca'i
recent publication, A History of the Pitke* of tie
British Islands. Speaking of white sharks, tin
author, who has paid much attention to the hahfb
of fish, states that " they usually cut aminhv any
object of considerable size and thus swallow it;
but if they find a difficulty in doing this, there is »
hesitation in passing into the stomach even what ■
of enormous bulk ; and the formation of the jswi
and throat render this a matter of bat little duS-
culty." Runch says that the whole body of a aaas
in armour (lorioatm), has been found in the straaca
of a white shark ; and Captain King, in his Saray ■
Australia, says he had caught one which could ban
swallowed a man with the greatest ease. Blanea-
bach mentions that a whole horse has been found a
a shark, and Captain Basil Hall reports the taking ct
one in which, besides other things, he focmd the
whole skin of a buffalo which a short time before
had been thrown overboard from bis ship (i. aw S 71
Dr. Baird of the British Museum (Cyckm. of Sex.
Sciences, p. 514), says that in the river HeogUy
below Calcutta, he had seen a white shark awaUsw
a bullock's bead and horns entire, and he apsau
also of a shark's month banc "sufficiently wide <•
receive the body of a man.' Wherever t hetejaea
the Tarshiah, to which Jonah's ship waa bosatd.
was situated, whether in Spain, or m Cibcta •
in Ceylon, it is certain that the "*——"** whits
shark might have been seen on the voyage. Tat
C. vulgaris is not uncommon in the Mediterranean ;
it occurs, as Forsktl (Descrft. Anima l , p. 2s»;
assures us, in the Arabian Gulf, and is o
alto in the Indian Ocean. So far for the
portion of the subject. But how Ji
have been swallowed whole unhu rt , or how b»
could have existed tor any time in the eharti
belly, it is impossible to explain by saoply i—tnnl
causes. Certainly the reservation of Jonah ra a
fish's belly is not more remarkable than thai of the
three children in the midst of Necochadnecaat >
burning fiery furnace."
Naturalists have recorded that sharks ham fie
habit of throwing up again whole aad ahve tot
prey they have seized (see Coach's Hist, of Fumes, l.
p. 33). « I have besrd,* says Mr. Dorwim, " nwr
Dr. Allen of Forres, that he has frequently fiami s
Dradon floating alive and distended in the ataaaaa
of a shark; aad that on several iiiiasinii he bat
known H eat its way oat, not only through tie
coats of the stomach, but through the ssdas at tie
monster which has been thus killed." [W. fiV
WHEAT. The well-known valuable cans;
cultivated from the earliest times, ami psqees-'t
mentioned in the Bible. In the A. V. the rM.
WHEAT
words bar ("13 or 13). Mgd* (JW), rtpMtii
tfAlVi), an occasionally translated " wheat;" bat
there u a* doubt that the proper name of thia cereal,
aa distinguished from "barley," "spelt," *c., i«
dUUda (HSn ; Chald. pBJn, caihtta). As to the
former Hebrew terms aee under CORK. The first
mention of wheat occurs in Gen. m. 14, in the
account of Jacob's sojourn with Laban in Meso-
potamia. Much has been written on the subject
of the origin of wheat, and the question appears
to be still undecided. It is said that the Triticum
mlgare has been found wild in some parts of
Persia and Siberia, apparently removed from the
influence of cultivation {English Cyclop, art. " Triti-
cum"). Again, from the experiments of M. Esprit
Kabre of Ague it would seem that the numerous
varieties of cultivated wheat are merely improved
transformations of Aegihps otxUa {Journal of the
Royal Agricult. Soo, No. zxziii. p. 167-180).
M. Sabres experiments, however, have not been
leemed conclusive by some botanists (see an inte-
resting paper by the late Prof. Henfrey in No. xli.
of the Journal quoted above). Egypt in ancient
times was celebrated for the growth of its wheat ;
be best quality, according to Pliny (Nat. Hist.
rviii. 7), was grown In the Thebaid ; it was all
bearded, and the same varieties, Sir G. Wilkinson
writes (Anc. Egypt, ii. 39, ed. 1854), " existed
in ancient as in modem times, among which may
be mentioned the seven-eared quality described in
Pharaoh's dream " (Gen. xli. 22). This is the so-
called mommy-wheat, which, it has been said, has
germinated alter the lapse of thousands of years;
but it is now known that the whole thing was
a fraud. Babylonia was also noted for the excel-
lence of its wheat and other cereals. " In grain,"
says Herodotus (i. 193), " it will yield com-
monly two hundred fold, and at its greatest pro-
duction as much as three hundred fold. The blades
of the wheat and barley-plants are often four fingers
broad." But this is a great exaggeration. (See also
Theophrastos, Hist. Plant, viii. 7.) Modern writers,
as Chesney and Rich, bear testimony to the great
fertility of Mesopotamia. Syria and Palestine pro-
duced wheat of fine quality and in large quantities
(Ps. cxlvii. 14, Ixxxi. 16, fcc). There appear to
be two or three kinds of wheat at present grown in
Palestine, the Triticwn mlgare ( var. hybermim), the
T. spetta [see Btg], and another variety of bearded
wheat which appears to be the same as the Egyptian
kind, the T. a*npmit*m. In the parable of the
sower our Lord alludes to grains of wheat which
in good ground produce a hundred fold (Matt. xiii.
8 1. " The return of a hundred for one," says
Trench, "is not unheard of in the East, though
always mentioned as something extraordinary."
Ijiborde says " there is to be found at Kerek a
species of hundred wheat which justifies the text
of the Bible against the charges of exaggeration of
which ft has been the object," The common Tri-
ticrnn vulgare will sometimes produce one hundred
grains in the ear. Wheat '■ reaped towards the
end of April, in May, and in June, according to
the differences of soil and position; it was sown
either broadcast, and then ploughed in or trampled
in by cattle (Is. xwrii. 20), or in rows, if we rightly
underrtand Is. xxviii. 25, which stems to imply
that the seeds were planted apart in order to insure
larger and fuller ears. The wheat was put ! nto
the ground in the winter, and some time after the
arley; in the Egyptian plague of hail,
vol. III.
WIDOW 1745
qtdntly, the barley suffered, but the wheat had Lot
appeared, and so escaped injury. Wheat was grc una
into flour ; the finest qualities were expressed by the
term " fat of kidneys of wheat,'' PBH XlV?3 3711
(Deut. xxxii. 14). Unripe ears are sometimes cut
off from the stalks, roasted in an oven, masned ana
boiled, and eaten by the modem Egyptians (Sonnini,
JVc). RosenmuMler (Botany of the Bible, p. 8in.
with good reason, conjectures that this dish, which
the Arabs coll ferik, is the same aa the o-enn comet
6d"13 eni) of Lev. ii. 14 and 2 K. iv. 42. The
Heo/'wordVd/.' (»/^, Lev. ii. 14) Jenotes, it is
probable, roasted ears of corn, still tied as food 'n
the East. An " ear of corn " was called Shibbtleth
irbx?), the word which betrayed the Ephraimites
(Judg. zdi. ', 6), who were unable to give the
sound of sh. The curious expression in Prov. xxvii.
22, " though thou shouldest bray a fool in a moitai
among wheat with a pestle, yet will not his foolish
nesa depart from him," appears to point to the cus-
tom of mixing the grains of inferior cereals with
wheat; the meaning will then be, " Let a fool be
ever so much in the company of wise men, yet he
will continue a fool." Manrer (Comment. I.e.)
simply explains the passage thus: "Quomodo-
cuuque tracuveria stultum non patietur se emeu-
dari." rCompare articles Corn ; Aamcui.TURE ;
BA.RUSY.] [W.H.]
WHIBLWIND (HMD ; IT^D). TheHebrew
terms s&phdh and se'&rdh convey the notion of a
violent wind or hurricane, the former because such
a wind sweeps auay every object it encounters, the
latter because the objects so swept away are tossed
about and agitated. In addition to this, Gesenius
gives a similar sense to galoot? in Ps. lxxvii. 18
(A. V. "heaven"), and Ex. x. 13 (A. V. " wheel").
Generally, however, this last term expresses one of
the effects of such a storm in rolling along chaff,
stubble, or such light articles (The*, p. 288). It
does not appear that any of the above terms ex-
press the specific notion of a wAii+wind, I. ». a
gale moving violently round on its own axis — and
there is no warrant for the use of the word m the
A. V. of 2 K. «. 11. The most violent winds in
Palestine come from the east ; and the passage in
Job xxxvii. 9, which in the A. V. reads, " Out
of the south conwth the whirlwind," should rather
be rendered, "Out of his chamber," Ac The
whirlwind is frequently used as a metaphor of
violent and sweeping destruction. Cyrus' invasion
of Babylonia is compared to a southerly ga.e coming
out of the wilderness of Arabia (Is. xxi. 1 ; oomp.
Knobel, m foe.), the effects of which are most
prejudicial in that country. Similar all'isiocs
eccur in Ps. lviii. 9 ; Prov. i. 27, 1. 25; Is. si. 24
Den. xi. 40. [W. L. B.]
WIDOW (fUD^M : jrfso : vidua). Under the
Mosaic dispensation no legal provision was made for
the maintenance of widows. They were left de-
pendent partly on the affection of relations, more
especially of the eldest son, whose birthright, or
extra share of the property, imposed such a duty
upon him, and partly on the privileges accorded to
other distressed classes, such as a participation in
the triennial third tithe (Deut. xiv. 29, xivi. 12).
in leasing (Deut. xxiv. 19-21), and m religioig
'*&•
6T
1746
WIDOW
feasts (Rant. xri. 11, 14V Id the spirit of these
regulations * portion of the spoil taken in war was
assigned to them (2 Msec. viii. 28, 30). A special
prohibition was laid against taking a widow's gar-
ments in pledge (Dent. uiv. 17), and this was
•radically extended to other necessaries (Job uiv.
"i). In addition to these specific regulations, the
widow was commended to the care of the commu-
lity (Ex. xxii. 22 ; Dent. xxvh. 19 ; Is. i. 17 ; Jer.
iii. d, xxii. 3 ; Zech. vii. 10), and any neglect or
oppression was strongly reprobated (Job xxii. 9,
xxiv. 21 ; Ps. xcir. 6 ; Is. x. 2 ; Ez. xxii. 7; Mai.
iii. 5; Ecclus. xxxv. 14, 15; Bar. vi. 38; Matt.
xxiii. 14). In times of danger widows were per-
mitted to deposit their property in the treasury of
the Temple (2 Mace. iii. 10). With regard to the
remarriage of widows, the only restriction imposed
by the Mosaic law had reference to the contingency
ot one being left childless, in which case the brother
of the deceased husband had a right to marry the
widow (Dent. xxv. 5, 6 ; Matt. xxii. 23-30).
[Marsiaoe.] The high-priest was prohibited
from marrying a widow, and in the ideal polity
of the prophet Ezekiel the prohibition is extended
to the ordinary priests (Ez. xliv. 22).
In the Apostolic Church the widows were sus-
tained at the public expense, the relief being daily
administered in kind, under the superintendence of
officers appointed for this special purpose (Acts vi.
1-6). Particular directions are given by St. Paul as
to the class of persons entitled to such public main-
tenance (1 Tim. t. 3-16). He would confine it to
the " widow indeed " (f) sWats x^P<»)> whom he
deBnes to be one who is left alone in the world
f/trporwueVii . without any relations or Christian
(Hinds responsible for her support (vers. 3-5, 16).
Poverty combined with frieadlessnes* thus formed
the main criterion of eligibility for public support ;
but at the same time the character of the widow —
her piety and trustfulness — was to be taken irto
account (ver. 51. Out of the body of such widows
a certain number were to be enrolled (koto-
XtyMu; A. V. "taken into the number"), the
qualifications for such enrolment being (1.) that
they were not under sixty years of age ; (2.) that
they had been " the wife of one man," probably
meaning but once married; and (3.) that they had
led useful and charitable lives (vera. 9, 10). The
object of the enrolment is by no means obvious. If
we were to form our opinion solely on the qualifi-
cations above expressed, we should conclude that
the enrolled widows formed an ecclesiastical order,
having duties identical with or analogous to those of
the deaconesses of the early Church. For why, if
the object were of an eleemosynary character, should
the younger or twice-married widows be excluded?
The weight of modern criticism is undoubtedly in
favour of the view that the enrolled widows held
euch an official position in the Church (Alford,
De Wette. Unge, &c., in 1 Tim. v. 9, 10). But
we can perceive no ground for isolating the passage
njatinz to the enrolled widows from the context,
pr for distinguishing these from the " widows in-
deed " referred to in the preceding and succeeding
verses. If the passaee be read as a whole, then the
impression derived fiotn it will be that the enrol-
ment wan for an eleemosynary purpose, and that
(he main condition of enrolment was, ss before,
poverty. The very argument which has been ad-
duced in favour of the opposite view, in reality
squally favours this one ; for why should unmar-
ried or young women be exoloded from aa ecclesi-
Wm?EBNE88 OF THE WANDERIHG
astical order? The practice of the early Chart
proves that they were not excluded. The antan
of the Apostolical Constitutions lays down tat
rule that virgins should be generally, and w>k*
only exceptionally, appointed to the office of drv
coneas (vi. 17, §4) ; and though the drreetwa
given to Timothy were frequently taken aa a mane)
for the appointment of deaconesses, yet there was
great diversity of practice in Una respect (Bisctauo'j
Ant. ii. 22, §§ 8-5). On the other banc, 'be ■*-
strictions contained in the Apostolic direetieae are
not inconsistent with the eleemosynary view, if we
assume, aa ia very possible, that the acratM
widows formed a pemanmt charge mi the fable
funds, and enjoyed certain privileges by iisam al
their long previous services, while the resnairder,
who were younger, and might very possibly re-
marry, would be regarded in the light of tempa-wv
and casual recipient*. Bat while we than bam.t
that the primary object of the enrolment waa snnp y
to enforce a more methodical administration of u*
Church funds, it is easy to understand how 4s
order of widows would obtain a qoaw-officaal psw-
tion in the Church. Having already served s
voluntary diaconate, and having exhibited tkra
self-control by refraining from a second narrien.
they would naturally be looked op to as toadeb sf
piety to their sex, and would belorv to toe daw
whence deaconesses would be chiefly drawn. Hetc*
we find the term " widow" (x4** sal by ear r
writers in an extended sense, to signify the adapt' a
of the conditions by which widows, enrolled at
such, were bound for the future. Thus Iamatxa
speaks of " virgins who were called aridaws *
(s-ooOcVoitt vox Aeyo/icVar xsjpns ; Ep. adSmrm.
13); and Tertullian records the case of a vinra
who was placed on the roll of widows ( us casUari
while yet under twenty years of age I Dt TtL fir;.
9). It ia a further question in what respect thaw
virgins woe called " widows." The annotate**
on Ignatius regard the term as strictly oqaivaanst
to "deaconess " (Poire* Apost. it 441, ad. Jamb-
son), but there is evidently another sense in wsxa
it may be used, vis. as betokening celibacy, a=.i
such we believe to have been its maaning, ilia inn i
ss the abstract term xtf' - " "»»" m the sense of
continence, or unmarried state, in the^pusruai'*!
Constitutions fs-apfeaet M*J sWpevo-a^t (V sad-
Tirri xw'av ', *ioor f%ov<ra gasifes, iii. 1. $>!,
2). We are not therefore disposed to identify the
widows of the Bible either with the deaoasMeaet or
with the wftrfiirtStt of the early Church, fnsn
each of which classes they ere distinguished, ia the
work last quoted (ii. 57, §8, viii. 13, §4'. Tar
order of widows <ri jritputeV ■ existed as a separata
institution, contemporaneously with these orrcss
apparently for the same eleemosynary purpose nr
which it waa originally instituted (Oaast. AfML
iii. 1,§1, iv. 5, §1). [W. h.K]
WIFE. [Marriaob.]
WILD BEASTS. [Beasts, Appendix A
WTLDEBNESS OF THE WANDKB1XG.
The historical magnitude of the Exodns s* ss
event, including in that name not only the exit fern
Egypt, but the passage of the sea and desert, sr.l
the entry into Canaan, and the stiange asenrrt a
which it was enacted, no leas than the mirwr. j
agency sustained throughi at forty tears, has f\' •
to this locality an interest which i» li i jglitn a I i
rossible, by the constant retrospect taken by aa
great Teacher of the New Testament and Has 'sent
WILDEBNESS OF THE WANDEBINQ
1747
flft, of this poition of the hirtory of the race of
israel, u filll of spiritual lessons Decenary fix the
Christian Church throughout all ages. Hence this
region, which physically is, and has probably been
for three thousand years or more, little else than
■ barren waste, has derived a moral grandeur and
obtained a reverential homage which has spread
with the: diffusion of Christianity. Indeed, to
Christian, Jew, and Moslem it is alike holy ground.
The mystery which hangs over by far the greater
number of localities, assigned to events even of first-
rate magnitude, rather inflames than allays the
eagerness for identification ; and the result has been
a larger array of tourists than hat probably ever
penetrated any other country of equal difficulty.
Burckhardt, Kiebuhr, Seetxen, Laborde and Linant,
Kuppell, Raumer, Russegger, Lepsius, Henniker,
Wellsted, Faxakerley, and Miss Martineau, are con-
spicuous amongst those who have contributed since
the close of the last century to deepen, to vivify,
and to correct our impressions, besides the earlier
works of Monconys in the 17th century, and Hassel-
qnist and Pococke in the 18th; whilst Wilson,
Stewart, Bartlett, Bonar, Olin, Bertou, Robinson,
and Stanley, have added a rich detail of illustration
reaching to the present day. And thus it is at
length "possible by the internal evidence of the
country itself to lay down, not indeed the actual
route of the Israelites in every stage, but in almost
all cases, the main alternatives between which we
must choose, and in some cases, the very spots
themselves." Vet with all the material which now
lies at the disposal of the topographical critic, there
is often a real poverty of evidence where there
stuns to be an abundance ; and the single lines of
information do not weave up into a fabric of clear
knowledge. " Hitherto no one traveller has traversed
more than one, or at most two routes of the Desert,
and thus the determination of these questions has
been obscured; first, by the tendency of every one
to make the Israelites follow his own track ; and
secondly, by his inability to institute a just compari-
son between the facilities or difficulties which attend
the routes which he has not seen. This obscurity
will always exist till some competent traveller has
explored the whole Peninsula, When this has been
fairly done, there is little doubt that some of the
most important topographical questions now at issue
will be set at rest " (Stanley, S. d- P. 33).
1. The uncertainties commence from the very
starting-point of the route of the Wandering. It is
impossible to fix the point at which in " the wilder-
new of Etham" (Num. xxxiii. 6, 7) Israel, now a
nation of freemen, emerged from that sea into which
they had passed as a nation of slaves. But, slippery
as is toe physical ground for any fixture of the
miracle to a particular spot, we may yet admire
the grandeur and vigour of the image of baptism
which Christianity has appropriated from those
enters. There their freedom was won ; " not of
• Bee a pamphlet by Charles T. Bake, Ph. D," A Few
Words with Bishop Colenso," 4, 6.
» Compare the nse of tbe same word, of a multitude of
men or cattle. In Joel, 1 18, to express <V ianptf ilvu,
without reference to egress or direction of course, merely
lor want of food.
• Josephs* {AM. U. It, }3) speaks of the obstruction of
prrdpl urns and Impassable mountains, bat when we con-
sider his extnvsgaut languag* of tbe height of the build-
ing* of the temple. It is likely that much more, when
speaking In general terms of a spot so distant, such ex-
nraakns may on set down as simply rhetorical.
themselves, it was the gift of Cod," whose Pre-
sence visibly preceded, and therefore St Paul says,
" they were baptized in the cloud," and not only
" in the sea." The fact that from " Etham in the
edge of the wilderness," their path struck across the
sea (Ex. xiii. 20), and from the sea into the same
wilderness of Etham, seems to indicate the upper
end of the furthest tongue of the Gulf of Sue* as
the point of crossing, for here, as is probable, lather
than lower down the same, the district on eithei
aide would for a short distance on both shores have
the same name. There seems reason also to think
that this gulf had then, as also at Eiion-Gebu
[Ezionoebeb], a further extension northward than
at present, owing to the land having upheaved its
level. This action seems to have been from early
times the predominant one, and traces of it have
recently been observed.* Thus it is probable as s
result of the same agency that the sea was even
then shallow, and the sudden action of a tidal sea
in the ad^U-tae of a narrow and shallow gulf is
well-known. Our own Solway Firth is a fun-liar
example of the rise and rush of water, surprising at
times, especially when combined with the action ol
a strong wind, even those habitually cognizant of
its power. Similarly by merely venturing, it seems,
below high-water mark, our own King John lost
his baggage, regalia, and treasures in the estuary of
The Wash. Pharaoh's exclamation, " they are en-
tangled (0*323) • in the land," merely expresses
the perplexity in which such a multitude having,
from whatever cause, no way of escape, would find
themselves. " The wilderness hath shut them in,"
refers merely, it is probable, to his security in the
belief that, having reached the flat of the waste, they
were completely at the mercy of a chariot force,
like his, and rather excludes than implies the notion
of mountains.' The direction of the wind is " east "
in the Hebrew (□<*!£ TVr\%), but in the LXX.
"south" (rdrat), in Ex. xiv. 21. On a local
question the probable authority of the latter, exe-
cuted in Egypt near the spot, is somewhat enhanced
above its ordinary value. The furthest tongue of
the gulf, now supposed dry, narrows to a strait
some way below, t. *. south of its northern extremity,
as given in Laborde's map ( Commentary on Exod.),
and then widens again.' In such a narrow pass
the action of the water would be strongest when
" the sea returned," and here a wind anywhere
between E. and S.S.E., to judge from that map,
would produce nearly the same effect; only the
more nearly due E. tbe more it would meet the sea
at right angles.' The probability is certainly that
Pharaoh, seeing his bondmen, now all but within
his clutch, yet escaping from it, would in the dark-
ness of night, especially as he had spumed cnlmer
counsels and remonstrances before, pursue with
headlong rashness, even although, to a sober judg-
ment guided by experience, the risk wsa plain.
' Dr. Stanley (S. 4 P. U) thinks that this supposed
extension "depends on arguments which have cot yet
been thoroughly explored."
• If the wind were direct 3. It would at some points
fsvour the notion that " the pssssge was not s transit but
a short circuit, returning again to the Egyptian shore, and
then pursuing their way rvund tbe bead of the gulf," an
explanation favoured " by earlier Christian commentator*,
and by almost all tbe Rabbinical writers" (£. <* P. 36),
Tbe landing-place would on this view be conslderaMj
north of the point of entering the sea.
s T a
1748
WILDERNESS OF THE WANDKMlNti
Tiki* u * :«a*mbiance .n the names Migdol and
the " aiictnt ' Magdolum,' twelve miles S. of Pelu-
sium. and undoubtedly described as ' Migdol ' by
Jeremiah and Ezekiel " (Jer. xliv. 1, xlvi. 14 ; Ezek.
xxix. 10, iii. 6; S. f P. 37), also between the
aame and the modern MUtala, " a gentle elope
through the hills " towards Suez; and Pi-Haliiroth
perhape is 'Ajrid. The " wilderness of Etham "
probably lay on either side adjacent to the now dry
trough of the northern end of the gulf. Dr. Stewart
( Thtt and Khan, 64) thinks the name Etham trace-
able in the Wady Ahthi, on the Arabian shore,
but this and the preceding 'Ajrid are of doubtful
identity. The probability seems on the whole to
favour the notion that the crossing lay to the N.
of the Jebel 'Atikah, which lies on the Egyptian
side S. of Suez, and therefore neither the At/in
ff&KL? nor, much less, the ffummim Pharz&n,
further down on the eastern shore — each of which
places, as well as several others, claims in local
legend to be the spot of landing — will suit. Still,
these places, or either of them, may be the region
where "Israel saw the Egyptians dead upon the
sea-shore" (Ex. ziv. 30). The crossing place from
the Egyptian Wady TaictrH to the T Ayin Mita
has been supported, however, by Wilson, Olin,
IV. Stewart (Tent and Khan, 56), and others.
The notion of M&Mal.i being Migdol will best suit
t!ie previous view of the more northerly passage.
The " wilderness of Shur," into which the Is-
raelites "went out" from the Red Sea, appears
to be the eastern and south-eastern continuation of
that of Etham, for both in Ex. xv. 22, and in Num.
xxxiii. 8, they are recorded to have " gone three
days in the wilderness," indicated respectively in
the two passages as that of Shur and that of Etham.
From the expression in Ex. xiii. 20, " Etham, the
edge of the wilderness," the habitable region would
■eem to have ended at that place. Josephus (Ant.
vi. 7, §3) seems to identify Pelusium with Shur,
eomp. 1 Sam. xv. 7 ; bnt probably, he merely uses
the former term in an approximate sense, as a land-
mark well-known to his readers; since Shur is
described as " over against, or before, Egypt "
(<len. xxv. 18), being perhaps the same as Sihor,
similarly spoken of in Josh. xiii. 3; Jer. ii. 18.
When so described, we may understand "Egypt"
to be Liken tn a strict sense as excluding Goshen
and the Arabian nome. [Goshen.] Shur " before
Egypt," whatever the name may have meant, must
probably be viewed as lyin? eastward of a line
drawn from Suez to Pelusium ; and the wilderness
named from it or from Etham, extended three days'
journey (for the Israelites) from the bead of the
gulf, if not mora. It is evident that, viewed from
Kgypt, the wilderness might easily take its name
from the last outpost of the habitable region, whe-
A warm spring, the temperature of which la given by
Mr. H«mllt..n (.final. Me ffedjat and Soudan, 14) as
bring S3° Fahrenheit. " Robinson found the water bere
•sit, and yielding a hard deposit, yet the Arab* cattVd
thesn springs 'sweet:' there are several of them" (Seetzen,
Rrittn, HI. pt lit. 431). Tbe ffnamta (•• warm baths ")
fharain are similar springs, lying a little W. of 8. from
Wivlg Cteit, on the coast close to whose edge rises the
precipitous Jtbtl «uaih4m,«« called from them, and bere
Intercepting ibe path along tbe abore. Tbe Rev. R. 8.
Tyrwliltt, wbomade the deaert Journey In February, 1863,
says that Uierv may b*' a warm spring out of the tweive
ot thirteen wlifch form tbe 4ytf- l/ttai. but that tbe
waier of the larger well is cold, and that be drank of it.
a North sf this limit ues tbe must southern wady which
ther town or village, whereas in other asneita H
might have a name of its own, from some land-
mark lying in it. Thus the Egyptians may hate
known it as connected with Etham, and the desert
inhabitants as belonging to Shur; wnile from his
residence in Egypt and sojourn with J«Ahro, both
names may have been familiar to Moses. However
this may be, from Suez eastward, the large desert
tract, stretching as far east as the Gbor and Mount
Seir, i. e. from 32° 40' to 35° 10' E. long., begin*.
The 31st parallel of latitude, nearly traversing
El 'Aran, tbe " River of Egypt," on the Mediterra-
nean, and the southernmost extremity of tbe Dead
Sea, may be taken roughly to represent its northern
limit, where it really merges imperceptibly inta
the "south country of Judah. It is scarce]"
called in Scripture by any one general name, bis
the " wilderness of Paran " most nearly approxi-
mates to such a designation, though lost, short of
the Egyptian or western limit, in the wilderness of
Shur, and perhaps, although not certainly, curtailed
eastward by that of Zin. On the south aide of
the et-TVi range, a broad angular band nuts aero**
the Peninsula with its apex turned southward, and
pointing towards the central block of granite moun-
tains. This is a tract of sand known as tbe Dtbbet
er-Samleh or Ramlah, but which name is omitted
in Kiepert's map. The long horizontal range and
the sandy plain together form a natural feature is
marked contrast with the pyramidal coofignratioo
of the southern or Sinaitic region. The "wilder-
ness of Sinai " lies of course in that southern region,
in that part which, although generally elevated,
is overhung by higher peaks. How far this wilder-
ness extended is uncertain. The Irraelites only
traversed the north-western region of it. The
" wilderness of Sin " was their passage into it from
the more pleasant district of coast Wadya with
water-springs which succeeded to the first-craversed
wilderness of Shur or Etham, where no water was
found. Sin may probably be identified with the
coast strip, now known as eUK&a t reaching from s
little above the Jebel Feiribi. or as nearly as pos-
sible on the 29th parallel of latitude f down to and
beyond 7Br on the Red Sea. They seem to have
only dipped into the " Sin * region at its northern
extremity, and to have at once moved from the
coast towards the N.W. upon Sinai (Ex. xv. 22-27,
xn. 1 ; Num. xxxiii. 8-11). It is often impossible
to assign a distinct track to this vast body— « nation
swarming on the march. The fact, of many, perhs.pi
most, of the ordinary avenr.es being incapable of
containing more than a fraction of them, would
often have compelled them to appropriate all or
several of the modes of access to particular points
between the probabilities of which the judgment ot
travellers is balanced. 11 Down the coast, however
has been fixed upon byanyoorisMerableirambe. -f *.rja>>
Titles for Ellm, from which the deparmre was talca
Into aba wilderness of Sin. Seetsen, but be alone, sug-
gests that Kltm Is to be found In a warm spring (a a
northerly direct km from Tier, at a very .light itsaanre,
which waters tbe extensive date-palm plantations there.
If this were so Tar itself woiud ban certainly been la-
cloded In the radios of the camp ; but it Is nnHketj thJ
they went so far south.
a It may be worth white u> notice that the ssaaa ob-
servations apply to tbe battle m Rephtdun with Amairk.
To look about tor a battle-Held large enough to gh»
sufficient space for two hosts worthy of luutmu tsac
Israel and Amalek, and to reject all siias where that pas-
stbUlty is not obvious, la an unsafe method of crUkasw
W1LDEHNE88 OF THJS WANDERING
1749
frees QImud or the Sua region southwards, the ooam
is brned tad open, and there the track would be more
definite and united. Before going into the further
details of this question, a glance may be taken at
the general configuration of the et-Tlh region, com-
puted at 40 parasangs, or about 140 miles, in
length, and the same in breadth by Jakut, the
famous geographer of Hamah (Seetzen, Beisen, iii,
47). For a description of the rock desert of Sinai,
in which nature has cast, as it were, a pyramid of
granite, culminating at Um Shaumer, 9300 feet
above sea-level, but cloven and sulcated in every
direction by wadys into minor blocks, see Sinai.
II. The twin Gulfs of Suez and 'Akabah, into which
the lied Sea separates, embrace the Peninsula on its
W. and E. sides respectively. One or other of them
is in light from almost all the summits of the
Sinaitic cluster, and from the highest points both
branches. The eastern coast of the Gulf of Sues is
strewn with shells, and with the forests of sub-
marine vegetation which possibly gave the whole sea
its Hebrew appellation of the " Sea of Weeds." The
" huge trunks " of its " trees of coral may be seen
even on the dry shore ;" while at Jttr, cabins are
formed of madrepores gathered from it, and the
tUbrii of conchy lia lie thickly heaped on the beach. 1
Similar " coralline forests are described (& and
P. 83) as marking the coast of the Gulf of 'Akabah.
The northern portion of the whole Peninsula is a
plateau bounded southwards by the range oi et-Tlh,
which droops across it on the map with a curve
somewhat like that of a slack chain, whose points
of suspension are, westwards, Suez, and eastward,
hut further south, some " sandstone cliffs, which
shut off"* this region from the Gulf of 'Akabah.
The north-western member of this chain converges
with the shore of the Gulf of Suez, till the two run
nearly parallel. Its eastern member throws off
several fragments of long and short ridges towards
the Gulf of 'Akabah and the northern plateau called
from it et-Tlh. The Jebtl DiU&i (Burckhardt,
Dkelel) is the most southerly of the continuations
of this eastern member (Seetzen, fieuen, iii. pt. iii.
413). The greatest elevation in the et-Tih range
ia> attained a little W. of the meridian 34°, near its
most southerly point ; it is here 4654 feet above
the Mediterranean. From this point the watershed
of the plateau runs obliquely between N. and K.
towards Hebron; westward of which line, and
northward from the westerly member of Jebel et-
Tlh, the whole wady-«ystem is drained by the great
Wady el-'Aruh, along a gradual slope to the Medi-
terranean. The shorter and much steeper slope
outward partly converges into the large ducts of
Wadys Fiireh and el-Jeib, entering the Demi Sea's
south-western angle through the southern wall of
the Ghor.aud partly finds an outlet nearly parallel,
tut farther to the S., by the Wady Jerafeh into
the 'Arabah. The great depression of the Dead Sea
(1300 feet below the Mediterranean; explains the
The most reticulated mass of wadys In the whole penln-
b*i« If deemed worth fighting for, would form a battle-
ground for all practical purposes, though not properly s
■ field" of battle, and the Utile might decisively settle
supremacy within certain limits, although no regular
method of warfare might be applicable, and the numbers
actually engaged might be Inconsiderable. Jt would
perhaps resemble somewhat more closely a street fight for
Ibe mastery of a town.
i Stanley, & * f. i ; Hamilton. Strut, the Uedjae, and
Saadan, 14.
• Stanley, S. ■* V. ».
greater steepness of this eanern slope. Id crossing
this plateau, Seetzen found that rain and wind h&j
worked depressions in parts of its flat, which con-
tained a few shrubs or isolated bushes. This flat
rose here and there in heights steep on one side,
composed of white chalk with frequent lumps of
dint embedded (iii. 48). The plateau has n central
point in the station m Khan Sikhl, so named from
the date-trees which once adorned its wady, but
which have all disappeared. This point is nearly
equidistant from Suez westward, 'Akabah eastward,
el-'Arah northward, and the foot of Jebtl Misa
southward. It lies half a mile N. of the " Hadj-
route," between Suez and 'Akabah, which traverses
" a boundless flat, dreary and desolate " (ibid. 56),
and is 1494* feet above the Mediterranean — nearly
on the same meridian as the highest point before
assigned to et-Tlh. On this meridian also lies Um
Shaumer farther south, the highest point of the
entire Peninsula, having an elevation of 930U
feet, or nearly double that of et-TVi. A little to
the W. of the same meridian lies el-'Arith, and the
southern cape, BA> Mohammed, is situated about
34° 17'. Thus the parallel 31°, and the meridian
34°, form important aies of the whole region of
the Peninsula. A full description of the wilder-
ness of et-Tih is given by Dr. Robinson (i. 177, 8,
199), together with a memorandum of the tra-
vellers who explored it previously to himself.
On the eastern edge of the plateau to the N. of
the et-Tlh range, which is raised terrace-wise by a
step from the level of the Ghor, rises a singular
second, or, reckoning that level itself, a third pla-
t>»u, superimposed on the general surface of the
et- Tth region , These Russegger {Map) distinguishes
as three terraces in the chalk ridges. Dr. Kruse, in
his Anmerhmgen on Seetzen's travels (iii. pt, iii.
410), remarks that the Jebel et-Tlh is the monies
nigri, or siAares of Ptolemy, in whose view that
range descends to the extreme southern point of the
Peninsula, thus including of course the Sinaitic
region. This confusion arose from a want of dis-
tinct conception of geographical details. The name
seems to have been obtained from the dark, or ev»n
block colour, which is observable in parts (»ee
p. 1750, note ').
The Hadj-route from Suez to 'Akabah, crossing
the Peninsula in a direction a little S. of K, may
stand for the chord of the arc of the et-Tlh range
the length of which latter is about 120 miles. This
slope, descending northwards upon the Mediterra-
nean, is of limestone (S. and! P.l), covered with
coarse gravel interspersed with black flints and
drift (Kussegger's Map). But its desolation has
not always been so extreme, oxen, asses, and sheep
having once grazed in parts of it where now only
the cnmel is found. Three passes through the
et-TV> range are mentioned by Kobiuson (i. p. 123 ;
comp. 561-3, App. xxii.) — er-Jldhmeh, the western ;
et-MureHhy, the eastern ; and el- W&nah, between
*■ Section, who crossed this route ( boars to the E. of
this station, says that this road, and not the range el
ef-fta. Is the political division of the country, all the
country to the 8. of the road being nckuned aa the Twr,
and that northwards as appertaining to Syria (fteum,
Hi. 410-11, comp. p. M). His uraree lay between the
route 'rom Hebron to 'Akabah, and that from Hebruu
to Sues. He went straight southwards to /si' on; b
route which no traveller baa followed since.
■ Thta ine.uturemrnt la a mean between that elver In
Stanley (.map. A * /'.»), and Kuawtzers estimate, as gl\ro
by Seeuen {Itcitai. CI. pt. ilL 411).
1750
WILDERNESS OF THE WAXDEBBMJ
lb* two. These ill meet S. of Ruhaibeh (Reho-
both, Gen. nvi. 22 ?), in about N. let. 31° 5',
E. long. 84° 42'. and thence diverge towards He-
bron and Gin. The eastern* U noted by Rus-
•egger at 4853 feet* abere sea-level. Seetien took
the et-Tth range for the " Mount Seir," passed on
the way from Sinai (Horeb, Deut. L B) to Kadesh
Bamea by the Israelites {Seiten, iii. 28 ; comp.
ibid. Kruae's Anmerhmgm, pt. DL 417). It
would form a conspicuous object on the left to the
Israelites, going south-eastwarda near the coast of
(he Golf of Sum. Seetien, proceeding towards
Sues, i. e. m the opposite direction, mentions a high
sandy plain (Ream, iii. p. lfl), apparently near
Wady Qktrindel, whence its steep southern fine was
risible in a white streak stretching westwards and
eastwards. Dr. Stanley (S. and P. 7) says, "how-
ever much the other mountains of the Peninsula vary
in form or height, the mountains of the Tlh are al-
ways alike — always faithful to their tabular outline
and blanched desolation." ". They appear like " a long
limestone wall." This traveller taw them, how-
ever, only " from a distance " (ibid, and note 2).
Seetien, who crossed them, going from Hebion to
Sinai, sayt of the view from the highest ridge of
the lower mountain-line : " What a landscape was
that 1 looked down upon I On all sides the most
frightful wilderness extended out of sight in every
direction, without tree, shrub, or speck of grees.
It was an alternation of fiats and hills, for the most
part black as night, only the naked rock-walls on
the hummocks and heights showed patches of
daizling whiteness ' .... a striking image of our
globe, when, through Phaeton's carelessness, the
sun came too near to it" (Ream, iii. p. 50).
Similarly, describing the scenery of the Wady el-
Biira, by which be passed the et-Tth range (see
note* below), he says : *' On the S. side rose a con-
siderable range, desolate, craggy, and naked. All
was limestone, chalk, and flint. The chalk cliffs
gave the steep off-set of the Tth range on its S.
side the aspect of a mow mountain " (p. 62).
The other routes which traverse the Peninsula
are, that from Hebron to Suei along the maritime
plain, at a distance of fiom 10 to 30 miles from
the sea, pasting el-'Ariih ; that from Suez to TSr
along the coast of the Gulf of Sua through the
Kia; and that from 'Akabah, near Eiiongeber,
ascending the western wall of the 'Arabah through
the Wady el-Jeib, by several passes, not far
from the southern extremity of the Dead Sea, to-
wards Hebron, in a course here nearly N.W., then
again N.' A modem mountain road has been par-
tially constructed by Abbas Pasha in the pass of
the Wady Hebron, leading from the coast of the
Gulf of Suex towards the convent commonly called
• Seetien probably took tola eastern pass, which leads
oat Into the Wady Berth (Seetien, Bl Bidra, called also
SI SekMde, Arisen, tU. pt ill. 411, Knee's Jnmerktmgen,
comp. 111. 82). He, however, shortly before crossing the
range, came upon *' a flat hill yielding wholesome pasture
for camels, considerable numbers (Haufen) of which ire
met with here, also two herds of goats and some sheep "
(Hi. 60) ; not strictly confirming the previous statement,
which Is Dr. Robinson's.
» It ts not easy to reconcile this statement with the
Bgure (4146 ft) given by Or. Stanley (s. <t P, map,
p. 5) apparently as the extreme height of the mountain
SUOdjme (Stanley, J. BOrne), since we might expect that
the pass wonld be somewhat lower than the highest pomt,
■stead of higher. On this mountain, see p. 176?, note >.
i Sroisen (lit 66) remarks that - the slops of the at- m
St. Catharine's. The ascent from the trtogh -fibs
'Arabah (which is steeper-aided at its N.W. ex-
tremity than elsewhere), towards the general platen
is by the paja el-Khirdr, by which the level of
that broad surface is attained. The smaller plateau
rests obliquely upon the latter, abutting on the Dead
Sea at Maaada. where its side and that of the lowe
floor converge, and is reached by ascending through
the higher Sukb et-Sifa. Its face, corresponding
to the southern face of the Tth plateau, looks con-
siderably to the W. of S., owing to this obliquity,
and is delineated like a well-defined mountain-wall
in Kiepert's map, having at the S.E. angle a boid
buttress in the Jebei MSkhrah, and at the S.W.
another in the Jebei 'Ariif n-Nakah. which stands
out apparently in the wilderness like a promontor>
at sea. From the former mountain, its mo»
southerly point, at about 30° 20' K. L., th»
plateau extends northward a little east, till it
merges in the southern slope of Judex, but at about
30° 50' N. L., is cut nearly through by the Wady
Fikreh, trenching its area eastward, and not quite
meeting the Wady Mtrrik, which has its dedrvirj
apparently toward the Wady et-'Arisk westward.
The face of mountain-wall mentioned above may
probably be " the mountain of the Amoritas," or this
whole higher plateau may be so (Deut i. 7, 19, 20).
A line drawn northwards from Ras Moh amm e d
paaaes a little to the W. of 'Jrdsjf ew-JVoaoa. A
more precise description of some parti of this plateau
has been given under Kadesh.
On the whole, except in the Debbet er-Ramlek,
sand is rare in the Peninsula. There ia little or
none on the sea-«hore, and the plain d-K&a on the
S.W. coast is gravelly rather than sandy (S. ami P.
8). Of sandstone on the edges of the granitic central
mass there is no lack.' It ii chiefly found between
the chalk and limestone of et-TVt and the southern
rocky triangle of Sinai. Thus the Jebei DVtii
is of sandstone, in tall vertical dint, farming tht
boundary of er-Ramleh on the east side, and similar
steep sandstone cliffs are visible in the same plain,
lying on its N. and N.W. tide* (Seetien, iii. 64;
comp. pt. iii. 413). In the Wady iloiatteb *> the
soft surface of these sandstone cliffs offered ready
tablets " to the unknown way fa itis who wrote the
" Sinaitic inscriptions." This stone gives in some
parti a strong red hue to the nearer landscape, and
softens into shades of the subtlest delicacy in the
distance. Where the surface hit been broken away,
or fretted and eaten by the action of water, these
hues are most vivid (8. and P. 10-12). It has beet
supposed that the Egyptians worked the limestone
of et-TVt, and that that material, ax found ia
the pyramids, was there quarried. The hardness
of the granite in the Jebei et-Tir has been em-
range shows an equal wlldness " to that of the. desert ea
Its northern side.
' Oomp. Dr. Stanley's description of the march dm
the Wady ruyibsX "between vast cuft white on lassos
side, and on the other of a black calcined colovx" (S.&P
•*>
• Nearly following tins track to the opposite dim law.
La. to ilinl If lull in fi issii TTi tin ii«i In tJi is»s(il
MaduraK or Madera), passing by Jkum, d-Kirmti Qhs
"Cannel" of Mahal's pasture-ground in I Sam. xxv. 1)
and Artr (/trite*. 111. 10-18).
* A remarkable sandstone mountain on we 8.W. piste
near the sea it the Jebd JVoMi ("bell"), said to be to
called fiom the ringing sound made by the sand poarisg
over its dint (Stewart, T. •> A*. 386, comp. RsBs-cger
Seieai, tit 27U
WTLDKBNE8B OF THE WANDKBINQ
1761
pharJcally noticed by travellers. Thus, in construct-
ing recently the mountain road for Abbas Pasha,
" the rocks " were found '* obstinately to resist
even the gunpowder's blast," and the sharp glass-
like edges of the granite soon wear away the work-
men's shoes and cripple their feet (Hamilton, Sinai,
the Iledjaz, and Soudan, 17). Similarly, Laborde
says (Comm. on Num. xxxiii. 36) : " In my journey
icross that country (from Egypt, through Sinai to
the Gh&r), I had carried from Cairo two pair of shoes ;
they wen cut, and my feet came through ; when I
arrived at'Akahah, luckily I found in the magazines
of that fortress two other pair to replace them. On
any return to Sinai, I was barefoot again. Hussein
then procured me sandals half an inch thick, which,
on my arrival in Cairo, themselves were reduced to
nothing, though they had well-preserved my feet."
Seetxen noticed on Mount St. Catherine that the
gianite) was " fine-grained and very firm " (iii. 90).
For the area of greatest relief in the surface of the
whole Peninsula, see Sinai, §1, 2, 3. The name
Jebel tt-Ttr includes the whole cluster of moun-
tains from el-Pureid on the N. to Um Shaumer on
the S., and from Mita and ed-Dcir on the B. to
Jfim'r and Serbal on the W., including St. Cathe-
,-ine, nearly S.W. of Jfusa. By " Sinai " is gene-
rally understood the Misa plateau, between the
Wady Ledji (Stanley, Map) and the Wady
Skutib on its western and north-eastern flanks,
and bounded north-westward by the Wady er-
Maheh, and south-eastward by the Wady Seb6yeh
{Stbaiyeh, Stanley, ib.). The Arabs give the name
of Ttr — properly meaning a high mountain (Stan-
ley, 8. and P. 8) — to the whole region south of
the Hadj-route from Suez to 'Akabah as far as Baa-
Mohammed (see above, p. 1749, note"). The name
t f Tir is also emphatically given to the cultivable
region lying S.W. of the Jebei et-Ttr. Its fine
and rich date-palm plantation lies a good way
southwards down the Gulf of Suez. Here opens
on the sea the most fertile wady now to be found
in the Peninsula (Burckhardt, Arab. ii. 362 ; Well-
sted, ii. 9), receiving all the waters which flow
down the range of Sinai westward* (Stanley, S. and
P. 19).
III. A most important general question, after
settling the outline of this " wilderness," is the ex-
tent to which it is capable of supporting animal and
ttunaui life, especially when taxed by the consumption
of such flocks and herds as the Israelites took with
them from Egypt, and probably — though we know
not to what extent this last was supplied by the
manna by the demand made on its resources by a
best of from 2,000,000 to 3,000,000 souls.* In
■ Tbs followlnf positions try East longitude from Paris
asm grrst In Seetsen, 111. pt 111., Anmerlc. 414:—
Sots, J9* 6T' 30", Bergbaus.
'Akabah, 28* 4»', Niebuhr ; but as* 56' by others.
Convent St. Catherine, as* M' 40" »"', Seetsen and Zach ;
bat 31* ST 64" by RtlppelL
Steal, 28* 46'.
Bis Mohammed, IT* 43' 24".
Bat there most be grave errors to the figures, since Sues
Is placed furthest to the esst of all the places named,
whereas U lies furthest to the west; slso'Akabsb llessn
entire degree, by Ktepert's map, to tbe esst of the Con-
vent, whereas It is here pot st less than 9' ; and Rat
■sVtJuil— ml, wnlch lies further to the east than sll these
exonpt 'Aksbsh, Is placed to me west if them all.
• I >r. 8taoley (A\ a) P. 24, note '), tolling Ewskt
{<^«dkMSxe. II. «i, 263, 26», 2nd edit), says, "the most
rvoritt and tbs most critical investigation of Hut (toe
answer to this question, "much," it has beat
observed (8. and P. 24), " may be allowed for the
spread of the tribes of Israel far and wide through
the whole Peninsula, and also for the constant
means of support from their own flocks and herds
Something, too, might be elicited from the undoubted
fact that a population nearly, if not quite, equal to the
whole permanent population of the Peninsula does
actually pass through tbe desert, in the caravan ol
the 5000 African Pilgrims, on their way to Mecca.
But, amongst these considerations, it is impo.-tant
to observe what indications there may be of tne
mountains of Sinai having ever been able to furnish
greater resources than at present. These indications
are well summed up by Bitter (Binai, pp. 926, 927).
There is no doubt that the vegetation of the wady*
has considerably decreased. In part, this would be an
inevitable effect of the violence of the winter torrents.
The trunks of palm-trees washed up on the shore of
the Dead Sea, from which the living tree has now
for many centuries disappeared, show what may
have been the devastation produced among those
mountains where the floods, especially in earlier
times, must have been violent to a degree unknown
in Palestine; whilst the peculiar cause— the im-
pregnation of salt — which has preserved the vestiges
of the older vegetation there, has here, of course, no
existence. The traces of such a destruction were
pointed out to Burckhardt (Arab. 538) on the
eastern side of Mount Sinai, as having occurred
within half a century before his visit; also to
Wellsted (ii. 15), as having occurred near Tdr in
1832. In part, the same result has followed from
the reckless waste of the Bedouin tribes — reckless
in destroying and careless in replenishing. A fire, c
pipe, lit under a grove of desert trees, may clear
away the vegetation of a whole valley.
" The acacia ■ bees have been of late years ruth-
lessly destroyed by the Bedouins for the sake of
charcoal," which forms " the chief, perhaps it
might be said the only traffic of the Peninsula "
(8. and P. 24). Thus, the clearance of this tree
in the mountains where it abounded once, and
its decrease in the neighbour groups in which it
exists still, is accounted for, since the monks appeal
to have aided the devastation. Vegetation, where
maintained, nourishes water and keeps alive its
own life; and no attempts to produce vegetation
anywhere in this desert seem to have failed. " The
gardens at the wells of Moses, under the French
and English sgenta from Suez, and the gardens in
the valleys of Jebel Mass, under the care of tni
Greek monks of the Convent of St. 'Catherine," are
conspicuous examples (Ib. 26). Besides, a traveller
Iaraelltlah) history Inclines to adopt tbe numbers of 600.000
(males of the warlike sge) ss authentic"
> Dr. Stanley (26) thinks tbe ark and wooden utensils
or the Tabernacle were of this Umber. 8setaen (ill. IN)
saw no trees nearly big enough for such service, arid thinks
It more probable that tbe material was obtained by pur-
chase from travelling caravans ; but It Is not clear whether
he thinks that the tree (JKswso MlUica) Is In this
wilderness below Its usual slse, or that not this but some-
thing else Is the "Shittlm-wood" of the A. V.
7 So called, bnt the proper name appears to be rij;
iyiat aurafieedaiavM, C t the Trsnufigurallon of out
Lord, represented In the great mosaic of Juttlnlsn. In
the apse of Its church, probably of his age, as Is slso
the name (Tyrwhttl). The transfer of the body of St
Catherine thither from Kgypt by sngsls Is only one of U><
local legends; but Its association appears to have pre
dominated with travellers (Seetsen. at. pt. 111. 414, 1)
1762
WIl -DEBNE8S OF THE WANDKBINO
hi the 16th century calls the WaJy er-Baktk in front
of the Onvent, now entirely ban, " a vat gram
plain."* In this wilderness, too, abode Amslek,
" the first of the nations," powerful enough seri-
ously to imperil the passage of the Israelites
through it, and importantly contributing to subse-
quent history under the monarchy. Besides whom
we have " long And the Csnaanita, who dwelt in
the south," i. «. apparently on the terrace of moon-
tain overhanging the Ghor near Mssadl on the
Dead tiea, in a region now wholly tioaolitf If his
people were identical with the Amoritas or Canaan-
itas of Num. xiv. 43; Dent L 44, then, besides
the Amalekites of Ex. xvii. 8, we hare one other
host within the limhs of what is now desert, who
(ought with Israel on equal or superior terms; and,
if they are not identical, we hare two such (Num.
xiv. 40-45, xxi. 1, xxxiii. 40; Dent. i. 43, 44).
These most have been "something more than a
mere handful uf Bedouins. The Egyptian copper-
mines, monuments, and hieroglyphics in SBrabit d-
Kha&m and the Wady AfafyAora, imply a degree
of intercourse between Egypt and the Peninsula" in
a period probably older than the Exodus, " of which
all other traces hare long ceased. The ruined
cities of Edam in the mountains eastof the'Arabah,
and the remains and history of Petra itself, indi-
cate a traffic and a population in these remote
regions which now is almost inconceiTable" {S.fP.
26). Even the 6th and 7th centuries aj>. showed
tracts of habitation, some of which etui remain in
ruined cells and gardens, Ac, far exceeding the tale
told by present facta. Seetxen, in what is perhaps as
aiid and desolate a region as any in the whole
desert, ashed his guide to mention all the neigh-
bouring places whose names he knew. He r e c c rred
a list of sixty-three places in the neighbourhood of
Madurah, Fntra, and 'Akafaeh, and of twehre more
in the QUr m-Saphia, of which total of seventy-
tive all are twelve are now abandoned to the
desert, and have retained nothing asre their names
—"a proof," ha remarks, " that in very early ages
this region was extremely populous, and that the
furious rage with which the Arabs, both before and
after the ago of Mahomet, — nihil the Greek em-
prrua, was able to convent into a waste this
blooming region, e xte n ding from the Emit of the
Hwnsi to the neighbo urh oo d of Pul m o n is " (Seuat,
in. 17, 18V
Thus the same traveller in the same journey
from Hebron to AfoettroA) entered a Wady called
tl-Jtmtm, where was no trace of water sere most
spots in the asm), but on making a bole with the
hand it was quickly full of water, good and drink-
able (■». 13). The same, if sartd in a cistern, and
•erred out by sluices, ought probably bare clothed
the bare wady with verdure. This is confirmed
by his remark (Mi. 83), that a blooming vegeta-
tion shows itself in this climate wherever there is
tauter; as well an by the example of the tank
system as m ai lie d m Hindustan. He also notices
that there are quicksands in many spots of the
Dtbbet er-Aoasiak, which it is difficult to nnder-
rland, unlets as caused by accumulations of water
I Aid. 67). Similarly in the desert Waty «/-
A'auMs b e t w e e n Hebron and Sinai, he found a spot
• MowoeiTS s ist ut ay Sta a hy. 8. mot F.
• Serum «t-:iks In aae pan of ■ few snislMi Mag
rreakOK n»-< no. mature. Oonmwe nteukw. 8. at #•.
■O. [8u.Tai.SuT.)
» lacouMl
of qnickaand with mares shrubs lunto hi ft
Mow the question is sorely a putift one, as
compared with that of the subsistence of the fasse
and herds of the Israelites during their wankn^ajni
how the sixty-three pe iisb ed omanmuties unseed
by Seetxen's guide can have supported theeaaerra?
It is pretty certain that fish cannot Br* hi the
Dead Sea,* nor is there any reason tor tasnfcag tsnt
these extinct towns or villages were in any large
proportion near enough to its waters to avail tbee>
selves of its resources, even if each — J -*- J Te
suppose that the country could ever hare snuprsiis
extensive coverts for game is to assume the asset
difficult of all solution of the question. Tar
creatures that find shelter about the rocks, aa hares,
antelopes, gaaeues, jerboas, and the hunrdn thai
burrow in the sand (tt-Dmbi), alluded to by Iks
leveller in several paces (Hi. 67, esasfL pa. sr.
415-44J, and Laborde, Cbasss. cat Jftanj, tni 41 „
are far too few, to judge from appeal sooas, to da
more than eke out a subnatence, the staple of what*
must have been uJ i ei n i se supplied ; and the saast
remark will apply to each caaaal whanaVa as
swarms of edible locusts, or fights af ejaaak.
Nor can the memory of these paces be iniisahiy
connected with the distant period when Pctta. the
commercial m et i o p u l i s of the Kahaxheaaa, cn j s a s u
the carrying trade between the Levant and Egypt
westwards, and the rich enmnmnitjes turthcr cat.
There is least of aU reason for topaaang that ay
the produce of mines, or by asphalt |_
the Dead Sea, or by any other native <
they can aver h*.* enjoyed a <
own. We are thrown back, then, upon the i
sition that they must in some way hare i
themselves from the produce of the saL Anal the
produce for which it hs most adapted is canter that
of the date-pals*, or that to which earlier naunUek
point, a those of Jethro and the Keentes, and af
the various cnmrnimrnVs in the southern border el
Jodah(Num.xxxiv.4,5; Josh. xv. 3,4: 1 ana.
xxx. 27-31), vis. that of pasturage far fecks and
herds, a |— fls'lilj which seems solely to depend an
adequately husbanding the water so pid is d be the
This tallies with the sac af the ward
T3TO,for
T t •
with or without actual pasture, the country af tie
nomads, a disliagiismul from that af the sajhss 1
tnml and settled people" (& aant P. 486, .aha.
§9)> There seems however te be implied in tea
name a capacity for
realiaed or not. This
"thin," or rather " tiauspai en t costing of i
hon," seen to clothe the greater part cf the i
wilderness in the present day (aVst 16, S3). ■
whiefa furnishes ,------
human fbste
of possible le s uw i aa op to a taunt a f
of pre s ent fax* a were the ansabers of nW lararr-
itoxh host above the 6000 T
to form the population of the i
the dsU palm, Uasaalanjnl npeaka a though it i
aflbrded the mean* of Me
(flte-,^17).
arDao»[veLl.«SfJ. thai
iiiiluanj. In see in II. siai net la call i
the term te Jar. 0.1.1
Ktres an east enunmna af a .
l%>5
WIIDKBNE88 OF THE WANDERING
1753
h. his pith by the Worry Btbran, towards the
Budern Sural, " dull clumps of uncultivated
dxte-trees rise between the granite will* of the
!■■«, wherever the winter torrents hare left suffi-
cmut detritus for their nourishment." And again,
liter describing the pass of the Convent, he con-
tinues, " beneath lies a Teritable chaos, through
which now tricklet a slender thread of water, where
in winter rashes down a boiling torrent"' (to.
19). It is hardly too much t/> affirm that the
resources of the desert, under a careful economy of
nature's bomvtj, might be, to its present means of
musisteuce, as that winter torrent's volume to that
summer streamlet's slender thread. In the Watty
Hebron this traveller round " a natural bath,
formed in the granite by the \ds» Hebron, called
"the Christians" pool" (0>. 17). Two-thirds of
the way up the Jcbtt iliaa be came upon "a
from streamlet" (to. 30); and Seetsen, on the
14th of April, found snow lying about in sheltered
clefts of the Jttet Catharm, where the rays of
the sun could not penetrate (iii. 92). Hamilton
encountered on the Jebel Jfssi a thunderstorm,
with "heavy rain'* {Sinai, #c., 16). There
seems on the whole no deficiency of precipitation.
Indeed the geographical situation would rather
bespeak a copious supply. Any southerly wind
mod bring a fair amount of watery vapour from
the Red Sea, or from one of its expanding arms,
which embrace the Peninsula on either side, like
the blades of a forfex ; while at no greater distance
than 140 miles northward roll the waters of the
Mediterranean, supplying, we may suppose, their
quota, which the much lower ranges of the Tth
and Odjme cannot effectually intercept. Nor is
there sny such shelter from rain-clouds on either
tf the Uulfs of Sues and 'Akabah, as the long line
■f mountains on the eastern flank of Egypt, which
screens the ram supply of the former fi om reerhiag
-he valley of the Kile. On the contrary, the con-
Sirmstiou of the Peninsula, with the high wedge of
granitic mountains at ha core, would rather receive
and condense the vapours from either golf, and
precip i t at e their bounty over the lower tans of
mountain and troughs of wady, interposed between
it and the sea. It is much to be regretted that
the low intellectual condition of the monks' forbids
any reasmisnln bops of adequate meteorological
observations to check these merely probable argu-
ments with reliable statements of fact; but in
the sbatnee of any such register, it seems only fiur
to take reasonable probabilities fully into view.
Yet some significant facts are not wanting to
redeem in some degi ee these probabilities from the
ground of mere hypothesis. "Jo two of the great
wadys" which break the wilderness on the coast
of the Gulf of ones, - GUbrmniH, and Oasst, with
Ha continuation of the Wtdy Tayibth, tacts of
vegetation are to be found in considerable luxuri-
ance." The wadys leading down fr-m the Sinai range
to the Gulf of r Akabah " furnish the same test*
many, in a still greater degree," as stated by Kit)*
pell, Miss Martinean, Dr. Kobinson, and Burcahardt.
" In three spots, however, in the desert . . . this
vegetation is brought by the concurrence of the
general configuration of the country to a still higher
pitch. By tar the most remarkable collection of
springs is that which renders the clusters of the
Jcbel Afrna the chief resort of the bedouin tribes
during the summer heats. Four abundant sources
in the mountains immediately above the Convent
of St. Catherine must always have made that
region one of the moot frequented of the desert ...
Oases (analogous to that of Amman in the western
desert of the Nile) are to be found wherever the
waters from the different wadys or hilla, whether
from winter streams or from such living springs a
have just bean described, converge to a common
reservoir. One such oasis in the Smaitic de>ert
seems to be the pshn-grove of El- Wady *t Tar,
described by Bnrckhardt as so thick that be could
hardly find his way through it (8. and P. 19, arte
1; snBurckh.Arao. ii. S«2). The otter and the
more important is the W&dy fVran. high up in
the table-land of Sinai itself (& and P. 18, 19)."
Now, what nature has done in there favoured spots
might surely be seconded ■ in others by an ample
population, familiarised, to some extent, by their
sojourn in Egypt with the most advanced agricul-
tural experience of the then world, and guided by
an able leader who knew the country, and found
in his wire's family others who knew it even better
than he (Mum. x. 31). It is thus supposshle that
the language of Pi. cvii. 35-38, is based on bo
mare pious imagery, but on actual fact: "He
turneth the wilderness into a standing water, and
dry ground into water-spring*. And there He
maktth the hungry to dwell, that tbey may prepare
a city for habitation ; and sow the fields and plant
vineyards, which may yield fruits of increase. He
Ueasetfa them so that tbey are multiplied greatly ;
and mftrtik mot tAear eattlt to dtcnamr And
thus we may tind an approximste basis of reality
lor the enhanced poetic images of Isaiah (xB. 19
Iv. 13). Palestine iteetf affords abundant tokens of
tbe resources of nature so husbanded, a* in the artifi-
cial " terraces of which there are still traces to the
very summits" of the mountains, and some of
which still, in the Jordan valley, " are occupied by
asm of vegetation " (&. ami P. 138, 297). In
favoured spots wild luxuriance testifies to the
extent of the natural r es um e s , as in tbe wadys of
the coast, and in the plain of Jericho, where " far
and wide extends the green circle of tangled
thickets, in the midst of which are tbe hovels of
tbe modern village, beside which stood, in ancient
times, the great city of Jericho" (». 306). Prom
this plain alone, a oMTcspoodeot of the British
• Thar* b no asJstsUng lbs eaorssoos saroant of rata
Thscb mast tall on the Desert and m off nwfcsalj sate
tbe sea. In February all the wadys bad evidently had
stream; torrent* down, sad all serosa them man hil l a sh 1
to hul-stde. Tbe wbuts surface of wide vsilejs was
■ssllid and ribbed like tbe bed of a stony sad sandy
Woa la KneJsud. The greet pyrin of Mm sa le was tn-
emecud to all directions by these torrents, draratog
lb* aaaakirns shout JTnro fftirfs r e . So all tbe wadys,
arearevcr intra was a deckkd fall. Major Maostaaud
lettejagad at preterit to sapcrio lending the westing of a
turquulM- unl at JMraWt H-Kt,<umm) said that alter a
i iiiiMan slursa to lot bills u> thr It, be sad Iron) law ui
three fest of wat
tor three boars, fat Irndf J reatdre.
dajrghss tanks weald asssa all laewadya "rdoassssae
rare " (Tyrwrdtt>
* Sat 1*. auuueyv ssthaate of tba restates of tx* <
veru (S.»P. fa, M>
• May, ft St poaaaai
saas extant bees andertaken oo account of thai
colonies wrack certainly then exltud at Wady MUfktrm
and Aereotl sWTasaaea, and were probsbty saxaaaied as
the pr o duce of the country, not sent on casters frost
fcWPi C'yrwldttV
1754
WILDEKNE88 OF THE WANDERING
Consu. it lafla asserts that be could feed the whole
population of modern Syria (Cotton Supply Se-
porter, Jane 14, 1862). But a plantation redeemed
from the wilderness is ever in the position of a
besieged city ; when once the defence of the human
garrison is withdrawn, the fertility stimulated by
Its agency must obviously perish by the invasion
of the wild. And thus we may probably suppose
that, from numberless tracts, thus temporarily
rescued from barrenness, in situations only mode-
rately favourable, the traces of verdure have van-
ished, and the desert has reclaimed its own ; or
that there the soil only betrays its latent capacity
by an unprofitable dampness of the sand.
Seetxen, on the route from Hebron to Sinai, after
describing an " immense flinty plain," the " dreariest
and most desolate solitude," observes that, " as soon
as the rainy season is over and the warm weather sets
in, the pits (of rain-water) dry up, and it becomes
uninhabitable," as " there are no brooks or springs
here " (iii. 55, 56). Dr. Stewart ( The Tent and
the Khan, 14, 15) says of the Wady Akthi, which
he would identify with Etham (Ex. xiii. 20 ; Num.
iiriii. 6), " sand-hills of considerable height sepa-
rate it from the sea, and prevent the winter rains
from running off rapidly. A considerable deposit
of rich alluvial loam is the result, averaging From
2 to 4 inches in thickness, by sowing upon which
immediately after the rains the Bedouins could cer-
tainly reap a profitable harvest ; but they affect to
despise all agricultural labour. . . . Yet," he adds,
" the region never could have supplied food by its
own natural vegetation for so great a multitude of
flocks and herds as followed in the train of the
Israelites." This seems rather a precipitate sen-
tence ; for one can hardly tell what its improved
condition under ancient civilization may have
yielded, from merely seeing what it now is, after
being overrun for centuries by hordes of contemptu-
ous Bedouins. Still, as regards the general ques-
tion, we are not informed what numbers of cattle
followed the Israelites out of Egypt. We only
know that "flocks and herds" went with them,
were forbidden to graze "before the mount"
(Sinai), and shared the fortunes of the desert with
their owners. It further appears that, at the end
of the forty years' wandering, two tribes and a half
were the chief, perhaps the only, cattle-masters.
And, when we consider how greatly the long and
sore bondage of Egypt must have interfered with
their favourite pursuit during the eighty years of
Moses' life before the Exodus, it seems reasonable
to think that in the other tribes only a tew would
have possessed cattle on leaving Egypt. The notion
of a people " scattered abroad throughout all the
land of Egypt" (Ex. v. 12), ic pursuit of wholly
different and absorbing labour, being able generally
to maintain their wealth as sheep-masters is
obviously absurd. It is therefore supposnble that
Reuben, Gad, and > portion of Manasseh had, by
remoteness of local position, or other favourable
circumstances to us unknown, escaped the oppres-
sive consequences to their flocks and herds which
must have generally prevailed. We are not told
that the lambs at the first passover were obtained
from the flock of each family, but only that they were
bidden to " draw out and take a lamb for an house "
— a direction quite consistent in many, perhaps in
most cases, with purchase. Hence it is probable
that these two tribes and a half may have been the
ch if cattle-masters first as well as last. If they
hau enough cattle to find their pursuit in tending
them, and the others had not, economy would dictate
a transfer ; and the whole multitude of cattle would
probably fare better by such an arrangemf nt thai,
by one which left a few head scattered up and
down in the families of different tribes. Nor t
there any reason to think that the whole of the
forty years' sojourn was spent in such locomotion
as marks the more continuous portion of the narra-
tive. The great gap in the record of events left
by the statement of Deut. i. 46, " Te abode it
Kadesh many days," may be filled up by the aup
position of quarters established in a UvourabU
site, and the great bulk of tin. whole time ma)
have been really passed in such stationary encamp-
ments. And here, if two tribes and a half only were
occupied in tending cattle, some resource of labour,
to avoid the embarrassing temptations of idleness
in a host so large and so disposed to murmur,
would be, in a human sense, necessary. Nor can
any so probable an occupation be assigned to the
remaining nine and a half tribes, as that of drawing
from the wilderness whatever contributions it
might be made to afford. From what they had
seen in Egypt, the work of irrigation would be
familiar to them, and from the prospect before
them in Palestine the practice would at some thn*
become necessary : thus there were on the whok
the soundest reasons for not allowing their expe-
rience, if possible, to lapse. And, irrigation being
supposed, there is little, if any, difficulty in sup-
posing its results ; to the spontaneonsness of which
ample testimony, from various travellers, has
been cited above. At any rate it is unwise to
decide the question of the possible resources of the
desert from the condition to which the apathy and
fastidiousness of the Bedouins have reduced it ii
modem times. On this view, while the purely
pastoral tribes would retain their habits unim-
paired, the remainder would acquire some slight
probation in those works of the field which were te
form the staple industry of their future country.
But, if any one still insists that the produce of the
desert, however supposably improved, could never
have yielded support for all " the flocks and
herds —utterly indefinite so their number is —
which were carried thither ; this need not invali-
date the present argument, much less be deemed
inconsistent with the Scriptural narrative. There
is nothing in the latter to forbid our supposing
that the cattle perished in the wilderness by hun-
dreds or by thousands. Even if the words of
Ps. cvii. 38 be taken in a sense literally historical,
they need mean no more than that, by the time
they reached the borders of Palestine, the number
so lost had, by a change of favourable cin.un-
stances, been replaced, perhaps even by capture
from the, enemy, over whom God, and not their own
sword, had given them the victory. All that is
contended for is, that the resources of the wilder-
ness were doubtless utilized to the utmost, and
that the flocks and herds, so far as they survived,
were so kept alive. What those resources might
amount to, is perhaps nearly as indefinite an in-
quiry as what was the number of the cattle. The
difficulty would " find its level " by the diminution
of the latter till it fell within the limits of the
former; and in this balanced state we roust be
content to leave the question.
Nor ought it to be left out of view, in consider-
ing any arguments regarding the possible change ia
the character of the wilderness, that Egyptiar.
policy certainly lay, on the whole, ia favour «
WHDEBNKSS OF THE WANDEBING
1756
cite.idiog the desolation to their own frontier on
th«' Suez tide * for thus they would gain the rarest
protection against invasion on their most exposed
ixmler ; and u Egypt rather aimed at the develop-
ment of a high internal emulation than an exten-
sion of influence by foreign conquest, such a desert
frontier would be to Egypt a cheap defence. Thus
we may assume that the Pharaohs, at any rate
after the rise of the Assyrian empire, would discern
iheir interest and would act upon it, and that the
- telling of wood and stopping of wells, and the obli-
teration, wherever possible, of oases, would sys-
tematically make the Peninsula untenable to a
hostile army descending from the N.E. or the N.
IV. It remains to trace, so far ss possible, the track
pursued by the host, bearing in mind the limita-
tion before stated, that a variety of converging or
parallel routes must often have been required to
allow of the passage of so great a number. Assum-
ing the passage of the Red Sea to hare been effected
at some spot N. of the now extreme end of the
Gulf of Sues, they would march from their point
of landing a little to the E. of S. Here they were
in the wilderness of Shur, and in it " they went
three days and found no water." The next point
mentioned is Marsh. The 'Am el-Hawara has been
thought by most travellers since Burckhardt's time
to be Marah. Between it and the ' Ayin Mtaa the
plain is alternately gravelly, stony, and sandy,
while under the range of Jebtl Witrdin (a branch
of et-TVi) chalk and flints are found. There is no
water on the direct line of route (Robinson, i.
87-98). Hcac&ra stands in the lime and gypsum
region which lines the eastern shore of the Gulf of
Suez at its northern extremity. Seetzen (Beism,
iii. 117) describes the water as salt, with purgative
qualities; but adds that his Bedouins and their
camels drank of it. He argues, from its incon-
siderable size, that it could not be the Marah of
Moses. This, however, seems an inconclusive rea-
son. [Marah.] It would not be too near the point
of landing assumed, ss above, to be to the It. of
the 'Ayin Mita, nor even, as Dr. Stewart argues
(p. 55), too near for a landing at the 'Ayin Mima
itself,' when we consider the incumbrances which
would delay the host, and, especially whilst they were
new to the desert, prevent rapid marches. But the
whole region appears to abound in brackish or
bitter springs (Seetsen, ibid, iii. 117, *c. ; Anmerk.
430). For instance, about 1] hour nearer Sue*
than the Wady QhMmdel (which Lepsius took for
Marah, but which Niebuhr and Robinson regard as
more probably Elim), Seetzen {ibid. iii. 113, 114)
found a Wady tTil, with a salt spring and a salt
crust on the surface of its bed, the samp, he thinks,
as the spot where Niebuhr speaks of finding rock-
' Dr. Aitoun. quoted by Dr. Stewart ft «.), it
denies this.
s Xc the Wady Tal were found date-palms, wild trunk-
lea* tamarisks, and the white-flowering broom; also s anal],
sappy growth, scarce a band blah, called el SsenunAA by
tin* Bedouins, which, when drier 1, Is pounded by them and
mixed with wheat for bread. It has a saltish-sour taste,
a*>d is a useful salad berb, belonging to the order JTesess-
sryantAemum, Unn. (Seetzen, ibid.).
k Yet be apparently allows as possible that Marah may
be found in a area* observed by Hirer a little to the N.
•f ','AflrflmfeI (111. 111).
* There Is, however, s remarkable difference between
tb? Indication of locality given by Seetsen to this wady,
and the pejiuon ascribed to the 7TA tLAm&ra, as above,
for Seetaen (or rather Dr. Kruse, commenting on hla
salt. This corresponds in general proximity with
Marah. The neighbouring region is described
as a lew plain girt with limestone bills, or mors
rarely chalk. For the consideration of the miracle
of sweetening the waters, see Marah. On this
first section of their desert-match, Dr. Stanley
(S. and P. 37) remarks, " Theie can be no dispute
as to the general track of the Israelites after the
passage (of the Red Sea). If they were to enter
the mountains at all, they must continue in the
route of all travellers, between the sea and the
table-land of the Tth, til" they entered the low hills
of Ghtrtndcl. According to the view taken of the
scene of the passage, Marah may either be at
' the springs of Moses,' or else at Hawara ot
Ghflrundel. He adds in a note, "Dr. Graul,
however, was told ... of a spring near jfW H-
Amara, right («. «. south) of Hawara, so bitter
that neither men nor camels could drink of it.
From hence the road goes straight to Wady
Ghtrindel." Seetzen also inclines to view favour-
ably the identification of el-Amdra with Marah.
He gives it the title of a " wady," and precisely on
this ground rejects the pretensions of e!-Ba\cdra
as being no * wady," but only a brook ; * whereas,
from the statement " they encamped" at Marah,
Marah must, he argues, have been a Wady. 1 It
seems certain, however, that Wady Ohirindtt—
whether it be Marah, as Lepsius and (although
doubtfully) Seetzen thought, or Elim as Niebuhr,
Robinson, and Kruse— must have lain on the line of
march, and almost equally certain that it furnished
a camping station. In this wady Seetzen found more
trees, shrubs, and bushes than he anywhere else
saw in his journey from Sinai to Suez. He parti-
cularizes several date-palms and many tamarisks,
and notes that the largest quantity of the vegetable
manna, now to be found anywhere in the Peninsula,
is gathered here (iii. 116) from the leaves of the
last-named tree, which here grows " with gnarled
boughs and hoary head ; the wild acacia, tangled
by its desert growth into a thicket, also shoots out
its grey foliage and white blossoms over the desert"
(Stanley, S. and P. 68). The " scenery " in this
region becomes " a succession of watercourses " ■
(ibid.); and the Wady Tayibth, connected with
Qhirindel by Uteit} is so named from the goodly
water and vegetation which it contains. These
three wadys encompass on three sides the Jebel
Bummim; the sea, which it precipitously over-
hangs, being on the fourth. To judge from the con-
figuration as given in the maps, there seems no
reason why all three should not have combiueii tn
form Elim, or at auy rate, as Dr. Stanley (ibid.)
suggests, two of them. Only, from Num. xxxiii
9, 1 0, as Elim appears not to hare been on the sea
Journal) says, Robinson passed toe wady two ftewrr van
Sua than Hanaro, and therefore so far to the north, wet
souM, of it (Ileum, ill. pt. iii. 430-1). Hence it Is possible
that the rt» and the Wady d-Aptara may be distinct locali-
ties, snd the common name result from the common pro-
perty of a briny or bitter spring. Kiepert's map (In Robin-
son, vot I.) gives the two names Am&ra and /fatodro dose
together, the former a little, but less than a mile, to the N.
1 So Dr. Kruse notices that Dr. Robinson's Arabs who
camped in Ohanmid found, at half an hour's distance
from their camping ground, a flowing brook and copious
fountains, such as they hitherto nowhere found in tat
peninsula (Seetsen, III. pt. 111. 430).
■ Robinson (I. 6s) says thai near this wady hot sol
phureous springs were visited by Niebuhr, and an o»
scribed by iliisn gain
•766
WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
we must suppose that the encampment, if it ex-
tended into three wadya, itopped short of their
seaward extremities. The Iaraelitish host would
■carcely find io all three more than adequate
ground for their encampment. Beyond (*. *. to
'.he S.E. of G/iirindel), the ridges and spurs of
limestone mountain push down to the sea, across
the path along the plain (Bobinson, i. 70, and
This portion of the question may be summed up
by presenting, in a tabular form, the views of some
leading travellers or annotators, on the site of
Eiim : —
maty
ehtrtndd.
Wad]/ flume warm springs
VtcU. north of Ttr, which
1
feed the rich date-
Niebohr, One or
Laborde
plantations of the
Robinson, both.
•possibly."
convent there.
Krose. Stanley.
Robinson
Seetien.
[ByLepsrae
0.11).
Identified
with Maraa.]
Dr. Kruse (Anmerk. 418) singularly takes the
woids of Ex. xr. 27, " they encamped there (in
Klim) by the oaten" as meaning " by the sea ;"
whereas, from Num. xxxiii. 9, 10, It appears they
did not reach the tea till a stage further, although
their distance from it previously had been but
small.
from Eiim, the next stage brought the people
again to the sea. This fact, and the enviable posi-
tion in respect of water supply, and consequent
gieet fertility, enjoyed by Tur on the coast, would
make it seem probable tbat Tur was the locality
intended ; but as it lies more than seventy miles,
in a straight line, from the nearest probably assign-
able spot for Eiim, such a distance makes it a
highly improbable site for the next encampment.
The probable view is that their seaside camp was
fixed much nearer to the group of wadys viewed as
embracing Eiim, perhaps in the lower part of the
Wady Tayibth, which appears to have a point of
juncture with the coast (Stanley, S. and P. 38).
The account in Ex. xvi. knows nothing of this en-
campment by the sea, but brings the host at once
into " the wilderness of Sin ;" but we must bear
in mind the general purpose of recording, not the
people's history so much as God's dealings with
them, and the former rather as illustrative of the
latter, and subordinate thereto. The evident de-
sign however, in Num. xxxiii. being, to place on
record their itinerary, this latter is to be esteemed
as the locus clamiau on any topographical ques-
tions, as compared with others having a less special
relation to the track. The " wilderness of Sin" is
"■ He calls It the Wilderness of Sir. bat this Is plainly
a misprint for Sin.
■ Humap. however, omits the name el-Ala. Bobinson
thinks the wilderness of Sin Is the maritime plain south-
Mat of MurkMk, but not certainly including the Utter.
• Seetxen thought that Dophkah might possibly be re-
traced In the name of a place In this region, el rbbbocaa
( Kruse). For Alnsh there Is no conjecture.
» Seetsen compares It to the round beads obtained from
the masucfa ; and says It Is used as a purgative in Upper
Egypt, and that It Is supposed to be brought out by the
great effect of heat on a sandy soil, since In Syria and
elsewhere this tree has not the product.
i Dr. Stanley notices that possibly, viewing GMrtnde!
ipr Cant, which lies beyond it, from Sues) as Bun, the
boat may have gone to the latter* ( the /urtaar point), and
Mam have turned back to the lower part of ITHatainlif,
an appellation no doubt repr e sen ting some natt.ra.'
feature, and none more probably than the allurai
plain, which, lying at the edge of the sea, about
the spot we now regard them as having reached
begins to assume a significant appearance. The
modern name for this is et-K&a, identified cy
Seetxen" with this wilderness (iii. pt» iii. 412)
Dr. Stanley a calls et-Kaa, at its initial point, " the
plain of Mmrkhdh," and thinks it is irobabiy dais
wilderness. Lower down the coast uhie plain ex-
pands into the broadest in the Peninsula, and some-
where in the otill northern portion of it we rcust
doubtless place tiie " Dophkah"* and " Altuh" ot
Num. xxxiii. 12-14.
In the wilderness of Sin occurred the first Mur-
muring for food, and the first fall of manna. The
modern confection sold under that name is the ex-
udation collected from the leaves of the tammist
tree (tamarix Orientals, Linn., Arab, tarfa, Hcb.
TtPK) only in the Sinaitic valleys, and in no great
abundance.* If it results from the punctures mad •
in the leaf by an insect (the oocaa mmtnipams,
Ehreuberg) in the course of Jane, July, awl
August, this will not suit the time ot' the
people's entering the region " on the fifteenth day
of the second month after " their departure from
Egypt (Ex. xvi. 1-8). It is said to keep as a
hardened syrup for years (Laborde, Comment
Qeojr. on Ex. xvi. 13, 14), and thus does not an-
swer to the more striking characteristics describe.)
in Ex. xvi. 14-26. [Manna.] Seetxen thought
that the gum Arabic, an exudation of the acacia,
was the real manna of the Israelites ; i. «. Seetxen
regards the statement of u bread from heaven " as
a fiction (ifaism, iii. 75-79). A caravan of a
thousand persons is said by Hasselquiat ( Voyaga,
&<:., Materia Afedica, 298, transl. ad. 1766) to
have subsisted solely on this substance for two
mouths. In the same passage of Ex. (v. 13) quails
are first mentioned.
In most portions of the earlier route it is more
important to show the track than to fix the sta-
tions ; and auch an indication only can be looked
for where nothing beyond the name of the latter is
recorded. Supposing now that the alluvial plain,
where it first begins to broaden to a significant size,
is " the wilderness of Sin," all further questions,
till we come to Sinai, turn on the situation assigned
to Rephidim. If, as seems most likely, Rephidim
be found at Feiran [Kephisim], it becomea almost
certain that the track of the host lay to the north
of Serial,* a magnificent five-peaked mountain,
which some have thought to be Sinai, and which be-
comes first visible at the plain of Mwkhdh. [SiSAJ.J
and Mere pitched by the "Red Sea." Then, he farther
remarks. It was open to them to take a northern conns
for Sinai (Jebsi Mum.), avoiding SerbU and Arriba alto-
gether («. >t P 38). Bat all this, he adds, senna - not
likely." That route passes by Staibit ti-KUdim b- the
Jcbel JMm. Robinson, who went by this way. conjec-
tured that d-Kh&dim was a place of pilgrimage to the
ancient Egyptians, and might have been the object or
Mows' proposed Jocney of * three days Into the wilder-
ness" (I. is). The best account of this locality by far,
which the present contributor has met with, ia tbat ia
the MS referred to at the end of this article. The
writer dwells especially on the Immense remains of min-
ing operations, refuse of fori, metal, ax, to be ssea
there; also on the entrenched camp at JAapafcm, dis-
covered recently by Ma)or Maedonald. evidently a won
of great labour and uf capacity lor a large salvias*.
WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING
1767
The tabernacle ma not yet let up, nor the order of
march organized, as subsequently (Num. z. IS,
&<%), hence the words "track" or "route," as
indicating a line, can only be taken in the most
wide and general sense. The road slowly rises be-
tween the coast and Feiran, which has an elevation
of ju»t half the highest peak of the whole cluster.
Fcir&n must have been gained by some road striking
off from the sea-coast, like the Wudy Ho'-.atteb,
which is now the usual route from Cairo thither,
perhaps by several parallel or converging lines.
Those who reject fbirtn for Rephidim will have
the onus of accounting tor such a fruitful and
Mooming spot as, from its position, it must always
have been, being left out of the route, and of find-
iii-j some other site for Rephidim. Possibly 74V
it«*lf might be Rephidim, but then not one of the
sites generally discussed for Sinai will suit. It
wems better then to take FeirSn, or the adjacent
mile y of es-Sheyl:h in connexion with it, for Wephi-
Him. The water may have been produced in one,
ai*l the battle have taken place in the other, of
these contiguous localities ; and the moat direct way
of reaching them from tl-Murkhah (the " wilder-
ness of Sin ") will be through the wadys Shelldh
and MohatUb. Dr. Stanley, who suggests the
road by the S. of Serbat, through Wady Hebron '
(Robinson, t. 95), as also a possible route to Sinai
{8. and P. 38, 4), and designates it " the southern "
one, omits to propose any alternative station for
Rephidim; at he also does in the case of "the
northern" route being accepted. That route has
been already mentioned [page 1576, note «], but is
of too remote a probability to require being here
taken into view. The Wady Mokatteb, the •' writ-
ten," as its name imports, contains the largest
number of inscriptions known as the Sinaitic. They
are scratched on the friable surface of the sand-
stone masses which dot the valley on either side,
some so high as to hare plainly not been executed
without mechanical aid and great deliberation.
They are described or noticed by Dr. Robinson,
Burckhardt, Laborde, Seetzen, and others, but
especially by Dr. Stanley {8. and P. 57-62). [See
on this subject Sinai, notes * and ".]
V. Besides the various suggestions regarding
Horeh and Sinai given under Sinai, cue occurs in
Dr. Kruse's Anmerbmgen on Seetzen, which is
worth recording here. Seetzen approached the Jebel
J/sVo from the N., a little W., by a route which
aeems to have brought him into the region through
which Dr. Robinson approached it from the N.W.
On this Dr. Krtue remarks, " Horeb lay in the
plain of Rephidim ... a day's march short of (tor)
Kinai, on a dry plain, which was extensive enough
tor a camping-ground, with a rock-fountain struck
by Moses from the rock. This distance just hits
the plain es-Sheb (Stheb, Kiepert's Map), which
Robinson entered before reaching the foremost
ridge of Sinai, and suits the peaked mountain el-
Orf, in the highest point of this plain. That
this plain, too, is large enough for fighting in (as
' Through the wilderness or K6a (Irani Its northern
suH'T) to the opening or Wady Hebrin into It Is St hours'
4»aiwy. The manna tamarisk is found there ; and some
»inU called by Dr. Krase " Wustenbtlhnem," which he ap-
pear* to think mlghtbe the quails of Scripture. Seetsen in
Ma Journal plainly sets down the "quails"*! betas; wholly
a m stake for locusts (ileum. 111. pt. ill. 413. comp. 90).
• "Two hardly disttturaishable mountains on either
<ie> of the way (from the Wady Batiaran) were named
tribe ton rrtutch " ( Aim. ill. m\
mentioned Gz. xvii. 9), b plain from Robitaon'a
statement (i. 141 ) of a combat between two tribal
which took place there some years before his Tint.
Robinson, from this rocky peak, which I took fte
Horeb, in 1 J hour reached the spring Onrbth, pro-
bably the one the opening of which was ascribed to
Moses, and thence in another hour came to the
steep pass Nukb Hi'cy, to mount which he took
24, hours, and in 2£ hours more, crossing the plain
er-RSheh, arrived at the convent at the foot of Sinai.
Seetzen 's Arabs gave the name of Orribe* to a moun-
tain reached before ascending the pass, no doubt the
same as Robinson's el-Orf and the Horeb of Holy
Writ" {Ream, ill. pt six. 422 ; comp. 414). He
seeks to reconcile this with Ex. xxxiii. 6, which de-
scribes the people, penitent after their disobedience
in the matter of the golden calf, as " stripping them-
selves of their ornaments by the Mount Horeb" by
supposing that they were by Moses led back again •
from Sinai, where God had appeared to him, and
immediately below which they had encamped, to
Horeb in the plain of Rephidim. But this must
have been a day's journey backward, and of such a
retrograde movement the itinerary in Num. xxxiii.
14, 15, 16, has no trace. On the contrary, it says,
" they removed from the desert of Sinai and pitched
in Kibroth Hattaarah." Now, although they stayed
a year in the wilderness of Sinai (Ex. xix. 1 ; Num.
x. 11, 12), and need not be supposed to hare had
but one camping station all the time, yet Rephidim
clearly appears to lie without the limits of that
wilderness (Ex. xvii. 1, xix. 1, 2; Num. xxxiii. 15),
and a return thither, being a departure from those
limits, might therefore, we should expect, be no-
ticed, if it took place ; even though all the shillings
of the camp toiMm the wilderness of Sinai might
not be set down in the itinerary. Under Sinai an
attempt is made to reconcile the " rock in Horeb "
at Rephidim with a " Mount Horeb " (the same, in
fact, as Sinai, though with a relative difference off
view), by regarding " Horeb " as a designation de-
scriptive of the ground, applicable, through simi-
larity of local features, to either. If this be not
admitted, we may perhaps regard the Wady et-
Sheykh, a crescent concave southwards, whose
western horn joins Wady Feiran, and whose
eastern finds a south-eastern continuation in the
plain er-R&heh (leading up to Jebel Mita, the
probable Sinai), as the Horeb proper. This con-
tains a rock called traditionally the " seat of Moses "
(Schubert, Reisen, ii. 356). And this is to some
extent confirmed by the fact that the wady which
continues the plain er-Riheh to the N.W., forming
with the latter a slightly obtuse angle, reiumes the
name of es-Sheykh. If we may suppose the name
" Horeb," though properly applied to the crescent
Wjdy es~Slicykh, which joins Feiran, to have hid
such an extension as would embrace er-Riheh, then
the " rock in Horeb " might be a day's journey
from the " Mount (of) Horeb." » This view, it may
be observed, does not exclude that just referred to
under Sinai, but merely removes it from resting
* He thinks the reason why they were 'thus counter-
manded was because N Horeb" was better supplied with
water, but he does not show that the M spring Gsvtea m
adequately meets this condition (to. 423).
• The expression Hiul *1ilC In Ex. xxxiii. t rjay
probably be, like the expression DVPKil Ifl, at, t,
and that or iTTJiV 1111, Josh, xxl U. *c twe noma
In regimen, the "meant ef Horeb."
1768 WILDEBNE88 OF
on the sense there proposed fin- " Hon*" (3"rtn\
H m local appellative, to more general grounda.
But whatever may be the case with other sacral
localities, the identification of Sinai itself will pro-
bably never be free from obscurity. We eeem to
ha re adequate information regarding all the eminent
mciintaina within the narrow compass to which our
choiie is reduced, and of all the important passes.
Not ia it likely that any fresh clue of trustworthy
local tradition will be unravelled, or any new light
thrown on the text of the Scriptural statements.
Somewhere in the granitic nucleus of lofty mountain-
crests the answer, doubtless, lies.* For the grounds
on which a slight preponderance of probability rests
in favour of the Jebel Afasa,' see Sinai. But
tren that preponderance uainly rests on the view
that the numbers ascribed in our present test to the
host of Israel are trustworthy. If farther criticism
should make this more doubtful than it now is,
tnat will have the probable effect of making the
question more vagus rather than more clear than
it ia at present. "This degree of uncertainty ia a
gr-at safeguard for the real reverence due to the
place. As it is, you may rest on your general
conviction and be thankful " (S. f P. 76). The
tradition which has consecrated the Jebel Jfusa
can, we know, be traced to its source in a late year.
It has the taint of modernism and the detective
witness of the older tradition of SerbU. Dr. Stanley
thinks it " doubtful whether the scene of the giving
of the Law, as we now conceive it, ever entered
into the minds of those who fixed the traditional
sit*. The consecrated peak of the Jebel Miaa was
probably revered simply as the spot where Moses
saw the vision of God, without reference to any
rtore general event" (S. $ P. 76), and this is
likely to have been equally true of Serbil before
it. The Eastern mind seized on the spot as one
of devout contemplation by the one retired saint;
the Western searches for a scene which will bring
the people perceptibly into the region of that
Presence which the saint beheld.
Certain vivid impressions left on the minds of
travellers seem to bespeak such remarkable features
for the rocks of this cluster, and they are generally
so replete with interest, that a few leading details
of the aspect of principal mountains may find place
here. Approaching the granitic nucleus from the
N. side, Seetxen found himself " ever between two
high wild and naked cliffs of granite." All possible
forms of mountains blended in the view of the
group, conical and pointed, trunoated, serrated, and
rounded (.Seven, iii. 69, 67). Immediately previous
to this he had been upon the perpendicular sand-
stone cliffs, which in tt-DSI&l bounded the sandy
plain er-Ramleh on the eastern aide, whilst similar
steep sandstone cliffs lay on the N. and N.W. On
a nearer view small bright quarti-grit (Quarz-
kietel), of whitish-yellow mid reddish hue, was ob-
served in the coarse-grained sandstone. Dr. Stanley,
• The Tabula Pmitinferaria gives in the interior of (be
Suwlue peninsula a wilderness Indicated as " desert um
act xL annus erraverant filll Israelis duoente Movse," and
marks therein a three-peaked mountain, with the words,
" hlc legem acoeperunt in monte Syne." Dr. Krnse thinks
the three peaks " mean Slnal (C c the Jebtl Mum).
Ag. EyitU^t and the Jebel Bttm'r (Seetsen, ileum. 111.
pt.ln.s2I).
> Dr. Kruse says. " This highest RE. point of Stall Is
odlspauoty the "ir«anurn of the Lord' of Hob/ Writ,
•he modem Mount St. Catherine. The N.W. part of Slnal
THE WAKDEBTJNtJ
approaching from the N.W., from Wady SheOdl
through Wadys Sitlri and Feirin, found the rocks
of various orders more or less interchanged and
intermixed. In the first, " -ed tops resting on dark-
green bases closed the prospect in front," doubtless
both of granite. Contrast with this the description
of Jebel Mt»a, as seen from Mount St. Catherine
(ibid. 77), " the reddish granite of its (near mass,
ending in the grey green granite of the peak itself."
Wady SUri lies " b e tw ee n red granite mountains
descending precipitously on the sands," but just ia
the midst of it the granite is exchanged for sand
stone, which last forms the rock-tablets of the
Wady Mokatteb, lying in the way to Wady Feiran,
This last is full of " endless windings," and here
" began the curious sight of the mountains, streaked
from head to foot, as if with boiling streams at
dark red matter poured over them, the igneous
fluid squirted upwards as they were heaved from
the ground." ..." The colours tell their own
story, of chalk and limestone and sandstone and
granite." Besides these, " huge cones of white clay
and sand are at intervals planted along these
mighty watercourses (the now dry wadys), appa-
rently the original alluvial deposit of some tre-
mendous antediluvian torrent, left there to stiffen
into sandstone" (71). The Wady Feirin ia
bounded southwards by the Jebel Nediyeh and the
Jebel Serbil, which extend westwards to the mari-
time plain, and eastward to the Sinaitjc group, and
on whose further or southern aide lies the widest
part of el-Kia, previously noticed as the " Wilder-
ness of Sin." Seetxen remarks that Jebel Feirin
is not an individual mountain, but, like Sinai, a
conspicuous group {/fosse*, iii. 107 ; oomp. pt. iii .
413).
Serbil rises from a lower level than the Smaitic
group, and so stands out more fully. Dr. Stewart's
account of its summit confirms that of Burckhardt.
The former mounted from the northern side a
narrow plateau at the top of the easternmost peak,
A block of grey granite crowns it and several con-
tiguous blocks form one or two grottoes, and a
circle of loose stones mts in the narrow plateau at
the top ' The Tent and the Khan, 1 17, 1 18). The
" five peaks," to which " in most points of view it
is reducible, at first sight appear inaccessible, but
are divided by steep ravines filled with fragments
of fallen granite." Dr. Stanley mounted ** over
smooth blocks of granite to the top of the third or
central peak," amid which " innnmerable shrubs
like sage or thyme, grew to the very summit."
Here, too, his ascent was assisted by loose atones
arranged by human hands. The peak divides into
" two eminences," oo " the highest of which, as on
the back of some petrified tortoise, you stand, and
overlook the whole peninsula" (S.'d- P. 71, 72>
Rossegger says " the stone of the peak of Serbil is
porphyry" (Reittn, iii. 276). Dr. Stewart xnen-
tions the extensive view from its summit c£ the
mountains " which arise from the western shore ot
Is, however, now named Hur\f by the monks, not by the
Arabs, probably In order to combine Horeb with Sinai, my
which name they denote the must sooth easterly poho.
The 'plain' or • wilderness ' of Ettas! can be nouring else
than the high plain situated on the northern steep de-
clivity surrounded by the three before-fsuned peaks rf
Slnal. the opposite plateau or Jebel /West, and E. and VT.
some low ridges. It is now called the plain Mass, and is,
according to Robinson's measureroent, quite Large eacssja
u bold two millions of Israelite.' who hare eswassxasi
together" (u%d.«x>).
WILDEBNE88 OF THE WANDERING
1759
the Gulf of 'Akabeh," wen in the N.E., and of the
Sinaitic range, " closely packed " with the inter-
mediate Jebel WattUUt, "forming the most con-
fused man of mountain tops that can be imagined "
(114,11s). Hia description of the aicent of the east-
ern peak is formidable. He felt n rarity of the air,
and often "jad to climb or crawl flat on the breast,
it was like " the aicent of a glacier, only of unooth
eranite, instead of ice." At a quarter of an hour
ri'om the summit he also " found a stair of blocks of
granite, Isid one above another on the surface of the
smooth slippery rock" (113). On the northern
summit are visible the remains of a building,
" gianite fragments cemented with lime and mor-
tar," and " close beside it three of those mysterious
inscriptions," implying "that this summit was
frequented by unknown pilgrims who used those
character* " (47. and P. 72).
The approach to Jebel Mita from the W. is
only practicable on foot. It lies through Wady
Solum and the JVttto HSwy, " Pass of the Wind," r
whose stair of rock leads to the second or higher
stage of the great mountain labyrinth. Elsewhere
this pass would be a roaring torrent. It is amidst
masses of rock a thread of a stream just visible, and
here and there forming clear pools, shrouded in
palms, or leaving its clue to be traced only by
rushes. From the bead of this pass the cliff-front
of Sinai comes in sight through *' a long continued
plain between two precipitous mountain ranges of
black and yellow granite." This is the often-men-
tioned plain er-Riheh. Deep gorges enter it on
each side, and the convent and its gardens close
the view. The ascent of Jebel Mita, which con-
tains " high valleys with abundant springs," is by
a long flight of rude steps winding through crags
of granite. The cave and chapel " of Elias" are
passed on the slope of the ascent, and the summit is
marked by the ruins of a mosque and of a Christian
church. But, Strauss adds," the' Mount of Hoses'
rose in the south higher and higher still," and the
point of this, Jebel Mian, eighty feet in diameter,
\s distant two hours and more from the plain below
(Sinai and Qolgotka, 116). The Rds SUfrnfen
seems a small, steep, and high mountain, which is
interposed between the slope of Jebel Musa and
the plain ; and, from its position, surveys both the
openings of tf-3heykA N.E. and of er-Riheh* N.W.,
which converge at its foot. Opposite to it, across
the plain, is the Jebel Fureii, whose peak is cloven
asunder, and the tailor summit is again shattered
and rent, and strewn, as by an earthquake, with its
own fragments. The aspect of the plain between
Jebel FnreiA, which here forms a salient angle,
wedging southwards, and the R&s SBftifeh, is de-
scribed as being, in conjunction with these moun-
tains, wonderfully suggestive, both by its grandeur
and its suitableness, for the giving and the receiving
of the taw. " That such a plain should exist at all
in front of such a cliff is so remarkable a coincidence
with the sacred narrative, as to furnish a strong
r By this pass Dr. Stanley was himself conducted thither,
shading nls camels round by the Wady a-SSej/IA from
janfro/i, "the mor* accessible tbongh more circuitous
malt! into Ibe central upland." By this latter ne sup-
poses the gnat bulk of the host of Israel may have
reached er-IUUuk and Slnal, while * the chiefs of the
people would mount" by Ibe same pass which he look
(A <S P. 42).
• <*. Stewart (utt. nip. 123) says, "Gbebel Musa, the
ansa! of monkish traditions. Is neither visible from the
OlkeM (i. a. Ras) Suasafeh, nor from any other point to
internal argument, not merely of its identity wins
the scene, but of the scene itself having been de>
scribed by an eye-witness" (JS. and P. 42, 43)
The character of the Sinaitic granite is described by
Seetzen (ReUen, iii. 86) as being (1) flesh-red with
glass-coloured quart* and black mica, and (2)
greyish-white with abundance of the same mica.
He a/Ids that the first kind is larger-grained and
hand&omer than the second. Hamilton speaks of
" long ridges of arid rock surrounding him in chaotic
confusion on every side," and " the sharp broken
peaks of granite far and near as all equally deso-
late" (Sinai, the Hedjaz, and Soudan, 31). This
view of "granite peaks," so thickly and wildly
set as to form " a labyrinth " to the eye, was what
chiefly impressed Dr. Stanley in the view from the
top of Jebel Misa (S. and P. 77). There the
weather-beaten rocks are full of curious natures and
holes (46), the surface being "a granite mass
cloven into deep gullies and basins " (76). Over
the whole mountain the imagination of votaries lias
stamped the rock with tokens of miracle. The
dendrites * were viewed as memorials of the Burning
Bush. In one part of the mountain is shown the
impress of Hoses' back, as be hid himself from the
presence of God (ib. 30), in another the hoof-print
of Mahomet's mule, in the plain below a rude hollow
between contiguous blocks of stone passes tor the
mould of the head of the Golden Calf; while in the
valley of the Leja, which runs, parallel to and
overhung by the Jebel Muta't greatest length,
into er-Raheh, close to Rat SH/tafeh, the famous
" Stone of Hoses " is shown — " a detached mass
from ten to fifteen feet high, intersected with wide
slits . or cracks .... with the stone between them
worn away, as if by the dropping of water from
the crack immediately above." This distinctness of
the mass of the stone lends itself to the belief of the
Rabbis, that this " rock followed " the Israelites
through the wilderness, which would not be the case
with the non-detached off-set of some larger cliff.
The Koran also contains ief>"ence to " the rock
with the twelve mouths for the twelve tribes of
Israel," i. e. the afoi-esaid cracks in the stone, into
which the Bedouins thrust grass as they mutter
their prayers before it. Bishop Clayton accepted it
as genuine, so did Whistou the translator of Jose-
phus ; • but it is a mere ami naturae ; and there is
another fragment, " less conspicuous," in the same
valley, " with precisely similar marks." In the pass
of the Wady ei-Sheykh a another stone, called the
" Seat of Moses," described by Laborde (47. and P.
45-48, and notes). Seetzen sdds, some paces be-
yond the " Stone of Moses " several springs, copious
for a region so poor in water, hare their source
from under blocks of granite, one of which is as big
as this " Stone of Hoses." These springs gush into a
very small dyke, and thence are conducted by a
canal to supply water to a little fruit-garden ....
Their water is pure and very good. On this canal,
several paces below the basin, lies a considerably
the plain of er.RSkeK." This seems confirmed by the ergo*
meat of S. <t P. 43, 44, that Moses, descending from the
Jebel J/4*a, would not be able to see what was going on
In the plain till he emerged upon It, the height of SUfttfek
effectually Inleropptint the v*ew.
" These have become scarce on this mountain : Seetaen
(Retten, Hi. 86) expressly mentions that be observed none
They are nuw found abundantly In tbe course of con-
structing Abbas Pasha's mountain road (Stewart, T.etJL
132. 134).
o See b!» note on Ant. Ill t, }».
IttoO
WILDKKNES8 OF THE WAKDKBlKb
bigger black of granite than the " .Stone of Hones,"
- and the canal nun round eo doee to its aide aa to
Dthil&nooealed by it "(&**», iii. 95). He new*
to argue that thai appearance and half-concealment
mis' have been made oat of by Moses to procure
belief in hie having produced the water miracu-
lously, which existed barbie. Bat thie is wholly
incu mieU Mit, a* indeed ia any view of tins bang the
actaal " rock in Horeb," with hisTiew of BepbJdim
aa situated at at- g s ai a u a, the western extremity of
the Waif Far**. Equally at variance with the
Soiptnnd narratin is the chum of a hole in «r-
BMek, below R6* 8lftaf«k, to be - the Pit of
Koran," whose story belongs to another and far
Luer stage of the march.
On Mount sit. Catherine the principal interest lies
in the panorama of the whole Peninsula which it
— —"-»■<« embraced by the conrerging horns of
the KM Sea, and the complete way in which it
ovniooks the Jebd J/aso, which, as seen from it,
is by no mesne conspicuous, being about 1000
bet lower. Seetxen mounted by a path strewn with
stones and blocks, having nowhere any steps, like
those njanttoned as existing at ScrimJ, and remarks
that jeaner and porphyiy chiefly constitute the
— sajatain He retched the highest point in three
hours, including intervals of rest, by a hard, steep
path, with toilsome clambering; but the actual
time of aamding wa« only If hours. The date-
palm planlaiion of Tar is asid to be visible tram
the top ; hut the base prevailing at the time pre-
vented this traveller from ve rifying it (Assam, Hi.
89-93). "The rock of the highest point of thia
mountain swells into the fan of a human body,
its arms swathed like that of a mommy, but head-
less — the counterpart, as it is alleged, of the corpse
of the beheaded Kgyptian saint.. . . Not improbably
this grotesque figure furnishes not merely the illustra-
tion, bnt the origin, of the story " of St. Catherine's
body being transported to the epos, after martyr-
dom, from Egypt by angelic hands {8. ami P. 45).
The ivjasuniug principal mountain is iwmfd vari-
ously aaWtetr, " the Convent ;" "Beseta," from St.
Kpisteme, the first abbeni of the nunnery ; "Solan,"
from " the Crass," which ■tends on its summit ;
and the " Mount of the Burning Bush," from a
legend that a sun-beam shoots down, supposed
nsiracnlpnsrjr, on one day in the year, through the
mountain into the chapel "of the Burning Bush"*
(a* called) in the convent (». 78). In the pass of
the Convent rocks arise en every side, m long succes-
sion, fantastically coloured, grey, red, blue, bright
yellow, and bronze, sometimes strangely marked
with white lines of quartz or black bands of basalt ;
huge blocks worn into fsnrssrir shapes .... inter-
rupt the narrow track, which successive ages have
warn along the (ace of the precipice, or, hanging
satilnnd, threaten to u ve m j u e un the traveller in
their fall. The wady which contains this pass ia
called by the name of SkifeA — a corruption of
Hobab, the name of the father-in-law of Moses
(4.32,33). At the foot of a mountain near the
convent Sectzen noticed "a range of rocks of bhek
horn-porphyry, of hornblende, and black jasper,
and between their scrolls or volutes white quarts."
The gr~*— ' -, at has been noticed, are in sight
• Ifrjsnearr vartaed the poaegulry of me so, and ass-
assvai Its atiracakias character By assessable: the ravine
eteii j eatteaawnMhToagh which, when the son gains the
l i jn.ii) «luumV, « ray wooM reach the chapel (S. * f **).
« Um*lX.l**Btej<i<tiiMBl\l* UMi.forimeiibjT)r.Ko-
fiom the approach through er-sMaaV.
targes an their beauty, ead a naaad. of
savage wild about them;
(fieusm, m. 70, 73. 87).
canabiUtim of the sail are of in
to the Moaaic and to every period. Aa l a yasds the
Convent, the reader may be l u aiii ri to Dr.ataaJeya
animated description of its character, the naasar at
ita founder, and the quality of its hsnnstos (& sasf
P. 51-56). This traveller took three hours in the
ascent " In the recesses between the Beaks asas
a ruined Bedouin village. On the highest lew* was
a small natural basin, thfakrr iswsl with saanaas
of myrrh— of all the spots or the kind that I saw.
the beat suited for the feeding of Jet to n ' s assist in
the aedurion of the mountain" <e>. 78). Be
thought the prospect, however, from its ananas.
inferior in various ways to say of the eaten- varan)
from the ■sngttocuing n a ai i rl a ina , ffer na T . BL Ca-
tierm, JtU Jfsso, or Bm Oftiftk.
The rocks, on leaving Stoat en the east far 'Aha.
hah, are eartstahr mterasasgted, aasBevrhat as to the
opposite margin of the Wadys dasVii
Wadg &e*7 contains " mils of a <
curiously slanting across each ether, anal wi
appmrance of serpentine and baasIL TTae
. . . .then mounted a short rooky '
deep sand— the first we bad imi m aliind a m
which were scattered isolated ilaenj i of saaaaaaaas,
with orcasienal chalk. ... At the dee* of this
plain, an isolated rock, its high tiers rasas; east at
lower tiers, like a castle." Here • the lewa teams,
of et-Tth rose in front."' And ansa after, eat saris-
nag down, apparently, I
desert, amidst hmtesta
with lilac sad dull green, at if of txda,"
After this came a desert strewn with r '
the TuV i- *- U iu ea tuue, bnt
"Wady Gbttealeh,"* i
doe northward, and then deflects
"high granite rocks "reappeared; an
(rf-'Ira, "the rocks rise, red
basalt, iiuiaainoally tipped aa if with i
atone to the height of about 1000 feet . .
finally open on the am. At the mouth of 1
are many traces of flood — trees torn fa*
strewed along the sand " (nV 80, 81).
VL Wc now psm on to i
trace the progress of the lanseKtea. Tbshrt
a year in the n ee g h buur hond of Moun" ~"
eventful one. The s t a temen ts of I
narrative which relate to the i s t a t e iu f , of she raw
Tables, the Golden Calf. Moms' visas sf Gat. and
the visit of Jethro, are too wvD known to an
■pfml mention here; but beside these, it m cartast
from Num. iii. 4, that bean they quitted fete
sriMeroess of Snai, the Israelite, were thrown tote
mourning by the untimely death of Aaraa'a taa>
eons, Nadab and Ahum Tate event in | r I a bl e
connected with the netting up of the l a in i am h i nan
the enkindling of that holy fire, the i
which their death avenged. That it baa a
minate chronological rrattion with the
tions which from time to time were mm
mas tee Convent he bat I
la a U.K. dnvctkai t
■acta of the Golf of',
by Ae treaty i
WXLDEHNE8H OP TUB WAMDEBWO
1701
wilderreas, is proved by an. edict in Lev. xvi,
being fixed a* subsequent to it (Lev. x., com p.
id. 1). The only other fact of history contained
in Levitie i» it the punishment of the son of mixed
parentage for blasphemy (xxiv. 10-14). Of course
the convention of Aaron and his sons is mentioned
early in tit Boole in connexion with the laws relat-
ing to their office (viii., ix.). In the same wilder-
ness region the people were numbered, and the ex-
onange of the Levitee against the firstborn was
edected ; these last, since their delivery when God
suwte those of Egypt, baring incurred the obliga-
tion of sanctity to him. The offerings of the priucea
•f Israel were ben also received. The last incident
mentioned before the wilderness of Sinai was quitted
for that of Paran is the intended departure of
Hobab the Kenite, which it seems he abandoned at
Noses' urgency. They now quitted the Sinaitic
region for that of Paran, in which they went three
days without finding a permanent encampment,
although temporary halts must of course have been
daily made (Num. i., ix. 15-23; x. 13, 33; xi.
85 ; xdi. 16). A glance at Kiepert's, or any map
showing the region in detail, will prove that here a
choioa of two main routes begins, in order to cross
too intervening space between Sinai and Canaan,
which they certainly approached In the tint in-
stance on the southern, and not on the eastern
side. Here the higher plateau surmounting the 7U
region would almost certainly, assuming the main
features of the wilderness to have been then as
they are now, have compelled them to tarn its
western side nearly by the routs by which Seetxen
came in the opposite direction from Hebron to Sinai,
or to turn it on the east by going up the 'Arabah,
or between the 'Arabah and the higher plateau.
Orer its southern race there is no pass, and hence
the roads from Sinai, and those fiom Petra towards
Gaza and Hebron, all converge into one of two trunk-
lines of route (Robinson, i. 147, 151, 2, ii. 186).
Taberab and Kibroth-Hattaavah, both seem to belong
to the same encampment where Israel abode lor at
least a month (xi. 20), being names given to it
from the two events which happened there. [Ta-
hesah, Kibroth-Hattaavah, Quails.] These
stations seem from Num. x. 11-13, 33-36, to have
Iain in the wilderness of Paran; but possibly the
{■swage x. 11-13 should come after that 33-36, and
the " three days' journey " of ver. 33 lie still in the
wilderness of Sinai ; and even Taberah and Haxe-
roth, reached in xi, xii., also there. Thus they
would reach Parnn only in xii. 16, ond x. 12
would be either misplaced or mentioned by antici-
pation only. One reason for thinking that they did
not strike northwards across the Tth range from
Sinai, is Moses* question when they murmur,
" shall all the fish of the sea be gathered together
for them, to suffice them V which is natural enough
if they were rapidly nearing the Gulf of 'Akabah,
bat strange if they were pouting toward* the inland
heart of the desert. Again the quails • are brought
by "s wind from the sea " (Num. xi. 22, 31) ; and
various travellers (Burckhardt, Schubert, Stanley)
testify to the occurrence of vast flights of biids in
this precise region between Siuai and 'Akabah.
Again, Haxeroth, the nest station ifter these, is
• Seetxen supposes tost what are called quails in Scrip-
ture were really locust* (Heisen, 111. 80) ; an opinion which
Coquerel (Lmborde, (lamtm. t.'eojn-. Kx. xvl. 13) appears to
nave shared. But surer/ locusts, as edible, are too well
«oown In Scripture to stake the contusion possible Mr.
VOL. 11L
coupled with Dixahab, which last s tem s undoubfc
edly the Dahab on the shore of that gulf (Dent. i.
1, and Robinson, ii. 187, note). This nukes a sea-
ward position likely for Haxeroth. And as Taberah,
previously reached, was three days' journey or mors
from the wilderness of Sinai, they had probably
advanced that distance towards the N.E. and 'Aka-
bah; and the distance required for this will bring us
so near ei-Hidherd (the spot which Dr. Robinson
thought represented Haxeroth in fact, as it seems
to do in name), that it may be accepted as a highly
probable site. Thus they were now not for from
the coast of the Gulf of 'Akabah. A spot which
seems almost certain to attract their coarse was the
Wady el- Am, being the water, the spring of that
region of the desert, which would have drawn around
it such " nomadic settlements as are implied in the
name of Haxeroth, and such as that of Israel must
have been " (S. f P. 82). Dr. Robinson remarks,
that if this be so, this settles the course to Kadesh
as being up the 'Arabrdi, and not across the plateau
of et-TUi. Dr. Stanley think* this identification a
" faint probability," and the more uncertain at
regards identity, " as the name Haxeroth is one of
the least likely to be attached to any permanent or
natural feature of the desert," meaning " simply
the enclosures, such as may still be seen in the Be-
douin' villages, hardly lets transitory than tents"
(& *• P. 81, 82). We rely, however, rather on
the combination of the various circumstances men-
tioned above than on tile name. The W"dy r7d>
derih and Wady-et 'Ain, appear to run nearly pa-
rallel to each other, from S.W. to N.E., nearly from
the eastern extremity of the Wady a-SheylA, and
their N.E. extremity comes nearly to the coast,
marking about a midway distance between the Jebel
MAsa and 'Akabah. In Haxeroth the people tarried
seven days, if not more (Num. xi. 35, xii.), during
the exclusion of Miriam from the camp while
leprous. The next permanent encampment brought
them into the wilderness of Paran, and here the
local commentator's greatest difficulty begins.
For we have not merely to contend with the fact
that time has changed the desert's face in many
parts, and obliterated old names for new; but we
nave beyond this, great obscurity and perplexity in
the narrative. The task is, first, to adjust the un-
certainties of the record inter te, and then to try
and make the resultant probability square with the
main historical and physical facts, so far as the
latter can be supposed to remain unaltered. Besides
the more or less discontinuous form in which the
sacred narrative meets us in Exodus, a small portion
of Leviticus, and the greater part of Numbers, we
have in Num. xxxiii. what purports nt first sight
to be a complete skeleton route so far as regards
nomenclature; and we further find in Deuteronomy
a review of the leading events of the wandering or
some of them, without following the order of occur-
rence, and chiefly in the way of allusion expanded
and dwelt upon. Thus the authority is of a threefold
character. And as, in the main nan-stive, whole
year* are often sunk as uneveutful, sc in the itinc
rary of Num. xxxiii., on a near view great chasms
occur, which require, wheie all cite bespeaks a
severe uniformity of method, to be somehow so.
Tyrwhltt says that quails, or small partridges, whiob he
supposes rather meant, are, as tar as he saw mart coa>
mon In toe desert than locusts.
' Rubinsoo, u«. tap,; oonxn (tewut. 7. anel f
11*.
ft V
1762
muited fbr. But, beyond the questions opened by
tHber authority In itself, we bare difficulties of
apparent incongruity between them; Mich at the
•mission in Exodus of Dophka and Alnah, and of the
encampment by the Red Sea; and, incompanbly
greater, that of the tact of a viait to Kadeth being
recorded in Num. xiii. 26, and again in xx. 1,
while the itinerary mention* the name of Kadesh
only once. Theee difficulties resolve themsdves into
two main questions. Did Israel riaH Kadesh once,
or twice t And where is it -now to be looked for?
Before attempting these difficulties individually,
it may be as well to suggest a caution against
certain erroneous general mews, which often appear
to govern the considerations of desert topography.
One is, that the Israelites journeyed, wherever they
could, in nearly a straight line, or took at any rate
the shortest cuts between point and point. This
has led some delineators of maps to simply register
the file of names in Mum. xxxiii. 16-36 from
Sinai in rectilinear sequence to Kadesh, wherever
they may happen to fix its site, then tum the line
backward from Kadesh to Exion-Geber, and then
cither to Kadesh again, or to Mount Hor, and thence
again, and here correctly, down the 'Arabah south-
wards and round the south-eastern angle of Edom,
with a sweep northwards towards Moab. In
drawing a map of the Wanderings, we should mark
n approximately or probably ascertained the sta-
tions from Etham to Haxeroth, after which no
track should be attempted, but the end of the line
should lose itself in the blank space ; and out of the
tame blank space it might on the western side of
the 'Arabah be similarly resumed and traced down
the 'Arabah, &c., as before describe-1. All the sites
rf intervening stations, as being ei'her plainly con-
jectural merely, or lacking any one authority, should
limply be marked in the margin, save that Moserah
may be put dose to Mount Hor, and Exion-Geber
further S. in the 'Arabah [Ezion-Gebkr], from
which to the brook Zend and onwards to the plaint
of Moab, the ambiguities lie in narrow ground, and
a probable light breaks on the route and Its stations.
Another common error is, that of supposing that
from station to station, in Num. xxxiii., always re-
presents a day's march merely, whereas it Is plain
fiom a comparison of two passages in Ex. (xv.
22), and Num. (x. 33), that on two occasions
three days formed the period of transition between
station and station, and therefore, that not day's
marches, but intervals of an indefinite number of
days between permanent encampments, are intended
by that itinerary ; and as it is equally ciear from
Num. ix. 22, that the ground may hare been occu-
pied for " two days, or a month, or a year," we
may suppose that the occupations of a longer period
only may be marked in the itinerary. And thus
the difficulty of apparent chasms in its enumeration,
for instance the greatest, between Exion-Geber and
Kadesh (xxxiii. 35-37) altogether vanishes.
An example of the error, consequent on neglect-
WILDKBNHSS OF THE WANDERING
s He speaks of certain stations as " plecees entre le
moot Sinai et Cades, etpace qui ne comport* pas pins de
on* Joornses selan raOrmttlon Men pusrUre de Deuts-
Kmome"(L I). He then p r o cee d s to argue, " Cetdlx-sept
stations reunles tax trots que nous venoos d'exsminer,
en torment Tlngt; il 7 a done nenf stations., .donton ne
salt que tarn." The statement quoted tram Deuteronomy,
wheuer aenutae, or an annotation tbat has crept Into the
(eat, merely states the distance as ordinarljy known and
travelled, and need not indicate that the Israelites crossed
K at that an* of progress.
tag to notice this, may be seen in LaboroV* wary
of the Wanderings, in hie Commentary en Exode
and Numbers, in whid. the stations naand m
Num. xxxiii. 18-34, are > Wisely crowded, tart be-
tween those of ver. 35 and those of ver. 37 a lug*
void follows, and between those of ver. 37 and those
of ver. 89 a trill larger one, both of which, sine* en
referring to the text of his Commentary C we rod
that the intervals all re p resent day** mart has, an
plainly impossible.
Omitting, then, for the present all coosideratkai
of the previous intervals after Haaeroth, tome sag.
gestions concerning the nomenclature said possible
sites of whkh will be found in articles under their
respective names, the primary question, did the
people visit Kadesh twice, or coca only, demand* u
be considered.
We read in Num. x. 11, 12, thai "on the
twentieth day of the second month of the second
year . . . the children of land took their j o urn ey s
out of the wilderness of Sinai, and Ma esW rested
matnldtnuncfParcm." The latter statement
is probably to be viewed as made by anticipation ;
as we find that, after quitting Kibroth-Hattaavah
and Haxeroth, " the people pitched in the wilder-
ness of Paran ' (Num. xii. 16). Hew the grand
pause waa made while the spies, "sent," it iaagar*
Impr e s sed upon us (xiii. 3), " from the wilderness
of Paran,'' searched the land tor •' forty days," and
returned " to Moses and to Aaron, acid to ail the
congregation . . . wife tAe wiUgnut 0/ Pores* It
Kodak." Tut k the first mention of Kadesh in
the narrative of the Wanderings (vera. 25, 26). It
may bare be observed that an inaccuracy occurs in
the rendering of Motes' directions to the spies in
the A. V. of xiii. 17, "get you up by this way
KHthoard" (3M3), where » by tie Stan," i, «.
by the border lying in that direction from Palestine,
is intended, as is further plain from ver. 22. ** And
they ascended by the south and came to Hebron,"
i*. t. they want wrtkmrd^ From consideration*
adduced under Kadesh, it seems that Kadesh ]
bahly means firttly, a region of the desert 1 _
of as having a relation, sometimes with the wilder-
ness of Paran, and sometimes with that of Zin
(comp. vera. 21, 26) ; and secondly, a distinct dty
within that desert limit. Now all the conditions
of the narrative of the departure and return of the
spies, and of the consequent despondency, murmur-
ing, and penal sentence of wandering, will be satis-
fied by supposing tbat the name " Kadesh,'* here
means the rtgim merely. It is observable, aha,
that Kadesh is not named as the place of departure,
but only aa that of return. From Paran it the
start ; but from Zin (both region* in the desert)
the search commence*. And this agree* with the
political geography of the southern border, to which
the wild er n e ss of Zin is always reckoned aa pertain-
ing, 1 whereas that of Paran always lies outside
the promised land. Natural features of deration,
depression, and slope,* are the ouly token to which
* The word for -southward" woold be H333, as I
» :v
In Kb. xL W. Josh. aril. *, 10. The word 333 1
TT
to mean the "dry" country, and hence to brass* 'jt
appellative for the region on the sooth or Jadah mt
Simeon where springs were scarce; as* tie JTeasb by
Hev. & Wilton, pref. vlll.
1 Num. xax.lv. * ; Josh. x*. a.
* For some good remarks on the level of the i
the slop* between the sot "
'Araaah, at* Kobtason, L WI.
WILDERNESS OF THE WANDEBUTO
1762
ere can reasonably trust in deciding wham the Paran
wilderness end*, and that of Zia begin. It ha*
faven proposed under Kadesh to regard part of the
'Arabah, Including all the low ground at the southern
and south- we st e rn extremity of the Dead Sea, as
iIm wilderness of Zin. [Zm.l Then the broad lower
north-eastern plateao, including both its slopes as
described shore, will be defined as the Paran wilder-
ness proper. If w* assume the higher superimposed
n" atu, described abort, to bear the name of " Ka-
" aa a desert district, and its south-western
mountain-wall to be " the mountain of the Amor-
Sea," than the Paran wilderness, so far as syno-
nymous with Kadesh, will mean most naturally
'■ne region where that mountain-wall from Jebtl
•Ariif en-Kdkak to Jcbel Mikhrah, and perhaps
•hence northward along the other side of the angle
of the highest plateau, orerhongs the lower terrace
of the fit. mioses identifies the coming " to Kadesh
rJarnsa " ' with the coming to " the mountain of the
' Araoritas" (Dent. i. 19, 20) whence the spies were
also despatched (vers. 22, 23), which is said to have
been from " Paran '' in Num. xiii. X Suppose the
apies' actual start to have been made from some-
where on the watershed of the two slopes of et-Tth,
the spies* beat way then would bare bean by the
Wudfi et-Jerafeh into and so up the 'Arabah : this
would be beginning " from the wilderness of Zin,"
•a Is said in Num. xiii. 21. Then, most naturally,
by his direction to them, " go np into the moun-
tain" ( Num. xiii. 1 7 ), which be represents as acted
mi in Deut. i. 24, - and they tamed and went up
into the mountain," he meant them to mount the
higher plateau, supposed the region Kadesh. By
their •* taming " in order to do so, it may be in-
ferred that their course was not direct to their
object, as indeed has been supposed in taking them
iloog the 'Arabah and again np its western aide by
the passes el-Khurar and e*-8tfA (Zephnth).- By
these puses they must hare left Zin or the 'Arabah,
there being no choice. During the forty days of
their absence, we may suppose the host to hare
moved from the watershed into the Kadesh-l'aran
region, and not at this period of their wanderings
to hare touched the city Kadesh at all. This is
quite crasixtetit with, if it be not even confirmed
by. the words of the murmurers in xiv. 2, 3,
" Would God we hid died in i hit mldernca ! And
wherefore hath the l.ord brought us unto this land ;"
aarl throughout the denunciation which follows,
evidently on the same spot, the words " the wilder-
new," aid " this wilderness," often recur, but from
first to last there is no mention of a " city."
Now, in Deut. i. 19, where these proceedings
pass in review before Moan, in his words to the
people, there is, strictly speaking, no need to men-
tion Kadesh at all, for the people were all the time
in the wilderness of Paran. Tet this last is so wide
a term, reaching almost from the 'Arabah to near
the Egyptian frontier, that Moses might naturally
use some more precise designation of the quarter
be meant. He accordingly marks it by the proii-
> For " Barnes," as perhaps a Horits proper name, sss
Kaposi, note >.
■ Mr. Wilton (Most, 11 iea-*tf). following Kowlands
(In Wntlams), make* Zephsth et-Sebata on the wrtter*
side of the high brosd plateau, snpnosM here to be the
" mountain of the Aawrltts." On this view the Israelite*
mast already have won that eminence from which It was
deal} Ik Intention of the Amorltes to repel tban ; sad
asset, when defeated, have been driven up MH from a
aMUfo* nui f Hii as the suss below. The posilloa as-
mity of Kadesh. Thus, the spies' return to " the
wilderness of Paran to Kadesh meant to that pait
of the lower plateau where it is adjacent to the
higher, and probably the eastern side of it. The
expression " from Kadesh-barnea even unto Gnu,"
is decisive of an eastern site for the former 'Josh
x. 41).
Here, as is plain both from Num. xiv, 40-45 and
from Dent, i.41-44, followed the wayward attempt of
the host to win their way, iu spite of their sentence
of prohibition, to the " hill" (Num. xiv. 40-4&,
Deut. i. 41-44) or "mountain •* of the Amalekites
and Ganaanites, or Aroorites, and their humiliating
defeat. They were repulsed in trying to force the
pass at Horrnah (or Zephnth, Judg. i. 14), and the
legion of that defeat is called " Seir," showing that
the place was also known by its Horite name ; and
here perhaps the remnant of the Horite* war*
allowed to dwell by the Kdomites, to whose border
this territory in the message of Num. xx. 18, is
ascribed. [Kadesh.] Here, from the notice in
Num. xiv. 25, that these "Amalekites and Ca-
naanites dwelt «a the valley" we may suppose
that their dwelling was where they would find
pasture tor their flocks, in the wady tt-flkreh and
others tributary to el-Jtib, and that they took post
in the " mountain " or " bill," as barring the way
of the Israelites' advance. So the spies had gone
by Motes' direction "this way, by the South (not
' southward,' aa shown above), np into the moun-
tain ;" and this same way, " the way of the spies," ■
through the passes of et-Khirar and es-Sa/a, was the
approach to the city Kadesh also.
Here, then, the penal portion of the wanderings
commences, and the great bulk of it, comprising a
period of nearly thirty-eight years, passes over
between this defeat in Num. xiv., and the resump-
tion of local notices in Num. xx., where again the
names of "Zin" and " Kadesh " are the first that
meet us.
The only events recorded during this period (and
these are interspersed with sundry promulgations
of the Ceremonial Ijiw), are the execution of the
offender who gathered stick* on the Sabbath (Num.
XV. 32-36), the rebellion of Korali (ivi.), and,
closely connected with it, the adjudgment of the
pre-eminence to Aaron's house with their kindred
tribe, solemnly confirmed bv the judicial miracle of
the rod that blossomed. This seems to have been
followed by a more rigid separation between Levi
and the other tribes, as regards the approach to the
tabernacle, than had been practically recognised
before (xxvii. xviii. 22 ; oomp. xvi. 40).
We gather, then, from Deut. i. 46, that the
greater part, perhaps the whole, of this period of
nearly thirty-eight years, if to we msy interpret
the " many days " there spoken of, was passed in
Kadesh, — the region, that is, not the city; in
which, of course, the camp may have been shifted
at convenience, under direction, any number of
times. But Num. xx. 1 brings us to ■ new point
of departuie. The people have grown old, or
sefa Is ou the 8. side of the high (round, sad bss pro-
bably always been the pass by which to mount It For
all this, see Mr. Wilton's own map, or any oaa which
shows both et^iebato sod o-S«/a.
• Our A. V. here seems to have viewed D**1J"l»til. as
• t*j»
If derived from "U)F1 " <o spy." Geseu. render* It " re-
gions," and the UUL makes U a proper name 'Aaaavtr
It is not elsewhere found. Now the verb "VIP1 occurs It
the passage where the spies are sent forth, Num. stU.
sir., wbtrh gives s pre* umptfcjn In bvoor of the A. V.
60 1
I7«4
WILDERNESS OF THE WANDEHfiTO
iittlur again young, in their wandering*. Here,
then, we are at " the desert of Zin, in the firtt
munlh," with the " people abiding in Kadeah." By
the aeqnel, "Miriam died there, and was buried
there" a more precise definition of locality now
aeemi intended ; which is further oonfirawl by the
subsequent me&age from the same place to the king
of Kdom, " Behold, we are in Kadesh, a city in the
uttennost of thy border" (v. 16). This, then,
must be supposed to coincide with the encampment,
recorded as taking place " in the wilderness of Zin,
which is Kadeah," registered in the itinerary
(xxxiii. 36). We see then why, in that register of
specific camping-spots, there was no necessity for
any previous mention of " Kadesh ; " because the
earlier notice in the narrative, where that name
occurs, introduces it not as an individual encamp-
ment, but only as a region, within which perpetual
changes of encampment went on for the greater
part of thirty-eight years. We also see that they
came twice to Kadesh the region, if the city Kadesh
lay in it, and once to Kadesh the city ; but once
only to Kadesh the region, if the city lay without
it. We are not told how the Israelites came into
possession of the city Kadesh, nor who were its
previous occupants. The probability is that these
last were a remnant of the Horites, who after their
expulsion by Edom from Mount Seir [Enoai]
may have here retained their last hold on the
temtory between Edom and the Canaanitish Amor-
ites of " the South." Probably Israel took it by
force of arms, which may have induced the attack
of " Arad the Canaanite,"* who would then feel his
border immediately threatened (Num. xxxiii. 40 ;
comp. xii. 1). This warlike exploit of Israel may,
perhaps, be alluded to in Judges v. * as the oc-
casion when Jehovah "went out of Seir" and
*' marched out of the field of Edom " to give His
people victory. The attack of And, however,
though with some aright success at first, aty
brought defeat upon himself and destruction jpos
his cities (xii. 3).f We learn from xxxJii. 38 only
that Israel marched without permanent halt from
Ezion-geber upon Kadeah. This sudden activity
after their long period of desultory and purposrleai
wandering may have alarmed King Arad. The
itinerary takes here another stride from Kadesh "o
Mount Hor. There their being engaged with tea
burial of Aaron may have given And his fanned
opportunity of assaulting the rear of their inarch,
he desce n ding from the north whilst they also ™re
fitting southwards. In direct connexion with these
events we come upon a singular passage in Deuter
onomy (x. 6, 7), a scrap of narrative imbedded it
Moses' recital of events at Horeb long previous.!
This contains a short list of names of localities, on
comparing which with the itinerary, we get some
clue to the line of march from the region Kadesh
to Enon-gener southwards.
We find at the port of their route in which
Aaron's death took place, that stations names,
" Betroth of the children of Jaakan, Mosera (where
Aaron died), Oudgodah, and Jotbsth,'" were suc-
cessively passed through ; and from Num. rrriii. 38
we find that " Aaron went up into Mount Hor. . .
and died there in the fortieth year ... in the
first day of the fifth month." Assuming for
Mount Hor the traditional site overhanging the
'Arabah, which they very soon after this quitted,
Mosera must have been close to it, probably in the
'Arabah itself. Now the stations which in the
itinerary come next before Ezion-geber, and which
were passed in the strictly penal wandering which
commenced from the region Kadesh, have names so
closely similar that we cannot doubt we are here
on the same ground. Their order is, however,
slightly changed, standing in the two passages, as
Oosjeoruui. 8m.
(0) 'Ain fliuo, N.W. In the 'Arabah.
(1) JTwanoea, mouth of the W'ody Abu,
near the Toot of Mount Hor.
(2) 'Ain Gkarind*.
(») Wadji tt-VhOdMgidh.
(4) Confluence of Hudy d-AdUxk with
<tV«ro/.a.
No*. ixxuLSO-JS.
(a) (Hsahmonah).
(l)Moseroih.
(2) Bene-Jaakan.'
(3) Hot hagtagsd.
(4) Jotbathah,
(Kbroooh).
(EstotVfeberX
Dam. x 6, ».
p)Be*rotboflhed
«/ Jaakan.
(I) Nostra.
(J) Oudgodah.
(4) Jotbsth.-
•More properly "the Canaanitish kins; of Arad."
► He " took some of toe Israelites " prisoners." It Is
possible the name Mosera. or plur. Mceeroth, may recall
■bis fact; the word ~Cto, (found only In the plur.),
meaning " bond* " or ** fetters." This would accord with
the suggestion of the text that Aaron's burial gave Arad
the opportunity for bis raid ; for Mosera must have been
near Mount Hoi, where that burial took place. It Is
possible that tbe destruction of these cities may not
have really taken place ttU the entry Into Canaan under
Joshua (Josh. xll 14, Jndg. L IT), and may be mentioned
In Num. xxt. a, 3, by anticipation only as a subsequent
fulfilmentofthevowrecordedsstbennuule. It lsubvtoua
to suggest that Modern is the Mo*era or Dent. x. 6, and
so Mr. Wilton ( The Xtffeb, 28 &c.) has suggested, wish-
ing to identify It with Mount Hor. But the received site
for Mount Hor Is the least doubtful of all In the Exodus.
Josephus clearly Identifies It as we do ; sad there is
a strung Improbability In a Jewish tradition fixing It In
Kdomltiahorln Nnbatuean territory, unless the testimony
In its favour bad been overpowering. Modera might per-
haps be the bill called -Sin" (Zin?). mentioned by Josepboa
as that la which Miriam was burled (Ant It. «, « «, T).
< A somewhat similar fragment of narrative, bet re-
lating to what perhaps took place during the Urns of ft*
allocution to tbe people between the paragraphs of waft*
It occurs, Is found in Dent. Iv. 41-43; and Indeed the
mention of Aaron's death, with the date and his age, seal
of the attack of And, bom of which had been detailed
before. Is hardly leas of a deviation from the dry emaae-
ratlon of stations in the ttlnerary Itself (Num. laxiO.
38, 39). But It would be foreign to our present purpose
to enter on the critical questions which these paaassjss
suggest We assume their genuineness, and suppose theas
displaced.
' See Jaakak and Base Jsakah for the name. Jaakar
wss the grandson of Seir (1 Chr. L 43, camp. wan. jSt. a,
xxxvi. 27).
• Dr. Koblnson, Judging from his visit, thinks that these
stations could not have lain to the S. of Mount Hor. as
that region is too poor In water to contain any ends
place as Jotbsth in Deut- x. T, and corresponds rather
to the description given in Num. xxi. 4-« (H. 11a).
He thinks that 'Ain etjBrpos* In either Beeroth Ban
Jaakan or Moseroth, and PTeafy tJ G kn i knfiHt Jothett
(ML).
WU.DEHNE88 OK THE WANDKBINO
1785
Nov in Knm n. 14, 16, 2:2-29, the narrativ»
conducts as from hadnsh the city, readied in or
shortly before " the fortieth year," to Mount Hor,
where Aaron died, a portion of which route it ac-
sordingly that given in Deut. x. 6, 7 ; whereas the
parallel column from Mum. xxxiii. gives substantially
the tame route as pursued in the early part of the
penal wandering, when fulfilling the command given
in the region Kadesh, " turn you, get you into the
wilderness by the way of the lied Sea " (Num. xiv.
25 ; Dent. i. 40), which command we further learn
ivom Deut. ii. 1 was strictly acted on, and which a
march towards Ezion-geber would exactly fulfil.
These half-obliterated footsteps in the desert may
•vein to indicate a direction only in which Kadesh
•lie city, 1 lay. Widely different localities, from
Peti a eastward to el-KMlesah on the north-west,
and weitward to near the Jebel Heltak, have b*n
aaaignrd by different writers. The best way is to
acknowledge that our research has not yet graiped
tlie materials for a decision, and to be content with
some such attempt as that nnder Kadrsh, to fix
it approximately only, until more undoubted tokens
are obtained. The portion of the arc of a tircle
with ct-Stfa for its centre, and a day's journey-
about fifteen miles — for its radius, will not take in
tl-Khaloah, nor Hetra ," and the former name seems
to be traceable, with a alight metathesis, much
more probably in Chail* than in Kadesh J The
highest plateau is marked with the ruins of Aboda,
and on the inferior om, some miles S.W. of the
Jrfile of the Wady el-Fihreh stands a round conical
hill of limestone, mixed with sand, named Mada-
rah (Modurn, or Modem), at a short day's journey
from the southern end of the Dead Sea. Seetzen,
who visited it, had had his curiosity raised by a
Bedouin legend of a village having been destroyed
by Allah and buried under that hill for the wick-
edness of it* people ; and that, as a further attes-
tation, human skulls were found on the ground
around it. This statement he resolved by visiting
the spot into a simple natural phenomenon of some
curious rounded atones, or pebbles, which abound
in the neighbourhood. He thought it a legend of
Sodom ; and it might, with equal likelihood, have
been referred to the catastrophe of Korah (Seetzen,
Seven, iii. 13), which, if onr sites for Kadesh the
region and Paran are correct, should have occurred
in the neighbourhood, were it not far more probable
that the physical appearance of the round pebbles
having once given rise to the story of the skulls, the
legend was easily generated to account for them.
1 Laborde (Comment, on Num. xxxiii. 36) places Kadesb
die city " pies dei tourers d'Kmbascta an fond de Ouadl
JJJeraB " ( Wady cl-Jtiqfcli). Dr. Robinson thought 'Ain A-
n tiosa was Kadesh, the city, or, as be calls It, Kadesh
IWrnca (sea Hap, vol. I, end). Dr. Stanley remvks that
then, txao cuff (JPO) there. Sea his remarks quoted
snider Kansas
» Robinson puts a-Stfa at about two days' Journey
from the toot of Mount Hor, II. IMM.
• A* aoagested iu Williams's Holy Pity. L 4U.
» The northern Kadesh, or Kedesb, In Napl tali has the
very same consonants In IU modem Arabic name aa in the
Hebrew.
• A wrtler In tbe Jinntal o/ Sac. Lit. April, lsso,
ocnoecu this nsme wtib 3b, - good,- from the goodness
ot tbe water •apply. This k not unlikely; but bis view
of the name H3D 1 , as from the same root aa the Arabic
Ejjkf "AaVxk. Is very ooootful, the c (Heh. y) bolng
f-n oabljr radical. However, if ti-'AJMxh be, a> heavers..
I The mountains ou the west of the 'Araluh must
have been always jtoor in water, and form a dreary
contrast to the rich springs of the eastern side is.
Mount Selr. From the cliff front of this kit,
Monut Hor stands out prominertly 'Robinson, ii.
174-180). It has been suggested [HOR HaOID-
gad] that the name Ha-gidgad, or Gudgodau,
may possibly be retraced in the Wady et-QhSd/ui-
ghidh, which has a confluence with the Wady el-
Jerafeh. This latter runs into the 'Arabah on the
west side. That point of confluence, as laid down in
Kiepert's map (liobinson, B. R. i.), is about fifteen
miles from tin 'Arabah's nearest point, and about
forty or forty-five from the top of Mount Hor. On
the whole it seems likely enough that the name ot
this Wady may really represent that of this station,
although the latter may have lain nearer tbe
'Arabah than the Wady now reaches, and this con-
jectural identification has been adopted above.
Jotbath, or Jotbatha,' is described aa " a land ot
rivers of waters " (Deut. z. 7) ; and may stand
for any confluence of wadys in sufficient force to
justify that character. It should certainly be in
the southern portion of the 'Arabah, or s little to
the west of the same.
The probabilities of the whole inarch from Sinai,
then, seem to stand as follows: They proceeded
towards the U.K. to the 'Ain ei-HOder&h (Haze-
roth), and thence quitted the maritime region,
striking directly northwards to el-' Am, and thence
by a route wholly unknown, perhaps a little to
the E. of N. across the lower eastern spurs of the
el-Tth range, descending the upper course of the
Wady eUJerafeh, until the south-eastern angle ot
the higher plateau confronted them at the Jcbcl
lUmtkhnk. Hence, after despatching the spies,
they moved perhaps into the 'Arabah, or along its
western overhanging hills, to meet their return.
Then followed the disastrous attempt at or near
es-SSfa (Zephath), and the penal wandering in the
wilderness of Kadesh, with a track wholly undeter-
mined, save in the last half-dozen sV'.ions to
Kzion-geber inclusively, aa shown just abort.
They then marched on Kadesh the city, probably
up the 'Arabah by these some stations, took it, and
sent from there the message to Edom. The refusal
with which it was met forced them to retrace the
'Arabah once more, and meanwhile Aaron died.
Thus the same stations (Deut. z. 6, 7) were passed
again, with the slight variation just noticed, pro^
bably caused by the command to resort .0 Mount
Hor which that death occasioned." Thence, after
a region of abundant water, the place may correspond
with Jotbatb, though tbe name do not. His map places
ft about IT miles N.W. of the modern extremity of too
Golf of 'Akabsh— C a. on the western side of the 'Arabah.
His general view of the route to and from Kadesh, and
especially of the site of Stnal and Mount Hor, Is la-
admissible. See further towards the end of this article.
Barckhsrdt's map gives another watery spot with palm-
trees In the 'Arabah Itself, not far from its southern end,
which might also suit for Jotbath.
• Hengatenberg (AtMenticity «f Me fait. II. 36«) has
another explanation of the deranged order of the stations
enumerated Just above, based on the supposition that la
tbe two passages (Num. xxxiii. 30-35, Dei t. x. 6, J) the
march proceeded In two opposite directions; but this
would obviously require a reverse order of all tbe stations,
and not the derangement of two merely. Von Reamer
thought that the line of march threaded the 'Arabah
tlirfce through, and, making allowance fur tbe mistake ol
giving it ewk time a nearly rccilllucar direction, be it
•tot for wrong.
1766
TfTLDEKNEBB OF THE WANDKKINO
reaching 'Akabah, and tuning north la st w a rd, they
paand by ■ nearly straight line toward* the eastern
harder of Mo»b.
Of the stations in the Hst from Rithmah to
Hitheah, both inclusive, nothing ia known. The
latter, with the few preceding it, probably belong
to the wildemn* of Kadesh; but uo line can be
assigned to the route beyond the indications of
the situation of that wilderness given above. In
the s*ju«i to the burial of Aaron, and the refusal
ti Edom to permit Israel to " pass through his
border"* (which refusal may perhaps hare been
received at Mount Hor (Moaerah), though the
menage which it answered was sent from the city
Kadesh), occurred the necessity, consequent upon
this refusal, of the people's " compassing the land
of Edom " (Num. xzi. 4), when they were mnch
•' discouraged because of the way,''* and whet* the
consequent murmuring was rebuked by the visita-
tion of the " fiery serpents" (r. 5, 6). There is near
Klath a promontory known as the Sit Cm Haye,
" the mother of serpents," which seem to abound
in the region adjacent ; and, if we may suppose this
the scene of that judgment, the event would be
thus connected with the line of march, rounding
tne southern border of Haunt Seir, bud down in
Dr-t. ii. 8, an being " through the way of the plain
(i.e. the 'Arabah; from Elath and from Exion-
geber," whence " turning northward," having
" compassed that mountain (Mount Seir) long
enough," they " pawed by the way of the wilder-
ness of Moab (v. 3, 8). *
Some permanent encampment, perhaps repre-
senteil by Zalmonah in Num. xxxiii. 41, 42, seems
here to hare taken place, to judge from the urgent
expression of Moses to the people in Deut. ii. IS:
" Now rise up, said I, and get you over the brook
Zered," which lay further N. a little E., being
probably the Wady *I-Ahsy (Robinson, ii. !57).
[Zered.] The delay caused by the plague of ser-
pents may be the probable account of this apparent
urgency, which would on this view have taken
place at Zalmonah ; and as we hare connected the
scene of that plague with the neighbourhood of
Elath, so, if we suppose Zalmonah • to hare lain
in the Wady /Mm, which has its junction with the
'Arabsh close to 'Alubah, the modern site of Elath,
this will harmonize the various indication*, and
form a suitable point of departure for the last stage
of the wandering, which ends at the brook Zered
(v. 14). Dr. Stanley, who pasted through 'Akabah,
• la-. Bobbaon thinks thai by the - King's Highway"
the Wady Olwxir, opening a thoroughfare Into the heart
ef tbe Edomitiah territory was meant (IL ill). Tboocn
the pasaaaa through Boom was refused, the borUl uf the
most ssorad person of a klndrad people may have been al-
lowed, especially if Mount Hor was already, as Dr. Stanley
eegn.nl i. a local sanctuary of the region (S. 6 P. ai-M).
• The way up the 'Arabah was toilsome, and Is so at
this day. Dr. BoMnaon calls It -a still more frightful
desert" than ihe Sinaitk (Ji. 184). The pats at the head
of the Oolf of 'Akabah towards at- m "Is lemons tor Its
dlmcelty, and for the destruction which it nines to
animals of burden" (L 174). Only two travellers, lafcome
and Bertun. bare accomplished ( r reoorded their accoaa-
unabraent of) the entire length of the 'Arabah.
• Von Banner IrlmtlfWa it with Moan, a lew minutes
to the E. of Petra.
• Ponon is spoken of by Jerome (Belaud, 6M) aa
" Quoodfun dvitas prlndpum Edom nunc victilos in de-
aerlo, ubi aenun fneulla damoaLorum suppuclis eftadi-
untur inter clvita'em IVtrnm et Zcwmm." Atbanas.
£)***. ad Hal it Vitam AgtnUt, *prak> of the fondemtlatioa
thus deasrifaes the spat in question '8. tmd f. 84
85) : " 'Akabah ia a wretched village shrouded m «
palm-grave at the north end of the gulf, gallaml
round a fortress built for the p r ot e cti on of the
Mecca pilgrimage. . . . Thia is the whole ebjert at
the present existence of 'Akabah, which standi on
the site of the ancient Elath,—* the Pelm-Treea,'
so called from the grave. Its situation, h owever,
is very striking, looking down the beautiful gulf,
with its jogged ranges on each e*le. On the west
is the great black pass, down which the pilgrimage
descends, and from which 'Akabah (' the Pans') de-
rives its name ; on the north opens the wide pbnn,
or Desert Valley, wholly different in character from
anything we have seen, still called, as it was in the
days of Moses, ' the 'Arabah.' Down this came
the Israelites on their return from Kadesh, and
through a gap np the eastern hills they finally
turned off to Monb. . . . This is the Wftdy Ithm.
which turns the eaxtern range of the 'Arabah. ...
It is still one of the regular roads to Petra, and ia
ancient times seems to have been the main approach
from Elath or 'Aknbah. . . . The only r"MJ»s—l
account of it is that of Leborde. Them meontams
appear to be granite, tall, as we advance north-
ward, we reach the entrance of the Wftdy Tubal,
where, for the first time, red sandstone appears m
the mountains, rising, as in the Wady d-'Ain,
architecture-wise above grey granite.'*
Three stations. Punon,* Ohoth, and Ije-Abonm,
woe passed between this locality and the brook or
valley of Zeied (Nam. xxi. 10-12, contp. lxxni.
43, 44), which last name does not occur fa the
itinerary, as neither do those of "the breaks ot
Arnon, Beer, Mattanah, Nahaliel, and Bemeth,
all named iu Num. xxi. 14-90; bat the interval
between Ije-Abarhn and Nebo, which last corre-
sponds probably (see Dent. xxxiv. 1) with the
Pkanh' of xxi. 90, b filled by two stations merely,
named Dibon-gad and Alnxm-dibhthaim, from
whence we may infix that in these two only were
permanent halts made. [Dibos-oad, Autos-
DrBLATHAlM.] In this stage of their wugi ea s
occurred the "digging" of the "well" by "the
prince*," the successive victories over Sibon and
Og, and, lastly, the famous episodes of Balaam said
Phinehas, and the final numbering of the people,
followed by the chastisement of the Mjdsseutei
(Num. xxi. IT, xxii.-xxvi., xxxi. 1-13; camp.
Dent. ii. 84-87, iii. 1-17).
One passage remains in which, althaaga the
of a person to the mines of Pheeoo, where he would onrjr
nVeafewdays. Winer says, geetaan took Xtiatt f+emmn
for Punon, referring to MomatL Cmrap. xviL 1ST. L»-
bnrde (Comaunt. on Num. xxxiii. 42) thinks that the
place named by Jerome end Albanaeros cannot he ram,
which be says lay S.B. of Petra. He adds that Bnrckharat
and Von Burner took rajtU *» Panoa. He penes
Oboth "linl ill nilii i Ii Tinilili craTfllji.Trnlssii i j.
laiassjit ainsl Haan A droite."
' Dr. Stewart (r. a) K. 3M) says, " The river Ansa
empties itseir Into the Dead Sea, and between them rises
the lofty Qebel A tanas, which Is bettered » be the Hebe
or Plsgah of Scripture." He Jaatioee this from lis bemg
the highest mountain on the Moabttiib border, and frees
the hot spring Callirbol bring situated at its base, wham
seems to correspond with the Aahdoth (- aaraaat" or
"streams") of Piajah of Dent. lv. 4s. He ados that
■Moses could have men the land of land from thai
mountain." The Aroou is, without doubt, the IM)
cl-Mojeb. Ar or Moab is Araopolls. lUbbam tt-mt sow
Rabin [Aa-MOAS and Atxm]
WHJDEBNE88 OF THE WAXDJEKING
1767
tnut recorded belongs to the close of Motes' life,
relating to hi* last ward* in the plain of Moab,
aud u fuoh lies beyond the aoope of this article,
several uomei of place* yet occur which axe iden-
tical with torn* herein considered, and it remains
to W seen in what sense those places are connected
with the seen* of that event. The passage iu
question is Dent. i. 1, where Hoses is said to have
spoken " on this side Jordan in the wilderness, in
the plain over against the Red Sea, between Paran
and lophel, and Laban and Haxeroth and Dixahab."!
The words " on this aide " might here mislead,
meaning, as shown by the LXX. rendering, wJpar,
" across "or" beyond," i.e. on the K. side. This
ia a passage in which it is of little use to examine
the question by the aid of maps, sines the mora
accurate they are, the more probably will they
tend to confuse our view of it. The words seem to
forget that the Gulf of 'Akabah presents its end to
the end of the 'Arabah (" plain,*' ), and to assume
that it presents the length of its coast, on which
Duabab {Dakab) lies. This length of coast is re-
garded, then, ss opposite to the 'Arabah ; and thus
the 'Arabah, in which Moses spoke, is defined by
" Paran and Tophel,'' lying on opposite edges of
the Dead Sea, or rather of the whole depression in
which it lies, which is in fact the 'Arabah continued
northward. Paran here is perhaps the El Paran to
which Chedorlaomer came in Gen. xiv. 6 [Paban],
aud probably Tophel ia the well-known TtftUh to
the N.N.E. of Petra; and similarly the Bed Sea,
" over against " which it ia spoken of ss lying, is
defined by Diaahab on its coast, and Haseroth near
the same. The introduction of " Laban" i* less
clear, but probably means, from its etymology,
" the white, ' i. «. the chalk and limestone region,
which in the mountain-range of Tlh, comes into
view from the Edomitish mountains (Stanley, 8.
and P. 87), and was probably named, from that
point of view, by the paler contrast which it there
offered to the rich and varied hue* of the sandstones
and granites of Mount Soir, which formed their
own immediate foreground.
A writer in the Journal of Sao. Lit., April,
• T3 *!•» ^te rnT£3 la-ioa prm -aya
am m rhtm p-fl Ven-pa* pun » u»
words of the Reb. text, from which lbs LXX. offers some
divergencies, being as follows : — rtpmr tov lop&usv h
t$ afr a j aw j vpor aWpoTv v-Aaffur riff spvepos SaAaoviri
KMuUror ^mpiw T»£&A, KaX Aofibtf «oi AvAmv rai Mil-
Xpt'm. The phrase t]4D"0\ If " Bad Sea" be, as the
LXX. ooonnne, toe true mj-ning, u hers abridged
Into tpO. The word ^3^3 was possibly differently
read by the LXX. (query. 3"$2. as if -the eveuln*"
were— « the west," oWiuu^wbttrt *mpir To*4a looks
a* though It were meant for one compound name; and
the two last names are translated, Haieroth belngweo-
cluaures/'and Dl-iabab=n="the golden.*' N.B. Haseroth
eUuwnere Is represented by 'Affigw*' (Mum. xi 35, ill. I,
a Some hwadmlal errors of this writer, though unim-
portant, may assist in forming an eatunate of his work.
Thus be MenUBea Petra with Bomb, the former being
the capita] of the later Nabatbeana, the latter that of
toe Kdom of the prophetic period and locally distinct
Aaata be says, "Of all tba people In ibe universe the race
most detested by the Jews were tbe Idumeans." That
rare baa generally been thought, on good authority, to
be lbs 8auiarlun>.
' rtoeas fealmc of rivalry there no doubt was ; ut
1860, on Sinai, Kodak, ami Mount Bar, pro.
pounds an entirely original view of these sitei. hi
conflict with every known tradition and hitherto
accepted theory.* For instance, Josephiu identi-
fies Mount Hor with Petra and Kerek; Jerome
and Kosmas point to Serbil in the granitic moun-
tain region as Sinai; but this writer ads and*
Josephus* testimony as a wholly corrupt tradition,
invented by the Rabbis in their prejudice against
the Idumeans, in whose territory between Kleu-
theropolis, Petra, aud Elath (see Jerome on Obai.),
he asserts they ail lay. [Edomited.] Kadesh the
city, and perhaps Kadesh Barnea, did so lie, and
possibly Uusa, now eUKhUaak, may retain a
trace of " Kadesh," several type* of which nomen-
clature are to be found in the region lying thsnce
southward [Kadesh]; but el-JC/UUaah lies too
mr N. and W. to be the Kadesh Barnea to which
Israel came " by the way of the spies," and which
ia clearly in far closer connexion with Zephath
(<*-Sfi/a) than ei-Khalaah could be. On the con-
trary, there seems greet reason for thinking that,
had so well-known and historical a place as Kiuaa
been the spot of any great event in the history of
the £xodus, the tradition would probably have been
traceable iu some form or other, whereas there is
not a trace of any. Kadesh, again, lay " in tbe
uttermost of the border" of Edam. Mow, although
that border may not have lain solely E. of the
'Arabah, it i* utterly inconsistent with known facta
to extend it to Elusa; for then the enemies en-
countered in Hormah would have been Edomites,
whereas they weie Amatekitea, Canaanites, and
Amorites; and Israel, in forcing the pass, would
have been doing what we know they entirely ab-
stained from — attempting violence to the territory
of Kdom. Tbe •• designs " which this writer attri-
butes to the " Rabbis," as regards the period up to
Josephus' time, are gratuitous imputations; nor
does he cite any authorities for this or any other
statement. Nor was there any such feeling against
the Idumeans as he supposes.' They annexed part
of the territory of Judah and Simeon during the
Captivity, and were subsequently, by the warlike
ihl* writer vastly exaggerates It, in supposing that the
Jewish RabUa purposely obliterated genuine tmdltloaa,
which l ef ei re d these sites to Idumean territory— that ot
a ouTomctsed and vsnuulsbed race who had accepted tbe
place of ■ proselytes of the covenant * — In order to traasler
them to what was then Ibe territory of the purely dentil*
and often hostile Nabatbeana. Surely a transfer tbe other
wsy would nave been far more likely. Above all, what
reason la there lor thinking that Ibe Rabbi, of the .xrlvd
busied themselves witn sucn points at all ? Zeal for site*
is the growth of a later age. There Is no proof lbs. Uicj
ever eared enough for Mount Hor to falsify for tbe sake
ef It, As regards JtUi Gdjau being Sinai, the write
seems to have formed a false conception of 0djat*
which be draws ss a prominent mountain boss In the
range of Ttt, taking that range for Horeb, and tba pro-
minent mountain for canal. The beat maps show that
it bad no such predominance. They give it (e. g.
Kleperra) aa a distinct but leas clearly denned and appa-
rently lower range, falling back Into the northern plateau
m a N.W. dlrectiou from about the moat southerly point
of the Ttt; which, from all tbe statements regardlngll,
la a low borlauntal range of limestone, with ao such
prominent central point whatever. Russagger describes
particularly the mounting by the wall-Ilka partition of
" Edjme " to the plateau of Baku* itself. " The height,"
be says, " which we had here to mount at In no wise
considerable,'' and adds, " wa had now arrived at the
plateau " (Jiswea, Ui. *i>. an
i7»a
WILDERNESS OF THE WAKDERWG
Maccabees, annexed themselves, received circum-
cision and the law, by which an Kdomite might,
" in the third generation," enter the congregation
of Israel (Deut. ziiii. 8), to that by the New tene-
ment period they mwl hare been fully recognized.
The mwi proper, indeed, (till apeak cf them »
** foreigners," but to them is baring the place of
kinsmen, a common ahare in Jerusalem, and care of
it* sanctity as their " metropolis ;" and Joseph as
expressly testifies that they kept the Jewish feasts
there (Ant. xrii. 10, §2; comp. B. J. ir. 4,
§4, 5;. The zealots and the party of order both
appealed to their patriotism, somewhat as in our
Rebellion both parties appealed to the Scots.
It remains to notice the jatural history of the
wilderness which we hare been considering. A
number of the animals of the Sinaitic region hare
been mentioned. [SlNAl.1 The domestic cattle of the
Bedouins will of course be found, but camels more
numerously in the drier tracts of et-Tih. Schubert
{Reuen, ii. 354) speaks of Sinai as not being fre-
quented by any of the larger beasts of prey, nor
even by jackals. The lion has become rery rare,
but is not absolutely unknown in the region (Neget,
46, 47). Foies and hyenas, Bitter (xiv. 333) says,
are rare, but Mr. Tyrwhitt mentions hyenas as
common in the Wady MSghira; and Ritter {ibid.),
on the authority of Burckhardt, ascribes to the
region a creature which appears to be a cross be-
tween a leopard and a wolf, both of which are
rare iu the Peninsula, but by which probably a
hyena is to be understood. A leopard-skin was ob-
tained by Burckhardt on Sinai, and a fine leopard
ia stated by Mr. Tyrwhitt, to hare been seen by
some of his party in their ascent of Um Shavmer
in 1862. Schubert continues his list in the
hyrax Syriactiw, the ibex,* seen at Tiftlth in
nocks of forty or fifty together, and a pair of
whose horns, seen by Burckhardt {Arab. 4054) at
Ktrtk, measured 3f feet in length, the webr, 1 the
■hrew-mouse, and a creature which he calls the
«• spnng-maus " ■ (mas jaeulus or jerboa ?), also a
cants famelicut, or desert-fox, and a lizard known
as the Agama Sinaitica, which may possibly be
identical with one of those described below. Hares
and jerboas are found in Wady Ftir&n. Schubert
quotes (ibid, note) Kttppell as baring found speci-
mens of helix and of ooednella in this wilderness ;
for the former, comp. Forsktl, /cones Rarum Notw.
Tab. xri. Schubert saw a fine eaglu in the same
region, besides catching specimens of thrush, with
* Mr. Tyrwhitt commends the flesh of the Ibex as
superior to soy of the deer tribe that ha had ever
eaten.
OrDebr,
• feu sunills sine Cauda nerblphsgus
(Fortkil, Docript.
stonechat and ether song-birds, and speafc s of the
warbling of the birds as being aniiUe fretn the
imtnosu bush. Clouds of birds oi passage were
risible in the Wady Murrak. Near the same trace
of wilderness Dr. Stanley saw " the sky darkened by
the flights of innumerable birds, which proved te
be large red-legged cranes, 3 feet in height, with
black and white wings, measuring 7 feet from tip
to tip" (S. S- P. 82). At Inrikh crows abound.
On SerbH Dr. Sttwart saw the red-legged partridge
(rent and Khan, 117; comp. Burckhardt, Syria.
534); and the bird "katta," in some porta of the
Peninsula, comes in such numbers that boys some-
times knock orer three or four at a single throw of
a stick. 1 Haawlquist, who saw it here and in Egypt,
calls it a partridge, smaller than ours, and of a greyish
colour (204). Ritter (xir. 333) adds linnets <?»,
ducks, prairie-birds, heath-cocks, larks, a s pec i men
of finch, besides another small bird, probably red-
breast or chaffinch, the rarieties of falcon known as
the brachydactylut and the nijer, and, of course, on
the coast, sea-swallows, and mews. Flocks of blue
rock pigeons were repeatedly seen by Mr. Tyrwhitt.
Seetsen, going from Hebron to Madara, makes
mention of the following animals, whose names
were mentioned by his guides, though he does not
say that any of them were seen by himself' —
wolf, porcupine, wild-cat, ounce, mole, wild-ass,
and three not easily to be identified, the SetUk,
dog-shaped,' the Anntch. which devours the gazelle,
and the Ikkajib, said to be email and in shape like
a hedgehog. Seetzen's list in this locality also
includes certain reptiles, of which such as can be
identified are explained in the notes: — el-MeUtthhm,
Umm tt-Stleiman, cl-bidscha or Lejaf ef-ffarraba
or Hirbi,* Dtohtrrir or Jarrdrtk,' et-DM, other-
wise Dide,' 4l-Hanne or ffanan* ei-Lifta; and
among birds the partridge, duck, stork, eagle.*
Tulture (er-Rakham), crow Ut-Orib), kite (J*.
daytk)," and an unknown bird called by him Urn-
SaUt. Hi* guides told him of ostriches as seen near
Bteiaha on the way from Hebron to Sinai, and ha
saw a nightingale, but it seems st no great distance
to the south of Heoron. The same writer also
mentions the edible lizard, el-Dtdb, as fr e q uently
found in most parts of the wilderness, and his third
volume has an appendix on zoology, particalarly
describing, and often with illustrations, many reef
tiles and serpents of Egypt and Arabia, without,
howerer, pointing out such as are peculia r to tin.
wilderness. Among these are thirteen rarieties of
nwntlcol* caro lncotls adulls
4nim. r.).
• Seetsen (III. 41) saw boles tn Use earth made, ha
thought, by mice, In going from Hebron to Madara.
• Probably these birds have furnished a story to Pliny,
of their seitHng by night on l he yards of stales m such
vast numbers as to sink them (.v. B. x.).
• With this compare the mention by Burckhardt (op.
Bitter, zlv. 333) of a great wild-dog spoken of by the
Bedouins, snd thought by Ritter to be perhaps the same
as the IHrtnn of the Hodjas desert.
' LanJ> rofMlHreyiag).
s l.^, tnatmumm (Fr.>. Mr. Tyrwhitt speaks of
one of then as seen by him st the entrance of Hasty
o-Sheykk on the route from Sues to Sinai by fl s nete l
ei-JCAadna, which appeared green In shade and yellow as
iujijmommk jMvssrsM ^seccst, sonnets ^w
(Fr.).
• lmM £. LoartaMftpti'Tt.y, and
but this difference of rignlhceuen
they cannot represent one and Che
Seetzen's text would seem 1o Intend.
a —
* r^, soaraoa s as,
VYILDEBNESS OF THE WAJTDEEING
1769
lizard, twenty-one of serpent, and seven of frog, I
bnidci fifteen of Nile-fish. Laborde speaks of se«-
pent*, scorpions, and black-sealed lizards, which per-
forate the land, as found on the eastern border of
boom near TifUeh (Comm. on Num. zxziii. 42).
l'he MS. of Mr. Tyrwhttt speaks of stalling "a
large sand-coloured lizard, about 3 feet long, exactly
like a crocodile, with the same bandy-look about his
fore-legs, the elbows turning out enormously." He
is described as covered not only " in scales, but in a
reguiu armour, which rattled quite loudly as he
ran." He "got up before the dromedary, and
ranished into a hole among some rttem." This
occurred at the head of the Wady Mokatteb.
Hasselijuist (220) gives a Lamia Sciwsva, " the
Seine," as found in Arabia Petraea, near the Bed
Sea, ss well ss in Upper Egypt, which he says is
much used by the inhabitants of the East as an
aphrodisiac, the flesh of the animal being given
in powder, and broth made of the recent flesh. He
also mentions the edible locust, Grytlut Arabian,
which appears to be common in the wilderness, as
in other ports of Arabia, giving an account of the
preparation of it for food (230-233). Burckhardt
names a cape not far from Akabah, Sis UmHaye,
from the number of serpents which abound there,
and accordingly applied to this region the descrip-
tion of the " fiery serpents " T in Num. xii. 4-0.
Schubert (ii. 362) remarked the tint serpents in
Sing from Suez and Sinai to Petra, near el~HU-
rik ; he describes them as speckled. Burckhardt
(Syria, 499, 502) saw tracks of serpents, two inches
thick, in the sand. According to Kilppell, serpents
elsewhere in the Peninsula are rare. He names two
poisonous kinds, Cerastes and Scytatu (Kitter, xiv.
329). The scorpion has given his name to the
" Ascent of Scorpions," which was part of the
boundary of Judith on the side of the southern
desert. Wsdy et-ZwcHrah in that region swarmed
with them ; and De Saulcy says, " you cannot turn
over a single pebble in the Nedjd (a branch wady)
without rinding one under it" (De Saulcy, i. 629,
quoted in Neath, 51).
The reader who is curious about the fish, mol-
\utf*f lie., of the Gulf of Sues should consult
Schubert {ii. 263, note, 298, note, and lor the plants
of the same coast, 294, note). For a description of
the coral-bank* of the Red Sea, see Hitter (liv. 476
foil.), who remarks thnt these formations rise from
the coast-edge always in longitudinal extension
parade' to fa line, bespeaking a fundamental con-
nexion with the upheaval of the whole stretch of
shore from 3.E. to N.W. A fish which Seetzen
calls the Alirm may be mentioned as furnishing to
the Bedouins the fish-skin sandals of which they are
fond. Bitter (xiv. 327) thinks that fish may have
contributed materially to the sustenance of the
Israelites in the desert (Num. xi. 22), as they are
• Mr. Wilton (Kfgtb, 51) interprets "Dying," sppUed
'.la. us. *) to the serpent of the Sooth, ss "tusking
ere*, springs;" sod "nerjr" ss either denoting s sensa-
uon csustd by the bite, or else M red-coloured ;" since
such are ssld to have been found by severs! travellers
whom be die* In too region between the Dead and Ked
Bess.
• A ncnbsr of these are delineated In Foraluls leant*
tttn m A'oi among the later plate* : see also his I eraut,
Iv, CeraWa Marit Jtubri (<Md.> Also In Kusstwr's
atlas some tpocimens of the same classes sre engraved,
bchobert (l'_ Jlo; remarks that most of the rish found
m the Gulf of 'Aksbsh belong to the tribes known ss
Amnlkunu aid Chatalm (Hasaelquist, MS). He saw a
now dried sod salted for sale in Cairo or at tb«
Convent of St. Catherine. In a brook near the foot
of Serial, Schubert saw some varieties of ciuphrut,
dyticus, coiymbttes, gyruuu, and other water insects
(Seise, ii. 302, note).
As regards Hie vegetation of the desert, the must
frequently found trees are the date-palm (Phoenix
dactylifera), the desert acacia, and the tammi-k.
The pnlms are almost slways dwarf, as describe!
S. d- P. 20, but somi-times the "dom" palm in seen,
as on the shore of the Gulf of 'Akabah (Schubert,
ii. 370; comp. Robinson. i. 161). Hasselquist, speak-
ing of the date-palm's powers of sustenance, aays
that some of the pooler families in Upper Egypt live
on nothing else, the very stone* being ground inU
a provender for the dromedary. This tree is often
found in tuft* of a dozen or more together, the
dead and living boughs interlacing overhead, the
dead and living root* intertwining below, and thos
forming a canopy in the desert. The date-palms in
Wady Ttr are said to be all numbered and regis-
tered. The acacia is the Mimosa SUotiea, and tbif
forms the most common vegetation of the wilder-
nets. Its Arabic name is es-Seyil (^Lm), and
it is generally supposed to have furnished t!i*
" Shittim wood " for the Tabernacle (ForskBl, Doer.
Plant. Cent. vi. No. 90; Cehdi, Hierob. i.438 foil.;
Kitter, xiv. 335 toll.). [SHITTAH-TBJEK.] it hi
armed with fearful thorns, which sometimes tear the
packages on the camels' backs, and of course wouui
severely lacerate man or beast. The gum arable is
gathered from this tree, on which account it is also
called the Acacia gummifera. Other tamarisks, be-
side the mami/era, mentioned above, are found in
the desert. Grass is comparatively rare, but its
quantity varies with the season. Kobinson, on find-
ing some in Wady Svmgfiy, N.E. from Sinai, near
the Gulf of 'Akabah, remarks that it was the first
his party had seen since leaving the Nile. The
terebinth (Pistacltia tereboUAut, Arab. Bitm) * is
well known in the wadys about Beersheba, but in
the actual wilderness it hardly occurs. For a full
description of it see Robinson, ii. 222-3, and notes,
also i. 208, and comp. Cell. ffierobot. i. 34. The
" broom," of the variety known a* ret**. (HA. and
Arab.), rendered in the A. V. by " juniptr," • a
genuine desert plant; it i* described (KobmMiO, i.
203, and note) as the largest and most conspicuous
shrub therein, having very bitter root*, and yielding
a quantity of excellent charcoal, which is the staple,
if one may so say, of the desert. The following «ro
mentioned by Schubert (ii. 352-4 ) k as found withic
the limit* of the wilderness: — Mespilus Aarouia,
Col u tea haleppica, Atrsphaxis spinous. Ephedra
slabs, Cytisus nniSorus, and a Cynomorium, a
highly interesting variety, compared by Schubert
large turtle saleep and basking on tbe shore near the castas
of 'Akabah, which he Ineffectually ir'cd to capture.
* Seetxen met with It (111. 41) at about 1 hour to the
W. or Hody el-'Ain, between Hebron snd Onal; but the
mention of small cornfields In tbe isme neighbourhood
shows that the spot bss the character of sn casts.
* Schubert's floral catalogue is imusoslly rich. Be
travelled with sn especial view to the natural history at
tbe regions visited. His trscks extend from Cslro through
Sues, Avon Mass, snd Tor. by way of Scroti, to Sinsl,
thence to Mount Hor and Petra ; thence by lijdsra and
Hebron to JemiwUin ; ss well ss In the n* nherly regluc
of Palestine snd Syrts. His book should U cousoMed by
alt iiuOnu of this bruncli of the subject.
1?70
WILDEBXEBB OJt THK WANDEHINQ
to a well known llaluee one. To tuoK be add* in
a note (#«*.) : — Dactvlis memphitica. Gages reti-
culata, Rumex vesicarius, Artemisia Judaic*. Leya-
tan discoidea, Santolioa fiagiantisximn, Seriola,
I.iudenbergia Sinaica, Lamium amplexicaule,'
Stachys aoinis, Sisymbrium iris, Aocbuia Hilleri,
Asperugo procumbens, Omphalodes intermedia,
Dkemia cordate. Reseda canwnfa, and pruinoaa,
Kraumuria venniculata, Fumaria psrviflora, Hype-
ooum peadulam, Cleome trinervis, Aerna tomes-
rota, Halra Honbesey, Fagonia,* Zygophyllum coc-
liueum,* Astragalus Fresenii, Geniala monosperma.*
.Schubert (ii. 357) alio mentions, aa {bund near Abu
Staeeir, N.E. of Sinai, • kind of sage, and of what
U probably goat's-rue, ab» (note, ibid.) a fine
variety of Astragalus, together with Linaria, Lotus,
Cynosurus echinatus, Bromua teetorum, and (365)
two varieties of Pergularia, the prooera and the
tomentosa.
In the S.W. region of the Dead Sea growa the
aingolar tree of the applet of Sodom, the Atclepiat
giganUa 1 of botanists. Dr. Robinson, who gives a
fall description of it (i. 522-3), says it might be
taken for a gigantic species of the milk-weed or
silkweed found in the northern regions of the U. S.
He condemns the notion of Haaselqulst (285, 287-
8) at an error, that the fruit of the Solomon me-
Umgeta when punctured by a tenthredo, resulted in
the Sodom apple, retaining the akin uninjured, but
wholly changed to dust within (A. 524). It is
ue 'Other of the Arabs. Robinson also mentions
willows, boUyhoeka, and hawthorns in the Sinaitk
region, from the first of which the Bit StfUfek,
" willowhead," takes its name (i. 106, 109;
Stanley, B. t P. 17). He saw hyssop {JUek)
in abundance, and thyme {Zdter). and in the
Wady FevAi the colocynth, the Kirdky or Kvdtef
a green thorny plant with a yellow flower ; and in
or near the 'Araoah, the juniper ('Arar), the ole-
ander (Diflek), and another shrub like it, the Zah-
nsVn, as also the plant ei-Qhidah, resembling the
Betem, but larger (i. 110, 83 ; ii. 124, 126, 119,
and note). He also describes the OhtrUd, which
has been suggested aa possibly the "tree" cast
by Moses into the waters of Msrsh (Ex. XT. 25).
It grows in saline regions of intense heat, bearing
a small red berry, very juicy, and slightly additions.
Being constantly found amongst brackish pools, the
" bane and antidote " would thus, on the above sup-
position, be aide by aide, but aa the fruit ripens in
June, it could not have been ready for its supposed
use in the early days of the Exodus (Robinson, i.66-
69). He adda in a note that Forskml gives it (Flor.
Aeg. Arab. p. lxvi.), aa the Pegamm rvtussm, but
that it is more correctly the Ifitraria tridmtata of
• Both then are found in caltlvstsd trouads ooly.
< Shown In Fomkal's IammBtr. Hater, tax. xi, when
several kinds ofrjyqpayOiiai an delineated.
• Probably the same ss the rstem mentioned above.
' Many varieties of sartgini, especially the Cordata,
•re given by Forsktl (Oesor. Plami. cent U. 4S-51). A
writer in the Eflitk Cyclopatd. tf Sal. But. supports the
»tcw of Haestlqulst, which Dr. Robinson condemna, calling
this tree a Solmum, sod ascribing to a tenthredo the
phenomenon which ocean in Its fruit.
2 o
• " J, _2, arborisrsraenomenmdeserwcneoeiiUs
ntjm notes Bavlores snot qnam plants* (ran,
■wiuyioa tinctorittm) appeUalae" (Krejtag), For this
tc4 ant of the notes on the Arabic names of plants
bnaftntainas (.Flora Atiant. i. 372). Thai
Cm S i amt r takes its name from the ssnaai mad
upon it, is perhaps may Serbol from the Bar,
myrrh, which " creeps over its ledges op to the
very summit," — a plant noticed by Dr. Stanley a*
"thickly envering" with its "shrubs" the "na-
tural basin " which surmounts td-Deir, and aa Men
in the rVooV Seyil, N.E. from Sinai (3. f P. 17,
78-80). Dr Stanley also notices the wild thorn,
from which the Wady Sidri takes its name, the
fig-tree which entitles another Wady the " Father
of Fig-trees" (AM Hamad), and in the Wady
Srydt, "a yellow flowering shrub called AArt-
thinm, and a blue thorny plant called SOU."
Again, north-eastwards in Wady el-' Am were scan
" rushes, the large-leaved plant called Ether" and
further down the " Laeaf, or caper plant, springing
from the clefts." Seetxen'a maembryanthemum.
described above, page 1755, note (, is noticed by
Forakll, who adds that no herb is more c ommo n
in sandy desert localities than the second, the attas-
florvm, called in Arabic the ghatU {^yJi). Has-
selquist speaks of a HMSflno, which he calls the
"fig-marigold," as found in the ruins of Alexandria;
its agreeanle saltish-aromatic flavour, and its use
by the Egyptians in salads, accord closely with
Seetxen'a description. Seetxen gives also Arabia
names of two plants, one called Ictedum by the
guides, described as of the sixe of heath with bine
lowers ; the other named Subbh-el-dieh, found t*
the north of Wady et-'Am, which had a club-
shaped sappy root, ranged a foot high above the
earth, having scales inaiead of leaves, and covered,
when he saw it, with large, golden flowers dung-
ing close together, till it seemed like a little
nuiepin (Kegel). Somewhat to the south of this
be observed the " rose of Jericho " growing in the
dreariest and most desolate solitude, and which
appeals always to be dead (.fists**, iii. 46, 54). la
the region about Hadara he also found what he
calls " Christ Vthoru," Arab. et-Aueeitch, and an
anonymous plant with leaves broader than a tulip,
perhaps the Ether mentioned above. The follow-
ing list of plants between Hebron and Hadara is
also given by Scetxen, having probably been written
down by him from hearing them pronounced by
bis Bedouin guides, and some accordingly it hex not
been possible to identify with any known names, — «*-
KhQrrdy, mentioned in the previous column, note:;
tl-Bureid,* hyacinth, whose small pear-shaped bulb
ia eaten raw by the Bedouins, eUArta^ et-Dtckirra,
tl-Sphira (or Zafrd 1 ),' el-Erbim\ el~G4ime, SdU-
ktra (or Shabooreeyk\* ct-MetnOs., described as a
small shrub, tt-Hmim, eiSchUluek, possibly the
and animals, the present writer Is Indebted eu Jsc. K.
8. Poole,
-ft
* " U \. msnen srborts crescentls bo ansae. Bore
ssllgneo, fructu slslphlno nan, laoMbas ramsHssws
robrls, cnjns recrnlkire fructu vescuntnr csmeti, earisBE
sutem oorls coocinnantnr" (Frert.). It grows to assssrl
height, with s (lower like ibeinl*»aassj s'i se a . t
with a fruit like the jujube, and the mot red.
' ( |J^n«Uifyh»ati*CFrejt.).
* *fjSir efaaoriioas *at»*a» (FonanVl. Ik
AtgypL ap. FreyL). Succory or endive. Oooarlbs ;HJ
notes).
WILDKBNE88 OF THIS WANDERING
Me as tnat called Billth, as above, by Dr. Stanler,
el-KUIa (or Kliatftl-Handegik (or Hmdakook)",*
O-Lidtiemma, H-Hadaad, Kali, AOdanO- Hammtr
Tor 'AdM tt-Him&r).+ Some more ran plant*, pre-
cious on account of their products, are the following :
Baltamtm Aaronu, or ma behtn, called by the
Aivbt Ftttuck el-Ban, from which an oil U extracted
having no perfume of its own, but scented at plea-
sure with jessamine or other odoriferous leaf, ka.
to make a choice unguent. It is found in Mount
Sinai and Upper Kgypt: — Oumrbita Lagenaria,
Arab. Charruh, found in Egypt and the deserts of
Arabia, whererer the mountains are covered with
rich soil. The tree producing the famous balsam
called " of Mecca," is found many days' journey
(ram that place in Arabia Petraca. Linnaeus, after
some hesitation, decided that it was a species of
Amyrit.- The oKxmum frankincense is mentioned
by Haeselqulst as a product of the desert; but the
producing tree appears to be the same as that which
yields the gum arable, via, the Mimota nilotica,
mentioned abort The same writer mentions the
behomaiUluu officinal*, " camel's bay," as growing
plentifully iu the deserts of both the Arabia*, and
regards it as undoubtedly one of the precious, aro-
matic, and sweet plants, which the Queen of Sbeba
gave to Solomon (Hasselquist, 288, 355,296-7;
oomp. 250-1, 300). Fuller details on the facts of
natural history of the region will be found in the
writers roerred to, and some additional authorities
■any be found in Sprengel, Ilutoria rti Herb.
vei. ii.
Besides these, the cultivation of the ground by
the Sinaitic monks has enriched their domain with
the choicest fruit trees, and with a variety of other
trees. The produce of the former is famed in the
markets of Cairo. The cypresses of the Convent
are visible far away among the mountains, and
there is a single conspicuous one near the " cave of
Elias" on Jebtl Misa. Besides, they have the
silver and the common poplar, with other trees, for
timber or ornament. The apricot, apple, pear,
quince, almond, walnut, pomegranate, olive, vine,
citron, orange, cornelian cherry, and two fruits
named in the Arabic SelieUiA and Bargik, have
bran successfully naturalised there (Robinson, i.
•4 ; Seetnu, hi. 70 eVc. ; Hasselquist, 425 ;
8. j P. 52). Dr. Stanley views them as mostly
introduced from Europe ; Hasselquist on the con-
trary views them as being the originals whence
the finest varieties we have in Europe were first
brought. Certainly nearly all the above trees
are common enough in the gardens of Palestine and
Damascus.
[The present writer wishes to acknowledge the
kindness of the Rev. R. S. Tyi wliitt of Oxford, in
allowing him a sight of a valuable MS. read by
that traveller before the Alpine Club. It is ex-
pected to be published in the Journal of that body,
but was not in print when this paper went to
press. The references to Mr. Tyrwhitt in the
preceding article, either relate to that MS., or to
his own remarks upon the article itself, which be
Inspected whilst in the proof sheet] [H. H.]
WILLOWS
1771
1 4U.
a: est aos; oralis
plants* regtonis ffeajkt pecaosris
( lasers Kola (FreyL).
Lotns-puuit (FrtjU. IHMJnct, It
WILLOWS (D'3'Ty, 'ordinal, only in pi.
Ma; (with SrU) tynv kK&Sovs w x'^tyfa* 1 .
KXirtt tryrw : soMase), undoubtedly the cor-
rect rendering of the above Hebrew term, m
is proved by the old versions and the kindred
a —
Arabic ghanb (yjyi). WXowi an mentioned
in Lev. xxiii. 40, among the trees whose branches
were to be used in the construction of booths
at the Feast of Tabernacles ; in Job xl. 22,
as a tree which gave shade to Behemoth (" the
hippopotamus"); in Is. xliv. 4, where it is said
that Israel's offspring should spring up " as willows
by the watercourses;" in the Psalm (exxxvii. 2)
which so beautifully represents Israel's sorrow
during the time of the Captivity in Babylon — " we
hanged our harps upon the willows in the midst
thereof." With respect to the tree upon which the
captive Israelites hung their harps, there can be
no doubt that the weeping willow (Salix Baby
knka) is intended. This tree grows abundantly on
the banks of the Euphrates, in other parte of Asia
as in Palestine (Strand's Flora Pataat. No. 556),
and also in North Africa. Bochart lias endeavoured
to show (PAaieg, i. cap. viii.) that country is
spoken of, in Is. x v. 7, as " toe Valley of Willows."
This however is very doubtful. Sprengel (Hut.
Bei Herb. i. 18, 270) seems to restrict the 'ordb
to the Salix Babylonica ; but there can scarcely
be a doubt that the term is generic, and includes
other species of the large family of Solicit, which
is probably well represented in Palestine and lb«
Bible lands, such as the Salix alba, 8. vaumtlit
(osier), 8. Atgyptiaoa, which latter plant Sprengel
Identifies with the so/key (ljLsJOW) of Abul"-
fadli, cited by Celsius (Hitrub. ii. 108), which'
word is probably the same as the TtaphUApMh
(RDYBX) of Kxekiel (*vii. 5), a name in Arabic
for "a willow." Burckhardt (Syria, p. 644).
mentions a fountain called 'in Saftdf (.^aS
^LoAoo), "the Willow Fountain" (Catafago,
Arabic Dictionary, p. 1051). Raowolf (quoted
in Bib. Bot. p. 274) thus speaks of the
taftif: — " These trees an of various sizes; the
stems, branches, snd twigs are long, thin, soft, and
of a pale yellow, and have some resemblance to
those of the birch ; the 'eaves an like those of the
common willow ; on the boughs gnw here and
there shoots of a span long, as on the wld Sg-
trees of Cyprus, and these put forth in spring
tender downy blossoms like those of the poplar ;
the blossoms an pale coloured, and of a delicious
fragrance; the natives pull them in great quan-
tities, and distil from them a cordial which is much
esteemed." Hasselquist (Trot. p. 449), under
the name of calaf, apparently s]>eaks of the tarns
tree; and Forslil (Drtcript. Plant, p. tarsi.)
identifies it with the Salix Atgyptiaca, whik be
considers the taftif to be the 8. Babykrica.
.from lbs lote-tr<«,ori*lak(aspscicsorwe
bird's- foot trefour). Melius M&aotss).
• Ousalh-y (US. ausssV
1772 WILLOWS, BKOOK OF THE
From these discrepancies it seems Hut the Arabic
words in tued iudetinitely for willow* of different
kinds.
"The children of Israel," says Lady Calloott
'^Scripture Herbal, p. 533), " still present willows
annually in their synagogues, bound up with palm
and myrtle, and accompanied with a citron." In
this country, aa is well kcown, sprigs of willow-
blossoms, under the name of " palms," are often
carried in the hand, or borne 02 some part of the
dress, by men and boys on Palm Sunday.
Before the Babylonish Captivity the willow was
always associated with feelings of joyful prosperity.
" It ii remarkable," as Mr. Johns {The Forest
Trcet of Britain, ii. f. 240) truly says, " tor
having been iu different ages emblematical of two
directly opposite feelings, at one time being associ-
ated with the palm, at another with the cypress."
Alter the Captivity, however, this tree became the
emblem of sorrow, and is frequently thus alluded
to in the poetry of our own country ; and " there
can be no doubt," as Mr. Johns continues, " that
the dedication of the tree to sorrow is to be traced
to the pathetic passage in the Psalms."
Various uses were no doubt made of willows by
the ancient Hebrews, although there does not ap-
pear to be any definite allusion to them. The
Egyptians used " flat baskets of wickerwork,
similar to those made in Cairo at the present day"
(Wilkinson, Ana. Egypt, i. p. 43). Herodotus (i.
194) speaks of boats at Babylon whose framework
was of willow ; such coracle-shaped boats are re-
presented in the Nineveh sculpture* (see Rawlinson's
Herodotut, toI. i. p. 268). [W. H.]
WILLOWS, THE BBOOK OF THE (^>TO
D'^lgn : 4 ftpayi 'Apafiat : torrent saticurn).
A wady mentioned by Isaiah (xr. 7) in his dirge
over Moab. His language implies that it was one
of the boundaries of the country — probably, as
Gesenius (Jeeaia, i. 532) observes, the southern
one. It is possibly identical with a wady men-
tioned by Amoa (vi. 14) as the then recognized
southern limit of the northern* kingdom (Fttrst,
Handtob. ; Ewald, Propheten) This latter appears
in the A. V. a* "the river of the wilderness"
(naiyn '} : t x«f*t«#of »*» eWjneV: torrem
ieterti). Widely a* they differ in the A. V., it
will be Observed that the names are all but identical
in the original, the only difference being that it is
plural in Isaiah and singular iu Amos. In the
latter it is ha-Arabah, the same name which is
elsewhere almost exclusively used for the Valley of
the Jordan, the OlieV of modem Arabs. If the two
are regarded as identical, and the latter as the accu-
rate form of the name, then it is probable that the
Wady el-AAiy is intended, which hreaks down
through the southern part of the mountains of
Moab into the so-called GAor et-Safieh, at the
lower end of the lake, and appears (though our in-
• Amos Is speaking of the nertaem kingdom only, not
of the whole nalioo, which excludes the Interpretation of
the LXX, t e, probably the Wod> at- Art*, and also (If It
were not precluded by other reasons) that of Gesenlas,
tbeKktrou.
* It Is sorely Incautious (to ssy the least) to speak of
a mere conjecture, such ss this. In terms as positive
and unhesitating u r? It were a certain and Indisputable
Identification—" Am.* Is the only sacred Writer who 1
mnjtlons the Wea> ei-Jem; which he nVflura iu the [
somcern limit of Palestine . . . The uiinute «.vuhk) ui '
W1LI*
fbrmatio ) as to that locality is very scanty) to fix a. a
natural barrier between the districts ol Kerak aui
Jebal (Burckhardt, Syria. Aug. 7). This is mi
improbably also the brook Zbbso (nachalrZartit-
of tic earlier history.
Should, however, the Social ha-Arabim br ren-
dered " the Willow-torrent" — which has the sup-
port of Gesenius (Jetaia) and Pusey (Oswac on
Amot, vi. 14) — then it is worthy of remark that
the name Wady Suftaf, « Willow Wady," is still
attached to a part of the main branch of the ratine
which descends from Kerak to the north end of tns
peninsula of the Dead Sea (Irby, Hay 9). Either
of these positions would agree with the require-
ments of either passage.
The Targum Pseudojoiiathan translates the name
Zeied by " osiers," or " baskets."
The Rev. Mr. Wilton in his work on Tin
Neijeb, or South Country of Scripture, endeavour
to identify the Nachal ha-Arabah of A mo* with
the Wady el-Jeib, which forms the main drain by
which the waters of the present Wady Arabah (the
great tract between Jebcl Sherah and the moun-
tains of et-Tik) are discharged into the GAor <*-
Safieh at the southern end of the Dead Sea. (Thin
important wady was first described by Dr. Robin-
son, and an account of it will be found in this
work under the head of ARABAH, vol. i. p. 89 b.)
This is certainly ingenious, but cannot be accepted
as more than a mere conjecture, without a single
consideration in its favour be/ond the magnitude of
the Wady el-Jeib, and the consequent probability
that it would be mentioned by the Prophet.*
Over this name J em me takes a singular fligli!
in his Commentary on Is. zv. 7, connecting it with
the Orebim (A. V. " ravens") who fed Elijah daring
his seclusion : — " Pro mlicibus in Hebrseo legimtu
Arabim quod potest rt Atabes iuteJligi et lep
Orbim ; id est villa in finibus eorum sita cujus a
plerisque accolae in Monte Oieb Eliee prarbuiase
aliments dicuuttir. . . ." The whole passage is a
curious mixture of topographical contusion and
what would now be denounced as rationalism. [G.]
WILLS. The subject of testamentary disposi-
tion is of course intimately connected with that of
inheritance, and little need be added here to what
will be found above. [Heir, vol i. p. 779.] Under
a system of close inheritance like that of the Jews,
the scope for bequest in respect of land was limited
by the right of redemption and general re-entry in
the Jubilee year, [jubilee. Vows.] But the
Law does not forbid bequests by will of such limited
interest in land as was consistent with those rights.
The cose of houses in walled towns was different,
and there can be no doubt that they must, in tact,
have frequently been bequeathed by will (Lev.
zzv. 30). Two instances are recorded in the 0. T.
under the Law, of testamentary disposition, (1)
effected in the case of Ahithopbel (2 Sam. zvii. 23),
(2) Txsmmended jx the art of Heaekiah (2 K. xx.
the Prophet In speaaJag of t as the ■ nachal or lbs
Arabah"' (.Vsyet, ex., M. 3C . It has not eten the
support that it was Is the Prophet's native dhtrfc*.
Aran* was no **pn<pbet of the Neaeb." He belonged ta
the pasture-grounds or Tekos, not tea mites from Jera-
saleuj, and ail hie work seems to have bun in Bethel saw
the northern kingdom. There Is not oae tilUe of
evidence that be ever set foot in the Negeb. or asm
anything or It Such statements as these are rsWulitw)
only to damage and retard tin too-faltering pr>grsa>
of Scripture topography.
WIMPLE
X; Is. xami. 1); and it may be remarked hi
both, that the word " set* in order," marg. " giva
rharge concerning," agrees with the Arabic word
" command," jrhich also means " make a will "
(Michael", Law of Moses, art. 80, toI. i. p. 430,
ed. Smith. Various directions concerning wills will
be found m the Mishna, which imply disposition of
land, Baba Bathr. viii. 6, 7). [H. W. P.]
WIMPLE ! nnSDO). An old English woid fo;
hood or veil, representing the Hebrew mitpuchath
in Is. iu. 22. The same Hebrew word is translated
" veil " in Ruth iii. 15, but it signifies rather a
kind of shawl or mantle (Schroeder, De Vestitu
Metier. Hear. c. 16). Press, p . 456.] [W.L.B.]
WINDOW (flVlj j Chal. 13 : tvpit). Tot win-
dow of an Oriental house consists generally of
an aperture (as the word ckalttn implies) closed
In with lattice-work, named in Hebrew by the
terms druoMA » (Eccl. xii. 3, A. V. " window j"
llos. nil. 3, A. V. " chimney "), <MrakMm* (Cant.
E. 9), and «jAnd4« (Judg. v. 28; Prov. vH. 6,
A. V. " casement "), the two former signifying the
interlaced work of the lattice, and the third the
coolness produced by the free current of air through
it. Glass has been introduced into Egypt in
modern times as a protection against the cold of
winter, but lattice-work is still the usual, and with
the poor the only, contrivance for closing the win-
dow (Lane's Med. Eg. i. 29). When the lattice-
work was open, there appears to hare been nothing
in early times to prevent a person from falling
through the aperture (Acts XX. 9). The windows
generally look into the inner court of the house,
but in every house one or more look iuto the street,
and hence it is possible for a person to observe
the approach of another without being himself ob-
served i.Judg. t. 28 ; 2 Sam. vi. 16 ; Prov. vii. 6;
Cant, ii. 9). In Egypt these outer windows gene-
rally project over the doorway (Lane, i. 27 ; Carne's
Letters, i. 94). When houses abut on the town-
wall it is not unusual for them to have projecting
windows surmounting the wall and looking into the
country, as represented in Conybeare ana Howson's
81. Paul, i. 124. Through such a window the spies
escaped from Jericho (Josh. ii. 15), and St. Paul
from Damascus (2 Cor. xi. 33). [W. L. B.]
WINDS (rJTI> That the Hebrews recognised
lias existence of four prevailing winds as issuing,
broadly speaking, from the four cardinal points,
sverth, south, east, and west, may be inferred from
their custom of using the expression " four winds "
a* equivalent to the " four quarters " of the
hemisphere (Ex. xxxvii. 9; Dan. viii. 8; Zech._
ii. 6; Matt. xxiv. 31). The correspondence of
the two ideas is expressly stated in Jer. xlix. 36.
The North wind, or, as it was usually called " the
north,"' was naturally the coldest of the four
(Kodut. xliii. 20), and its presence is hence in-
voked as favourable to vegetation in Cant. iv. 16.
tt is further described in I'rov. xxv. 23, as bringing
,A. V. "driveih away" in text; "briugeth forth
in marg.) rain ; in this case we must understand the
north-* est wind, which may bring rain, but was
WtVD*
1773
• TrYt ; JrrMAotxu : Mrpono. TtHVX In Rabb. a wi3
See. p. n Si.
■ a"3-\r.
*33VK
< rtex. ' tnp. • di-h ; p»n.
certainly not regarded as decidedly rainy. The
difficulty connected with this passage has led to the
proposal of a wholly different sense for the term
tz&phtn, via. hidden place. The north-west wind
prevails from the autumnal equinox to the begin-
ning of November, and the north wind from June-
to the equinox (v. (burner's PalSst. p. 79). The
East wind ' crosses the sandy wastes of Arabia De-
serta before reaching Palestine, and was hence
termed " the wind of the wilderness" (Job i. 19;
Jer. xiii. 24). It is remarkably dry and penetrat-
ing, and has all the effects of the sirocco on vegeta-
tion (Ex. xvii. 10, xix. 12; Has, xiii. 15; Jon.
iv. 8). It also blowa with violence, and is hence
supposed to be used generally for any violeut wind
(Job xxvii. 21, xxxvni. 24; Pa. xlviii. 7 ; Is. xxvii.
8; Ex. xxvii. 26). It is probably in this sense
that it is used in Ex. xiv. 21, though the east, or
at all events the north-east wind would be the one
adapted to effect the phenomenon described, vix. the
partition of the waters towards the north and south,
so that they stood as a wall on the right hand and
on the left (Robinson, Res. i. 57). In this ss in
many other passages, the LXX. gives the " south "
wind (roVoi), as the equivalent for the Greek
kat&m. Nor is this wholly incorrect, for in Egypt,
where the LXX. was composed, the south wind has
the same characteristics that the east has in Pales-
tine. The Greek translators appear to have felt the
difficulty of rendering kidtm in Gen. xli. 6, 23, 27,
because the parching effects of the east wind, with
which the inhabitants of Palestine are familiar, are
not attributable to that wind in Egypt, but either
to the south wind, called in that country the kha~
miseen, or to that known as the sonoom, which
comes from the south-east or south-south-east
(Lane's Mod. Eg. i. 22, 23). lt is certainly pos-
sible that in Lower Egypt the east wind may be
more parching than elsewhere in that country, but
there is no more difficulty in assigning to the tern
k&dim the secondary sense of parching, in this pas-
sage, than that of violent in the others before quoted.
As such at all events the LXX. treated the term
both here and in several other passages, where it ie
rendered kaustn (jca&ratr, lit. the burner). In
James i. 1 1, the A. V. erroneously understands this
expression of the burning heat of the sun. In Pa-
lestine the east wind prevails from February to
June (v. Raumer, 79). The South wind,* which
traverses the Arabian peninsula before reaching
Palestine, must necessarily be extremely hot (Job
xxxvii. 17 ; Luke xii. 55; ; but the rarity of the
notices leads to the inference that it seldom blew
from that quarter (Pa. lxxviii. 2il ; Cant. iv. 16 ;
Kcclus. xliii. 16) : and even when it does blow, it
does not rnrry the samoom into I'nlentiue itself,*
although Robinson experienced the ertects of this
scourge not for south of ileereheba {Jits. i.
196). In Egypt the south wind (kAamasstn)
prevails in tire spring, a portion of which in the
months of April and Hay is tanned et-hhamdsem
from that circumstance (Lane i. 22). The West
and south-west winds reach Palestine loaded with
moisture gathered from the Mediterranean (Kobin-
son, i. 429), and are hence expressively termed by
k The UxmnUplttk (HBJDJ) In Pa. xl. • (A. V. " hor-
rible'*) has been occasionally understood ss referring to
theiamoDiK(01shaiuen, inloe. Uesen. Tset.p. 418); but If
may Miually well be rendered wratt fa! "or "avwraing'
iHcupttUbtrg, in UxX
XT, 4
WINK
the Arab* " the fathers of the rain" (v. Rav.rrc: ,
79). The little cloud "like a man's hand" that
row out of the west, win recognised by Elijah a* a
p r e a ge of the coming downfall (1 K. xviii. 44),
and the tame token » adduced by our Lord aa one
of the ordinary signs of the weather (Luke xii. 64).
Westerly winds prevail in Palestine from November
to February.
In addition to the four regnlar winds, we hare
notice in the Bible of the local squalls (XoSunf ;
Mark iv. 37 ; Luke vrn. 33), to which the Sea of
Gennesareth was liable in consequence of its prox-
imity to high ground, and which were sufficiently
violent to endanger boats (Matt. Tiii. 24; John
ri. 18). The gales which occasionally visit Pales-
tine are noticed under the head of Whiblwikd.
In the narrative of St. Paul's voyage we meat with*
the (Jreek term lipt (Xl+) to describe the south-
west wind; the Latin Carta or Cwtnu (xAfot),
Che north-west wind (Acts xxvii. 12); and esps-
■rAooVir (a term of uncertain origin, perhaps a cor-
ruption of tbpaxiXmr, which appears in some
MSSA a wind of a very violent character (n*?*-
rutit) coming from E.N.E. (Acts zxvii. 14 ; Conyb.
sod Hows. St. Paul, ii. 402). [Bubocltdon.]
The metaphorical allusions to the winds are very
numerous; the east wind, in particular, was re-
garded as the symbol of nothingness (Job xv. 2 ;
Hos. xii. 1), and of the wasting destruction' of war
(Jar. xviii. 17), and, still more, of the effects of
Divine vengeance (Is, xxvii. 8), in which sense,
however, general references to violent wind are also
employed (Pa. dii. 16; Is. Ixiv. 6; Jer. iv. 11).
Wind is further used as an image of speed (Ps. civ.
4; " He maketh His angels winds;" Heb. i. 7), and
of transitoriness (Job rii. 7 ; Ps. lxxviii. 39). Lastly,
the wind is frequently adduced as a witness of the
Creator's power (Job xxviii. 25 ; Ps. exxxv. 7 ; Ecel.
xi. 5; Jer. x. 13 ; Prov.xxx. 4 ; Am. iv. 13), and as
representing the operations of the Holy Spirit (John
iii. 8 ; Actsii. 2), whose name (miua) represents
a gentle wind. [W. L. B.]
WINE. The manufacture of wine is carried
back in the Bible to the age of Noah (Gen. ix.
20, 21), to whom the discovery of the process
» apparently, though not explicitly, attributed.
The natural histoi-y and culture of the vine is
described under a separate head. [Vine.] The
only other plant whose fruit is noticed as having
been converted into wine was the pomegranate
(Cant. viii. 2). In Palestine the vintage takes
place in September, and is celebrated with great
rejoicings (Robinson, Set. i. 431, ii. 81). The
ripe fruit was gathered in baskets (Jer. vi. 9), as
represented in Egyptian paintings (Wilkineon, i.
41-45), and was carried to the wine-pies*. It was
then placed in the upper one of the two vats or
receptacles of which the wine-press was formed
(Wise-press], and was subjected to the process
of* " treading, which has prevailed in all ages
m Oriental and South-European countries (Neh.
liii. 15; Job xxiv. 11 ; Is. xvi. 10; Jer. xxv. 30,
xlviii. 33; Am. ix. 13; Rev. xix. 15). A certain
amount of juice exuded from the ripe fruit -from its
own pressure before the treading commenced. This
appears to have been kept separate from the rest
rf the joke, and to have formed the glftiMa or
"sweet wine" noticed in Acts ii. 13. The first
drops of juice that reached the lower vat were
termed the d*ma, or " tear," and formed the first-
fruits of the vintage 'avofx«» Aapvv, LXX.)
which were to be presented to Jehovah (Ex. xxii.
WINE
29). lie " treading " was effected by one or nun
men according to the sise of the vat, and, if the
Jewa adopted the same arrangements aa toe Egyp-
tians, the treaders were assisted in the opsratioa by
ropes fixed to the roof of the wine-press, as repre-
sented in Wilkinson's Jne. Eg. I. 46. They en-
couraged one another by shouts and cries (IsL xvi,
9, 10 ; Jer. xxv. SO, xlviii. S3). Their legs and
garments were dyed red with the juice (Gen. xlix.
11 , Is. Ixiii. 2, 3). The expressed juie» escaped
by an apertir* into the lower vat, or w» at anoe
collected in vsasela. A hand-press was iiuaaiiaiilli
used in Eg*pt (Wilkinson, i. 45), but we hare no
notice of each an instrument in the Bible. As ts
the subsequent treatment of the wine, we have bat
little information. Sometimes it was p reserved in
its unfermented state, and drunk as most, but
more generally it was bottled off after ferrneatatjen,
and, ii' it were designed to be kept for aome time,
a certain amount of lees was added to give H body
(la. xxv. 6). The wine consequently required to be
" refined " or strained previously to being brought
to table (Is. xxv. 6).
BgrpOu WI1111 lirsw, Aran Wl
The produce of the wine-pren was described it
the Hebrew language by a variety of terms, indi-
cative either of the quality or of" the use of the
liquid. These terms hare of late years been sub-
jected to a rigorous examination with a view •>
show that Scripture disapproves, or, at all events,
does not speak with approval, of the use of fer-
mented liquor. In order to establish this p o si t ion
it has been found n ecessa ry, in all cases where the
substance is coupled with terms of 1 lawiiiatdaliiai,
to explain them as meaning either unfermented
wine or fruit, and to restrict the notices of fer-
mented wine to passages of a condemnatory char-
acter. We question whether the critics who has*
adopted these views have not driven their argu-
ments beyond their fair conclusions. It may at
once be conceded that the Hebrew terms translates
14 wine " refer occasionally to an nofemsenwd
liquor; but inasmuch as there are frequent allu-
sions to intoxication in the Bible, it is dear that
fermented liquors were also in common use. It
may also be conceded that the Bible occasional!]
speaks in terms of strong condemnation of the
effects of wine ; but it is an open question whether
in these cases the condemnation is not rather
directed against intoxication and excess, than agaiasj
the substance which is the occasion of the excess.
The term of chief importance in connexion with
WINE
this subject <f MreaA, which i» undoubtedly spoken
•f With approval, inumueh as it U frequently
tinned with ddgin and ehemen, in the triplet
• com, wine, and oil," as the special gift* of Pro-
Tfdence. This baa been made the subject of a
(pedal discussion in a pamphlet entitled TtrosA
fc Kiiyw by Dr. Lees, the object being to prove
that it means not wine but fruit. An examination
of the Hebrew terms is therefore unavoidable, but
we desire to carry it out simply as a matter of
Biblical criticism, and without reference to the
topic which has called forth the discussion.
The most general term for wine is yaymf which
ia undoubtedly connected with the Greek otVot, the
Latin mum, and our "wine." It has hitherto
been the current opinion that the Indo-European
languages borrowed the term from the Hebrews.
The reverse, however, appears to be the case (Kenan,
Lang. Sim. i. 207) : the word belongs to the Indo-
European languages, and may be referred either to
the root ml, ** to weave," whence come nitre,
rinen, cOw, vitta (Pott, Btym. Fonek. i. 120,
230), or to the root won, " to lore " (Kuhn, Zeitt. f.
Vergl. Sprachf. i. 191, 192). The word being a
borrowed one, no conclusion can be drawn from ety-
mological considerations as to its use in the Hebrew
iangnage. Tt-ish • is referred to the root yirath,
" to get p os s ess ion of," and is applied, according to
Gesenius ( Tha. p. 633), to wine ou account of its
inebriating qualities, whereby it gett pottession of
the brain ; but, according to Bythner, as quoted by
Lees (IvosA, p. 52), to the vine as being a ooe-
testion (car* ify>xir) in the eyes of the Hebrews.
Neither of these explanations is wholly satisfactory,
but the second Is less so than the tint, inasmuch
as it would be difficult to prove that the Hebrews
attached such pre-eminent value to the vine as to
place it on a par with landed property, which is
designated by the cognate terms yenuhthih and
tnoVdsMA. Nor do we see that any valuable con-
clusion could be drawn from this latter derivation ;
for, assuming its correctness, the question would
still arise whether it was on account of the natural
or the manufactured product that such store was
act on the vine. 'Jafa* it derived from a word
signifying " to tread," and therefore refers to the
method by which the juice was expressed from the
fruit. It would very properly refer to new wine
as being recently trodden out, but not necessarily to
unfermented wine. It occurs but five timet in the
Bible (Cant. viii. 2 ; Is. xlix. 26 ; Joel i. 5, Hi. 18 ;
Am. ix. 13). Sdbe 1 is derived from a root signi-
fying to " toak " or " drink to excess." The cog-
nate verb and participle an constantly used in the
Utter tense (Dent xxi. 20; Prov. rxUi. 20, 21 ;
If. Ivi. 12; Nah. i. 10). The connexion between
afar and the Latiu tapa, applied to a decoction of
mutt (Kitlo's Cycl. I. v. Wine), appeaia doubtful :
die latter was regarded as a true Latin word by
Pliny (xiv. 11). Stbe occurs but thrice (Is. i. 22;
Hot. iv. 18; Nah. i. 10). Chtmer* (Deut xxxii.
14), in the Chaldee chamar (Ear. vi. 9, vii. 22) and
ckamra (Dan. v. 1 ff.), conveys the notion at foam-
ing or ebullition, and may equally well apply to
the process of fermentation or to the frothing of
liquid freshly poured out, in which latter case it
might be used of an unfermented liquid. Metec'
WINE
177*
T.
* B^TB
•K3b
• TDn
IJJO
'TOD?
« cop
■v It
(Pa. Ixxr. 8), merev* (Cant. vii. 2), and m»m*dV>
(Prov. xxiii. 30; It. lxv. 11), are connected etymo-
logically with mhceo and " mix," and imply a mix-
ture of wine with tome other substance: no con-
clusion can be drawn from the word itself at to the
quality of the wine, whether fermented or unfer-
mented, or as to the nature of the substance intro-
duced, whether spices or water. We may further
notice shicar, 1 a generic term applied to all fer-
mented liquors exeept wine [Drink, Strong];
cAatafeJ a weak tour wine, ordinarily termed
vinegar [ Vinegar] ; SthhhtA,* rendered " flagon
of wine" in the A. V. (2 Sam. xri. 1; 1 Chr.
xvi. 3 ; Cant. ii. 5 ; Hot. iii. 1), bat really mean-
ing a cake of pressed raisins ; and tUmMmf pro-
perly meaning the " lees " or dregs of wine, but in
It. xxv. 6 transferred to wine that had been kepi
on the lees for the purpose of increasing its body.
In the New Testament we meet with the following
terms : otnos," answering to yayxn as the genera
designation of wine ; gltukot* properly sweet wine
(Acts ii. 13); tikera,' a Greased form of the
Hebrew tktoSr ; and oxoef vinegar. In Rev. xi v
10 we meet with a singular expression,' literally
meaning mixed unmixed, evidently referring to the
custom of mingling wine: the two terms cannot be
used together in their literal tense, and hence the
former has been explained at meaning " ponied
oat " (De Wette in I. x).
Prom the terms themselves we pass on to an
examination of such passagea as seem to elucidate
their meaning. Both yayix and ttrdth are occa-
sionally connected with expressions that would
apply properly to a fruit ; the former, for instance,
with verba significant of gathering (Jer. xl. 10, 12),
and growing (Ps. civ. 14, 15); the latter with gather-
ing (fa. lxii. 9, A. V. "brought it together"),
treading (Mic vi. 15), and withering (Is. xxiv. 7 ;
Joel i. 10). So again the former is used in Num.
vi. 4 to define the particular kind of tree whose
products were forbidden to the Naxarite, via. the
" pendulout shoot of the vine ;* and the hitter in
Judg. ix. 13, to denote the product of the vine.
It should be observed, however, that in most, if not
all, the passages where then and similar expressions
occur, there it something to denote that the fruit is
regaided not simply tt fruit, bat at the raw ma-
terial oat of which wine is manufactured. Thus,
for instance, in Pa. civ. 15 and Judg. ix. 13 the
dteermg effectt of the product are noticed, and that
these are more suitable to the idea of wine than of
fruit seems self-evident: in one passage indeed tl,e
A. V. connects the expression " mala cheerful "
with bread (Zech. ix. 17), but this fa) a mere mis-
translation, the true sense of the expression there
used being to nouritk or make to grow. So, again,
the treading of the grape in Mic. vi. 15 it in itaelc
conclusive at to the pregnant sense in which the
term ftrosA ia used, even if it were not subsequently
Implied that the effect of the treading was in the
ordinary course of things to produce the yaiiin
which was to be drunk. In Is. lxii. 9 the object
of the gathering is clearly conveyed by the notice
of drinking. In la. xxiv. 7 the ffrdat, which
withe.*, is paralleled with yayin in the two follow-
ing verses. And lastly, in Is. lxv. 8 the nature of
tlie ttrieh, which it said to be found in the cluster
ij»bh
■ o*Wt .
» * -i
■ yJUvatoc.
i Qnotjs
me
WINE
of the gapes, it Dot obscurely indicated tj the sub-
sequent eulogiura, " a blessing i* in it." That the
terms " vine ' and * ' wise " should be thus inter-
changed in poetical language calls for no explana-
tion. We can no more infer from such instances
that the Hebrew terms mean graptt at fruit,
than we could inter the same oi the Latin nniun
because in some two or three passages (Plaut. X/-W.
ii. 4, 125 ; Varr. d* L. L. iv. 17 ; Cato, R. S.
c. 147) the term is transferred to the grape out of
which wine is made.
The question whether either of the above term*
ordinarily signified a solid substance, would be at
once settled by a reference to the manner in which
tliey were consumed. With regard to yayin we
are not aware of a single passage which couplet it
with the act of eating.' With regard to Uriah
the ease it somewhat different, inasmuch as that
term generally follows " corn," in the triplet " oom,
wine, and oil,*' and hence the term applied to the
consumption of com it carried 0% in accordance
with the grammatical figure zttigina, to the other
members of the clause, as in Deut. xii. 17. In the
only passage where the act of consuming Uriah
alone is noticed (It. lxii. 8, 9), the verb is sliaihahf
which constantly indicates dm act of drinking («. g.
Gen. it 21, xxiv. 22 ; Ex. vii. 21 : Ruth ii. 9), and
is the general term combined with deal in the joint
act of " eating and drinking " (e. g. 1 Sam. xxx.
16;. Job i. 4; Eccl. ii. 24;. We can find no con-
firmation for the sense of tucking assigned to the
term by Dr. Lees (TVrosn, p. 61): the passage
quoted in support of that sense (Pi. Ixxv. 8) implies
at all events a kind of sucking allied to drinking
rather than to eating, if indeed the sense of drinking
be not the more coirect rendering of the term. An
argument has been drawn against the usual sense
assigned to tirfoh, from the circumstance that it it
generally connected with "com," and therefore
implies an edible rather than a drinkable substance.
The very opposite conclusion may, however, be
drawn from this circumstance ; for it may be rea-
sonably urged that in any enumeration of Die ma-
terials needed for man's support, " meat and drink "
would be specified, rather than several kinds of the
former and none of the latter.
There are, moreover, passages which seem to
imply the actual manufacture of tirdsh by the same
(•recess by which wine was ordinarily made. For,
i ot to insist on the probability tlutt the " bringing
together," noticed in It. lxii. 9, would uot appro-
priately apply to the collecting of the fruit in the
wine-vat, we have notice of the " treading " iu con-
nexion with ttrish in Mic. vi. 15, and again of the
" overflowing " and the "bursting out" of tli«
ttrish in the vw*»'n or lower vat {ytheo; irw>\h-
nor), which received the must from the proper
press (Prov. iii. 10; Joel ii. 24).
Lastly, we have intimations of the enact pro-
duced by an excessive use of yayin and ttrtth. To
the former are attributed the " darkly flashing eye "
(Gen. llix. 12 ; A. V. " red," but see Gesen. Thet.
Append, p. 89), the unbridled tongue (Prov. ix. 1 ;
Is. xxviii. 7), the excitement of the spirit (Prov.
xxxi. 6 ; U. v. 11 ; Zcch. ix. 15, x. 7), the enchained
amvtioii* ••(' its votaries (Hot. iv. 11), the |«rverted
judgment ( Prov. xxxi. 5 ; Is. xxviii. 7), the indecent
exposure (HsJb. ii. 15, 16), and the sickness resulting
wnrs
iron. 'Jbeheat (chtmih,A.V. "bottles"' of win*
(Hot. vii. 5). The allosions to the eflh-U of tires*,
are confined to t single passage, but this a most de-
cisive one, vix^ Hot. iv. 11, " Whoredom and win*
{yayin), and new wine (tirith) take away the
heart," where tirith appeals as the climax of en-
grossing influences, in immediate connexion with
yayin.
The impression produced on the mind bv a ge-
neral review of the above notices is, that both yayin
and ttrish in their ordinary and popular acceptation
referred to fermented, intoxicating wine. In the
condemnatory psasagea no exception is made in
favour of any other kind of liquid passing under
the tame name, but not invested with the same
dangerous qualities. Nor again in these passages
is there any decisive condemnation of the substance
itself, which would enforce the conclusiou thai else-
where an unfermented liquid must be understood.
The condemnation must be understood of txcttmt
use in any case : for even where this it not expressed,
it is implied : and therefore the instances of wine
being drunk without auy reproof of the act, may
with as great a probability imply the moderate us*
of an intoxicating beverage, at the use of an un>
intoxicating one.
The notices of fermentation are not very decisive.
A certain amount of fermentation is implied in the
distension of the leather bottles when new wine was.
placed in them, aud which was liable to burst old
bottles. It has beeu suggested that the object ot
placing the wine in bottles was to prevent fer-
mentation, but that in "the cue of old bottki
fermentation might ensue from their being impieg
nated with the fermenting substance " ( 'finish, p
65). This is uot inconsistent with the statement is
Matt. ix. 17, but it detracts from the spirit of tht
comparison which implies the presence of a strong
expansive, penetrating principle. It is, however.
inconsistent with Job xxxii. 19, where the distextska
is described as occurring even in new bottles, ll
it very likely that new wine was preserved in the
state of must by placing it in jars or bottles, and
then burying it in the earth. But we should bt
inclined to understand the passages above quoted at
referring to wine drawn of)' before the fermentation
was complete, either for immediate use, or tor the
purpose of forming it into sweet wine after the
manner described by the Geopooic writers (vii, 19;
[Diet, of Ant. " Viuum "]. The presence of the gas-
bubble, or as the Hebrews termed it, "the eye"
that sparkled in the cup (Prov. zxUi. 31), was one
of the tokens of fermrataticu having taken place,
and the same effect was very possibly implied in tht
»rae khemer.
The remaining terms call for but few remarks
There can be no question that cum means wine, sad
in this .case it is observable that it forms part of a
Divine promise (Joel iii. 18; Am.ix. 13) very much
as ttrish occurs elsewhere, though other notices
imply that it was the occasion of excess (Is. xlix,
26 ; Joel i. 5). Two out of the dine pass ag es in
which tibe occurs Us. i. 22 ; Nth. i. 10) imply a
liquor that would be spoiled or uomatd (the o-
pression in Is. i. 22, tndhil, A. V. *' mixed." is
supposed to cenvey the tame idea at the Latui
castrare applied to wine in Pirn. xix. 19) by the
applicat:.-n of water ; we think the pwnget -iuete<
* An apparent Instance occurs tn la Iv. 1, where the
" buy snd est" has been supposed tp refer to the M bay
wine snd milk " nuicb follows ( Tirath. p. »*' But the
terra rendered •• tray " properly means * to bey
and hence expresses in iteeir ibe substance to be <
■ nner
WINE
hmor the idea of dreagtk rather than sweetness
being the characteristic of ado*. The term occuro
in Hot. It. 18, in the sense of a debauch, and the
vera accompanying it baa no connexion with the
notion of acidity, but would mora properly be ren-
dered " is past. The mingling implied in the term
■mm* mar have been designed either to increase, or
to diminish the strength of the wine, according as
spices or water formed the ingredient that was
added. The notices chiefly favour the former view ;
for mingled liquor was prepared for high festivals
(Prov. iz. 2, 5), and occasions of excess (Prov.
xxiii. SO; Is. v. 22). A cup "full mixed," was
emblematic of severe punishment (Ps. Ixxv. 8).
At the same time strength was not the sole object
•ought: the wine " mingled with myrrh " given to
Jesus, was designed to deaden pain (Hark xv. S3),
and the spiced pomegranate wine prepared by the
bride (Cant. viii. 2) may well have been of a mild
character. Both the Greeks and Romans were in
the habit of flavouring their wines with spices, and
•neh preparations were described by the former as
wine «t kpmuArmp Karaffinva{6)imt (Athen. i.
p. 31 »), and by the latter as anmatitet (Pirn, xiv.
19, $5). The authority of the MUhna may be cited
in favour both of water and of spices, the former
being noticed in Btraeh. 7, §5 ; Poach. 7, §13, and
the latter in Scken. 2, $ 1, In the New Testament
the character of the " sweet wine," noticed in Acts
ii. IS, calls for some little remark. It could not
be new wine in the proper sense of the term, Inas-
much as about eight months must have elapsed
between the vintage and the feast of Pentecost. It
might have been applied, just as mtutum was by
the Romans, to wine that bad been preserved for
about a year in an unfermented state (Cato, R. S.
c. 120). But the explanations of the ancient lexi-
cographers rather lead us to infer that its luscious
qualities were due, not to its being recently made, but
tn its being produced from the very purest juice of the
grape; for both in Hesychins and the Etymologicum
Magnum the term yKtvKti is explained to be the juice
that flowed spontaneously from the grape before the
treading oommenced. The name itself, therefore, is
not conclusive as to its being an unfermented liquor,
while the context implies the reverse : for St. Peter
would hardly have offered a serious defence to an
accusation that was not seriously made ; and yet if
the sweet wine in question were not intoxicating,
the accusation could only have been irouicaL
As considerable stress is laid upon the quality
of sweetness, as distinguished from strength, sup-
posed to be implied in the Hebrew terms mesek
and ttbt, we may observe that the usual term
for the inspissated juice of the grape, which was
characterised more especially by sweetness, was
tMaikf rendered in the A. V. "honey" (Gen.
xliii. 11; Ex. ixvii. 17). This was prepared by
boiling it down either to a third of its original
bulk, in which case it was termed aapa by the
Lttins, and tywa or aipumr by the fireeki , or else
to half it* bulk, in which case it was termed oV-
fnUim (Plin. xir. 11). Both the substance and
the name, under the form of diet, are in common
use in Syria at the present day. We may fuither
notice a less artificial mode of producing a sweet
liquor from the grape, namely, by pressing the
juice directly into the cup, as described in Gen.
xi, II. And, lastly, there appears to hare been a
wiua
1777
- 1
▼akin.
• rnrc
beverage, also of a sweet character, produced by
macerating grapes, and hence termed the " liquor"*
of grapes (Num. vi. 3). These later preparation!
are allowed in the Koran (xri. 69; as substitute!
for wine.
There can be little doubt that the wines of Pa-
lestine varied in quality, and were named alb r the
localities in which they were made. We hare uc
notices, however, to this effect. The only wines of
which we have special notice, belonged to Syria:
these were the wine of Helbon, a valley near Da-
mascus, which in ancient times was prized at Tyre
(Ex. xxvii. 18) and by the Persian monarchs IStinb.
xv. p. 735), as it still is by the residents of Da-
mascus (Porter, Damataa, i. 333) : and the wine
of Lebanon, famed for its aroma (Hos. xiv. 7).
With regard to the uses of wine in private lift
there is little to remark. It was produced on occa-
sions of ordinary hospitality (Gen. xir. 18;, and at
festivals, such ss marriages (John ii. 3). The mo-
numents of ancient Egypt furnish abundant evidence
that the people of that country, both mile and
female, indulged liberally in the use of wine (Wilkin-
son, i. 52, 53). It has been inferred from a passage
in Plutarch (dk Itid. 6; that no wine was drunk in
Egypt before the reign of Psammetichus, and this
passage has been quoted in illustration of Gen.
xl. 11. The meaning of the author srems rather
to be that the kings subsequently to Psammetichus
did not restrict themselves to the quantity of wine
prescribed to them by reason of their sacerdotal
office (Diod. i. 70). The cultivation of the vine
was incompatible with the conditions of a nomad
life, and it was probably on this account that Jo-
nadab, wishing to perpetuate that kind of life among
his posterity, prohibited the use of wine to tlieui
(Jer. xxxv. 6). The case is exactly parallel to that
of the Nabathaeans, who abstained from wine on
purely political grounds (Diod. xix. 94).
Under the Mosaic law wine formed the usual
drink-offering that accompanied the daily sacrifice
(Ex. xxix. 40), the presentation of the first-fruits
(Lev. xxiii. 13), and other olfeiings (Num. xv. 5).
It nppears from Num. xxviii. 7 that strong driuk
might be substituted for it on these occasions.
Tithe was to be paid of wine (ftrtlaA) as of other
products, and this was to be consumed " before the
Lord," meaning within the precincts of the Temple.
or perhaps, as may be inferred from Lev. vii. 16, at
the place where the Temple was situated 'Deut. xii.
17, 18). The priest was also to receire first- fruits
of wine (ttrdsA), as of other articles (Deut. xviii.
4 ; comp. Ex. xxii. 29) : and a promise of plenty
was attached to the faithful payment of these dues
(Piov. Hi. 9, 10;. The priests were prohibited from
the use of wine and strong drink before perfoi-ming
the services of the Temple (Lev. x. 9), and the plain
which this prohibition holds in the narrative favours
the presumption that the offence of Nadab and
Abihu was committed under the influence of liquor.
Eaekiel repeats the prohibition as far as wine ie
concerned (Ex. xliv. 21). The Naxarite was pro-
hibited from the use of wine, or strong drink, m
even the juice of grapes during the continuance of
his vow (Num. vi. 3) ; but the adoption of that
vow waa a voluntary act. The use of wine at the
pnschal feast wax not enjoined by the Law ; but had
become an estaMished custom, at all events in the
post-Babylonian period. The cup was handed round
four times ocrec-ding to the ritual prescribed in the
Mislina {Paacli 10, §1), the third cup being desig-
nated the " cup of blessing " (1 Cor. 1. 16), bersuss
SX
1778
WZNBPEESb
trace ww th« said (Petaoh. 10, §7). LPaSSoter].
The contents of the cup are specifically described by
ear Lord n " the fruit" {yimma) of the Tine (Mutt.
xxri. 29 ; Mark xiv. 25 ; Lake xxil. 18), and in the
Miahna simply aa wiue. The wine wu mixed with
warm water on these occasions, as implied in the
notioe of the wanning kettle (Pctach. 7, §13).
Hence in the early Christian Church it was usual
to mix the sacramental wine with water, a custom
as old, at all events, as Justin Martyr's time (Apol.
i. 65), The Pastoral Epistles contain directions as
to the moderate use of wine on the part of all hold-
ing office in the Church ; as that they should not
be -ripotroi (1 Tim. iii. 8 ; A. V. " given to wine " ),
meaning insolent and violent under the influence
of wine; "not given to much wine" (1 Tim. iii.
8); "not enslaved to much wine" (Tit. ii. 3).
The term nfewUeu in 1 Tim. Hi. 2 (A. V.
"sober"), expresses general vigilance and circum-
spection (Schleusner, Lex. i. v. ; Alfoni, in loe.).
St. Paul advises Timothy himself to be no longer a
habitual water-drinker, but to take a little wine for
his health's sake (1 Tim. v. 23). No very satis-
factory reason can be assigned Kir the place which
this injunction holds in the Epistle, unless it were
intended to correct any possible misapprehension as
to the preceding words, " Keep thyself pure." The
precepts above quoted, as well as others to the same
enact addressed to the disciples generally (Kom. xiii.
13 ; Gal. v. 21 ; 1 Pet iv. 3), show the extent to
which intemperance prevailed in ancient times, and
the extreme danger to which the Church was sub-
iected from this quarter. [W. L. B.]
WINE-PRE88 (flj ; 3£; .TOD). From the
•canty notice* contained in the Bible we gather that
the wine-presses of the Jews consisted of two re-
ceptacles or vats placed at different elevations, in
the upper one of which the grapes were trodden,
while the lower one received the expi eased juice.
The two vats are mentioned together only in Joel
iii. 13:— *> The press (gath) is rail i the tats (i/eke-
W/n) overflow " — the upper vat being full of fruit,
the lower one overflowing with the must. TeJub
is similarly applied in Joel ii. 24, and probably in
Prov. iii. 10, where the verb rendered " burst out"
in the A. V. may bear the more general sense of
'• abound" (Gesen. Tim. p. 1130). Oath is also
strictly applied to the upper vat in Meh. xiii. 15,
Lam. i. 15, and I*, lxiii. 2, with purih in a parallel
sense in the following verse. Elsewhere uekeb is
not strictly applied ; for in Job xxiv. 1 1, and Jer.
xlviii. 33, it refers to the upper vat, just as in
Matt. xxi. 33, frtroAejMor ("properly the vat under
the press) la substituted fur Anrdt, a* given in
Mark xii. 1. It would, moreover, appear natural
to describe the whole arrangement by the term
gath, as ieooting the most important portion of it ;
but, with the exception of proper names in which
the word appears, such aa Gath, Gath-rimmon,
Gath-hepher, and Gittaim, the term yekeb is ap-
plied to it (Judg. vii. 25; Zech. xiv. 10). The
aaree term is also applied to the produce of the
wine-press (Num. xviii. 27, 30 ; Deut. xr. 14 ;
2 K. vi. 27 ; Has. ix. 2). The term pirak, as
used in Hagg. ii. 16, probably refers to the con-
tents of a wine-vat,* rather than to the press or
vat itatlf. The two vats were usually dug or
hejrn out of the solid rock (Is. v. 2, margin;
• The LXX. reiKMs the term by poppet, the 0«eek
measure evaivalrat to Uw Hebrew oath.
WISDOM, THK, OF SOLOMON
Matt. xxi. 33). Audrat wi n e pres se s , «. oa-
structed, are still to be seen in Palestine, one of
which ii thus described by Kobhuon : — ' Advavtsuv
had been taken of a ledge of rock ; on the upper «<k
a shallow vet had been dug out, eight feet aqifare,
and fifteen inches deep. Two fret lower down
another smaller vat was excavated, lour feet square
by three feet deep. The grapes were trodden "in Oh
shallow upper rat, and the juice drawn off by a bole
at the bottom (still remaining) into the lower vat'*
(B. R. iii. 137, 603). The wine-presses were thus
permanent, and were surhcientlv well known to
serve a* indications of certain localities (Judg. rii,
25 ; Zech. xiv. 10). The upper receptacle ij/itk)
was large enough to admit of threshing buM>
carried on in (not " by,'* as in A. V.) it, *> tm*
done by Gideon for the sake of concealment (Judg.
Ti.U). [Fat.] [W. L.B.J
WINNOWING. [AoBicoxTtjBK.]
WISDOM OF JE8DS. SON OF 8HUCH.
[ECCLESIASTICCS.]
WISDOM, THE, OF SOLOMON. £•*<«
SoAv/iaV ; 2otf>ia SoAotiarr-rof ; later, «/ 2oo>us :
Liber Sapiential; Sapienlia Salomon*; Sophia <&i-
lomonit. The title ioitla was also applied to tbt
Book of Proverbs, a* by Melito ap. Euseb. H. £.
iv. 26 (rjoeaiitfoi *, kuI $ lo>ia ; see Vales, or
Kouth ad loc.), and also to Kcclesiasliciia, as Epi-
phanitis (adv. haer. lxxvi. p. 94 1 , ir rats Sos^icus,
ioXonminit rt ernui awl wIo5 3ifix), fr *"* "nich
considerable confusion has arisen.
1. Text, — The Book of Wisdom is pres e rv e d in
Greek and Latin texts, and in subsidiary translations
into Syriac, Arabic, and Armenian. Of these latter,
the Armenian is said to be the moat important ; the
Syriac and Arabic Versions being paraphrastic and
inaccurate (Grimm, EM. §10). The Greek text,
which, as will appear afterwards, is undoubtedly
the original, oners no remarkable features. The
variations in the MSS. are confined within narrow
limits, and are not such as to suggest the idea ol
distinct early recensions ; nor is there any appear-
ance of serious corruptions anterior to existing
Greek authorities. The Old Latin Version, which
was left untouched by Jerome (Praef. at L&r.
Sal., In eo libra qui a plerisque Sapitniia Salomom*
inscribitur .... alamo temperavi ; tantummodo
canonical Scriptural emendare desiderana, et studiom
meum certis magia quam dubiis oomnwodare), is in
the main a close and faithful rendering of the
Greek, though it contains some additions to the
original text, such as are characteristic of the old
version generally. Examples of these addition, are
found — i. 15, InjuttUia autem mortis eat aapo-
titio ; ii. 8, Nullum pratum tit quad turn pertraw
teot luxurio nostra ; ii. 17, et seiswwt quae erutX
noviitima iiime; vi. 1, Metier sat tapitnth ounm
tarn, et tir prudent quant fortis. And the con-
struction of the parallelism in the two first card
suggests the belief that there, at least, the latin
reading may be correct. But other additions point
to a different conclusion: vi. 23, dUigite h eme*
tapientiae omnet qui praeettit ptpuiit ; via. 11, rt
faciet prmcipuM mirnbtmtw me ; lx.19, qutarem
placuerunt libidommt a p i indpi o; xi. 5, adefeo-
time pott tut, etmeit own einrndarent JUS Imrad
laetati tunt.
The chief Greek MSS. in which the book it con-
tained are the Codes Situittaa (jt), the Coat
Alexandrians (A), the Ctd. Vatican*, (B), aad th>
Cod Ephfaemi mar. (C The attire text * pro
WISDOM, THE,
•erred ia the thin former ; in the latU., July oon-
«derable fragments: viii. 5-xi. 10; xiv. 19-Jvii.
18 ; xviii. 24-xix. 22.
-Sabstier used four Latin MSS. of the higher dssa
lor his edition: " Corbeienaea duos, unura 8an-
gcrmaneiuwin, et alium S. Theodorioi sd Remos,"
of which he professes to give almost a complete (but
certainly not a literal) collation. The variations
are not generally important; but patristic quota-
tions show that in early tiroes very considerable
differences of text existed. An important MS. of
the book in the Brit. Hus. Egerton, 1046, Saec
riii. has not yet been examined.
2. Contents. — The book has been variously di-
vided ■ but it seems to fall most naturally into two
gnat divisions : (I) i.-ix.; (2) x.-xix. The first
contains the doctrine of Wisdom in its moral and
intellectual aspects; the second, the doctrine of
Wisdom as shown in history. Each of these parts
is again capable of subdivision. The first part con-
tains the praise of Wisdom as the source of immor-
tality in contrast with the teaching of sensualists
'i.-r.) ; and next the praise of Wisdom as the guide
of practical and intellectual life, the stay of princes,
aud the interpreter of the universe (vi.-ix). The
second part, again, follows the action of Wisdom
summarily, as preserving God's servants from Adam
to Moses (x. l.-xi. 4), and more particularly in the
punishment of the Egyptians and Canaanites (xi.
5- 16 ; xi. 17-xii.). This punishment is traced to
its origin in idolatry, which, in its rise and progress,
presents the false substitute for Revelation (xiii.,
xiv.). And in the last section (xv.-xix.) the history
of the Exodus is used to illustrate in detail the
contrasted fortunes of the people of God and idola-
ters. The whole argument may be presented in a
tabular form in the following shape.
I. — Ch. i.-li. Tkt doctrine of Wisdom in its tpiri-
tttai, intellectual, and moral atptott.
(«). i.-v. Wisdom the giver of happiness and
immortality.
The conditions of wisdom (i. 1-1 1).
Uprightness of thought (1-5).
Uprightness of word (6-11).
The origin of death (i. 12-11. 24).
Sin (in fact) by man's free will (i. 12-16).
The reasoning of the sensualist (ii. 1-20).
Sit 'in source) by the envy of the devil
(21-24).
The goaiy and wicked in life (an mortal), (iii.
1-iv.).
In chastiwmenta (iii. 1-10).
In the results of life (ill. 11-iv. 6).
In length of lite (7-20).
The godly and wicked after death (v.).
The judgment of conscience (1.-14).
The judgment of God —
On the godly (15-16).
On the wicked (17-23).
0). vi.-u Wisdom the guide of life.
Wisdom the guide of princes (vi. 1-21).
Tsu responsibility of power (1-11).
Wiidom soon (bond (12-16).
Wisdom the source of true sovereignty
(17-21).
Tie character and realm ot wisdom
Open to all (vi. 22-vii. 7).
Pervading all creation (vi). 8- viii. 1 ',.
Swaving all life ( viii. 2-17).
Or* KOLOMON 1779
Wisdom the gift of God fvili. 17-ix.>
Prayer for wisdom (ix.'j
II. — Ch. x.-xix. Tkt doctrine of Wisdom in its
hittorical aspect:
(■). Wisdom a power to save and chastise.
Wisdom seen in the guidance of God's popple
from Adam to Moses (x.-xi. 4).
Wisdom seen in the punishment of Gou's ene-
mies (xi. 5-xii.).
The Egyptians (xi. 5-xii. 1).
The Canaanites (xii. 2-18).
The lesson of mercy and judgment (19-
27).
(/J). The growth of idolatry the opposite to
wisdom.
The worship of nature (xiii. 1-9).
The worship of images (xiii. 10-xiv. 1 3).
The worship of deified men (xiv. 14-21).
The moral effects of idolatry (xiv. 22-31).
(y). The contrast between true worshippers aud
idolaters (xv.-xix.).
The general contrast (xv. 1-17).
The special contrast at the Exodus —
The action of beasts (xv. 18-xvi. 13).
The action of the forces of nature — water
fire (xvi. 14-29).
The symbolic darkness (xvii.-xviii. 4).
The action of death (xviii. 5-25).
The powers of nature changed in their
working to save and destroy (xix.
1-21).
Conclusion (xix. 21).
The subdivisions are by no means sharply defined,
though it ia not difficult to trace the main current
of thought. Each section contains the preparation
for that which follows, just as in the classic trilogy
the close of one play shadowed forth the subject
of the next. Thus in ii. 244, iv. 20, ix. 18. ate,
the fresh idea is enunciated, which ia subsequently
developed at length. In this way the whole book
is intimately bound together, and the clauses which
appear at first sight to be idle repetitions of
thought really spring from the elaborateness of its
structure.
3. Unity and integrity. — It follows from what
has been said that the book forms a complete and
harmonious whole. But the distinct treatment of
the subject, theoretically and historically, in two
parts, has given occasion from time to time for
maintaining that it ia the work of two or more
authors. C. F. Houbigant (Prolegg. ad Sap. et
Ecclee. 1777) supposed that the first nine chapters
were the work of Solomon, and that the translator
of the Hebrew original (probably) added the later
chapters. Eichhom {EM. in d. Apoc. 1796),
rightly feeling that some historical illustrations of
the action of wisdom were required by the clow of
ch. ix., fixed the end of the original book at ch. xi. 1.
Nachtigal (Dot Buck Weixh. 1799) devised a far
more artificial theory, and imagined that he could
trace in the book the records of (so to speak) an
antiphonic " Praise of Wisdom,'' delivered in three
sittings of the sacred schools by two companies of
doctors. Bretschneider (1804-5), following out the
simpler hypothesis, found three different writings in
the book, of which he attributed the first part (L
1-vi. 8) to a Palestinian Jew of the time of Antiochua
Kpiph., the second (vi. 9-x.) to a philosophic
Alexaiidrino Jaw of the time of our Lord, and th»
6X2
.1780
tYIhDOII, THE. OK SOLOMON
tfaM ^ill.-iii.) to a contemporary, bat unedu-
ct ted Jew. whc wrote under the influence of the
rudest ittumil prejudices. The eleventh chapter
Was, m he supposed, added by the compiler who
brought the three chief parte together. Bertholdt
(Einleitung, 1615) tell back upon a modification
of the earliest di virion. He included chap, i.-xii.
in the original book, which he regarded ai essentially
philosophical, while the later addition (xiii.-xix.) ia,
in hie judgment, predominantly theological. It ia
needless to enter in detail into the argument! by
which three Tarioi m opinions were maintained, but
when taken together, they furnish an instructive
example of the course of subjective criticism. The
true refutation of the one hypothesis which they
hare in common — the divided authorship of the
book — ia found in the substantial harmony and
connexion of ita pane, in the presence of the same
general tone and manner of thought throughout it,
and yet more in the essential uniformity of style
and language which it presents, though both are
necessarily modified in some degree by the subject
matter of the different sections. (For a detailed
examination of the arguments of the " Separatists,"
we Grimm, Exeg. Uandb. §4 ; and Bauermeister,
Comm. in lib. Sap. 8 ff.)
Some, however, admitting the unity of the book,
have questioned ita integrity. Eichhorn imagined
that it was left imperfect by ita author (EM. p.
148); Grotius, apparently, that it waa mutilated
by some accident of time (Videtur hie liber ease
toKovpoi); and others have been mood, in later
times, to support each opinion. Yet it ia obvious
thnt. the scope of the argument is fully satisfied by
the investigation of the providential history of the
Jews up to the thnt of the occupation of Canaan,
and the last verse furnishea a complete epilogue to
the treatise, which Grimm compares, not inaptly,
with the last words of 3 Mace.
The idea that the book has been interpolated by
a Christian hand (Grotius, (iratx) is as little worthy
of consideration as the idea that it is incomplete.
The passages which have been brought forward in
support of this opinion (ii. 12-20, 24, iii. 13, 14,
xiv. 7 ; oomp. Homilies, p. 174, ed. 1850) lose all
their force, if Surly iutupreted.
4. Style and Language. — The literary character
of the book is most remarkable and interesting. In
the richness and freedom of its vocabulary it most
closely resembles the fourth Book of Maccabees,
but it is superior to that fine declamation, both in
power and variety of diction. No existing work
represents perhaps more completely the style of
composition which would be produced by the
sophistic schools of rhetoric ; and in the artificial
balancing of words, and the fiequent niceties of
arrangement and rhythm, it is impossible not to be
reminded of the exquisite story of Prodicus (Xen.
Memorab. ii. 1, 21), and of the subtle refinements
of Protagoras in the dialogue which bears his name,
It follows as a necessary consequence that the effect
of different parte of the book is very unequal. The
fiorid redundancy and restless straining alter effect,
which may be not unsuited to vivid intellectual
pictures, is wholly alien from the philosophic con-
templation of history. Thus the forced contrasts
and fantastic exaggerations in the description of the
Egyptian plagues cannot but dispute* while it is
equally impossible not to admire the lyrical force
»f the language of the sensualist (ii. I, ff.)^e»id of the
picture of future judgment (v. IS, If.). The mag-
nificent deccrif tajou >. Wlrdoa 'vii. 22-viii. 1) must
rank among the noblest passages of human ei>
quenee, and it would be perhaps impossible to
point oat any piece of equal length in the i ti ss ue s
of classical antiquity more pregnant with not4e
thought, or more rich in expressive uhiaseoJogy.
It may be placed beside the Hymn of Cleuthes a
the visions of Plato, and it will not lose its powei
to cnarm and move. Examples of strange or new
words may be found almost on everv page. Such
ire iyawaStvitit, vpsmfwAao'rar, «JJe'x#e*a, •>)«-
o—xta, *rdfeu>, ojrnAiAVror, bt/i0atrfi6t. {*■*■
Tela ; otliei* belong characteristically to later Greek,
as bia0oi\tor, arrarajcAaffsVu, atidwrerret. t ae d
(tir, ffaAAos, awesfVs-aoTOf, 6c. ; other*, again,
to the language of philosophy, oaews-aetyr. {sm-
ear, vaovawardnu. ate. ; and ethers to the LXX.,
Xtpaim. oAestoorauia, &c No class of writiuga
and no mode of combination appear to be un-
familiar to the writer. Some of the phrases which
he adopts are singularly happy, as rsrrdjryeo?
anaarfai (i. 4), &Aa(ortite4ai warepa •*•»
(ii. 16), iKwU asWaaias *Aqak> (iii. 4), *c ;
and not leas so some of the short and weighty sen-
tences in which he gathers up the truth on which
he ia dwelling: vi. 19, lufitajxrl* iyybt eunss
a-oici leov ; si. 26, s)e(8i) oe srdrraw 4Vi era sVrt,
lirvora a>< A.o*)vx *• The numerous arti-
ficial resources with which the book abounds ate a
less pleasing mark of labour bestowed upon its
composition. Thus, in i. 1, we have a ya j ajsrarre
. . . <>0oW)awre . . . . sV tyew e Vajw awl Ir
eWAeVari, . . . fl pfc av s ; v. 23, awrasiel . . .
avarouso ; xiii. 1 1, waste^iareF rfsstw . . . sol
rtxrnrifuns eisjpewati ; six. 20, nacre* e*r»-
arov. The arrangement of the wonts is equally
artificial, but generally more effective, and often
very subtle and forcible ; vii. 29, (m ">oe> ejsVw
(r) <ro»>(o) tbwprrtrrip* rjKltm sol &rs» win*
airroair iivip. aWri ovycouvu^sw tiftermrmt
■*B<nip+. rovro uir yif SuHxtrm «{. re filar
Si ov* kmvxiti murlo.
The language of the Old Latin translation is also
itself full of interest. It presents, in great pro-
fusion, the characteristic provincialisms which ehs>
where mark the earliest African version of the
Scriptures. [Comp. Vulgate, §43.] Such are the
substantives extermmuaa, refrigernan; pracd»-
ritat, medietas, nmiefot, natmtae, ettpervaamt"* •
tubitatic ; aanrtrix, doctrix, etectrix; tmmcuoratio
(ousinrla) ; mcofcuHis ; the adjectives conUmptibiHt.
mefugibilit, odibiiit ; mcomquinattit, w a j ciha t ra ,
mdiviplinatus, msensatut, umamiatta (aVmt-
xprroi) ; fumigabundus ; the verba angvtiart,
manmetart, mpnperart ; and the phrases impoe-
tibilie immittere, partibvs ( =partu»), wamm i net/ is
honettas, providential (pi.).
5. Original Language. — The character istica of
the language, which have been just notice.!, aie so
marked that no doubt could ever have been raised
as to the originality of the Greek text, if it had not
been that the book was once supposed to be the
work of Solomon. It waa stemmed (so far rightly)
that if the traditional title were correct, the book
I must have been written in Hebrew ; and the bebel
I which was thus baaed upon a false opinion as to
] the authorship, survived, at least partially, fiar
i ome time after that opinion was abandoned. Yet
is it must be obvious, even on a superficial el-
imination, that the style and language of the book
, 'how conclusively thnt it could not have been the
I work of Solomon, so it appears with equal erv-
| tainty that the freedom of the Greek diction a a
WUUiuil, THE, OF SOLOMON
1781
I by no Aramaic text. This was well stated
•j Jerome, who says, " Fertur ft ravdftTol Jeau
ilii Sirach liber,* et alius 4/t'ittirlypwpos qui
Sap'entia Salnmonis inecribitui . . . Secundus apod
Hebmeos nusquam eat, quia et ipse stylus Granatin
doquentiam redolet" (Praef. m Libr. Satom.); and
it seems superfluous to add any further argument
to those which must spring from the reading of any
one chapter. It ia, however, interesting on other
grounds to ohserre that the book contains une-
quivocal traces of the use of the LXX. where it
differs from the Hebrew: ii. 11, ivtiptimtiuv
Tor Slxaior 5Vi SvffXPVVTo* hf-'"
tar I (It. iii. 10); xv. 10, maths J, tuipSla
abrmr (Is. xIIt. 20) ; and this not in direct quota-
tions, where it ia conceivable that a Greek trans-
lator might have felt justified In adopting the ren-
lering of the version with which he was familiar,
but where the words of the LXX. are inwrought
into the text itself. But while the original lan-
guage of the book may be regarded as certainly de-
termined by internal evidence, great doubt hangs
over the date and place of its composition ; and it
will be necessary to examine some of the doctrinal
peculiarities which it presents before any attempt is
made to determine these points with approximate
accuracy.
6. .Doctrinal character.— -The theological teach-
ing of the book offers, in many respects, the nearest
approach to the language and doctrines of Greek
philosophy which is found in any Jewish writing
up to the time of Philo. There ia much in the
views which it gives of the world, of man, and
of the Divine Nature, which springs rather from
the combination or conflict of Hebrew and Greek
thought than from the independent development of
Hebrew thought alone. Thus, in speaking of the
almighty power of God, the writer describes Him as
" having created the universe out of matter with-
out form " (KTurao'a row KoV/ior **( au&pfov
0A*f, xi. 17), adopting the very phrase of the
Platouista, which is found also in Philo {De Vict.
Offer. §13), to describe the pre-existing matter out
ef which the world was made, and (like Philo, De
Mimd. Op. §5) evidently implying that this in-
determinate matter was itself uncreated. What-
ever attempts may be made to bring this statement
into harmony with the doctrine of an absolute
primal creation, it ia evident that it derives its form
from Greece. Scarcely leas distinctly heathen is the
conception which is presented of the body as a mere
weight and clog to the soul (ix. 15 ; contrast 2 Cor.
v. 1-4) ; and we most refer to some extra-Judaic
source tor the remarkable doctrino of the pre-
existence of souls, which finds unmistakeable ex-
pression in viii. 20. The form, indeed, in which
this doctrine is enunciated differs alike from that
given by Plato and by Philo, but it is no less
foreign to the pure Hebrew mode of thought, it
is more in accordance with the language of the
O. T. that the writer represents the Spirit of God
as tilling (i. 7) and inspiring all things (xii. 1),
* The famous passage, It. 11-10, ha* been very fre-
quently regarded, both In early and modem times, as a
prophecy or the Passion of Christ, " the child of God." It
is quoted In this sense by Tertullian (aiic. Han. 111. 32).
Cyprian (7e«Na» II. \\\ Hlppolytus (ileal, ode. Jud. «).
Ortgen <//«at. vi. in Ex. I.), and many later Father*.
ml RoluUh Interpret*-™ have generally followed their
>;»lnloli. It seeins obvious, however, that ibe passage
tfotafne no Individual reference ; and the coincidences
»>«■ eon between the language and details In the
but even here the icea of " a soul of the world *
seems to Influence his thoughts ; and the same re-
mark applies to the doctrine of the Divine Provi
dence (rrpoVoia, xiv. 3, xvii. 2 ; comp. Grimm, ad
he.), and of the four cardinal virtues (viii. 7,
cranppoo-tfrn, «)poVne-ii, Suraioo-tfrn, drtpcta).
which, in form at least, show the effect of Stoic
teaching. There is, on the other hand, no trace at
the characteristic Christian doctrine of a resurrec-
tion of the body ; and the future triumph of the
good is entirely unconnected with any revelation ot
a personal Messiah* (iii. 7, 8, v. 16 ; comp. Grimm
on i. 12, iii. 7, for a good view of the eschatology
«c the book). The identification of the tempter
(Gen. iii.), directly or indirectly, with the devil, as
the bringer «« of-death into the world " (ii. 23, 24),
is the most remarkable development of Biblical
doctrine which the .book contains; and this preg-
nant passage, when combined with the earlier de-
claration as to the action of man's free will in the
taking of evil to himself (i. 12-16), is a noble ex-
ample of the living power of the Divine teaching of
the 0. T. in the face of other influences. It is also
in this point that the Pseudo-Solomon differs most
widely from Philo, who recognizes no such evil
power in the world, though the doctrine must have
been well known at Alexandria (comp. Gfrdrer,
Philo, &c ii. 2;»8).» The subsequent deliverance
of Adam from his transgression (4(ttKaro atrrbr
Im iraftarriiurros Itlov) is attributed to Wisdom ;
and it appears that we must understand by this,
not the scheme of Divine Providence, but that,
wisdom, given by God to man, which is immor-
tality (viii. 17). Generally, too, it may le ob-
served that, as in the cognate books, Proverbs and
Eedesiastes, there are few traces of the recognition
of the sinfulness even of the wise man in his
wisdom, which forms, in the Psalms and the Pro-
phets, the basis of the Christian doctrine of the
atonement (yet comp. xv. 2). With regard to the
interpretation of the 0. T., it is worthy of notice
that a typical significance is assumed to underlie
the historic details (xvi. 1, xviii. 4, 5, Ac.) ; und
in one most remarkable passage (xviii. 24) the high-
priestly dress is expressly described ss presenting an
image of the Divine glory in creation and in the
patriarchal covenant — an explanation which is
found, in the main, both in Philo (De Vita Hot.
$12) and Josephus {Art. iii. 7, §7), as well as in
later writes (comp. also xvi. 6, §7). In connexion
with the O. T. Scriptures, the book, as a whole,
may be regarded as carrying on one step further
the great problem of life contained in Eoclesiaates
and Job ; while it differs from both formally by the
admixture of Greek elements, and doctrinally by
the supreme prominence given to the idea of im-
mortality fcf the vindication of Divine justice
(comp. below, §9).
7. The doctrine of Wisdom. — It would be im-
possible to trace here in detail the progressive do
velopment of the doctrine of Wisdom, ss a Diviue
Power standing in some sense between the Cieator
Oospels are doe partly to the 0. T. passages on voice
It Is based, and partly to the oooenrrene* of each
typical lomi of n-prosch and snflertng In the Lord's
Passion.
b There Is also considerable difference between the
sketch of the rise of Idolatry in Philo, Dt Monarch. y l-3,
and that given In trisi xllL xlv. Other differences are
pointed out by Klchhom. At'ni. IT] ff. A trace ol the
cabbalistic use of number* Is pointed i tit by Kvrall In the
■■cents one attributes •* Wisdom (vli IX. UV
1782
WIBX-OM. THE. OF SOLOMON
sod creation, yet without mom idea of this history
no correct amnion an be formed an tut position
which the book of the Pseudo-Soiornon occupies in
Jewish literature. The foundation of the doctrine
is to be tbund in the Book of Proverbs, where
!,viii.) Wisdom (A'Aofbna^ is represented ss present
with God before (riii. 22} and during the creation
of the worli. So tar it appears only sa a principle
regulating the action of the Creator, though even in
this way it establishes a close connexion between
the world, as the outward expression of Wisdom,
and God. Moreover, by the personification of
Wisdom, and the relation of Wisdom to men (riii.
31 ), a preparation is made for the extension or the
doctrine. This appears, after a long interval, in
Eodesiasticua. In the great d es crip tion of Wisdom
given in that book (xxiv.). Wisdom is represented
as a creation of God (xxiv. 9), penetrating the whole
universe (4-6), and taking up her special abode
with the chosen people (8-12). Her personal ex-
istence and providential function are thus distinctly
brought out. In the Book of Wisdom the con-
ception gains yet farther completeness. In this.
Wisdom is identified with the Spirit of God (ix.
17) — an identification half implied in Ecclua. xxiv.
3 — which brooded over the elements of the un-
formed world (ix. 0), and inspired the prophets (vii.
7, '11). She is the power which unites (L 7) and
directs all things (viii. 1). By bar, in especial,
men hare fellowship with God (xii. 1) ; and her
action is not confined to sny period, for "in all
ages entering into holy souls, she maketh them
friends of God and prophets" (VS. 27). So also
her working, in the providential history of God's
people, is traced at length (x.) ; and her power is
declared to reach beyond the world of man into
that of spirits (vii. 23).
The conception of Wisdom, however boldly per-
sonified, yet leaves a wide chasm between the world
and the Creator. Wisdom answers to the idea of
a spirit vivifying and uniting all things in all time,
as distinguished from any special outward revela-
tion of the Divine Person. Thus at the same time
that the doctrine of Wisdom was gradually con-
structed, the correlative doctrine of the Divine Word
was also reduced to a definite shape. The Word
(Jfirotra), the Divine ex pr es si on, es it was under-
stood in Palestine, famished the exact complement
to Wisdom, the Divine thought; but the ambi-
guity of the Greek Logoe (sermo, ratio) introduced
ccnsiderable confusion into the later treatment of
ta'i two ideas. Broadly, however, it may be said
tlat the Ward properly represented the mediative
element in the action of God, Wisdom the mediative
element of His omnipresence. Thus, according to
'lie later distinction of Philo, Wisdom corresponds
to the unmount Word (Aoyot «Va*u(sVroj), while
the Word, strictly speaking, was denned as owm-
ciatwe (A0701 wsoeSopur^f). Both ideas are in-
doded in the language of the prophets, and both
found a natural development in Palestine and
Egypt. The one prepared men for the revelation
of tt! Sou ot God, the other for the revelation of
the Holy Spirit.
The Book of the Pseudo-Solomon, which gives
the most complete view of Divine wisdom, contains
only two passages in which the Word is invested
With the attributes of personal action (xvi. 12,
xviii. 15; ix. 1 is of different character). These, how-
ever, are sufficient to indicate that the two powers
were dittiuKuished by the writer ; and it has been
c.aanioiUy aigued that the superior prouiiueuce
given in the book to the conception of Widow «
an indication of a ilale anterior to Philo. Xer a
this conclusion unreasonable, if it is aaoWbty esta-
blished on independent grounds that the beak a> e>
Alexandrine origin. Bat it is no lew important as
observe that the doctrine 01' WlaJom in itself is as
proof of this. There ■ nothing in the direct tests
ing on this subject, which might not have arisen ■
Palestine, and it is necessary that we aejould mow
to the more special traits of Aleiandrine lh aogb l a
the book which have been noticed before (§*>> f*
the primary evidence of its Alexandrine origin ; sad
starting from this there appears to be, as for as can
be judged from the imperfect materials at ear enae-
mand, a greater affinity in the /arm at* the doetrise
on wisdom to the teaching of Alexandria than to
that of Palestine (camp. Ewald, (Jew*, rr. SM L;
Wdte, End. 161 ff., has some good iiitiiismi ea
many supposed traces of Alexandrine dortria* in
the book, but errs in denying all).
The doctrine of the Divine wisdom pasaaa by a
transition, often imperceptible, to that of sasaaan
wisdom, which is derived from rt. This eanhracej
not only the whole range of moral and saantnal
virtues, but also the various branches of pamicfcl
knowledge. [Comp. Priuooopht.] In? thai aspect
the enumeration of the great forms of aartural
science in vii. 17-20 (viii. 8), u n Us a most in-
structive subject of comparison with the uimssnal
ing passages in 1 K. iv. 32-34. In addition to the
subjects on which Solomon wrote (Songs, Prov e rb s:
Plants, Beasts, Fowls, Creeping Thugs, Fishes,
Cosmology, Meteorology, Astronomy, Psycsnenrt,
and even the elements of the philosophy of hiatal j
(viii. 8), are included among the gifts of Wadena.
So far then the thoughtful Jew had already at the
Christian era penetaated into the domain of apeca-
latioa and inquiry, into each province, it waald
seem, which was then recognised, without assaadoa-
ing the simple faith of his nation. The fact itself
is most significant ; and the whole book may be
quoted as furnishing an important corrective to the
later Koman descriptions of the Jews, which w*n
drawn from the people when they had been 1
uncivilised by the excitement of the last
struggle for national existence. (For derailed refer-
ences to the chief authorities on the history of the
Jewish doctrine of Wisdom, see Puxumopbt;
adding Broch, Dit WeuiatsUm dtr ZTearanr,
1851.)
8. Place and daU of writing.— Withont eassaa.
ing for the internal indications of the origin at" tfar
book a decisive force, i litems most tesnooahit c
believe on these grounds that it was campm u at
Alexandria some time before the time of I lido (<tr.
120-60 B.C). This opinion in the main, tha gn -At
conjectural date varies from 150-50 B.C, or even
beyond these limits, is heM by Heydenreich, GSwrar,
Bsuermeister, Ewald, Broch, and Grimm; and
other features in the book go far to confirm a.
Without entering into the question of the extent at da
Hellenistic element at Jerusalem in the last cesnu-y
B.C., it may be safely affirmed that there is not tha
slightest evidence for the existence there of as ends
at acquaintance with Greek modes of thought, and
so complete a command of the reso u rces) of the
Greek language, as is shown in the Book of Wisdom.
Alsxandiia was the only place where Jndatan sal
philosophy, both of the east snd west, cone an
natural and close connexion. It smears fcrtkr
that the mode in which Egyptian Mctetry is statin
of; must re due in some degree to the iaHusem m
WISDOM, THE. OF SOLOMON
17B3
pruent wid living antagonism, and not to the eon-
tampUtioii of \<ast histoiy. Thia » particularly
evident ill the grent force laid u|ioii the details of
the Kgypt : an animal woichiu Ixv. 18, etc.; ; mtd.
the desciipliou of the ouuditiuu of the Jewish settlers
n Egypt ,'xii. 14-16) applies better to colonists
find at Alexandria on the conditions of equality by
the first Ptolemies, than to the immediate descend-
ants of Jacob. It may, indeed, be said justly, that
■Jbe local colouring of the latter part of the book is
conclusire as to the place of its composition. But
all the guesses which have been made as to its
authorship are absolutely valueless. The earliest
was that mentioned by Jerome, which assigned it
to Philo (Pros/, tn Lib. Sal. Nonnulli scriptorum
reteruni hunc esse Judaei Philonis affirmant). There
can be no doubt that the later and famous Philo
was intended by this designation, though Jerome in
his account of him makes no reference to the belief
(De vir. ilhutr. xi.). Many later writers, includ-
ing Luther and Gerhard, adopted this view } but
the variations in teaching, which hare been already
noticed, effectually prove that it is unfounded.
Others, therefore, have imagined that the name
was correct, but that the elder Philo was intended
by it (G. WerosdorfT, and in a modified form Huet
awi Bellarmin). But of this elder Jewish Philo it
is simply known that he wrote a poem on Jeru-
salem.* Lutteibeck suggested Aristobulus. [AiU-
STOHU1.U8.] Kichlioru, Zeller, Jest, and several
otliers supposed that the author was one of the
Therapeutae, but here the positive evidence against
the conjecture is stronger, for the book contains no
trace of the ascetic discipline which was of the
essence of the Therapeutic teaching. The opinion
af some later critic* that the book is of Christian
origin (Kirschbaum, C. H. Weisse), or even de-
finitely the work of Apoiios (Noack), is still more
perverse; for not only does it not contain the
(lightest trace of the three cardinal truths of Chris-
tianity, the Incarnation, the Atonement, the Resur-
rection of the body, but it even leaves no room for
them by the general tenor of its teaching.*
9. History. — The history of the hook is extremely
obscure. There is no trace of the use of it before
the Christian era, but this could not be otherwise
if the view which has been given of its date be
correct. It is perhaps more surprising that Philo
does not (as it seems) show any knowledge of it,
and it is not unlikely that if his writings ato care-
fully examined with this object, some allusions to it
may be found which have hitherto escaped observa-
tion. On the other hand, it can scarcely be doubted
that St. Paul, if not other of the Apostolic writers,
wak familial' with its language, though he makes
no definite quotation from it (the supposed leference
in Luke xi. 49 to Wisd. ii, 12-14, is wholly un-
founded). Thus we have striking parallel* in Bom.
ut. 21 to Wisd. xr. 7 ; m Rom. U. 22 to Wisd. xbt.
20 ; in Kph. vi. 13-17 to Wild. v. 17-19 (the hea-
venly armour), 4c. The coincidences in thought
or language which occur in other books of the
N. T., if they stood alone, would be insufficient to
establish a. direct connexion between them and the
Book of Wisdom ; and even In the case of St. I*aul,
it may be questioned whether ha acquaintance w ;li
the book may not hare bren eniuel rather orall}
than by direct ktudy. The same remark applies ti
a coincidence of language in the epistle of Clement
to the Corinthians pointed out by (liimm {Ad (Jor.
i. 27 ; Wisd. xi. 22, xii. 12, ; to* that the first cle«u
references to the book occur not earlier than tht
dose of the second century. According to Eusebius
(If. E. v. 26), lienaeusroade use of it (and of the
Ep. to the Hebrews) in a lost work, and in a
pannage of his great work (adv. Haer. iv. 38, 3)
Ireuaeii* silently aJopts a characteristic clause from
it (Wisd. vi. 19, AeMfcuMrfa U tyybi *f"" wait '
Bfov). From the time of Clement of Alexandria
the book is constantly quoted as an inspired work
of Solomon, or as "Scripture," even by those
Fathers who denial its assumed authorship, and it
gained a place in the Canon (together with the
other Apocryphal books) at the Council of Carthage,
cir. 397 in (for detailed references see Cahon, vol.
i. pp. 256, 258,. From this time its history is the
same as that of the other ApocrvphV book* nr ♦.-,
the period of the Reformation. In tne cuutroversiea
which arose then its intrinsic excellence commanded
the admiration of those who refused it a place
among the canonical books (so Luther ap. Grimm,
§2). Pellkan directly affirmed its inspiration
(Grimm, I. e.) ; and it is quoted es Scripture in
both the Books of Homilies (pp. 98-9; 174, ed.
1850). In later times the various estimates which
hare been formed of the book have been influenced
by controversial prejudices. In England, like the
rest of the Apocrypha, it has been most strangely
neglected, though it furnishes several lessons for
Church Festivals. It seems, indeed, impossible to
study the book dispassionately, and not feel tlmt it
forms one of the last links in the chain of provi-
dential connexion between the Old and New Cove-
nants. How far it falls short of Christian truth,
or rather how completely silent it is on the essential
doctrines of Christianity, has been already seen ;
and yet Christianity offers the only complete solu-
tion to the problems which it rains in its teaching
on the immortality of man, on future judgment, on the
catholicity of the divine Church, and the speciality of
Revelation. It would not be easy to find elsewhere
any pre-Christian view of religion equally wide, sus-
tained, and definite. The writer seems to have looked
to the east sod west, to the philosophy of Persia and
Greece, and to have gathered fmm both what they
contained of Divine truth, an'l -et to hare clung
with no less zeal than his fathers to that central
revelation which God made first to Hose, and lien
carried on by the 0. T. prophets. Thus in some
sense the book becomes a landmark by which we
may partially fix the natural limits of the develop-
ment of Jewish doctrine when brought into contact
with heathen doctrine, and measure the aspirations
which were thus raised before their great fulfilment.
The teaching of the book upon immortality has MX
ineffaceable traces upon the language of Christendom.
The noble phrase which speaks of a " hope full of
immortality" (Wisd. ill. 4), can never be lost;
• The ooojectare of J. Fiber, that the book was written
by Zcrobbabel, who rightly assumed the character of a
second Solomon. Is only worth mentioning ss a specimen
of misplaced ingenuity (comp. Welle, EinL 181 IT,).
AngusUne himself corrected the mistake by which be
attributed It to Jesus the sun of Slmch.
a Or. IV-gelles has Riven a new turn to this opuuen
<tf esaasasna that the book aiay have beau written by a
Christian (otherwise unknown) named Plillo. In support
of this be suggests sn ingenious conjectural emendation
of a corrupt passage of the Muratorlan Canun. Where
the latin text reads at Savimtia ah amtai Salimumit m
AonarCM tpgiiu scripts, he Imagines the original (irerk
may haw read, «oi v i*»u» VAAnvrro vm *i*wm (lot
inro 0A»r). . . .Or again, that Jerome an misread the par
sage i/wmai •/ f ntles. IBM, 3T U.
1784
WITCH
and in mediaeval art few symbols are more striking
thnn that which represents in outward form that
" the touls of the righteous an in the hand of God"
(Wiad. iii. 1). Other parages lea fiuniliar are
scarcely lea beautiful when aeen in the light of
Christianity, ax it. 3, "To know Thee (0 God) is
perfect righteousness; yea, to know Thy power is
the root of immortality " (comp. tTu. 13, 17 ; St.
John xvii. 3), or «i. 26, " Thou sparest all : for they
are thine, Lord, thou lorer of souls" (oomp. xii.
16); and many detached expressions anticipate the
language of the Apostles (iii. 9, x*V" "at *A«ot;
iii. 14, rq> *(ercs» gap is enAearit > «• 24, a-apopSi
ifmfHiitara Mp&rmv tit prrdVetas' ; xri. 7, Sia
r) rov xirrtiv crorrijpa).
10. Coswnettfjrwi.-— The earliest commentary
which remains is that of Kabanus Haurua (f856),
who undertook the work, as be says in his preface,
because he was not acquainted with any complete
exposition of the book. It is uncertain from his
language whether the homilies of Augustine and
Ambrose existed in his time: at least they hare
now been long lost. Of the Roman Catholic com-
uient&ries the most important are those of Lorinus
(fl634), Corn, a Lapide (fl637), Maldonatut
(t'583), Calmet (tl757), J. A. Schmid (1858).
Of uther commeutaries, the chief are those by Gro-
tius (tl645;, Heydenreich, Bauermeister (1828),
n nd Grimm (1837). The last mentioned scholar
lias also published a new and admirable commentary
iu the Kwngtf. Extg. Hcmdb. n d. Apok. 1860,
which contains ample references to earlier writers,
and only errs by excess of fulness. The English com-
mentary of K. Arnald (fl756) is extremely diffuse,
but includes much illustrative matter, and shows a
regard for the variations of MSS. and Versions which
was most unusual at the time. A good English edi-
tion, however, is still to be desired. [B. P. W.]
WITCH, WrrOHORAFTB. [Magic]
WITNESS.' Among people with whom writ-
ing is not common, the evidence of a transaction is
given by some tangible memorial or significant cere-
mony. Abraham gave seven ewe-lambs to Abime-
lech as an evidence of his property in the well of
Beer-sheba. Jacob raised a heap of stones, " the
heap of witness," as a boundary-mark between him-
self and Laban (Gen. xxi. 30, xxxi. 47, 52). The
tribes of Reuben and Gad raised an "altar," designed
expressly not for sacrifice, but as a witness to the
covenant between themselves and the rest of the
nation ; Joshua set up a stone as an evidence of the
Allegiance promised by Israel to God ; ' ' for," be said,
" it hath heard all the words of the Lord" (Josh,
xxii. 10, 26, 34, xxiv. 26, 27). So also a pillar is
mentioned by Isaiah as " a witness to the Lord of
Ho»ts in the land of Egypt" (Is. xix. 19, 20).
Thus also the sacred ark and its contents are called
«' the Testimony " (Ex. xvi. 33, 34, xxr. 16,
xxxviii. 21 ; Num. i. 50, 53, ix. 15, x. 11, xvii.
7, 8, xviii. 2 ; Heb. ix. 4).
Thus also symbolical usages, in ratification of
contracts or completed arrangements, aa the cere-
mony of shoe-loosing (Dent. xxv. 9, 10 ; Ruth iv.
7, 8), the ordeal prescribed in the case of a sus-
pected wife, with which may be compared the
ordeal of the Styx (Num. v. 17-31 ; Oast. Jfm.
ri. 386;. The Bedouin Arabs practise a fiery ordeal
in certain cases b/ way of compurgation (Burck-
end »h*"g ^
wrrNEHs
hardt, JTotcx, !. 121 ; Layard, JP6.. ami Bj6. p.
305). The ceremony also appointed at the obialioc
of first-fruits may be mentioned as partaking of the
same character (Deut. xxvi. 4). [FiasT-FRprrs.]
But written evidence was by no means unknown
to the Jews. Divorce was to be proved by a writ-
ten document (Deut. xxiv. 1, 3), whereas among
Bedouins and Mussulmans in general a spoken sen-
tence is sufficient (Burckhardt, Nata, i. 1 10; Sale,
Koran, c. 33, p. 348 ; Lane, Jforf. Eg. i. 136, 236).
In civil contracts, at least in later times, docu-
mentary evidence was required and carefully pre-
served (Is. viii. 16; Jer. xxxii. 10-16).
On the whole the Law was very careful to po-
vide and enforce evidence for all its infractions and
all transactions bearing on them: e.g. the me-
morial stones of Jordan and of Ebal (Deut, xxvii.
2-4 ; Josh. iv. 9, viii. 30) ; the fringes on garments
(Num. xv. 39, 40) ; the boundary-stones of pro-
perty (Dent. xix. 14, xxvii. 17; Prov. xxii. 28);
the " broad plates " made from the censers of tie
Korahites (Mum. xvi. 381; above all, the Ark of
Testimony itself : — all these are instances of the care
taken by the Legislator to perpetuate evidence ot
the facts on which the legislation was founded, and
by which it was supported (Dent. ri. 20-25).
Appeal to the same principle is also repeatedly
made in the case of prophecies aa a test of their
authenticity (Dent, xviii. 22 ; Jer. xxviU. 9, 16, 17 ;
John iii. 11, v. 36, x. 38, xiv. 11; Lake xxiv. 48;
Acts i. 8, ii. 32, iii. 15, &c.).
Among special provisions of the Law with resp e ct
to evidence are the following: —
1. Two witnesses at least are required to esta-
blish any charge (Mum. xxxr. 30 ; Deut. xvii. 6,
xix. 15; 1 K. xxi. 13; John viii. 17; 2 Cor. xrii.
I ; Heb. x. 28) ; and a like principle is laid down
by St. Paul as a rule of procedure in certain cases
in the Christian Church (1 Tim. v. 19).
2. In the ease of the suspected wife, evidence
besides the husband's was desired, though not de-
manded (Mum. v. 13).
3. The witness who withheld the truth waa cen-
sured (Lev. T. 1).
4. False witness waa punished with the punish-
ment due to the offence which it sought to establish.
[GiTHS.]
5. Slanderous reports and officious witness arc
discouraged (Ex. xx. 16, xxiiL 1 ; Lev. xjx. 16, 18;
Deut. xix. 16-21 ; Prov. xxiv. 28).
6. The witnesses were the first executioners
(Deut. xdii. 9, xvi. 7; Acts vii. 58).
7. In case of an animal left in charge and torn
by wild beasts, the keeper was to bring the carcase
in proof of the (act and disproof of his own crimi-
nality (Ex. xxii. 13).
8. According to Josephus, women and stares were
not admitted to bear testimony (Ait. iv. 8, J 15).
To these exceptions the MJahna adds idiots, deatV
blind, and dumb persons, persona of infamous cha-
racter, and some others, ten in all (Selden, de
Synedr. ii. 13, 11; Otho, Lex.Babb. p.653). The
high-priest was not bound to give evidence in any
case except one affecting the king (A.). Various
refinements on the quality of evidence and the
manner of taking it are given in the Mishna
(San/udr. iv. 5, v. 2, 3; Macooth, i. 1, 9; See.
iii. 10, iv. 1, T. 1). In criminal cases evidence
was required to be oral ; in pecuniary, written evi-
dence was allowed (Otho, Lex. Sabb. 653).
In the N. T. the original notion of a witness *
exhibited in the special form of one who attests ad
WIZAkO
belief in the Gospel by personal suffering. So St.
Stephen is styled by St Paul (Acta xxij M), and
"J>e " faithful Antipas " (Rev. ii. 13). St. Jonn
ilro apeaks of himself and of othen ae witnesses in
this sense (Rev. 1. 9, ri. 9, z>. 3, xx. 4). See also
Heb. xi. and zii. 1, in which passage a number of
persons are mentioned, belonging both to 0. T. and
N. T M who bore witness to the troth by personal
endurance; and to this passage may be added, as
bearing on the same view of the term " witness,"
Dun. iii. 21, vi. 16; 1 Msec i. 60, 63; 3 Mace.
vi. 18, 19. Hence it is that the use of the eccle-
siastical term " Martyr " has arisen, of which
copious illustration may be seen in Suicer, Thet.
vol. ii. p. 310, Ac [H. W. P.]
WIZABD. [Maoic]
WOLF(3Kf,*Wo: AtW: hjnu). There can
be little doubt that the wolf of Palestine is the
common Canii Input, and that this is the animal
so frequently mentioned in the Bible, though it is
true that we lack precise information with regard to
the Canicku of Palestine. Hemprich and Ehrenbrrg
hare de sc ri bed a few species, as, for instance, the
Casus Syriaeut and the C. ( Vulpet'S Niioticus (see
figures in art. Fox, App. A) ; and CoL Hamilton
Smith mentions, under the name of dtrboun, a
species of black wolf, as occurring in Arabia and
Southern Syria ; bat nothing definite seems to be
known of this animal. Wolves were doubtless
far more common in Biblical times than they are
now, though they are occasionally seen by modem
travellers (see Kitto's Phytical Hittory of Palatine,
p. 364, and Russell's Nat. Hist, of Aleppo, ii.
184): " the wolf seldom ventures so near the city as
the fox, bat is sometimes seen at a distance by the
s sju i ta mo u among the hilly grounds in the neigh-
bourhood ; and the villages, as well ss the herds,
often suffer from them. It is called Decb in Arabic,
and is common all over Syria."
The following are the Scriptural allusions to the
wolf: — Its ferocity is mentioned in Gen. xlix. 27 ;
Ex. xrii. 27; Hab. i. 8 ; Matt. vii. IS: it* noc-
turnal habits, in Jer. v. 6 ; Zeph. iii. 3 ; Hab. i. 8 :
its attacking sheep and lambs, John x. 12 ; Matt
x. 16 ; Luke x. 3. Isaiah (xi. 6, lxv. 25) foretells
the peaceful reign of the Messiah under the metaphor
of a wolf dwelling with a Iamb ; cruel persecutors
are compared with wolves (Matt x. 16; Acts
xx. 29).
Wolves, like many other animals, are subject to
variation in colour; the common colour is grey
with a tinting of fawn and long black hairs ; the
variety most frequent in Southern Europe and the
Pyrenees is black ; the wolf of Asia Minor is more
tawny than those of the common colour.
The people of Nubia and Egypt apply the term
Vieb to the Const anthut, Kr. Cuv. (see Rflppell's
Ailcu m d*r Reitt on JNdrdlichen Africa, p. 46) ;
this, however, is s jackal, and seems to be the
Lupus Syriaeut, which Hemp and Ehrenb. noticed
in Syria, and identical with the " Egyptian wolf"
Sigured by Ham. Smith in Kitto's Cud. [W. H.]
WOMEN. The position of women in the Hebrew
commonwealth contrasts favourably with that which
in the present day is assigned to thim generally in
luutern countries. The social equality of the two
sexes is most fully implied in the history of the
original creation of the woman, as well as :a the
name assigned to her by the mac, which differed
rom his own only in its feminine termination
WOMEN
17M
(Gen. ii. 1 8-23). This narrative is hence effectively
appealed to as supplying an argument for enforcing
the duties of the husband towards the wife (Kph.
v. 28-31). Many usage* ot early times interfeia'
with the preservation of this theoretical equality :
we may instance the existence of polygamy, the
autocratic powers vested in the head of the family
under the patriarchal system, and the treatment of
captives. Nevertheless a high tone was maintained
generally on this subject by the Mosaic law, and,
as far as we have the means of judging, by the force
of public opinion.
The most salient point of contrast in the usages
of ancient as compared with modern Oriental society
was the large amount of liberty enjoyed by women.
Instead of being immured in a harem, or appearing
in public with the face covered, the wives and
maidens of ancient times mingled freely and openly
with the other sex in the duties and amenities of
ordinary life. Rebekah travelled on a camel with
her face unveiled, until she came into the presence
of her affianced (Gen. xxiv. 64, 5). Jacob ssluted
Rachel with a kiss in the presence of the shepherds
(Gen. xxix. 11). Each of these maidens was en-
gaged in active employment, the former in fetching
water from the well, the latter in tending her nock.
Sarah wore no veil in Egypt and yet this formed
no ground for supposing her to be married (Gen.
xii. 14-19). An outrage on a maiden in the open
field was visited with the severest punishment
(Dent xxii. 25-27), proving that it was not deemed
improper for her to go about unprotected. Further
than this, women played no inconsiderable pait in
public celebrations : M iriam headed a band of women
who commemorated with song and dance the over-
throw of the Egyptians (Ex. xv. 20, 21) ; Jeph-
thah's daughter gave her father a triumphal re-
ception ( Judg. xi. 34) ; the maidens of Shiloh danced
ublicly in the vineyards at the yearly feast (Judg.
xxi. 21 ) ; and the women feted Saul and David, on
their return from the defeat of the Philistines, with
singing and dancing (1 Sam. xviii. 6, 7). The odes
of Deborah (Judg. v.) and of Hannah (1 Sam.
ii. 1, Ate.) exhibit a degree of intellectual cultivation
which is in itself a proof of the position of the set
in that period. Women also occasionally held public
offices, particularly that of prophetess or inspired
teacher, aa instanced in Miriam (Ex. xv. 20),
Huldah (2 K. xxii. 14), Noadiah (Neh. vi. 14),
Anna (Luke ii. 36), and above all Deborah, who
applied her prophetical gift to the administration of
public affairs, and was so entitled to be styled a
- judge " (Judg. It. 4). The active part taken by
Jezebel in the government of Israel (1 K. xviii. 13,
xxi. 25), and the usurpation of the throne of Judsh
bv Athaliah (2 K. xi. 3 ), further attest the latitude
allowed to women in public life.
The management of household affairs devolved
mainly ou the women. They brought the water
from the well (Gen. xxiv. 15; 1 Sam. ix. II)
attended to the flocks (Gen. xxix. 6, Ate. ; Ex. ii. 16),
prepared the meals (Gen. xviii. 6; 2 Sam. xiii. 8),
and occupied their leisure hoars in spinning (Ex.
xxxv. 26; Prov. xxxi. 19) and making clothes,
either for the use of the family (1 Sam. ii. 19;
Prov. xxii. 21), for sale (Prov. xxxi. 14, S*),
or for charity (Acts ix. 39). The value of a vir-
tuous and active housewife forms a frequent topte
in the Book of Proverbs (xi. 16, xii. 4, xiv. 1, xxxi.
10, ate.). Her influence was of course proportion-
ably great ; and, where there was no second wife,
she controlled the anaiigement* of the housa, to tkn
17A*
. woon
•xtcut ill inviting wr receiving guests < u her own
juiIkwi ( JiMg. iv. 18 ; 1 Sun. xxv. 18. Ac ; 2 K.
v . 8, Sus. '. The effect of polygamy «u to transfer
ciiule influence from the witch to the mother, as
■ incidentally shown in the application of the term
qclAralt (literally meaning poaerful) to the queen
mother ('l K. ii. IE, XT. 13 ; 2 K. X. 13, ziiT. 12 ;
Jer. xiii. 18, xxix. 2). Po'»f»my alao neowaitated
S separate eitabliahineDt fo. trie wives collectively,
or tor each individually. Thus in the palace of
tin 1'eraian monarch there was a " houee of the
women" (Bath. ii. 9), which waa guarded by
euuucha (ii. 8); in Solomon's palace the harem
•a connected with, but aepaiate from, the rest of
the building (IK. vii. 8;; and on journeys each
wife had her separata taut (lien. zui. 33). In
such cases it is probable that the females took their
meals apart from the males (Esth. i. 9) ; but we
have no reason to conclude that the separate system
prevailed generally among the Jews. The women
were present at festival*, either as attendants on
the guests (John xii. 2), or as themselves guests
(Job L 4; John ii. 3); and hence there is good
ground for concluding that on ordinary occasions
also they joined the males at meals, though there is
uo positive testimony to that effect.
further information on the subject of this article
is given under the heads Deaconess, Dress, Hair,
M aiiiuaoe, Slave, Veil, and Widow. [W. L. B.j
WOOD. [Forest.]
WOOL (ICY ; tlj. Wool was an article of the
highest value among the Jews, as the staple mate-
rial for the manufacture of clothing (Lev. xiii.
47 ; Deut. xxii. 1 1 j Job xui. 20 ; ProT. xxti. 13 ;
Ex. xixiv. 3 ; Hoe. ii. 5). Both the Hebrew terms,
turner and gii, imply the act of shearing, the dis-
tinction between them being that the latter refers
to the " fleece" (Deut xviii. 4; Job xxxi. 20 j, as
proved by the use of the cognate gittah, in Judg.
vi. 37-40, in conjunction with tenner, in the
seine of " a fleece of wool." The importance of
wool is incidentally shown by the notice that
Mesha's tribute waa paid in a certain number of
rams " with the wool " (2 K. iii. 4), as well as by its
being specified among the firstfruita to be offered to
the priests 'Deut. wiii. 4). The wool of Damascus
was highly prized in the mart of Tyre (Ex. xxvii.
18); and is compared in the LXX. to the wool of
Miletus (fpia in MiA^tou), the fame of which was
widely spread in the ancient world (l'lin. viii. 73 ;
V'irg. Oeorg. iii. ,"06, iv. 334). Wool is occa-
sionally cited as an mage of purity and brilliancy
(Is. i. 18; Dan. vii 9; Rev. i. 14), and the flakes
of snow are appropriately likened to it (Pa. cxlvii.
16). The art of dyeing it was understood by the
Jews (Mishna, S/,M>. 1, § 6). [W. L. B.]
WOOLLEN (LINEN and). Among the laws
against unnatural mixtures is found one to this
•fleet : " A garment of mixtures [tJBJrt?, i/iaatniz']
shall not come upon thee " (Lev. xix. 19) ; or, as
it U expressed in Deut. xxii. 11, "thou shalt not
wear thuatttfz, wool and flax together." Our ver-
sion, by the help of the latter passage, has rendered
the strange word sAaatniz in the former, " of linen
end woollen ;" while in Deut. it is translated " a
(raiment of divers sorts." In the Vulgate the diffi-
culty is avoided; and Ki0}nXoi, "spurious" or
" counterfeit," the reniering of the LXX., is want-
ing in piei-jsion. In the Targum of Onkeloe the
ump »erl rtwaius nith a slight modification to
WORM
adapt it to the Chaldee 5 bat zi the rVhito-Syrqsr
of Lev. it is rendered by au adjecttvu ** mn'ley,''
and in Deut. a " motley ga-tient," corresiwuiling
in some degree to the Samaritan version, which lias
" spotted like a leopard." 1 wo tiling* only a|<|»nr
to be certain about sVnraii — that it is a foreign
ward, and that ita origin has not at present here
traced. Ita signification is sufficiently defined in
Dent, xxii. II. The derivation given in tb*
Mishna ( Ciiaim, a. 8), which makes it a oompoco.1
of thiee wuitk, signifying ** carded, spun, aw
twisted," is in keeping with Rnbbiniial etymolngin
generally. Other etymologies are proposed by
Bochart (Biena. pt. i. b. 2, c.45), Simoois (iew.
Heb.Y and Pfeifler (Dub. Vex. cent. 2, foe ».).
The last mentioned writer defended the Egyptian
origin of the word, but his knowledge of Coptic,
according to Jablonski. extended not much beyond
the letters, and little value, therefore, ia to be
attached to t>— solution which he pioposed for tbs
difficulty. Jablonski himself favours tiie suggestion
of Forster, that a garment of linen and woollen was
called by the Egyptians sAoafnes, and that this
word was borrowed by the Hebrews, and written
by them in the form ehaatiUz (Opitc. i. 294).
The reason given by Joaephus (Ant. iv. 8, §11)
for the law which prohibited the wearing a garment
woven of linen and woollen is, that suck were worn
by the priests alone (see Mishna, Ciiaim, iz. 1).
Of this kind were the giidle (of which Josepkus
says the warp was entirely linen, Ant. iii. 7, §2),
ephod, and breastplate (Braunius, oV Kent. &c
b'tbr. pp. 110, HI) of the High Priest, and the
girdle of the common priests (Maimonidas, CHi
IfammUdath, criii.). Spencer conjectured that
the use of woollen and linen inwoven in tin same
garment prevailed amongst the ancient Zah, and
was associated with their idolatrous ceremonies
(De leg. ffeb. ii. 33, §3) ; but that it was per-
mitted to the Hebrew priests, because with them it
could give rise to no suspicion of idolatry. Mai-
monides found in the books of the Zabii that " the
priests of the idolaters clothed themselves with robes
of linen and woollen mixed together" (Townley,
Keaeoni of the) Lame, ©/ Motet, p. 207). By
"wool" the Talmudists understood the wool o"
sheep (Mishna, Ciiaim, ix. 1). It is evident from
Zeph. i. 8, that the adoption of a particular drew
was an indication of idolatrous tendencies, and there
mav be therefore some truth in the explanation a
Maimonides. [W.A. W.]
WORM, the representative in the A. V. of the
Hebrew words Sis, Rimmah, and TUfO, TSIeT,
or TNaath, occurs in numerous passages in the
Bible. The first-named term, Sat (DO, erfa <sW
occurs only in Its. Ii. 8, *■ For tb* 'sink 'USj shall
eat them up like a garment, and the Sit shall eat
them like wool." The word probably denote* some
particular species of moth, whose larva is injurious
to wool, while perhaps the former name ia the
more general one for any of the destructive TTiiranr
or " Clothes Moths." For further information on
the subject the reader is referred to Moth.
2. SimmaK (IWlj e-aaUnf, trjjfu, ercraia:
rermu, put redo, tinea). The manna that the da*
obedient Israelites kept till the morning of .\ week-
day " bied worms " (DT^fl), and stank (Ex. tri
20 1 ; while of that kept over the Sabbath 3 *d
Kalhrmi the night be(.«, it is said that -it 44
WORMWOOD
■at sttnk, nether wu Owre an/ worm (DOH)
therein." The Hebrew word is connected with the
r»ot Dtffl " to be putrid " (see Geaenius, Thes.
n. v.), and pointa evidently to various kinds of
maggots, and the larvae of insects which feed on
pun dying animal matter rather than to earth-
worms ; the words in the original are clearly used
indiscriminately to denote either true annelida, or
the larval condition of various insects. Thus, as
may be seen above, Bimmdh and Toliah are both
used to express the maggot or caterpillar, whatever
it might have been that consumed the bad manna in
the wilderness of Sin . Job, under his heavy affliction,
exclaims, " My flesh U clothed with rimmih " ( vii. 5 ;
see also xvii. 14) ; there is no reason to doubt that
tin expression is to be understood literally ; a person
in Job ■ condition would very probably suffer from
mtozoa of some kind. In Job xxi. 26, zxiv. 20,
Jiere is an allusion to worms (insect larvae) feeding
jn the dead bodies of the buried ; our translators in
the well-known passage (xix. 26) — " And though
after my skin worms destroy this body" — have
rather over-interpreted the words of the original,
* My skin shall have been consumed."*
The patriarch uses both Rimmih and TSli'dh
(fWPto), in ch. xxv. 6, where he compares the estate,
of man to a rimmih, and the son of man to ittlfih.
This latter word, in one or other of its forms (see
above), is applied in Deut. xxviii. 39 to some kinds of
larvae destructive to the vines : " Thou shnlt plant
vineyards .... but shalt not gather the grapes, for
the titaath shall eat them." Various kinds of insect*
attack the vine, amongst which one of the mo»t
destructive is the Tortrix vitisana, the little
caterpillar of which eats off the inner parts of the
blossoms, the clusters of which it binds together
_ by spinning a web around them. The " worm "
which is said to have destroyed Jonahs gourd was
a tilaatk (Jonah iv. 7). Michaelis (Sappl. p. 2189)
quotes Kumphius as asserting that there is a kind
of black caterpillar, which, duriug sultry rainy
weather, does actually strip the plant of its leaves
in a single night. In Is. lxvi. 24 allusion is
made to maggots feeding on the dead bodies of the
slain in battle. The words of 'he prophet are
applied by our Lord (Mark ix. 44, 46, 48) meta-
phorically to the stings of a guilty conscience in the
world of departed spirits.
The death of Herod Agrippa I. was caused by
worms (o-*a>AiMt40/»rros, Acts xii. 23) ; according
to Josephu* {Ant. xix. 8), his death took place five
days alter his departure from the theatre. It is
curious that the Jewish historian makes no mention
or worms in the case of Agrippa, though he ex-
pressly notes it in that of Herod the Great (Ant.
jviS. 6, §0). A similar death was that of Antiochus
Kp phases (2 Marc. ix. 9; see also Eusehius, keel-
Hut, viii. 16 ; and Lucian, fseadumant. i. p. 904 ;
cunipare Wetstein on Acts xii. 23). Whether the
w orms weie the cause or the result of the disease
is an immaterial question. The " Angel of the
Lord struck Herud with some disease, the issue of
which was fatal, and the loathsome spectacle ot
which could not fail to have had a marked humiliat-
ing effaA on his proud heart. [ W. H.]
WORMWOOD (njj£, laSnih : wurpta, X e*4,
iSirn. and avd-rirn : amaritudo,absynthiwn). The
• The Hebrew Is, tWntQl '"ftj? TTOO. i. «, - And
if.,.- 'JU.; Owv mmi' aav- um»umcd this my'sktn," or, a-
WORBHIPPEB
178T
correct tiamlation of the Heb, word, occurs fre-
quently in tho Bible, and pnierally m a nwtaphcri-
cal sense, as in Dent, xvix. . : . < n»re «•** the idoli-
trans Israelites it is said. " Lest there be among you
a mot that beareth woiuiwood " (see also Piov. V.
4). In Jer. ix. 15, xxiii. 13; Lam. Hi. 15, 19,
wormwood ia symbolical of bitter calamity and
sorrow ; unrighteous judges are said to " turn judg-
ment to wormwood" (Am. v. 7). The orientals
typified sorrows, cruelties, and calamities of any
kind by plants of a poisonous or bitter nature.
[Call, App. A.] The name of the star which, at
the sound of the third angel's trumpet fell upon
the rivers, was called Wormwood ('A+irSoi ; Kev.
viii. 11). Kitto (Phys. Hist, o/ Palatine, p. 215).
enumerates four kinds of wormwood as found '.a
Palestine — Artemisia nilotica, A. Jvdaica, A.fnt-
ticosa, and A. cinerea. fiauwolf speaks of some kind
of wormwood under the name of Absinthium tan-
tonicum Judaicum, and says it is very common in
Palestine ; this is perhaps the Artemisia Jvdaica.
The Hebrew Laanah is doubtless generic, and de-
notes several species of Artemisia (Celsius, Hiercb. i.
p. 480 ; Koeenmttller, Bib. Bet. p. 116). [W. H.]
WOE6HLPPEB. A tianslation of the Greek
word naucopos, used once only. Acts xix. 35;
in the margin "Temple-keeper." The neoooros
wns originally an attendant in a temple, probably
entrusted with its charge (Eurip. /on, 115, 121,
ed. Dind.; Plato, Leg. vi. 7, Bekk.; Theodoret,
Hist. Ecd. iii. 14, 16; Pollux, i. 14; Philo, Oe
Prov. Sae. 6, ii. 237 ; Hesychiua explains it by o
ror voir forr^Hy, Koptir yap to aaiftir, Suidas,
ttoapAr col ((n-pewlyvv, AAA* <A% 6 tapir, ed.
Gsisf. p. 2579). The divine honours paid in later
Greek times to eminent persons even in their life-
time, were imitated and exaggerated by the Romans
under the empire, especially in Asia (Plut. Lyt.
23 ; Apphm, Mithr. 76 ; Dion Cass. xxxi. 6). The
term neocorot became thus applied to cities oi
communities which undertook the worship of pat
ticular emperors even in their lifetime ; but there
is no trace of the special title being applied to any
city before the time of Augustus. The first occur-
rence of the term in connexion with Ephesus is
on coins of the age of Nero (a.d. 54-68), a time
which would sufficiently agree with its use in
the account of the riot there, probably in 55 or
56. In later times the title appears with the nu-
merical adjuncts Ms, rplt, and even rrrpaWit. A
coin of Nero's time bears on one side 'EeWfsw
rtdKipur, and on the reverse a figure of the temple
of Artemis (Mionnet, Inter, iii. 93; Eckhel, Doctr.
Vet. Num. ii. 520). The ancient veneration of
Artemis and her temple on the part of the «■ ▼ of
Ephesus, which procured for it the title of resMtopot
T7J» 'Ajni/uSot, is too well known to need illustra-
tion ; but in later times it seems probhu.e that
with the term ytwuipos the practice of Neoririsro
became reserved almost exclusively for the venera-
tiuu paid to Roman emperors, towards whom many
other cities also of Asia Minor are mentioned as
Neocorists, e. g. Nicomedia, Perinthus, Saitlis,
Smyrna, Magnesia (Herod, i. 26 ; Strabo, xiv. 640;
Aristid. Or. xlii. 775, ed. Dind.; Mionnet, Inter
iii. 97, Nos. 281, 285; Eckhel, De Num. ii. 520
521; Boeckh, Inter. 2617, 2618, 8622, 2954,
2957, 2990, 2992, 2993 ; Krause, De Ch. Keo-
coriti Hoffmann, Lex. ' Keocoros'). [H. W. P.J
liavtxson leaders ft, 'Tea. after mj skin, when this
( b«tv) Is destroyed * Itntrei. P. f. U. p. XM).
1788
WRESTLING
WBKSTUNG. [Games.]
WBITING. It ii proposed in the % went
article to treat, not of writing in general, it* origin,
the people by whom and the manner in which it
waa discovered, but simply with reference to the
Hebrew race to give such indications of their ac-
quaintance with the ait as are to be derived from
their books, to discun the origin and formation of
their alphabet and the subsequent development of
the present square character, and to combine with
this discussion an account, so far as cau be ascer-
tained, of the material appliances which they made
use of in writing, and the extent to which the
practice pi (railed among the people.
It is a remarkable fact that although, with respect
to other arts, as for instance those of music and
metal working, the Hebrews have assigned the
honour of their discovery to the heroes of a remote
antiquity, there is no trace or tiaditiou wiiatever of
the origin of letters, a discovery many times more
remarkable and important than either of these.
Throughout the Book of Genesis there is not a
aingle allusion, direct or indirect, either to the
practice or to the existence of writing. The word
3nj, cJthab, "to write," does not one* occur;
none of its derivatives are uaed ; and TDD, atjpAer,
" a book," i* found only in a single passage (Gen.
v. 1), and there not in a connexion which involves
the supposition that the art of writing was known
at the time to which it refers. The signet of Judah
(Gen. xxxviii. 18, 25) which had probably some
device engraven upon it, and Pharaoh's ring (Gen.
xli. 42) with which Joseph was invested, have been
appealed to as indicating a knowledge quite con-
sistent with the existence of writing. But as there
is nothing to show that the devices upon these rings,
aup|>osing them to exist, were written character*,
or in fact any thing more than emblematical figures,
they cannot be considered as throwing much light
upon the question. That the Egyptians in the time
of Joseph were acquainted with writing of a certain
kind there is other evidence to prove, but there is
nothing to show that up to this period the know-
ledge extended to the Hebrew family . At the same
time there is no evidence against it. The instance
brought forward by Hengstenberg to prove that
" signets commonly bore alphabetic writings," is by
no means sn decisive a* he would have it appear.
It is Ex. xxxix. HO : " And they made the plate of
the holy crown of pure gold, and wrote upon it a
writing of the engravings of a signet, * Holiness to
the Lord.' " That is, this inscription was engraved
C'fln the plate as the device is engraved upon a
signet, in intaglio ; and the expression has reference
to the manner of engiaving, and not to the figures
engraved, and therefore cannot be appealed to as
proving the existence of alphabetic characters upon
Judah"* signet or Pharaoh's ring. Writing is fiist
distinctly mentioned in Ex. xvii. 14, and the con-
tiexion clearly Implies that it was not then employed
lor the first time, but was so familiar as to be used
for historic recards. Hoses is commanded to pre-
serve the memory of Amalek's onslaught in the
desert by committing it to writing. " And Jehovah
said unto Moses, Writt this for a memorial m the
hook (not 'a book,' aa in the A. V.), and rehearse
it in the ear* of Joshua." It is clear that some
special book is here referred to, perhaps, as A ben
im suggests, the book of the wan of Jehovah, or
to* book of Jashar, or one of the many document*
WBITING
of the ancient Hebrew* which have long since p»
risked. Or it may have leen the book in wliick
Moses wrote the words of Jernvah (Ex. xxiv. 4„
that is the laws contained in chapters xx.-xxiii. Tbe
tables of the testimony are said to l« " written by
the finger of God" (Ex. xxxi. 18/ on both aides,
and " tbe writing was the writing of God, graver,
upon the tables (Ex. xxxii. 15). It is not deal
whether the pasaage in Ex. xxxir. 28 implies that
the second tables were written by Mose* or by God
himself. Tlie engiaving of the gems of the high-
priest's breastplate with the names of the childrui
of Israel (Ex. xxviii. 1 1 ), and the inscription upni
the mitre (Ex. xxxix. 30) have to do moie with the
art of the engraver than tf tU writer, lint twti
imply the existence of alphabetic characters. The
next allusion is not so clear. The Israelite* were
forbidden, in imitation of tbe idolatrous nations, to
put any "brand" (lit. " writing of burning") upon
themselves. The figures thus branded upon the
skin might have been alphabetical characters, hut
they were more probably emblematical device*,
symbolizing some object of worship, for the root
3J13, c&thab (to write), is applied to picture-draw-
ing (Judg. viii. 14), to mapping out a country
(Josh, xviii. 8), and to plan-drawing (1 Chr. xxviii.
19). The curses against the adulteress were written
by the priest " in the book," as before ; and blotted
out with water (Num. v. 23). This proceeding,
though principally distinguished by its symbolical
character, involves the use of some kind of ink, and
of a material on which the curses were written
which would not be destroyed by water. The
writing on door-posts and gates, alluded to in Deut.
vi. 9, xi. 20, though peihaps to be taken figur-
atively lather than literally, implies certainly an
acquaintance with the art and the use of alpha-
betic characters. Hitherto, however, nothing; ha*
been said of the application of writing to the par-
poses of ordinary life, or of the knowledge of the
art among the common people. Up to this point
such knowledge ia only attributed to Moses and
the priests. From Deut, xxiv. 1, 3, however, it
would appear that it was extended to other*. A
man who wished to be separated from his wife far
her infidelity, could relieve himself by a summary
process. " Let him write her a bill (TOD, otfinr,
" a book ") of divorcement, and give it in her hand,
and send her out of his house. ' It is not abso-
lutely necessary to infer from this that the art of
wilting was an accomplishment possessed by every
Hebrew citizen, though there is no mention at a
third party ; anil it ia more than probable that these
" bills of divorcement," though apparently an in-
formal, were the work of proteasMKial scribe*. It
waa enjoined as on* of the duties of the king (Dew.
xvii. 18), that he should transcribe the book of the
law for hi* own private study, and we shall find
hereafter in the history that distinct allusions to
writing occur in the case of several kings. The re-
maining instances in the Pentateuch are tbe writing
of laws upon stone covered with plaster, tpon
which while soft the inscription was cut iDeut.
xxvU. 3, 8), the writing of the song of Moses
(Deut. xxxi. 32), and of the law in a book which
waa placed in the side of the ark (Dent, xxxi. 24).
One of the first acta of Joshua on entering the 1*19-
mised Land was to inscribe a copy of the Law n
the stones of the Altar on Mount Ebal (Josh. viii.
32). The survey of the country was draws out it
a book (Josh, xviii. 8). In the tunc of the Jot go
wwrnro
«* fin* meet with the professional scribe ("TBb>
soyterj. in nia important capacity as marshal of the
hot of warriors ( Judg. v. 14), with hi* staff (A. V.
'•pen") of office. Ewald 'Poet. Biah. i. 129) re-
gnrds «dpA«V in this passage as equivalent to BBs^.
tUpUt, "judge," and certainly the context implies
the high rank which the art of writing conferred
upon its possessor. Later on in the history we read
of Samuel writing in " the book " the manner of the
kingdom (1 Sam. x. 25) ; but it is not till the
reign of David that we hear for the first time of
writing being used for the purposes of ordinary
communication. The letter (lit. "book'') which
contained Uriah's death-warrant was written by
DtiTid. and must hnre been intended for the eye of
Jo-ib alone ; who wits therefore able to read writing,
ami probably to write him^lf. though his message
u> the king, conveying the intelligence of Uriah's
death, was a verbal one (2 Sam. xi. 14, 15). If we
examine the instances in which writing is mentioned
in connexion with individuals, we shall find that in
all cases the writers were men of superior position.
In the Pentateuch the knowledge of the art is attri-
buted to Moses, Joshua, and the priest alone. Sa-
muel, who was educated by the high-priest, is men-
tioned as one of the earliest historians ( 1 Chr. xxix.
29), as well as Nathan the prophet (2 Chr. ix. 29),
Shemaiah the prophet, Iddo the seer (2 Chr. xii.
15, xiH. 22), and Jehn the son of Hanani (2 Chr.
xx. 34). Letters were written by Jezebel in the
name of Ahab and sealed with his seal (1 K. xjj.
8. 9, 11); by Jehu (1 K. xi. 6); by Hexekiah
(2 Chr. xxix. 1) ; by Kabshakeh the Assyrian ge-
neral (2 Chr. ixxil. 17); by the Persian satraps
(Exr. ir. 6, 7, 8) ; by Sanballat (Neh. vi. 5), To-
biah (Neh. vi. 19), Hainan (Esth. viii. 5), Mor-
decai and Esther (Esth. ix. 29). The prophet Elijah
wrote to Ahab (2 Chr. xxi. 2) ; Isaiah wrote some
of the history of his time (2 Chr. xxvi. 22) ; Jere-
miah committed his prophecies to writing (jer. li.
GO), sometimes by the help of Baruch the scribe
(Jer. xxsvi. 4, 32) ; and the false prophet, Shemaiah
the Kehelnfnite, endeavoured to undermine Jere-
miah's influence by the letter* which he wrote to
the high-priest (Jer. xxix. 25). In Is. xxix. 11,
12, tliere is clearly a distinction drawn between
the roan who was able to rend, and the man who
was not, and it seemsa natural inference from what
has been said that the accomplishments of reading
and writing were not widely spread among the
people, when we find that they are universally attri-
buted to those of high rank or education, kings,
priests, prophets, and professional scribes.
In addition to these instances in which writing
i» directly mentioned, an indirect allusion to its
early existence is supposed to be found in the name
of certain officer* of the Hebrews in Egypt, D r TOfe'.
iMUrtm, LXX. ypawuntit (Ex. v. 6, A. V.
"officers"). The root of this word has been sought
in the Arabic Jam, tatara, " to write," and its
original meaning is believed to be "writers," or
"scribes;'' an explanation adopted by Gesenius in
hi« lexicon Hebmicum and T/tctauna, though he
rejected it in his GexhichU der ffebrSiac/ien
Sr.mcht lead Schrift. In the name Kirjnth-Sepher
? book town, Josh. xv. 15 1 the indication of a know-
fudge or writing among the Phoenicians is more dis-
tinct. Hitxig conjectures that the town may have
mived its name from the discovery of the art, for
the Kittites, a Canaaiiiti-h race, inhabited that
xrtLSTOfQ
1769
region, and the term HtttHa may possibly hare its
m
root in the Arabic baL, oAfltta, ** to write."
The'Hebrewa, then, a branch of the great Shemitir
family, being in possession of the art of writing,
according to their :wn historical records, at a very
early period, the further questions arise, what c'na
racter they made use of, and whence they obtained
it. It is scarcely possible in the present day to
believe that, two centuries since, learned men of
sober judgment suriously maintained, almost as au
article of faith, that the square character, as it is
known to us, with the vowel points and accents,
was a direct revelation from heaven, and that the
commandments were written by the ringer of God
upon the tables of stone in that character. Such,
however, was rosily the case. But recent investi-
gations have shown that, so far from the square
character having any claim to such a remote an-
tiquity and such an august parentage, it is of com-
paratively modern date, and has been formed from n
more ancient type by a gradual process of develop-
ment, the steps of which will be indicated hereafter,
so far as they can be safely ascertained. What tliea
was this ancient type ? Host probably the Phoe-
nician. To the Phoenicians, the daring seamen,
and adventurous colonizers of the ancient world,
tradition assigned the honour of the invention of
letters (Plin. v. 12). This tradition may be of no
value as direct evidence, but as it probably origin-
ated with the Greeks, it shows that, to them at
least, the Phoenicians were the inventors of letters,
and that these were introduced into Europe by
means of that intercourse with Phoenicia which is
implied in the legend of Cadmus, the man of the
East. The Phoenician companions of this hero,
according to Herodotus (v. 58), taught the Greeks
many accomplishments, and among others the us i
of letters which hitherto they had not possessed.
So Lucan, Phart. lii. 220:
" Pboenlces prttnl, firaiae at credtans, east
Mamraram rodlbus vocem sfgnare flourls."
Pliny (vii. 56) was of opinion that letters were
of Assyrian origin, but he mentions as a belief held
by others that they were discovered among the
Egyptians by Mercury, or that the Syrians had the
honour of the invention. The last-mentioned theory
is that given by Diodorus Siculns (v. 74), who says
that the Syrians invented letters, and from them the
Phoenicians having learnt them, transferred them
to the Greeks. On the other hand, according to
Tacitus (Ann. xi. 14), Egypt was believed to be the
source whence the Phoenicians derived their Know-
ledge. Be this as it may, the voice of tradition re-
presents the Phoenicians. as the disseminators, if not
the inventors, of the alphabet. Whether it came o
them from an Aramaean or Egyptian source can at
best be but the subject of conjecture. It may,
however, be reasonably inferred that the ancient
Hebrews derived from, or shared with, the Phoeni-
cians the knowledge of writing and the use of letters.
The two nations spoke languages of the same Shem-
itie family ; they were brought iuto close contact by
geographical position ; all circumstances combine to
render it probable that the ancient Hebrew alphabet
was the common possession both ef Hebrews and
Phoetrciar*. aid this probability is strengthened by
the results of modern investigation into the Phoe-
nician inscription; which have of late years been
brought to light. The names of the Hebrew letter)
indicate that they most hare been the invention •
1790
WRITING
I Shamitit people, imd that they were nwraom
a pastoral people may be interred from the name
evidence. Such name* as Aleph (an a), Gimel
(a camel), Lamed (an ox-goad'', are moat naturally
explained by this hypothesis, arhieh necessarily ex-
clude* the seafaring Phoenicians from any claim to
their invention. If, as has been conjectured, they
took the first idea of writing from the Egyptians,
they would at least hare given to the signs which
they invented the names of objects with which they
themselves were familiar. So far from this being
the owe the letters of the Hebrew alphabet contain
no trace whatever of ships or seafaring matters : on
the conti arjr, they point distinctly to an inland and
pastoral people. The Shemitic and Egyptian alpha-
bets have this principle in common, that the object
whose name is given to a letter was taken originally
to indicate the letter which begins the name ; but
thh fact alone is insufficient to show that the
Shemitic races borrowed their alphabet front Egypt,
tv that the principle thus held in common may not
have been the possession of other nations of a still
earlier date than the Egyptians. " The phonetic
use of hieroglyphics," says Mr. Renrick, " would
naturally suggest to a practical people, such as the
Phoenicians were, a simplification of the cumbrous
tystem of the (Egyptians, by dispensing altogether
with the pictorial and symbolical use, and assigning
sne character to each sound, instead of the mul-
titude of homophones which made the reading of
the hieroglyphics so difficult ; the residence of the
Phoenician shepherds,' the Hyksos, in Egypt might
afford an opportunity for this adaptation, or it might
be brought about by commercial intercourse. We
cannot, however, trace such a resemblance between
the earliest Phoenician alphabet known to us, and
the phonetic characters of Egypt, as to give any
certainty to this conclusion " (Phoenicia, pp. 164,
185).
Perhaps all that can be inferred from the tradi-
tion that letters came to the Greeks from the Phoe-
nicians, but that they were the invention of the
Egyptians, is that the Egyptians possessed au alpha-
bet before the Phoenicians. WahL De Wette, and
Kopp are inclined to a Babylonian origin, under-
standing the tift of Dtodorus and the Si/ri of
Pliny of the Babylonians. But Gesenius has shown
this to be untenable, because (1) Pliny distinctly
mentions both Syri and AmyrS, and by no means
confounds them ; and (2) because the inscription on
the seal-atone, on which Kopp based his theory, is
nothing more than Phoenician, and that not of the
eldest form, but inclining to the somewhat later
WBlllSrtf
Aramaic diameter. This seal-stone »*i ant
tained. Besides a cuneiform inscription, snnu
Shemitic characters whirh were deciphered by
Kopp, and were placed by him at the head of hia
most ancient alphabets (Hilda- imd Sjkrifte*. ii.
p. 154). Gesenius, howi-ver, rend them with a
very different result. He himself argues tor a
Phoenician origin of the alphabet, in oppnsrt'no
to a Babylonian or Aramaean, on the following
grounds: — 1. That the names of the letters are
Phoenician, and not Syrian. Several of the names
are found alike in the Hebrew and Aramaic dia-
lects: as for instance, beth, gimel, zam, anas, an,
resh, *Wn, but others are not found in Syriac at all,
at least not in the same sense. Aleph in Syriac
signifies "a thousand," not "an ox;" daletk m
not " a door," and for this, a* well as for ran, god,
men, pe, kopk, and tan, different words are used.
The Greek forms of the names of the tetters are
somewhat in favour of an Aramaic origin, but
there is no proof that they came in this shape frotr
the East, and that they were not so modified bv the
Greeks themselves. 2. It is not probable that the
Aramaic dialect was the language of the invent o rs ;
for the letters ♦ \ JJ K, which to them ware cer-
tainly consonants, had become so weak in the Ara-
maic that they could scarcely any longer appear as
such, and could not have been expr es s ed by sktm
by an inventor who spoke a dialect of this kind.
3. If the Phoenician letters are pictorial, as there
seems reason to believe, there is no model, among
the old Babylonian discoverers of writing, after
which they could hare been formed ; while, on the
other hand, it is extremely probable that the Phoeni-
cians, from their extended commerce, especially with
Egypt, adopted an imitation of the Egyptian pho-
netic hieirjglyphics, though they took neither the
figures nor the names from this source. The names
of some of the letters lead us to a nomarie pastoral
people, rich in herds : aleph (an ox), gimel (a camel >,
lamed (an ox-goad), beth (a tent), daletk (a tent-
door), txra (a tent-peg), cheth (a hurdle or pen). It
is a little remarkable that Gesenius did not see that
this very fact militates strongly against the Phoe-
nician origin of the letters, and points, as has been
observed above, rather to a pastoral than a sea-
faring people as their inventors. But whether or
not the Phoenicians were the inventors of the
Shemitic alphabet, there can be no doubt of their
just claim to being its chief disseminators ; and with
this understanding we mar accept the genealogy oi
alphabets as given by Geseniua, and exhibited in
the accompanying table.
Phoenician.
I
l
Ktnwcss. KoauuL futtrOtetk.
Uinbrlan. |
lavaa. Bonier
Sumnite.
Old- CkpUc. Gothic
berlan.
Whatever minor differences may exist between
Jhe ancient and more modern Shemitic alphabet,
taWy have two chief characterist i cs in common . —
1 . That they contain only consonants and the thi-«
principal long vowels, K- \ * ; the other vnm li
being represented by signs ahvra, below, or ta ta*
whitiho
middle of letter*, or being omitted altogether. 2.
That the* are written from right to left. The fcthio-
pic, being perhaps a non-Shemitic alphabet, is an
exception to this rule, as is the cuneiform character
in which some Shemitic inscriptions are found. The
same peculiarity of Egyptian writing was remarked
by Herodotus. No instance of what is colled
botatrophtdm writing — that is in a direction from
right to left, and from left to right, in alternate
lines — is found in Shemitic monuments.
The old Shemitic alphabets may be divided into
two principal classes: 1. The Phoenician, as it ex-
ists (a) in the inscriptions in Cyprus, Malta, Car-
ptntras, and the coins of Phoenicia and her colonics.
It hi distinguished by an absence of vowels, and by
sometimes haling the words divided and sometimes
not. (A), ki the inscriptions on Jewish coins.
;cj. In the Phoenicio-Egyptian writing, with three
rowel signs, dedplier* 4 by Carina on the mummy
bandages. From (a) are derived (d), the Sama-
ritan character, and (<), the Greek. 2. The Hebrew
Chaldee character ; to which belong (a), the Hebrew
square character ; (6), the Palniyrene, which has
aome traces of a cursive band ; (c), the Kutrangelo,
or ancient Syriac ; and (<f), the ancient Arabic
or Curie. The oldest Arabic writing (the Him-
yaritic) was perhaps the same as the ancient He-
brew or Phoenician.
It remains now to consider which of all these was
the alphabet originally used by the undent Hebrews.
In considering this question it will ou many ac-
counts be more convenient t* begin with the com-
mon square character, which is more familiar, and
which from this familiarity it more constantly asso-
ciated with the Hebrew language and writing. In
the Talmud (Sm*. fol. 31,2) this character is called
ySTO 3113, " square writing," or nnwfe 3113,
"Assyrian writing;" the latter appellation being
given because, according to the tiadition, it came
:ip with the Israelites from Assyria. Under the
term Assyria are included Chnldea and Babylonia
in the wider sense ; for it is clear that in ancient
writers the names Asiyrum and Chaldean are ap-
plied indifferently to the same characters. The letters
of the inscription on the tomb of Sardanapalus are
called Chaldean (Athen. xii. p. 529) and Assyrian
t A then. xii. p. 469; Arrian, Exp. Alia. ii. 5, §4).
Again, the Ani/rian writing on the pillars erected
by Darius at the Bosporus (Her. iv. 87), is called
by Stiabo I'enian (xv. p. 502). Another deriva-
tion for the epithet J1'"HB>N, asAthMth, as applied
to this writing, has been suggested by Rabbi Judah
the Holy, who derives it from n~.VKQ, mruvV-
sAeretA, "blessed;" the term being applied to it
because it was employed in writing the sacred
books. Another etymology (from Hfftt, ashar,
to be straight), given by the Hebrew grammarian
Abraham de Balmis, describes it as the straight,
]«rpendicular writing, so making the epithet equi-
valent to that which we apply to it in calling
it the squaie character. Hupfeld, starting from
the same root, explains the Talmudic designation
as inertly a technical term used to denote the more
modern writing, and as opposed to fV\ roots,
" Broken," by which the ancient character is de-
scribed. According to him it signifies that which
is firm, strong, prntected and supported iw with
Sorts and walls, referring perhaps to the liorirontal
strokes on which the letters rest as on a foundation.
la the view aecompam it with the Kth-opic cba-
•WBITINO 1791
meter, which is called in Arabic iVirr -t "sure
ported." . It must be confessed that none of thest
explanations are so satisfactory as to be unhesi-
tatingly accepted. The on.'y fact to be derived
from the woid IVfltPK is that it is the source ot
the whole Talmudic tradition of the Babylonian
origin of the square character. This tradition is
embodied in the following passages from the Jeru-
salem and Babylonian Talmud* : — " It is a tradi-
tion : R. Jose says Ezra was fit to hare the law
given by his hand, but that the age of Moses pre-
vented it ; yet though it was not given by his
hand, the writing and the language were; the
writing was written in the Syriac tongue, and in-
terpreted in the Syriac tongue (Ear. iv. 7), and
they could not read the writing (Dan. v. 8) ; from
hence it is learnt that it was given on the same
day. R. Nathan says the law was given in broken
characters (PJTI, raat^j, and agrees with R. Jose ;
but Rab (i. e. K. Judah the Holy) says that the
law was given in the Assyrian (•'. t. the square;
character, and when they sinned it was turned into
the broken character, and when they were worthy,
in the days of Exra, it was turned to them again in
the Assyrian character, according to Zech. ix. 12.
It is a tradition : R. Simeon ben Eleaiar says, on
the account of R. Eleasar ben Porta, who also says,
on the account of Eliezer Hammodai, the law was
written in the Assyrian character " (Talm. Jems.
MtgiUah, fol. 71, 2, 3). But the story, as best
known, is told in the Babylonian Tslraud : — " Mar
Zutra, or as others Mar Ukha, says, at tint the law
was given to Israel in the Hebrew IH3JJ, I*. «. the
Samaritan) writing and the holy tongue ; and again
it was given to them, in the days of Ezra, in the
Assyrian writing and the Syrian tongue. They
cbose lor the Israelites the Assyrian writing and
the holy tongue, and left to the fdiutut the Hebrew
writing and the Syrian tongue. Who are the
Idioia* t K. Chaada says, the Cutheans (or Sama-
ritans). What is the Hebrew writing ? R. Chaada
says, the Libonsali writing" {Sanhed. fol. 21, 2;
22, 1). The Libonaah writing is explained by
R. Solomon to mean the large characters in which
the Jews wrote their amulets and mtsmeM. The
broken character mentioned above can only apply to
the Samaritan alphabet, or one very similar to it.
In this character are written, not only manuscripts
of the Samaritan Pentateuch, varying in age from
the 13th to the 16th century, but also other works
in Samaritan and Arabia The Samaritans them-
selves call it Habrtu mritmg, in contradistinction
to the square character, which they call the writing
of Ezra. It has no vowel points, but a diacritical
mark called Mwrhrtono la employed, and woids and
sentences are divided. A form of character more
ancient than the Samaritan, though closely resem-
bling it, is found on the coins struck under Simon
Maccabaeus, circ. B.C. 142. Of this writing Ge-
senius remarks (art. Palaeographie in Ench and
Grafter's Enagclopidie) that it was most probably
employed, even in manuscripts, during the whole
lifetime of the Hebiew language, and was graiuaVy
displaced by the square character about the birth i
Christ. An examination of the characters on the
Maccabaean coins shows that they bear an extremely
close resemblance to those of the Phoenician :n<jip-
tions, mid in many cases are all but identical with
them. The figures of three characters (\. Q 0) do
not occur, and that of 3 is doubtful.
In order to explain the Talmudic story above
17W
WBHWO
gmn, and the relation between the square cha
racier and that of the ooina, different Iheoriei hare
been constructed. Some held that the square cha-
racter was sacred, and <ud by the priests, while
the character on the coins was for the purposes of
ordinary life. The younger Buxtorf (Zte Lit. Hebr.
Qm. Ant.) maintained that the square alphabet was
the oldest and the original alphabet of the Hebrews,
and that before the Captivity the Samaritan cha-
racter had existed ride by side with it ; that during
the Captivity the priests and more learned part of
the people cultivated the square or sacred character,
while thaw who were left in Palestine adhered to
the common writing. Exra brought the former
back with him, and it was hence called Assyrian or
Chaldean. The other was used principally by the
Samaritans, though occasionally by the Jews them-
selves, as is shown by the character* on the Macco-
baean coins. This opiiJon found many supporters,
and a singular turn was gi»»o to it bv Morin.ni
(Dt Lingua Pranaeva, p. 271) and Loeacher (Dt
Cautti Ling. Hebr. pp. 207, 208), who maintained
that the characters on the coins were a kind of
tachygraphic writing formed from the square cha-
racter. Hartmann (Ling. EM. p. 28, lie.) also
upheld the existence of a twofold character, the
sacred and profane. The favourers of this hypo-
thesis of a double alphabet had some analogies to
which they could appeal for support The Egyp-
tians had a twofold, or even a threefold character.
The cuneiform writing of the ancient Persians and
Medea was perhaps a sacred character for monu-
ments, the Zend being used for ordinary life. The
Araus, Persians, and Turks employ different cha-
racters according as they require them for letters,
poems, or historical writings. But analogy is not
proof, and therefore the passage in Is. viii. 1 has
been appealed to as containing a direct allusion to
the ordinary writing as opposed to the sacred cha-
racter. But it is evident, upon examination, that
the writing there referred to is that of a perfectly
legible character, such as an ordinary unskilled man
might read. Irenaeus (Adv. Haeres. ii. 24), indeed,
speaks of sacerdotal letters, but his information is
not to be relied on. In fact the sole ground for the
hypothesis lies in the fact that the only specimens
of the Hebrew writing of common life are not in
the usual chaiacter of the manuscripts, if this
supposition of the coexistence of a twofold alphabet
be abandoned as untenable, we must either substi-
tute for it a second hypothesis, that the square cha-
racter was the exclusive possession of the kingdom
of Judah, and that the Samaritan was used in the
northern kingdom, or that the two alphabet* were
successive and not contemporary. Against the
former hypothesis stands the fact that the coins on
which the so-called Samaritan character occurs were
struck at Jerusalem, and the names Hebrew and
Assyrian, as applied to the two alphabets, would
still be unaccounted for. There remains then the
hypothesis that the square character and the writing
of the coins succeeded each other in point of time,
and that the one giaduafly took the place of the
9ther, just as in Arabic the Nischi writing has dis-
placed the older Cutic character, and in Syriac the
fc'tran^elo has given place to that at present in use.
But did the square character pieceiie the character
on the coins, or was the reverse the case ? Accord-
ing to some of the doctors of the Talmud [Sank.
fol. 21 , 2 ; 22, 1 ), in the passage above quoted, the
Law was given to the Israelites in the Hebrew cna-
aiid th 1» 'y tongue. It was given again
WKIT1HO
in the days of Exra in the Asf /ran character sal
the Aramaean tongue. By the " Hebrew * cha-
racter is to be understood what is elsewhere called
the " broken" writing, which is what is commonly
called Samaritan ; and by the Assyrian writing is
to be understood the square character. But Rabbi
Judah the Holy, who adopted a different etymology
for the word rVrUPK (Assyrian), says that the
Law was first given in this square character, bat
that afterwards, when the people sinned, it was
changed into the broken writing, which again, upon
their repentance in the days of Earn, was converted
into the square character. In both these casta it is
evident that the tradition is entirely built upon the
etymology of the word oaasfturiM, and varies ac-
cording to the different conceptions formed of it*
meaning : consequently it is of bat slight value as
direct testimony. The varying character of the
tradition shows moreover that it was framed after
the true meaning of the name had become lost
Origen (on Ex. ix. 4) says that in the ancient alpha-
bet the Tau had the form of a cross, and (HexapLt,
i. 86, Montfaucon) that in some MSS. of the LXX.
the word nW was written in ancient Hebrew cha-
racters, not with those in use in his day, " for they
say that Ezra used other [letters] after the Cap-
tivity." Jerome, following Origen, gives out a*
certain what his predecessor only mentioned aa a
report, and the tradition in his hands sssnmes a
different aspect. " It is certain," he says, " that
Exra the scribe and doctor of the law, after the
taking of Jerusalem and the restoration of the
Temple under Zerubbabel, discovered other letters
which we now use : whereas up to that time the
characters of the Samaritans and Hebrews were the
same. . . . And the tetragrammaton name of the
Lord we find in the present day written in ancient
letters in certain Greek rolls " (PnL Gat. in Lwbr.
Reg.'). The testimony of Origen with regard te
the form of Ibu undergoes a similar modification.
" In the ancient Hebrew letters, which the Samari-
tans use to this day, the last letter, tan, has the
form of a cross." Again, in another passage ( Ep.
136 ad ilarceU. ii. 704, Ep. 14, ed. Hartianay)
Jerome remarks that the ineflable name tV\\V, being
misunderstood by the Greeks when they met with
it in their books, was read by them pipi, i. e.
mm. It has been inferred from this that the
ancient characters, to which both Jerome and Origen
refer in the first-quoted passages, were the square
characters, because in them alone, and not in the
Samaritan, does any resemblance between mrV and
mm exist. There is nothing, however, to show
that Jerome contemplated the same case in the two
passages. In the one he expressly mentions the
" ancient characters," and evideutly as an exceptional
instance, for they were only found in " certain rolls ;°*
in the other he appears to speak of an occurrence
by no means uncommon. Again, it is Jerome, and
not Origen, who is responsible for the assertion that
in the Samaritan alphabet the Tau has the form of
a cross. Origen merely says this is the ease in the
ancient or original (ipxaiois) Hebrew characteis,
and his assertion is true of the writing on the
Maccabaean coins, and of the ancient and even tha
more modern Phoenician, but not of the alphabet
known to us as the Samaritan. It seems clear,
therefore, that Jerome's lanj^uige on this point
cannot be regarded as strictly accurate.
There are many arguments which go to shew
that the Samaritan character is older Ihaa tha
square Hebrew. One of these is derived from th-
WKiTIXt*
nhUn of ths Samaritan Pentateuch, which, ac-
cording to some writer*, must date si least from
the, time of the separation of the two kingdoms,
the northern kingdom retaining the ancient writing
which was once common to both. But there is no
eTidenoe for the existence of the Samaritan Penta-
teuch before the Captivity, and the opinion which
now most commonly prevails is that the Samaritans
received it first in the Maccabaean period, and with
it the Jewish writing (Havernick, EM. i. 290).
Tin question is still far from being decided, and
while it remains in this condition the arguments
derived from the Samaritan Pentateuch cannot be
allowed to have much weight. Hupfeld {Stud, und
JCrit. 1830, ii. 279, Ac.) contends that the common
theory, that the Samaritans received their writing
from the ancient Israelitish times, but maintained
it more faithfully than the Jews, is improbable,
because the Samaritans were a mixed race, entirely
different from the ancient Israelites, and had, like
>Aeir language, a preponderating Aramaic element:
consequently, if they had had a character peculiar
to themselves, independently of their sacred book,
it would rather have been Aramaic. He argues
that the Samaritans received their present writing
with their Pentateuch from the Jews, because the
Samaritan character differs in several important
particulars from that on the Phoenician monu-
ments, but coincides in all characteristic deviations
with the ancient Hebrew on the Maccabaean coins.
These deviations are— (1) the horizontal strokes in
Btth, Men, and Nun, which have no parallel on
the Phoenician monuments : (2) the angular heads
of Beth, Daleth, and especially 'Am, which last
never occurs in an anguiur form in Phoenician:
(3) the entirely different forms of Tsade and Van,
as well as of Zain and Samech, which are not
found on the Maocabaean coins. In the Samaritan
letters Aleph, Cheth, Lamed, Shin, there is a closer
relationship with the forms of the old Hebrew : the
only marked deviation is in the form of lau. To
these considerations Hupfeld adds the traditions of
Origan and Jerome and the Talmud already given,
and the fact that the Samaritans have preserved
their letters unchanged, a circumstance which is
intelligible on the supposition that these letters
were regarded by them with superstitious reverence
as a sacred character which had come to them from
without, and -which, in the absence of any earlier
indigenous tradition of writing, necessarily became
a lifeless permanent type.
The names of the letters, and the correspondence
of their forms to their names in the Phoenician and
Phoenicio-Saniaritan alphabets, supply another ar-
fument for the superior antiquity of this to the
lebrew square character : ». g. Am (an eye), which
un the coins and Phoenician monuments has the
form o ; Bnh (a head), q. On the other hand,
the names Vaa (a nail or peg), Zain (a weapon),
Caph (the hollow hand), correspond to their forms
better in the square character: this, however, at
most, would only prove that both are derived from
the same original alphabet in which the correspond-
ence between the shape and name of each letter
eras more complete. Again, we trace the Phoe-
nician alphabet :nuch further back than the square
character. The famous inscription on the sarco-
phagus of Eshmunaxar, found at Sidon in 1855, is
i«fc n ad by the Due de Luynes to the sixth century
B.C. The date of the inscription at Marseilles is
mora uncertain. Snme would place it before *h»
•Vxodatkra of the Creek colony there, B.C. fiOO.
1 VOL III.
WRITING
1798
There is reason to believe, however, that it is modi
more recent. Besides these we have the lnscrip*
tions at Sigaeum and Amyclae in the ancient Gr«ek
character, which is akin to the Phoenician. On the
other hand, the Hebraeo-Chaldee character is not
found on historic monuments before the tirth of
Christ. A consideration of the various readings
which have arisen from the interchange of similar
characters in the present text leads, as might natu-
rally be expected, to results which are rather favour-
able to the square character, for in this alone are
the manuscripts written which have come down to
us. The following examples are given, with one
exception, by Gesenius :—
(a) In the square alphabet are confounded —
3 sod a. n , J3B>. Neb - xH. 14-=!T03E>. Neb. all. a ;
r"Qf , I Chr. Ix. » = viaf. Neb. xt 17.
J and ». Jfjyv Geo. xlvl. *T=)py\ I Chr. t 42.
2 and Q. niT3. 1 K- ▼"• «°=nW& » Cb'- ,T - "•
a soi t. risen *■»■ *▼>"• »=men. a s*m.
xxii. ia.
» and J. HJflD. Ps. xxxi. 3=pr/o, Ps. lxxl. 3.
(4) In both alphabets are confounded —
TsndT. nD*l, 1 Chr. L 6=nD v V Oea x. 3;
VTVh iChr. L »-»D»J*TT. Gen. x. «;
nm. i*»- »* i* = ntn. "«•*■ xiv. u •,
in» V Ps. xvUL ll=KT1. * Sam. xxii. U.
(o) In the Phoenician alone —
3 and 1. 3^n. x 8am- xxlU. 2*=-r^n. 1 Chr. xt SO.
> and E>, whence probably JVJ>, Josh. xxl. \*=VffV
lChr.vl.44. ' '
3 and fi. VTJJJ, lCbr.xL3T=rf-|3JB.a8snLxxlU.3sV
(d ) In neither —
3 and "V Dim. Neb. vH. T=mm. »»■ «• *•
3 and D- inn. Num. xxrL S5=nnn. 1 Chr. vH. 24) .
non. i cur. vl m [ei]- mm Joa*-
xxl. 32.
The third class of these readings seems to point
to a period when the Hebrews used the Phoenician
character, and a comparison of the Phoenician alpha-
bet and the Hebrew coin-writing shows that the
examples of which Gesenius makes a fourth class,
might really be included under the third: for in
these some forms of 3 and T, as well as of 3 and n t
are by no means unlike. This circumstance takes
away some of the importance which the above
results otherwise give to the square character.
Indeed, after writing his Hebrauche Spracht und
Schrift, Gesenius himself appears to have modified
some of the conclusions at which he arrived in that
work, and instead of maintaining that the square
character, or one essentially similar to it, was in
use in the time of the LXX., and that the Mac-
cabees retained the old character for their coins, as
the Arabs retained the Cufic some centuries after
the introduction of the Nischi, be concludes as most
probable, in his article PalSographie (in Ersch and
G ruber's Encyvi.), that the ancient Hebrew was
first changed for the square character about the
birth of Christ. A comparison of the Phoenician
with the square alphabet shows that the latter
could not be the immediate development of the
former, and that it could not have been formed
gradually from it at some period subsequent to the
time of the Maccabees. The essential diflerence of
some characters, and the similarity of others, render
it probable that the two alphabet*, are both de-
scended from one more ancient than either, of which
each, has retained some peculiarities. This mora
5 r
17*4
WRITING-
ancient form, Hupfeld (Hcbraitcht OrammatH,
§7J maintains, is the original alphabet invented by
the Babylonians, and extended by the Phoenicians.
From this the square chaiacter was developed by
three stages. .
1. In its oldest form it appears on Phoenician
monuments, stones, and coins. Tlie number of
the inscriptions containing Phoenician writing was
77, greater and smaller, in the time of Geaenius,
bat it has since beau increased by the discovery
of the famous sarcophagus of Eshmuoazar king
of Sidon, and the excavations which have still
mora recently bean made in the neighbourhood of
Carthage have brought to light many others which
are now in the British Museum. Those described
by Gesenius were found at Athens (three bilingual),
at Malta (fear, one of which is bilingual), in
Cyprus among the rains of Kitium (thirty-three),
in Sicily, in the ruins of Carthage (twelve), and in
the regions of Carthage and Numidia. They belong
for the most part to the period between Alexander
and the age of Augustas. A Punic inscription on
the arch of Septimius Severus brings down the
Phoenician character as late at the beginning of the
third oentury after Christ. Besides these inscrip-
tions on stone, there are a number of coins bearing
Phoenician characters, of which those found in Cilicia
are the moat ancient, and belong to the timet of the
Persian domination. The character on all thaw is
essentially the same. In its best form it is found
on the Sicilian, Maltese, Cyprian, and Carthaginian
inscriptions. On the Cilician coins it is perhaps most
original, degenerating on the later coins of Phoe-
nicia, Spain, and the neighbouring islands, and be-
coming almost a cursive character in the monuments
of Numidia and the African provinces. There are
to final letters and no divisions of words. The
Jiamoteristici of the Phoenician alphabet as it is
thus discovered are, that it is purely consonantal ;
that it consists of twenty-two utters written from
right to left, and is distinguished by strong perpen-
dicular strokes and the closed heads of the letters ;
that the names and order of the letters were the
same as in the Hebrew alphabet, as may be inferred
from the names of the Greek letters which came
immediately from Phoenicia; and that originally
the alphabet was pictorial, the letters representing
figures. This last position has been strongly opposed
by Wuttke (Zattch. d. D. M. 0. xi. 75, Ik.),
who maintains that the ancient Phoenician al-
phabet oontaius no traces of a pictorial character,
' and that the letters are simply combinations of
strokes. It is impossible here to give his argu-
ments, and the reader is referred for further infor-
mation to his article. This ancient Phoenician
character in its earliest form was probably, says
Hupfeld, adopted by the Hebrews from the Ca-
naanitea, and used by them during the wnoie period
of the living language till shortly before the birth of
Christ. Closely allied with it are the characters on
the Maeosbaean coins, and the Samaritan alphabet.
2. While the old writing remained so almost
unchanged among the Phoenicians and Samaritans,
it was undergoing a gradual transformation among
its original inventors, the Aramaeans, especially
those of the West. This transformation was effected
by opening the heads of the letters, and by bending
the perpendicular stroke into a horizontal one, which
in the cursive character served for a connecting
ctrake, and in the inscriptions on etone for a basis
or foundation for the letters. The character in this
form is found in the earliest stage on the stoat of
WETTING
Ctrpentn*. w ir* the letters J>. 3. T. T, have tpei
heads; a'td later in the inscriptious on the rains si
Palmyra, where the characters are distmgojabed by
the open heads degenerating so uk t imes tc a point,
and by horizontal connecting strokes. Besides the
stone of Carpentras, the older form of the modified
Aramaean character is found on some fr agm e n ts of
papyrus found in Egypt, and preserved in the Library
at Turin, and in the Museum of the Duke of Blacas.
Plates of these are given in Geaenius' MonumaUa
Phoenicia (tab. 28-33). They belong to the time
of the later Ptolemies, and are written in an Ara-
maic dialect. Tb«" inscription on the Carpentras
stone was the work of heathen scribes, probably,
as Dr. Levy suggests {Ztittck. d. D. M. G. si. 67 1,
the Babylonian colonists of Egypt ; the writing of
the papyri he attributes to Jews. The inscription
on the vase of the Serapemn at Memphis is placed
by the Due de Laynes and M. Mariette in the 4th
oentury B.C. In the Blacas fragments the beads oi
the letters 3> "!• "I, have fallen away altogether.
In the forms of n, IT 3 we see the origin of the
figures of the square character. The final forms of
Caph and irVas occur for the first time. The Pal-
myrene writing represents a Liter stage, and belongs
principally to the second and third oratories after
Christ, the time of the greatest prosperity of Pal-
myra. The oldest inscription belongs to the year
396 of the Greeks (a.d. 84), and the latest to the
year 569 (a.d. 257). The writing was not con-
fined to Palmyra, for an Inscription in the sarnie
character was found at Abilene. The Palmyrene
inscriptions are fifteen in number : ten bilingual, in
Syriac and Greek, and Syriac and Latin. Two are
preserved at Rome, four at Oxford. Those at Rome
differ from the rest, in having lost the heads at the
letters 3. 1. \ JT, while the forms of the \ Q. n
are like the Phoenician. Of the cursive Assyrian
writing, which appears to be allied to the Aranunn,
Mr. Layard remarks, " On monuments and remains
purely Syrian, or such as cannot be traced to a foreign
people, only one form of character hat been d iscovere d,
and it so closely resembles the cursive of Assyria,
that there can be little doubt as to the identity of
the origin of the two. If, therefore, the inhabitants
of Syria, whether Phoenicians or others, were the in-
ventors of letters, and those letters were such as
exist upon the earliest monuments of that country,
the cursive character of the Assyrians may have been
as ancient as the cuneiform. However that may be,
this hieratio character has not yet been found in
Assyria on remains of a very early epoch, and H
would seem probable that simple perpendicular and
horizontal lines preceded rounded forma, being better
suited to letters carved on stone tablets or rocks.
At Nimroud the cursive writing was found on part
of an alabaster vase, and on fragments of pottery,
taken out of the rubbish covering the rums, tip
the a'abaster vase it accompanied an inscription xe
the cuneiform character, containing the name of the
Khoisabad king, to whose reign it is evident, cross
several circumstances, the vase must be attributed.
It has also been found on Babylonian bricks of the
time of Nebuchadnezzar" (ififc. ii. pp. 163, 166\
M. Fresnel discovered at Kasr some fifty fiagm e u 'i
of pottery covered with this cursive character in
ink. These, too, art said to be of the age of
Nebuchadnezzar (Joum. Atiat. July 1853, p. 77'.
Dr. Levy (Zetix*. d. D. M. 0. ix. 465) maintains
in accordance with the Talroudic tradiliw, thai
the Jews acquired this cursive writing in Babylon,
and brought it back with thrxn after the Coptic Si
WB1TTNU
together with the Chaldee langTutct. and that it
giadually displaced the older alphabet, of which
iragmenta remain in the forms of the final letter*.
3. While this modification was taking place
m the Aramaic letten. a similar process of change
was going on in the old character among the Jews.
We already find indications of this in the Macca-
bman coins, where the straight strokes of some
letters are broken. The Aramaic character, too,
bad apparently an influence upon the Hebrew, pro-
portioned to the influence exercbwd by the Aramaic
dialect upon the Hebrew language. The heads of
the letters still left in the Palmyrene character are
removed, the position and length of several oblique
strokes are altered (as in ft H. 1. II). It lost the
character of a cursive hand by the separation of
the several letters, and the stiff ornaments which
they received at the hands of calligraphers, and thus
became an angular, uniform, broken character, from
which it receives its name tquare (Jf3tD 3113).
In the letters M- 3.. 3. 3. D. J. D- V- & n/the
Aegypto-Aramaic appeal's the older, and the Pal-
myrene most resembles the square character. In
others, on the contrary, as IT. D- p. "I, the square
character is closely allied to the forms in the Blacas
fragments ; and in some, as 1. IT. 1. J, \ C, both
the older alphabets agree with the square character.
So tar as regards the development of the square
character from the Aramaean, as it appears on the
atone of Carpmtras and the rains of Palmyra, Hup-
feld and Gesenius are substantially agreed, but they
differ widely on another and very important point.
Gesenius is disposed to allow some weight to the
tradition as preserved in the Talmud, Origen, and
Jerome, that the Hebrews at some period adopted a
character different from their own. The Chaldee
square alphabet he consider! at originally of Ara-
maic origin, but transferred to the Hebrew language.
To this conclusion he appears to be drawn by the
name Ant/rim applied in the Talmud to the square
character, which he inters was probably the ancient
character of Assyria. If this were the case, it is
remarkable that no trace of it should be found on
the Assyrian monuments; and, in the absence of
other evidence, it is unsafe to build a theory upon a
name, the interpretation of which is uncertain.
The change of alphabet from the Phoenician to the
Aramaean, and the development of the Syriac from
the Aramaean, Geaeniua regards as two distinct
circumstances, which took place at different times,
and were separated by a considerable interval. The
formation of the square character he maintains can-
not be put earlier than the second century after
Christ. Hupfeld, on the other hand, with more
•how of reason, rejects altogether the theory of an
abrupt change of character, because he doubts
whether any instance can be shown of a simple
exchange of alphabet* in the awe of a people who
have already a tradition of writing. The ancient
letters were in use in the time of the Maccabees,
and from that period writing did not cease, but was
rather more practiwd in the transcription of the
aacred books. Besides, on comparing the Palmyrene
with the square character, it is clear that the
former has been altered and developed, a result
Trhfeh would hare been impossible in the case of a
communication from without which overwhelmed
all tradition and spontaneity. The case of the Sa-
maritans, oc the other hand, ia that of a peopli
vho received an alphabet entire, which they re
rjartled as sacred in consequence of its association
WRITING
1795
with tin.'.! sacred btok, and which they therefor*
retained unaltered with superstitious fidelity. More-
over, in the old Hebrew writing on the coins w*
see already a tendency to several important altera-
tions, as, for example, in the open heads of 3 and 1,
and the base lines of 3- 3> D> 3 ; and many letters,
as PI, are derived rather from the coin-character
than from the Palmyrene, while 13 and p are en-
tirely Phoenician. Finally, Hupfeld adds, •• It is
in the highest degree improbable — nay, almost in-
conceivable—that the Jews, in the fervour of their
then enthusiasm for their sacred books, should, con-
sciously and without apparent reason, have adopted
a foreign character ana abandoned the ancient writ-
ing of their fathers,"
Assuming, then, as approximately true, that the
square character of the Hebrews was the natural
result of a gradual process of development, and
that it was not adopted in its present shape from
without, but became what it is by an internal
organic change, we have further to consider at what
time it acquired its present form. Kopp (BUds*
und Schriftm, ii. p. 177) placet it at late at the
4th century after Christ; but he appears to b*
guided to hit conclusion chiefly by the fact that
the Palmyrene character, to which it it most nearly
allied, extended into the 3rd century. It it evi-
dent, however, from several consideration, that
in the 4th century the square character was sub-
stantially the tame as U n to this day, and had
for some time been so. The descriptions of the
forma of the letters in the Talmud and Jerome
coincide most exactly with the present; for both
are acquainted with final letters, and describe as
similar those letters which resemble ea/;h other in
the modern alphabet, as, for instance, 3 and 3, 1
and T, H and D, 1 and \ ? and J, D and D. The
calligraphic ornaments which were employed in the
writing of the synagogue rolls, as the Taggm on
the letters Y 1 T 3 O V B>, the point in the broken
headline of n (O), and many other prescriptions for
the orthography of the Torah are found in the
Talmud, and show that Hebrew calligraphy, under
the powerful protection of minute laws observed
with superstitious reverence, had long received its
full development, and was become a fixed unalter-
able type, at it has remained ever since. The
change of character, moreover, not only in the time
of Jerome and the Talmud, but even as early as
Origen, was an event already long past, and to old
and involved in the darkness of fable as to be attri-
buted in the common legend to Ezra, or by most of
the Talmudists to God Himself. The very obscurity
which surrounds the meaning of the ternu )*jn
and JV1WM ** applied to the old and new writing
respectively, it another proof that in the time of
the Talmudists the square character had become
permanent, and that the history of the changes
through which it had passed had been lost. In
the Mishna (8/iabb. xii. S) the case is mentioned of
two Zaint (TT) being written for C/>«th (fl), which
could only be true of the tquare character. The
often-quoted passage. Matt. v. 18, which ia gene-
rally brought forward as a proof that the square
character must hare been in existence in the time
of Christ, who mentions faVro, or yod, as the small-
est letter of the alphabet, proves at least that the
old Hebrew or Phoenician character was no longer
in use, but that the Palmyrene charactsr, or one
very much like it, hid been introduced. From tin*
circumstances we may inter, with Hupfeld {Stud, und
Krit. 1830, ii. 288;, thai WhuWs conjecture if
5VJ
1796
WRITING
appnnamately trn«; namely, that about the first a
second century after Christ the square character
assumed its present form ; though in a question in-
volved in an much uncertainty, it is impossible to
pronounce with great positireness.*
Next to the scattered hints as to the shape of the
Hebrew letters which we find in the writings of
Jerome, the most direct eridence on this point is
supplied by the so-called Alphabetum Jeeuitarum,
which is found in a MS. (Codex M.rr-tnlhumt, now
lost) of the LXX. of Lam. ii. It is the work of a
Greek scribe, imperfectly acquainted with, or more
probably entirely ignorant of Hebrew, who copied
j.avithly the letters which were before him. In this
alphabet ft is written II; 'and 1 are of nearly equal
length, the latter being distinguished by two dots ;
D is made like a, and H like H. The letters on the
two Abraxas gems in his possession were thought
by Mont&ucon {Praelim. ad Hex. Orig. i. 82, S3)
to haro been Hebrew ; but as they hare not been
fairly deciphered, nothing can be inferred from
them. Other Instances of ths occurrence of the
Hebrew alphabet written by ignorant scribes are
found in a Codex of the New Testament, of which
on account is given by Treschow ( Tent, deter. Cod.
Vet. aliquot Or. N. T.), snd three have been
edited from Greek and Latin MSS. in the Notweau
Traite" Diplomatique published by the Benedictines.
To these, as to the Alphabetum Jftuitarum, Ken-
nicott justly attributes no value {Dissert. Qen. p.
69 note). The same may be said of the Hebrew
writing of a monk, taken from the work of Rabanus
Maurus, De inventions tmguarwn. The Jews them-
selves recognize a double character in the writing
of their synagogue rolls. The earlier of these is
called the Tin* writing (3113 Oil), as some sup-
pose, from Tsm, the grandson of Rashi, who flou-
rished in the 12th century, and is thought to be
the inventor; or, according to others, from the
perfect form of the letters, the epithet Tom being
then taken as a significant epithet of the square
character, in which sense the expression rO'TlS
flan, dthtbih thammah occurs in the Tslmud
(SiaWott, foL 103 6). Phylacteries written in
this character were hence called Tarn tephilUn. The
letters hare fine pointed corners and perpendicular
taggm (fin), or little strokes attached to the seven
letteis j»JHB5re>. The Tom writing is chMly
found in German synagogue rolls, and probably
also in those of the Polish Jews. The Welsh writ-
ing (3f13 BON), to which the Jews assign a later
date than to the other, usually occurs in the syna-
gogue rolls and other manuscripts of the Spanish
and Eastern Jews. The figures of the letters are
rounder than in the 7am writing, and the taggin,
or crown-like ornaments, terminate in a thick point
But besides these two forms of writing, which are
not essentially distinct, there are minor differences
observable in the manuscripts of different countries.
The Spanish character is the most regular and
simple, and is for the most part large and bold,
forming a true square character. The German is
more sloping and compressed, with pointed corners ;
but finer than the Spanish. Between these the
French and Italian character is intermediate, and is
tsnoe called by Kennicott {Diss. Qen. p. 71) cha-
■ Another link between the Pahnyrene snd too square
character is supplied by the writing on some of the
Babylonian bowls, described by Mr. :«yard (*«*, and
WHITING
router mUrmedha. It is for the most part ratha
smaller than the others, and the forms of the lrttin
are rounder (Eichbom, EM. ii. 37-41 ; Tychsen,
Tentamen de tar. cod. Hobr. V. T. MSS. generi.
tut, p. 264 ; BeUermann, De tan poteog. Htbr.
p. 43).
The Alphabet. — The oldest evidence on the subject
of the Hebrew alphabet is derived from the alpha-
betical Psalms and poems; Pss. xxv., xriiv., xxxvii.,
cxi., oxii., cxix., car. ; Piov. xxxi. 13-31 ; Lam.
i.-iv. From these we ascertain that tl e number of
the letters was twenty-two, as at present. The
Arabia alphabet originally consisted of the same
number. Irenaeus {Adt. Haer. ii. 24) says that
the ancient sacred letters were ten in number. It
baa been argued by many that the alphabet of the
Phoenicians at first consisted only of sixteen letters,
or according to Hug of fifteen, t< D- 3. D> IV X
bring omitted. The legend as told by Pliny (vii.
56) is as follows. Cadmus brought with him into
Greece sixteen letters ; at the time of the Trojan
war Palamedes added four others, 8, B, ♦, X, and
Simonides of Meloa four more, Z, B, T, O. Ari-
stotle recognized eighteen letters of the original
alphabet, ABTAEZIKAM NO IIP2TT*, to
which S and X were added by Epicbannus (comp.
Tac. Jim. A 14). By Isidore of Seville (.Orig.
i. 3) it is said there were seventeen. But in the
oldest story of Cadmus, as told by Herodotus (v.
58) and Dicdoras (v. 24), nothing is said of the
number of the letters. Recent investigations, how-
ever, have rendered it probable that at first the
Shemitk alphabet consisted of but sixteen letters
It is true that no extant monuments illustrate the
period when the alphabet was thus curtailed, but
as the theory is based upon an organic arrangement
first proposed by Lepsius, it may be briefly noticed
Dr. Donaldson {New Cratylut, p. 171, 3rd edV
says, "Besides the mutes and breathings, the He^
brew alphabet, as it now stands, has four sibilants
t. D> ¥• V. How it is quite dear that all Urn*
four sibilants could not have existed in the sides'
state of the alphabet. Indeed we have positive evi-
dence that the Eplirahnites could not pronounce C*
but substituted for it the simpler articulation C
(Judges xii. 6). We consider it quite certain, that
at the first there was only one sibilant, namely this
D, or tamech. Finally, to reduce the Semitic alpha-
bet to its oldest form, we must omit capk, which is
only a softened form of toph, the liquid resA, and the
semivowel jod, which are of more recent introduc-
tion. . . The remaining 16 letters appear in the fol-
lowing order: tt 3- 1. 1. D. V n D. ^. 13, 3. r>
V> B> p> II. If we examine this order more mi-
nutely, we shall see that it is not arbitrary or acci-
dental, but strictly organic according to the Semitic
articulation. We bare four classes, each ~— - -n-g
of 4 letters: the first and second classes consist, ear*
of 3 mutes preceded by a breathing, tin third of the
3 liquids aud the sibilant, which perhaps dosed the
oldest alphabet of all, and the fourth contains the
three supernumerary mutes preceded by a breath-
ing." The original 16 letters of the Greek alphabet,
corresponding to those of the Sbemitk, are thus
given by Dr. Donaldson (iML p. 175).
Klaail n I inDi^DJl o I v lepn
•a I bt a | •* | r He | am n I x | o |n«?T
Bab. BOB'), which Dr. Levy (ZnurA. i 0. JK «.) i
tolhsrthi
WHITING
~ In the Greek alphabet, u it is now given in the
grammars, F and Q are omitted, and 10 other che-
y-r*m added to then." The ShemitHj bade (V)
became seta (Q, caph (3) became kappa («), and
yoe?(') became iota (i). jfesA (*1) was adopted and
celled rAo {p), and 2ar, which was used bj the
Dorians fin- STypa (Her. i. 139), is only another
form cf zam ( T \ Shin Q0) or Sm (fc>), is the ori-
ginal of {?, which from some cause or other has
changed places with atyixa, the Shemitic tamtch,
just as ffjra has been transferred from its position.
In like manner mem became u5, and nun became
vG. With the remaining Greek letters we hare
nothing to do, as they do not appear to hare been
Shemitic in origin, and will therefore proceed to
consider the Hebrew alphabet as known to us.
With regard to the arrangement of the letters,
our chief sources of information are as before the
alphabetical acrostics in the Psalms and Lamenta-
tions. In these poems some irregularities in the
arrangement of the alphabet are observable. For
instance, in Lam. li., iii., it., B stands before J> : m
Pa. xxxvil. V stands before B, and J? is wanting: in
Pas. xxv., xxxiv. 1 is omitted, and in both then is a
final Terse after n beginning with B- Hence D has
Seen compared with the Greek <p, and the transpo-
sition of J and V has been explained from the inter-
change of these letters in Aramaic. But as there
are other irregularities in the alphabetical Psalms,
no stress can be laid upon these points. We find
for example, in Ps. xxv. two verses beginning with
K, while 3 is omitted ; in Ps. xxxiv. two begin
with *T, and so on.
The names of the letters are giren in the LXX.
of the Lamentations as found in the Vatican MS.
as printed by Mai, and in the Codex Friderico-Au-
guitonus, published by Tischendorf. Both these
ancient witnesses prove, if proof were wanting, that
in the 4th century after Christ the Hebrew letters
were known by the same names as at the present
day. These names all denote sensible objects which
had a resemblance to the original form of the letters,
Iji cs tn e d partly in the square alphabet, partly in
the Phoenician, and partly perhaps in the Alphabet
Gram which both were derived.
The following art the letters of the Hebrew
alphabet in their present shape, with their names
mud the meanings of these names, so far as they can
be ascertained with any degree of probability.
M, Aleph. t)^M = H^K, an ox (comp. Pint. Symp.
Quaat. ix. 2, §3). In the old Phoenician
forms of this letter can still be traced some re-
semblance to an ox-head, j£. ^. Gr. ttXata.
3 Slth. TV3 = rP3, a bouse. The figure in the
square character corresponds more to its
name, while the Ethiopic fl has greater re-
semblance to a tent. Gr. fHrru (B).
3, Gimei. 70*1*= 7D1, a camel. The ancient
» • T T
form is supposed to represent the head and
neck of this animal. In Phoenician it ia "" 1,
and in Ethiopic'") , which when turned round
became the Greek yd/ipa (=70/1X0), I".
Gesenius holds that the earliest form «"/
represented the camel's hump.
XDctktk. nV ! l"=nS , T, a door. The significance
or the name is seen in the older form 4 ,
whence the Greek tikra, A, a tent-door.
H, Sir. Kn, without any probable derivation;
WHITING
1797
perhaps corrupted, or merely a technical
term. Ewald says it is the same as the
Arabic iaj6, a hole, fissure. Hupfeld con-
nects it with the interjection KH, "to I"
The corresponding Greek letter is E, which u
the Phoenician £] turned from left to right.
1, Vim. 11, a hook or tent-peg ; the same as the
old Greek 0a3 ( F), the form of which re-
sembles the Phoenician jq*
# »
t, Zam. \\, probably =JjUI, tamo, a weapon,
sword (Ps. xliv. 7) : omitting the final letter,
it was called also n, «n (Mish. Shabb. iii. S).
It appears to be the same as the ancient
Greek Hr.
n, Cheth. ri'n, a fence, enclosure ( = Arab.
IauUa» from his— Syr. tj "". to sur-
round). Compare the Phoen. fc^. Cheth
is the Greek ?t« (H).
D, Tot. Cm, a snake, or XTO, a basket. The
Greek sMrro.
*, Ted. T>-T, a hand. The form of the
letter was perhaps originally longer, as in
the Greek I (tetra). The Phoenician (TTT)
and Samaritan (f/f) figures have a kind of
distant resemblance to three fingers. In
Ethiopic the name of the letter is yaman,
the right hand.
3, Caph. (|3, the hollow of the hand. The
Greek koWo (a) is the old Phoenician form
(a) reversed.
7, Lamed. 10?, a cudgel or ox-goad (comp.
Judg. iii. 31). The Greek Aop0aa (A) ;
Phoenician, ^ , £ •
O, Man. 0*0" D'D, water, as it is commonly
explained, with reference to the Samaritan
53 . In the old alphabets it is *f , in which
Gesenius sees the figure of a trident, and so
possibly the symbol of the sea. The Greek
pS corresponds to the old word \0, " water,"
Job ix. 30.
3, Nun. {U, a fish, in Chaldee, Arabic, and Syriac.
In almost all Phoenician alphabets the figure
is *]. On the Maltese inscriptions it is
nearly straight, snd corresponds to its name.
The Greek vi is derived from it
D, Samech. t|OD, a prop, from TJOO, to support ;
perhaps, says Gesenius, the same as the
Syriac JLflViro, t'moco, a triclinium. But
this interpretation is solely founded on the
rounded form of the letter in the square
alphabet ; and be has in another place (ifon.
Phoen. p. 83) shewn how this has come from
the old Phoenician, which has no likeness to
a triclinium, or to anything else ssve a flash
of lightning striking a church spire. The
Greek viypa is undoubtedly derived from
Samech, as its form is from the Phoenician
character, although its place in the Greek
alphabet is occupied by (j».
y, 'Am. £Jf, an eye ; in the Phoenician and Greek
1798 WHITING!
alphabet* O. Originall) it hai two |,.-wem,
a* in Arabic, and was represented in the LXX.
by r, or a simple breathing.
0, Pe. KB = DB, a month. The Greek w! is
from »B, the conttrnct form of DB.
V, Tea*. *1V or HV, a fish-hook or prong, for
spearing the larger fish. Others explain it
as a nose, or an owl. One of the Phoenician
form* is Y" • from bade is derived the
Greek (qTB.
p, Koph. tfip, perhaps the same as the Arabic
!_«« • the back of the head. Gemini ori-
ginally explained it as equivalent to the
Chaldee tflp, the eye of a needle, or the
hole for the handle of an axe. HitxJg ren-
dered it " ear," and others •' a pole." The
old Hebrew form (P), inverted -\ , became
the Greek aim (C) ); and the form ( Q ),
which ocean on the ancient Syrarusan coins,
suggests the origin of the Roman Q.
"\Be*h. eHahead(comp.Aram.B>|0=B'lh).
The Phoenician <\ when turned round be-
came the Greek P, the name of which, £•>,
ia corrupted from Seek.
V 8Mm Jt^jCompare |t>, a tooth, aometimes
* * > used for a jagged promontory.
\ff Sm. t*') The letters B* and fc> were probably
at first one letter, and afterwards became
distinguished by the diacritic point, which
was known to Jerome, and called by him
accentm (Quaett. Hear, in Qen. ii. 23; Am.
riii. 12). In Pa. cxix. 161-168, and Lam.
iii. 61-63, they are used promiscuously, and
in Lam. iv. 21 fe> is put for &. The narre-
thre in Judg. xii. 6 points to a difference of
dialect, marked by the difference in sound
of these two letters. The Greek p is de-
rived from Shin, as rv from Nun.
n, Tarn. VI, a mark or sign (Ex. ix. 4) ; probably
a sign in the shape of a cross, such as cattle
were marked with. This signification cor-
responds to the shapes of the old Hebrew
letter on coins +, x, from the former of
which comes the Greek raw (T).
In the mystical interpretation of the alphabet
given by Eusebius (Praep. Exxxng. x. 5) it is evident
lhat Ttadt was called Tsedek, and Koph was called
Kol. The Polish Jews still call the former Ttadek.
Division* of words. — Hebrew was originally
written, like most ancient languages, without any
divisions between the words. In most Greek in-
scriptions there are no such divisions, though in
several of the oldest, as the Eugubiue Tables and
the Sigaean inscription, there are one or two, while
cthsrs have as many as three points which serve
this purpose. The same ia the case with the Phoe-
nician inscriptions. Host have no divisions of words
at all, but others have a point, except where the
words are closely connected. The cuneiform cha-
racter has the am point, as well as the Samaritan,
and in Cufic the words are separated by spaces, as
in I'm Aramaeo-Egyptian wilting. The various
leadings in (be LXX. show that, at the time this
radon was made, u the Hebrew MSS. which the
translators used the words were written in a con-
tinuous series. The modern synagogue rolls and
WBITLNO
the MSS. of the Samaritan PentatauA have aw
rowel-points, but the words are divided, and (he
Samaritan in this respect differs but little from the
Hebrew.
Final letter*, dr.— In addition to the fatten
above described, we find in all Hebrew MSS. and
printed books the forms']. D. J. C|, f, which art the
shapes assumed by the letters 3. O. A D. X, whan
they occur at the end of words. Their inventiot
was clearly due to an endeavour to render reading
more easy by distinguishing one word from another,
but they are of comparatively modern date. The
various readings of the LXX. show, as has been
already said, that that version was made at a time
when the divisions of words were not marked, and
consequently at this time there could be no final
letters. Gesenius at first maintained that on the
Palmyrene inscriptions there were neither final let-
ters nor divisions of words, bat he afte rwards ad-
mitted, though with a little exhibition of temper,
that the final nun was found there, after his error
had been pointed out by Kopp {Bild. a. 8ckr. ii.
132 ; Gee. Jfon. Phoen. p. 82). In the Aramaeo-
Egyptian writing both final capk and final sua*
occur, as may be seen in the Blacas fragments given
by Gesenius. The five final letters " are motioned
in Bereshith Rabba (paraeh. i. fol. 1, 4), and m
both Tahnuds; in the one (T. Bab. Sabbat, fbi.
104, 1) they are said to be used by the seas or
prophets, and in the other (T. Hieroa. MtgiUak,
fol. 71, 4) to be an Halaeak or tradition of Moan*
from Sinai ; yea, by an ancient writer (Pirke Qi-
exer, e. 48) they are said to be known by Abra-
ham " (Gill, Dittertation concerning the Antiquity
of the Bob. Language, be, p. 69). The final mem
in the middle of the word H3TD? (Is. ix. 6) is
mentioned in both Tahnuds (Talm. Bab. Baniedrm,
fol. 94, 1 ; Talm. Jer. Sank. fbL 27, 4), and by
Jerome (m foe.). In another passage Jerona {Pni.
ad Libr. Beg.) speaks of the final letters aa if of
equal antiquity with the rest of the alphabet. The
similarity of shape be t ween final mem (D) and
eameeh (D) is in%licated by the dictum of Rab
Chasda, as given in the Babylonian Talmud (JaV
gillah, c. 1; Shabbatk, fol. 104, 1), that "mem
and aomecft, which were on the Tables (of the Law)
stood by a miracle." It was a tradition among the
Jews that the letters on the tables of atone given
to Moses were cut through the stone, so as to bt
legible on both sides ; hence the miracle by whick
mem and samsca kept their place. The final fatten
were also known to Epiphanius (De Men*, et Pan*
deribm, §4). In our present copies of the Hebrew
Bible there are instances in which final fatten occur
in the middle of words (see Is. ix. 6, as above),
and, on the contrary, at the end of word* the ordi-
nary forms of the letters are employed (Neb. ii. * J,
Job xxxviii. 1 ) j but these are only to be regarded
as clerical errors, which in some MSS. are corrected.
On the ancient Phoenician inscriptions, just as ia
the Greek uncial MSS, the fatten of a word were
divided at the end of a line without any indication
being given of such division, but in Hebrew MSS.
a twofold course baa been adopted in this case. If
at uie end of a line the scribe found that he had
not space for the complete word, he either wtois
as many letters as he could of this word, but left
them unpointed, and put the complete word in the
next line, or he made use of what are called ex-
tended letters, literae dihtabUe* (aa ht, n, and
the like), in order to fill up the superabuDdaal
warns Gr
space. In toe former cue, in order to indicate that
tka word at the end of the line wiu incomplete, the
last ot the unpointed letters was left unfinished, or
a sign was placed after them, resembling sometimes
an inverted 3, and sometimes like fl, V, or D. If
the spare left at (he end of the line is inconsiderable
it is either filled up by the first letter of the next
word, or by any letter whatever, or by an arbitrary
mark. In some cases, where the space is too small
for one or two consonants, the scribe wrote the
excluded letters in a smaller form on the margin
above the line (Eichhorn, EM. ii. 57-59). That
abbreviations were employed in the ancient Hebrew
writing is shown by the inscriptions on the Macca-
biean coins. In MSS. the frequently recurring
words sre represented by writing some of their
letters only, as **&* or 'KTB* for 7M1B", and a
frequently recurring phrase by the first letters of
its words with the mark of abbreviation ; as 71 V *3
for Hon X&vh O, * or **» for mn», which is
also written ,*, or , . The greater and stijMe*
letters which occur in the middle of words (oomp.
Pa. lxxx. 16; Gen. ii. 4), the suspended letters
(Jadg. xriil. 30; Ps. lxxx. 14), and the inverted
letters (Num. x. 35), are transferred from the MSS.
of the Masoretes, and have all received at the hands
of the Jews an allegorical explanation. In Judg.
xviii. 30 the suspended nun in the word "Ma-
nasseh," without which the name is " Moses," is
said to be inserted in order to conceal the disgrace
which the idolatry of his grandson conferred upon
the great lawgiver. Similarly toe small 3 in the
word anSa^, "to weep for her" (Gen. xxiii. 2),
is explained by Baal Hatturim as indicating that
Abraham wept little, because Sarah was an old
WBITINO
1799
Number* were Indicated either by letters or
figures. The latter are found on Phoenician coins,
on the sarcophagus of Eshmnnaxar, on the Pal-
myrene inscriptions, and probably also in the Ara-
roaeo-Egyptian writing. On the other hand, letters
are found used as numerals on the Maccabaean
coins, and among the Arabs, and their early adop-
tion for the same purpose among the Greeks may
have been due to the Phoenicians. It is not too
much to conjecture from these analogies that figures
and setters repr es en ting numbers may have been
employed by the ancient Hebrews. It is even pos-
sible that many discrepancies in numbers may be
explained in this way. For instance, in 1 Sam. vi.
If), for 50,070 the Syriac has 5070; in 1 K. iv. 26
[v. 61 Solomon had 40,000 horses, while in the
parallel passsge of 2 Chr. ix. 25 he has only 4000 ;
according to 2 Sam. x. 18 David destroyed 700
chariots of the Syrians, while in 1 Chr. xix. 18
tlw number is increased to 7000. If figures were
in use such discrepancies are easily intelligible. On
the other hand, the seven years of famine in 2 Sam.
ixiv. 13 may be reconciled with the three of 1 Chr.
xxi. 12 and the LXX. by supposing that a scribe,
writing the square character, mistook 3 ( = 3) for
t (= 7). Again, in 2 Chr. xxi. 20, Jehoram dies
at the age of 40, leaving a eon, Ahaxiah, who was
42 (2 Chr. xxii. 2). In the parallel passage of
S K. viii. 26 Ahaxiah U only 22, so that the scribe
probably read 30 instead of 33. On the whole,
Geaenius concludes, the preponderance would be in
favour of the letters, but be deprecates any attempt
to explain by this means the eninuous number* we
meet with in tne descriptions of armies and wealth,
and the variations of the Samaritan and LXX. from
the Hebrew text in Gen. v.
Vowel-points and diacritical mar**.- -It is ha
possible here to discuss fully tne origin and antiquity
of the vowel-points and other maiks which are
found in the writing of Hebrew MSS. The most
that can be done will be to give a summary of
results, and to refer the reader to the sources ot
fuller information. Almost all the learned Jews
of the middle ages maintained the equal antiquity
of the vowels and consonants, or at least the intro-
duction of the former by Ezra and the men of the
Great Synagogue. The only exceptions to this uni-
formity of opinion are some few hints of it ben Eara,
and a doubtful passage of the book Coin. The
same view wss adopted by the Christian writers
Kaymund Martini (cir. 1278), Perez de Valentin
(cir. 1430), and Nicholas de Lyra, and these are
followed by Luther, Calvin, and Pellicanus. The
modern date of the vowel-points was first argued
by Kliai Levita, followed on the same side by
Cappelius, who was opposed by the younger Bux-
torf. Later defenders of their antiquity have been
GHL, James Kobertson, and Tychsen. Others, like
Hottinger, Prideaux, Schultens, J. D. Michaelis, and
Eichhorn, have adopted an intermediate view, that
the Hebrews had some few ancient vowel-points
which they attached to ambiguous words. " The
dispute about the antiquity and origin of the He-
brew vowels commenced at a very early date ; for
while Mar-Natronai II., Gaon in Sura '858-869),
prohibited to provide the copies of the Law with
vowels, because these signs had not been communi-
cated on Mount Sinai, but had only been introduced
by the saga to assist the reader; the Karaites
allowed no scroll of the Pentateuch to be used iu
the synagogue, unless it was furnished with vowels
and accents, because they considered them as a
divine revelation, which, like the language and the
letter, was already given to Adam, or certainly t>
Motes " (Dr. Kaliech, Heb. Or. ii. 65). No vowel-
points are to be found on any of the Jewish coins,
or in the Palmyrene inscriptions, and they are want-
ing in all the relics of Phoenician writing. Some
of the Maltese inscriptions were once thought by
Gesenius to have marks of this kind (OetcA. der
Hebr. Spr. p. 184), but subsequent examination
led him to the conclusion that the Phoenician mo-
numents have not a vestige of vowel-points. Thr
same was the case originally in the Estrangelo
and Cufic alphabets. A single example of a dia-
critical mark occurs for the first time on one of the
Carthaginian inscriptions (Gesen. Mon. Phoen. pp.
56, 179). It appears to correspond to the diacri-
tical mark which we meet with in Syriac writing,
and which is no doubt first alluded to by Ephraem
Syrus (on Gen. xxxvi. 24, 0pp. i. 184). The age
of this mark in Syriac is uncertain, but H is most
nearly connected with the marhetono of the Sama-
ritans, which is used to distinguish words which
have the same consonants, but a different pronun-
ciation and meaning. The first certain indication
of vowel-points in a Sbemitic language is in the
Arabic. Three were intivtiuced by Ali, son of Abu-
Thalleb, who died a.m. 40. The Sabian writing
also has three vowel-points, but its age is uncertain.
Five vowel-points and several reading marks were
introduced into the Syriac writing by Theophilus
and Jacob of Kdesaa. The present Arabic system
of punctuation originated with the introduction of
the Nixhi character by Ebn MorWt, who died A.D,
1800
WHITING
WHITISH
939. On the whole, taking into consMrttion the
nature and analogies of the kindred Snemitic lan-
guages, and the Jewish tradition that tl> vowels
were only transmitted orally by Hoses, and were
afterwards reduced to signs and fixed by Ezra and
the Great Synagogue, the preponderance of evidence
goes to show that Hebrew was written without
rowels or diacritical marks all the time that it was
a living language. The Act that the synagogue
rolls are written without points, and that a strong
traditional prescription against their being pointed
exists, is in favour of the later origin of the vowel
marks. The following passages from the Old Tes-
tament, quoted by Gesenius, tend to the same cuu-
clusion. In Gen. xix. 37, the name Moab (SttfD),
is explained as if it were 3KO, " from a father,"
in which case all trace not only of vocalization, bnt
of the quiescent letter has disappeared. In Gen.
xxxi. 47, T|6i, GUead is made to take its name
from "1^?J, "heap of witness," and Gen. 1. 11
So also in 2 K.
xxii. 9, "IBbn }DB> M3M, appear* in the parallel
narrative of 2 Chr. xxxiv. 16 as JIN {DP M31
IBS!!, which could not have happened if 'the chro-
nicler had had a pointed text before him. Upon
examining the version of the LXX. it is equally
clear that the translators must have written from
an unpointed text. It is objected to this that
the sWaf Xeytptra are correctly explained, and
that they also distinguish between words which
have the same consonants but different rowel-points,
and even between those which are written and pro-
nounced alike. On the other hand they frequently
confuse words which have the same consonants
but different vowels. The passages which Gesenius
quotes (0«cA. d. ffeb. Spr. §50) would necessarily
be explained from the context, and we must besides
this take into consideration that in the ambiguous
cases there were in all probability traditional in-
terpretations. The proper names afford a more
accurate test. On examining these, we find that
they sometimes have entirely different vowels, and
sometimes are pointed according to an entirely
different system, analogous to the Arabic an i Syriac,
but varying from the Masoretic. Examples of an
entirely different vocalization are, 'flCK Aitoffi,
?<?£ Ukt <"' ?T£ tof*>m*, "fife ' Moo-ox,
♦ayio Moptoxowu, nwi p«u«a«u, rvaov
loforuu, '33D 3o0ox<u, &c That the punc-
tuation followed by the LXX. was essentially dis-
tinct from tliat of the Masoretes is evident from the
following examples. Moving them at the begin-
ning of words is generally represented by a ; as in
iafioutiK, XafiaaS, Za£ovA«y: seldom by «, as
in BcAiaA, Xcpotf/Siu; before 1 or * by e or v, as
XoSo/ta, ioKofuay, To/ioppo, ZopofafrK, o>»Ai-
crruifi, &c. Pathach is represented by e ; as MeA-
X«r«J«X. NseiSoAei/a, ZKuraBte. Pathach fur-
mum— t; t.g. n<m«, r<A.j6W, Octroi, Zavwt.
Other examples might be multiplied. We find
instances to the same effect in the fragments of
the other Greek versions, and in Josephus. The
agreement of the Targums with the present punc-
tuation might be supposed to supply an argument
in favour of the antiquity of the latter, but it
might equally be appealed to to show tint the
tjMJs'stion of the Tiu-gums embodied the jadi-
tlonel Brononciation which was fixed m writing kj
the punctuators. The Talmud has likewise beer
appealed to in support of the antiquity af the mo-
dern points ; but its utterances on this subject a--e
extremely dark and difficult to understand. Thy
have respect on the one hand to those rvr i f, 1 in
which the sense of a text » disputed, in so far as it
depends upon a different pronunciation; for in-
stance, whether in Cant. i. 2, we should read "^VlI
or T|Hta ; in Ex. xxi. 8, VlJ3 or ftj3 ; in Lev.
x. 25, B»{DB' or D3>3B> ; in Is. liv. i3, flB3 or
DOS. A Rabbinic legend makes Joab kill his
teacher, because in Ex. xvii. 14 he had taught him
to read 13t for "D?. The last passage shows at
least, that the Talmudists thought the text in David's
time was unpointed, and the others prove that the
punctuation couM not have been fixed as it most have
been if the vowel-points had bean written. Bat in
addition to these instances, which are supposed to in-
volve the existence of vowel-points, there are certain
terms mentioned in the Talmud, which are interpreted
as referring directly to the rowel signs and accents
themselves. Thus in the treatise Btrachoth ((A.
62, 3) we find the phrase !TOn *QPD, tefimi
thtrah, which is thought to denote not only the
distinctive accents and those which mark the tone,
bnt also the vowel-points. Hupfeld, however, hat
shown that in all probability the term DJR3, tVaxa,
denotes nothing more than a logical sentence, and
that consequently D*OJ» plD'D, jrfsui tfSmm
(Nedarim, foL 37, 1), is simply a division of a
sentence, and has nothing whatever to do either
with the tone or the vowels (Stud. a. Krit. 1830,
ii. p. 567). The word p'D, sondii (Gr. rawiw)
which occurs in the Talmud (Ncdarim, foL 53),
and which is explained by Rasbi to signify the same
as TIPJ, niktud, " a point," lias been also appealed
to as an evidence of the existence of the vowel-points
at the tame the Talmud was composed, bat its true
meaning is rather that of a mnemonic sign made
use of to retain the memory of what was handed
down by oral tradition. The oldest Biblical critics,
the collectors of the Keri snd Cethib, have left no
trace of vowel-points : all their notes have reference
to the consonants. It is now admitted that Jerome
knew nothing of the present vowel-points and then-
names. He expressly says that the Hebrews very
rarely had vowels, by which he means the letter*
])• '■ V fli K, in the middle of words ; and that the
consonants wen pronounced differently according
to the pleasure of the reader and the province in
which he lived (iSjpsat. oat £vagr. 125). The term
acemttu, which he there uses appears to denote as
well the pronunciation of the vowels as the nice
distinctions of certain consonantal sounds, and In
no connexion whatever with accents in the modern
sense of the word. The remarks which Jerome
makes as to the possibility of reading the seise
Hebrew consonants differently, according to the
different vowels which were affixed to them, is aa
additional proof that in his day the vowel-points
were not written (see his Cfimm. m Bo*, xiii. 3 ;
Hab. iii. 5). Hupfeld concludes that the present
system of pronunciation had not commenced in the
6th century, that it belonged to a new epoch in
Jewish literature, the Masoretic in opposition to the
Talmndic, and that, taking into consideration that
the Syrians and Arabs, among whom the Jew*
lived, hod already made a beginning in functoetwn,
there > the highest probability that the Hebrew
WHITING
of pouts ii not indigenous, bat trans-
mitted or suggested from without {Stud. u. Krit.
1 830, ii. p. 589). On such ■ question it is im-
possible to pronounce with absolute certainty, but
the above ooncli»inn has been arrived at bj one of
the first Hebrew scholars of Europe, who has de-
voted especial attention to the subject, and to whose
opinion all deference is dne.
** According to a statement on a scroll of the
Law, which may have been in Susa from the eighth
century. Moms the Punctator (Hannakdan) was the
first who, in order to facilitate the reading of the
Scriptures for his pupils, added vowels to the con-
sonants, a practice in which he was followed by his
son Juaah, the Corrector or Reviser (Hammagiah).
These were the beginnings of a full system of He-
brew points, the completion of which has, by tra-
dition, been associated with the name of the Karaite
Acha of link, living in the first half of the sixth
century, and which comprised the vowels and
accents, dagesh and rapheh, keri and kethiv. It
was, from its local origin, called the Babylonian or
Assyrian system. Almost simultaneously with these
endeavours, the scholars of Palestine, especially of
Tiberias, worked in the same direction, and here
Rabbi Mocha, a disciple of Anan the Karaite, and
bis son Moses, fixed another system of vocalisation
(about 570), distinguished as that of Tiberias, which
marks still more minutely and accurately the
various shades and niceties of tone and pronuncia-
tion, and which was ultimately adopted by all the
Jews. For though the Karaites, with their charac-
teristic tenacity, and their antagonism to the Itab-
banites, clung for some time to the older signs,
becaue they had used them before their secession
from the Taltnudical sects, they were, at last, in
957, induced to abandon them in favour of those
adopted in Palestine. Now the Babylonian signs,
cesides differing from those of Tiberias in shape,
ore chiefly remarkable by being almost uniformly
placed above the letters. There still exist some
manuscripts which exhibit them, and many more
weald probably have been preserved had not, in
later times, the habit prevailed of substituting in
aid codices the signs of Tiberias for those of Baby
Ionia" (Dr. Kalisch, Btbr. Oram. ii. 63, 64)>
From the sixth century downwards the traces of
punctuation become more and more distinct. The
Masorah mentions by name two vowels, kameti
and pathack (Kalisch, p. 66). The collation of the
Palestinian and Babylonian readings (8th cent.)
refers at least in two passages to the mappik in Ht
( Eichhorn, EM. i. 274) ; but the collation set on
foot by Ben Asher and Ben Naphtali (dr. A.D.
1034) has to do exclusively with vowels and reading-
mar Vi, and their existence is presupposed in the
Arabic of Saadias and the Veneto-Greek version,
utd by all the Jewish grammarians from the 11th
century onwards.
It now remains to say a few words on the
accents. Their especial properties and the laws by
which they are regulated properly belong to the
department of Hebrew grammar, and full informa-
tion on these points will be found in the works of
Gesenius, Hupleld, Kwnld, and Kalisch. The object
of the accents is twofold. 1. They serve to mark
the tone syllable, and at the same time to show the
WHITING
1801
a For farther Information on the Babylonian system of
pOMtnatJon, see llnsker s Minleitung in die BainjUmietn*
H+nUetM J^nktatumuyiUm, Just published at Vienna
<ttCS>
relation of each word to the sentence : hence thev
are called D'DJJO, as marking the sense. 2. They
indicate the modulation of the tone according to
which the Old Testament was recited in the syna-
gogues, and were hence called flta'U. " The man-
ner of recitation was different for the Pentateuch,
the prophets, and the metrical books (Job, the Pro-
verbs, and tiie Psalms) : old modes of cantiQation
of the Pentateuch and the prophets (in the Haph-
taroth) have been preserved in the German and
Portuguese synagogues ; both differ, indeed, consider-
ably, yet manifestly show a common character, and
are almost like the same composition sung in two
different keys ; while the chanting of the metrical
books, not being employed in the public worship, has
long been lost (Kalisch, p. 84). Several modern
investigators have decided that the use of the accents
for guiding the public recitations is anterior to
their use as marking (be tone of words and syn-
tactical construction of sentences. The great num-
ber of the accents is in favour of this hypothesis,
since one sign alone would have been sufficient to
mark the tone, and the logical relation of the
different parts of a sentence could have been indi-
cated by a much smaller number. Gesenius, on the
other hand, is inclined to think that the accents at
first served to mark the tone and the sense {OacA.
p. 221). The whole question is one of mere con-
jecture. The advocates for the antiquity of the
accents would carry them back as far as the time
of the ancient Temple service. The Gemara (Ns-
darim, fol. 37, 2 ; Megillah, c. 3. fol. 3) makes the
Leviles recite according to the accents even in the
days of Nehemiah.
Writing materials, fc. — The oldest documents
which contain the writing of a Shemitic race are
probably the bricks of Nineveh and Babylon on
which are impressed the cuneiform Assyrian in-
scriptions. Inscribed bricks are mentioned by Pliny
(vii. 56) as used for astronomical observations by
the Babylonians. There is, however, no evidence
that they were ever employed by the Hebrews,' who
certainly at a very early period practised the more
difficult but not more durable method of writing
on stone (Ex. xxiv. 12, xxxi. 18, xxxii. 15, xxxrr. 1,
28 ; Dent. x. 1, xxvii. 1 ; Josh. viii. 32), on which
inscriptions were cut with an iron graver (Job xix.
24; Jer. xvii. 1). They were moreover acquainted
with the art of engraving upon metal (Ex. xxviii.
36) and gems (Ex. xxviii. 9). Wood was used upon
some occasions (Num. xvii. 3; comp. Horn. //. vii.
175), and writing tablets of box-wood are men-
tioned in 2 Esd. xiv. 24. The " lead," to which
allusion is made in Job six. 24, is supposed to have
been poured when melted into the cavities of the
stone made by the letters of an inscription, in order
to render it durtble,* and does not appear ever to
have been used by the Hebrews as a writing mate-
rial, like the xiprai f»\ifi/tim at Thebes, on
which were written Hesiod's Works and Days
(Pans, ix. 31, §4 ; comp. Plin. xiii. 21). Inscrip-
tions and documents which were intended to be
permanent were written on tablets of brass (1 Mace,
viii. 22, xiv. 27), but from the manner in which
they are mentioned it Is dear that their use was
exceptional. It is most piobable that the most
• The esse of Esemel 0v. 1) is evidently an exception.
* Copper was used for the same purpose. M. Bstla
found trows of tt In letters on the pavement fl«l« of
Knoraabad (Laysnl, Sin. in. ls«).
1802
WRITING
ancient as well hi the nvwt common material which
he Hebrewa used for writing was droned skin in
reroe form or other. We knew that the drawing
sf skin* wat practised by the Hebrews (Ex. xxv. 5 ;
Lev. nii. 48), and they may hare acquired the
knowledge of the art from the Egyptians, among
whom it had attained great perfection, the leather-
cutters constituting one of the principal subdivisions
of the third caste. The fineness of the leather,
•ays Sir G. Wilkinson, " employed for making the
straps placed across the bodies of mommies, dis-
covered at Thebes, and the bounty of the figures
stamped upon them, satisfactorily prove the skill
of ' the leather-cutters,' and the antiquity of em-
bossing : tome of these bearing the name* of kings
who ruled Egypt about the period of the Exodus,
or 3300 years ago " (Anc. Eg. iii. 155). Perhaps
the Hebrews may have borrowed, among their
other acquirements, the use of papyrus from the
Egyptians, but of this we hare no positive evi-
dence. Papyri are found of the most remote Pha-
raonic age (Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. iii. 148), so that
Pliny is undoubtedly in error when he says that
the papyrus was not used as a writing material
before the time of Alexander the Great (xiii. 21).
He probably intended to indicate that this was the
date of its introduction to Europe. In the Bible the
only allusions to the use of papyrus are in 2 John
12, where xrfprnf occurs, which refers especially
to papyrus paper, and 3 Mace. ir. 20, where x«p-
r+ipta is found in the same sense. In Josephus
(Ant. iii. 11, §6) the trial of adultery is made by
writing the name of God on a (Ma, and tire 70
men who were tent to Ptolemy from Jerusalem by
the high-priest Eleoxar, to translate the Law into
Greek, took with them the rini on which the Law
was written in golden characters (Ant. xii. 2, §10).
The oldest Persian annals were written on skins
(Diod. Sic. ii. 32), and these appear to have been
most frequently used by the Shemitic races if not
peculiar to them.* Of the byssus which was used
in India before the time of Alexander (Strabo xv.
p. 717), and the palm-leaves mentioned by Pliny
(vii. 23) there is do trace among the Hebrews,
although we know that the Arabs wrote their
earliest copies of (he Koran upon the roughest ma-
terials, as stones, the shoulder-bones of sheep, and
palm-leaves (De Sacy, Mm. de FAcad. da fn-
tcript. 1. p. 307). Herodotus, after telling us that
the Ionians learnt the art of writing from the
Phoenicians, adds that they called their books skins
(rir Bl&Xovs StQtipat), because they made use of
sheep-skins and goat-skins when short of paper
(0i0Kos). Among the Cyprians, a writing-master
was called Si<p8ff>i\oitpos. Parchment was used
for the MSS. of the Pentateuch in the time of Jo-
nphus, and the pefijBpdVcu of 2 Tim. ir. 13, were
skins of parchment. It was one of the provisions
m the Talmud that the Law should be written on
the skins of clean animals, tame or wild, or even of
cban birds. There are three kinds of skins distin-
guished, on which the roll of the Pentateuch may
re written: 1. rrVjJ, keleph {Meg. ii. 2; Shabb.
viii. S); 2. DIBDIMH = Stxaoroi or Slfteres ;
and 3. ^11, givtl. The last is made of the audi-
vided skin, after the hair is removed and it has
• Toe word for "book, *sSD> itplur. Is (ram a root,
"HDO- tifhar. " to scrape, shave," an) Indirectly poixts
to the lira of skin as a writing-material.
WHITING
been properly dressed. For the other two the etir
was split The part with the hairy side was called
kettpn, and was used for the tephiUm or phyla»-
teries ; and upon the other ("0311) the mezumtk
were written (Msimouides, H3c. Ttphii.). The
skins when written upon were formed into rolls
(n&IO, migiUith ; Ps. xL 8 ; oomp. Is. xxriv. 4 ;
Jer. xxxri. 14; Ex. ii. 9; Zech. v. 1). They wen
roiled upon one or two sticks and fastened with a
thread, the ends of which were Mated (Is. xxix. 1 1 ;
Dan. xii. 4; Rev. v. 1, be). Hence the words
7?J, JoWof (eixWeir), to rol up (Is. xxxrv. 4 ;
Rev. vi. 14), and (SHB, pdrot (oraa-rsVo-str), to
unroll (2 K. xix. 14 ; Luke iv. 17), are used of the
dosing and opening of a book. The rolls were ge-
nerally written on one side on)r, except in Ex. ii.
9; tier. v. 1. They were divided into column*
(rtirM, aVAKWM.lit. "doon," A.V. "leaves,"
Jer. xxxvi. 23) ; the upper margin was to be not
less than three fingers broad, tbe lower not less
than four ; and a space of two fingers' breadth was
to be left between every two columns (Waehner,
Ant. Ebraeor. vol. i. sect. I, cap. xlr. §337). In
the Herculaneum rolls the columns are two fingers
broad, and in the MSS. in the library at Stuttgart
there are three columns on each side, each dire*
inches broad, with an inch space between the co-
lumns, and margins of three inches wide (Leyrer ia
Henog's Eneyct. " Schriftxeichen "). The case m
which the rolls were kept was called t«Sx« or
U/iai, Talmudic Tp3, etne, or K3T3, cared. But
besides skins, which were used for the more per-
manent kinds of writing, tablets of wood covered with
wax (Luke 1. 83, winwUia) served for the ordinary
purposes of life. Several of these were fastened
together and formed volumes (nU31D= mesas).
They were written upon with a pointed style
(DJJ, 'tt, Job xix. 24), sometimes of iron (Ps. xlr.
2 ; Jer. viii. 8, xvii. 1). For harder materials a
graver (DTI, cheret, Ex. irrii. 4 ; la. viii. 1) was
employed : the hard point was called pblf , Up-
pirtn (Jer. xvii. 1). For parchment or skins a
reed was used (3 John 13; 3 Mace iv. 20), and
according to some the Law was to be written with
nothing else (Waehner, §334). The ink, \>\
diyt (Jer. xxxvi. 18), literally "black,'' like the
Greek iitXar (2 Cor. iii. 3; 2 John 12; 3 John
13), was to be of lamp-black dissolved in gall juice,
though sometimes a mixture of gall juice and vitriol
was allowable (Waehner, §335). It was carried
in an inkstand (TObi! IlDj?, Asset* l nn s>> r> .
which was suspended at tbe girdle (Ex. ix. 2, Sj.
as is done at the present day in the East. The
modem scribes " hare an apparatus consisting of a
metal or ebony tube for their reed pens, with a cup
or bulb of the same mnteri. J, attached to the upper
end, for the ink. This they thrust through the
girdle, and cany with them at all times " (Thom-
son, The Land and the Book, p. 131). Such a
case for holding pens, ink, and other materials for
writing is called in the Mishna }HP7g,Ms »4i h,ot
ji'TD/D, kalmarytn (calamariam ; Mishn. Cense,
ii. f; jfitv. x. 1), while pWYlB, ttrtntik (Visit.
Celkx. xvi. 8), u a case for carrying pens, aea»
knist *»»)«, and eiber implemer'.t of the writer t
YARN
To uvfeajoni
Pi. xIt. 1 [S] ; Err. vii. 6 ; 2 Eadr. xiv. 24. In the
Uiiguapa of the Talmud these are called |**p37,
faWdrm, ** ich is a modification of the Lat, libel-
larii (Talm. Shabb. fol. 16, !).
For the .iterature of this subject, see especially
Gesenius, Qexhkhte der hebraachen Sprache mid
Schrift, 1815; LehrgebSude der Heir. Sprache,
1817 ; Momonmta Phoenicia, 1837 ; Art. Pa-
Ubgraphie in Krach and Groom's Allg. Encycl. :
Hupfeld, Autfihrliche HebrSieche Qrammatik,
1841, and hia articles in the Studien und Kritiken,
1830, Band 2: A. T. Hoffmann, Qrammatica
Sgriaca, 1827: A. G. Hoffmann, Art. Hebr&itche
Schrift in Erich and Gruber: Filrit, LehrgebSude
der AramSachen Idiome, 1835: Ewald, AmfUhr-
mche$ Lehrbuch der Hebr. Sprache : Saalschfltx,
Fbrtokungen im Qebiete der Hebrtiech-Aegypt-
itchen Archiologie, 1838 ; besides other works,
which hare been referred to in the course of this
article. [W. A. W.]
XANTHIOU8. [Mouth, p. 417.]
YAxW (nipO ; W?0). The notice of yarn is
contained in an extremely obscure passage in 1 K.
x. 28 (2 Chr. i. 16) : <* Solomon had horses brought
out of Egypt, and linen yarn ; the king's merchants
rewired the linen yam at a price." The LXX.
gires to etaceW, implying an original reading ot
jrtpRD ; the Vulg. has de Coo, which is merely a
Latinized form of the original. The Hebrew Received
Text is questionable, from the circumstance that
the second milMh has its final rowel lengthened as
though it were in the ttatut coiutmctut. The pro-
tability is that the term does refer to some entrepot
of Egyptian commerce, but whether Tekoah, as in
the LXX., or Coa, as in the Vulg., is doubtful.
Gesenius {Thee. p. 1202) gives the sense of" num-
ber " as applying equally to the merchants and the
hones : — " A band of the king's merchants bought
a drove (of horses) at a price"; but the verbal
arrangement in 2 Chr. is opposed to this rendering.
Thenius (Exeg. Hdb. on 1 K. x. 28) combines this
sense with the former, giving to the first mikxeh
the amae " from Tekoah," to the second the sense
of "drove." Bertheau (Exeg. Hdb. on 2 Chr. i.
10) and Filrst (Lex. s. r.) side with the Vulgate,
and suppose the place called Coa to have been on
the Egyptian frontier : — " The king's merchants
from Coa (i. e. stationed at Coa) took the horses from
Cos at a price." The sense adopted in the A. V. is
derived from Jewish interpreters. [W. L. B.]
TEAS (PUB?: tVor: mm), the highest or-
dinary division of time. The Hebrew name is
identical with the root H3B?, " he or it repeated,
did the second time ;" with which are cognate the
ordinal numeral '3B*, " second," and the cardinal,
QtJB?, " two." The meaning is therefore thought
to be "an iteration,'' by Gesenius, who compares
the Latin annus, properly a circle. Geaaei a also
TEAS
1803
compares the Arabic ,}»=»> wbih he says signifies
" a circle, year." It signifies •< a year," but not
" a circle," though sometimes -nsi.ru; « around r"
its root is JU*., " it became altered or changed,
it shifted, passed, revolved and passed, or became
complete" (on Mr. Lane's authority). The ancient
Egyptian RENP, « a year," seems to resemble
annus ; for in Optic one of the forms of its equi-
valent, pOJUtlllj the Bashmuric pAJULTU?
XiJW.ni> is identical with the Sahidic
pAJULni, " a handle, ring," pAJULIiei,
" rings." The sense of the Hebrew might either be
a recurring period, or a circle of seasons, or else a
period circling through the seasons. The first tax
is agreeable with any period of time ; the second,
with the Egyptian " primitive year," which, by the
use of tropical seasons as divisions of the " Vague
year," is shown to have been tropical in reality or
intention; the third agrees with all " wandering
years."
I. Tears, properly so called.
Two years were known to, and apparently used
by, the Hebrews.
1. A year of 360 days, containing twelve months
of thirty days each, is indicated by certain passages
in the prophetical Scriptures. The time, times, and
a half, of Daniel (vii. 25, xii. 7), where " time" (Ch.
JJJf, Heb, TjrtD) means "year," evidently repre-
sent the same period as the 42 months (Rev. xi. 2)
and 1260 days of the Revelation (xi. 3, xii. 6), tor
360 X 3-5 = 1260, and 30X42 =1260. This year
perfectly corresponds to the Egyptian Vague year,
without the five intercalary days. It appears to
have been in use in Noah's time, or at least in the
time of the writer of the narrative of the Flood,
for in that narrative the interval from the 17th day
of the 2nd month to the 17th day of the 7th of the
same year appears to be stated to be a period of
150 days (Gen. vii. 11, 24, viii. 8, 4, oomp. 13),
and, as the 1st, 2nd, 7th, and 10th months of one
year are mentioned (viii. 13, 14, vii. 11, viii. 4, 5),
the 1st day of the 10th month of this year being
separated from the 1st day of the 1st month of the
next year by an interval of at least 54 days (viii.
5, 6, 10, 12, 13), we can only infer a year of 12
mouths. Ideler disputes the former inference,
arguing that as the water first began to sink after
150 days (and then had been 15 cubits above all
high mountains), it must have sunk for some days
ere the Ark could have rested on Ararat, so that
the second date must have been more than 150
days later than the first (ffandbuch, i. 69, 70, 478,
479). This argument depends upon the meaning
of the expression " high mountains," and upon the
height of " the mountains of Ararat," upon which the
Ark rested (Gen. viii. 4), and we are ceitainly justi-
fied by Shemitic usage, if we do not consider the usual
inference of the great height attained by the "Toud
to be a necessary one (Oeneeis of the Earth tod of
Man, 2nd ed. pp. 97, 98). The exact correspondence
of the interval mentioned to 5 months of 30 days
each, and the use of s year of 360 days, or 12 such
months, by the prophets, tnc latter fact overlooked
by Ideler, favour the idea that such a year is here
meant, unless indeed one identical with the Egyptian
Vague Tear, of 12 months of 30 days and 5 inter-
calary davs. The settlement of tb* question do
1004
TBAB
[Midi upon the nature and h Jtory of then yea-a,
and our wforms'-on on the latter subject is not
sufficiently certain to enable us to do more th&c
hazard a conjectuoa-
A year of 360 days is the rudest known. It Is
forayed of 12 spurious lunar months, and was pro-
bably the parent of the lunar year of 354 days,
and the Vsgue Year of 365. That it should have
continued any time in use would be surprising
were it not for the convenient length of the months.
The Hebrew year, from the time of the Exodus, as
we shall see, was evidently lunar, though in some
manner rendered virtually solar, and we may there-
fore infer that the lunar year is as old as the date
of the Exodus. At tin Hebrew year was not an
Egyptian year, and as nothing is said of its being
new, save in its time of commencement, it was
perhaps earlier in use among the Israelites, and
either brought into Egypt by them or borrowed
from Shemite settlers.
The Vague Tear was certainly in use in Egypt
to as remote on age as the earlier part of the ziith
dynasty (B.C. cir. 2000), and there can be no rea-
sonable doubt that it was there used at the time
of the building of the Great Pyramid (B.C. cir.
2350). The intercalary days seem to be of Egyp-
tian institution, for each of them was dedicated to
one of the great gods, as though the innovation had
been thus made permanent by the priests, and per-
haps rendered popular as a series of days of feasting
and rejoicing. The addition would, however, date
from a very early period, that of the final settle-
ment of the Egyptian religion.
As the lunar year ana the Vague Tear run np
parallel to so early a period as that of the Exodus,
and the foiuier seems to have been then Shemite,
the latter then, and for several centuries earlier,
Egyptian, and probably of Egyptian origin, we mny
reasonably conjecture that the former originated
from a year of 360 days in Asia, the latter from
the same year in Africa, this primitive year having
been used by the Noschians before their dispersion.
2. The year used by the Hebrews than the time
of the Exodus may be said to have been then insti-
tuted, since a current month, Abib, on the 14th
day of which the first Passover was kept, was then
made the first month of the year. The essential
characteristics of this year can be clearly deter-
mined, though we cannot fix those of any single
year. It was essentially solar, for the offerings of
productions of the earth, first-fruits, harvest-pro-
duce, and ingathered fruits, were fixed to certain
days of the year, two of which wen in the periods
of great feasts, the third itself a feast reckoned from
one of the former days. It seems evident that the
year was made to depend upon there times, and it
may be observed that such a calendar would tend
to cause thankfulness for God's good gifts, and
world put in the background the great luminaries
whuh the heathen worshipped in Egypt and in
Canaan. Though the year was thus essentially
•olar, it is certain that the months were lunar, each
gommoncing with a new moon. There must there-
fore hare been some method of adjustment. The
first point to be decided is how the commencement
of each year was fixed. On the 16th dsy of Abib
ripe ears of corn were to be offered as first-fruits
of the harvest (Lev. ii. 14, xxiii. 10, 11): this
was the day on which the sickle was begun to be
put to the corn (Deut xvi. 9), and no doubt Jose-
pbus is right in staling that until the offense; of
first-fruits hail Iwen made no harvest-work was
YEAH
to be begun (Ant. iti. 10, §5). Hi also states
that car* of barley were offered {ibid.). That this
was th* case, and that the ears were the earliest
ripe, is evident from the following crrcmnstaiees.
The reaping of barley commenced the harvest (2
Sam. xxi. 9), that of wheat following, apparently
without any considerable interval (Kuth ii. 23).
On the day of Pentecost thanksgiving was offered
for the harvest, and it was therefore called tar
M Feast of Harvest." It was reckoned from the
commencement of the harvest, on the 16th day of
the 1st month. The 50 days must include the
whole time of the harvest of both wheat and barley
throughout Palestine. According to the observa-
tions of modem travellers, barley is ripe, in tnt
wannest parts of Palestine, in the first day* oi
April. The barley-harvest therefore begins about
half a month or less after the vernal equinox.
Each year, if solar, would thus begin at about that
equinox, when the earliest ears of barley must be
rips. As, however, the months were lunar, the
commencement of the year must have been fixed by
a new moon near this point of time. The new
moon must have been that which fell about or next
after the equinox, not more than a few days before,
on account of the offering of first-fruits. Meier,
whose observations on this matter sat have thus far
followed, supposes that the new moon was chosen
by observation of the forwardness of the barley-
crops in the warmer parts of the country (Haad-
buch, i. 490). tout such a method would have
caused confusion on account of the different times
of the harvest in different parts of Palestine; and
in the period of the Judges there would often
have been two separate commencements of the
year in regions divided by hostile tribes, and in
each of which the Israelite population led an
existence almost independent of any other branch.
It is more likely that the Hebrews would have
determined their new year's day by tbe observation
of heliacal or other star-risings er settings known
to mark tbe right time of the solar year. By soch
a method the beginning of any year could hare
been fixed a year before, either to one day, or,
supposing the month-commencements were fixed by
actual observation, within a day or two. And we
need not doubt that tbe Israelites were well ac-
quainted with such means of marking the periods
of a solar year. In the ancient Song of Deborah
we read how " They fought from heaven ; the starr
in their courses fought against Sisers. Tbe riva
of Kishon swept them away, that ancient river, the
river Kishon" (Judg. v. 20, 21). The stars that
marked the times of rain are thus connected with
tbe swelling of the river in which the fugitive
Canaanites perished. So too we read how the Lord
demanded of Job, " Canst thou band tbe sweet in-
fluences of Cimsh, or loose the bands of Coil ? ™
(Job xxxviii. 81). " Tbe best and most terbium;
of tbe rains," in Palestine and the nei g hbouring
lands, save Egypt, " fall when tbe Pleiades set at
dawn (not exactly beliacally), at the end of autumn ;
rain scarcely ever tailing at the opposite season,
when Scorpio sets at dawn." That Cimsh signifies
tbe Pleiades does not admit of reasonable doubt,
and Cesil, ss opposite to it, would be Scorpio,
being identified with Cor Scorpions by Aben Kirs.
These en tnnations we take irom the artKX
If AMINE |_voL i. p. 610 b, and note]. Hierefbre
it cannot be questioned that the Israelites, even
during the troubled time of the Judges, were well
acquainted with the mtuW of ieterminii* tat
TEAK
WW of the solar year by observing the stare.
Nat alone wai this the practice of the ovilised
Vg)[\Hm», but, at all timet of which we know their
history, of the Arabs, and tin of the Greek* in the
time of Heated, while yet their material emulation
and acjenee were rudimentary. It has always been
the custom of pastoral and scattered peoples, rather
than of the dwellers in cities ; and if the Egyptians
be thought to form an exception, it most be recol-
lected that they used it at a period not remote from
that at which their civilisation came from the plain
of iihhw-
It follows, from the determination of the proper
new moon of the first month, whether by observa-
tion of a stellar phenomenon, or of the forwardness
if the crops, that the method of intercalation can
only bars been that in nse after the Captivity, the
addition of a thirteenth month whenever the twelfth
ended too long before the equinox for the offering
of the first-fruits to be made at the time fixed.
This method is in accordance with the permission
rted to postpone the celebration of the Passover
one month in the ease of any one who was
legally andean, or journeying at a distance (Nam.
ix- 9-13); and there is a historical instance in the
east of Heeekiah of each a postponement for both
reasons, of the national celebration (2 Chr. ux
1-3, 15). Such a practice as that of an inter-
eal a t io B varying in occurrence is contrary to western
usage ; but the like prevails in all Muslim countries
in a far more inconvenient form in the case of the
commencement of every month. The day is deter-
mined by actual observation of the new moon, and
thus a day is frequently unexpectedly added to or
deducted from a month at one place, and months
commence on different days at different towns in
the same country. The Hebrew intercalation, if de-
termined by stellar phenomena, would not be liable
to a like uncertainty, though such may hare been
the case with the actual day of the new mcon.
The later Jews had two commencements of the
year, whence it is commonly but inaccurately said
that they had two years, the sacred year and the civil.
We prefer tc speak of the sacred and civil reckon-
ings. Ideler admits that these reckonings obtained
at the time of the Second Temple. The sacred
reckoning was that instituted at the Exodus, accord-
ing to which the first month was Abib: by the
civil reckoning the first month was the seventh.
The interval between the two commencements was
thus exactly half a year. It has been supposed
that the institution at the time of the Exodus was a
change of oommrncement, not the introduction of a
new year, and that thenceforward the year had two
beginning*, respectively at about the vernal and the
autumnal equinoxes. The former supposition is a
Hypothesis, the latter may almost be proved. The
strongest point of evidence as to two beginnings of
the year from the time of the Exodus, strangely
unnoticed in this relation by Ideler, is the cir-
cumstance that the sabbatical and jubilee years
commenced in the 7th month, and no doubt on
the 10th day of the 7th month, the Day of Atone-
ment (Lev. xxv. 9, 10), and at this year imme-
diately followed a sabbatical year, the latter must
have began in the same manner. Both were full
years, and therefore must have commenced on the
lire*, day. The jubilee-year was proclaimed on
to; first day of the month, the Day if Atonement
TEAB
1805
standing ia the same relation to its beginning,
and perhaps to the civil beginning of Iht year, at
did the Passover to the sacred beginning. This
would be the most convenient, if not the necessary
commencement of a year of total cessation from the
labours of agriculture, as a year so commencing
would comprise the whole round of such occupa-
tions in regular sequence from seed-time to harvest,
and from harvest to vintage and gathering of fruit.
The command as to both years, apart from use
mention of the Day of Atonement, clearly shows
this, unless we suppose, but this la surely unwar-
rantable, that the injunction in the two places in
which it occurs follows the regular order of the sea-
sons of sgriculture (Ex. xxiii. 10, 11; Lev. xxv. 3,
4, 1 1 ), but that this was not intended to spply in the
case of the observance. Two expressions, used with
reference to the time of the Feast of Ingathering on
the 15th day of the 7th month, mutt be nere
noticed. This feast it spoken of as H33>n HXV3,
" in the going out " or " end of the year " (Ex.
xxiii. 16), and as n}B>n nWpB, " [at] the change
of the year" (xxxiv. 22), the latter a vague expres-
sion, as far as we can understand it, but quite
consistent with the othjr, whether indicating the
turning-point of a natural year, or the half of the
year by the sacred reckoning. The Rabbins use
the term HWpfl to designate the commencement
of each of the roar seasons into which they divide
the year {Bcudbnch, 1. pp. 550, 551). Our view
is confirmed by the similarity of the 1st and 7th
months as to their observances, the one containing
the Feast of Unleavened Bread from the 15th to the
21st inclusive ; the other, that of Tabernacles, from
the 15th to the 22nd. Evidence in the same direc-
tion is found in the special sanctificstion of the 1st
day of the 7th month, which in the blowing of
trumpets resembles the proclamation of the Jubilee
year on the Day of Atonement. We therefore hold
that from the time of the Exodus there were two
beginnings of the year, with the 1st of the 1st and
the 1st of the 7th month, the former being the
racred reckoning, the latter, used for the operations
of agriculture, the civil reckoning. In Egypt, in
the present day, the Muslims use the lunar year for
their religious observances, and for ordinary aflaiis,
except those of agriculture, which they regulate by
the Coptic Julian year.
We must here notice the theories of the deriva-
tion of the Hebrew year from the Egyptian Vague
year, as they are connected with the tropical point
or points, and agricultural phenomena, by which
the former was regulated. The Vague year was
commonly used by the Egyptians ; and from it only,
if from an Egyptian year, is tlie Hebrew likely to
have been derived. Two theories have been formed
connecting the two years at the Exodus. (1.) Some
hold that Abib, the first month of the Hebrew year
by the sacred reckoning, was the Egyptian Epiphi,
called in Coptic ertHIl!, and in Arable, by the
C
modern Egyptians, t_«yi, Abeeb, or Ebteb, the 11th
month of the Vsgue year. The similarity of sound
is remarkable, but it must be remembered thai the
Egyptian name ia derived from that of the goddu*
of the month, PEP-T or APAP-T (?)» whereas u»
* The names of the Egyptian msalbs, derived from Coptic fomrs. These farms are shown by the names <i
Uwlx arbUtlea, are alone known 'j as in Qreck and the divinities given tc the sculptures of the osUlng of tu
1806
YEAB
Hebrew name lias the sense of "an ear of com. * green
ear," and is derived from the unused luot 33K,
(raoevue in 3K, "verdure," 314, Chaldei, " fruit,'"
t_»l, " green fiidder." Moreover, the Egrpfan P is
rarely, if ever, represented by the Hebrew 3, and
the converse is not common. Still stronger evidence
•i afforded by the fact that we find in Egyptian the
root AB, " a nosegay," which is evidently related to
Abib and its cognates. Supposing, however, that the
Hebrew calendar was formed by fixing the Egyptian
Epiphi as the first month, what would be the chro-
nological result; The latest date to which the
Exodus is assigned is about B.C. 1320. In the
Julian year B.C. 1320, the month Epiphi of the
Egyptian Vague year commenced Hay 16, 44 days
after the day of the vernal equinox, April 2, very
near which the Hebrew year must have begun.
Thus at the latest date of the Exodus, there is an
interval of a month and a half between the begin-
ning of the Hebrew year and Epiphi 1. This in-
terval represents about 1 80 years, through which
the Vague year would retrograde in the Julian until
the commencement of Epiphi corresponded to the
vernal equinox, and no method can reduce it below
100. It is possible to effect thus much by conjec-
tui ing that the month Abib began somewhat after
this tropical point, though the precise details of the
state of the crops at the time of the plagues, as
compared with the phenomena of agriculture in
Lower Egypt at the present day, make half a
month an extreme extension. At the time of the
plague of hail, the barley was in the ear and was
smitten with the flax, but the wheat was not suffi-
ciently forward to be destroyed (Ex. ix. 31, 32).
In Lower Egypt, at the present day, this would be
the case about the end of February and beginning
of March. The Exodus cannot have taken place
many days after the plague of hail, so that it must
have occurred about or a little after the time of the
vernal equinox, and thus Abib cannot possibly have
begun much after that tropical point: half a month
is therefore excessive. We have thus carefully
examined the evidence as to the supposed derivation
of Abib from Epiphi, because it has been carelessly
taken for granted, and more carelessly alleged in
support of the latest date of the Exodus.
(2.) We have founded an argument for the date
of the Exodus upon another comparison of the
Hebrew year and the Vague year. We have
seen that the sacred commencement of the Hebrew
year was at the new moon about or next after,
but not much before, the vernal equinox: the
civil commencement must usually have been at the
new moon nearest the autumnal equinox. At the
earliest date of the Exodus computed by modern
chr nologers, about the middle of the 17th century
B.C., the Egyptian Vague year commenced at or
about the latter time. The Hebrew year, reckoned
froo. the civil commencement, and the Vague year,
IUiiiis) oT EUKumeh to be corrupt; bat In several
oases they are traceable. Tbe following are certain : —
1. «M«, 4XOO**TT, divinity TKET (Tooth), aa well
as a goddess. X n««4», ItA-CUIlI, PrEH, i. e. PA-
PTKH. belonging to Plata. 3. 'A»»p, £.4>tOp, HAT-
HAR. ». n«x«». ni^C 1011 . KHUNS, i.c. PA-
KHUS3. II. BmaV, dlKIM. PEP-T. or APAP-T. I
rtw names cl months are therefore, ta their corrupt
TBAB
therafbie, then nearly or exactly coincides'. We ban
already seen that the Hebrews in Egypt, if taet
used a foreign year, must be supposed to have need
tbe Vague year. It is worth while to inquire
whether a Vague year of this time would fnrthe-
suit the characteristics of the Bret Hebrew year.
It would be necessary that the 14th day of Abib, on
which fell the full moon of the Passover of the
Exodus, should correspond to the 14th of l'h*-
menoth, in a Vague year commencing about the
autumnal equinox. A full moon fell on the 14th cf
Phsmenoth, or Thursday, April 21, B.C. 1652, of a
Vague year commencing on the day of the autumnal
equinox, Oct. 10, B.C. 1653. A full moon wouhl
not fall on the same day of the Vague year within
a shorter interval than twenty-five years, and the
triple near coincidence of new moon. Vague year, aa!
autumnal equinox, would nut recur in leas than 1500
Vague years (Enc. Brit. 8th ed. Egypt, p. 458).
This date of the Exodus B.C 1652, is only four
years earlier than Halea's, B.C. 1648. In confirma-
tion of this early date, it must be added that in a
list of confederates defeated by Thothmes 111. at
Megiddo in the 23rd jeer of his reign, are certain
names that we believe can only refer to Israelite
tribes. The date of this king's accession cannot be
later than about B.O. 1460, and his 23rd year
cannot therefore be later than about B.C. 1440. 1
Were the Israelites then settled in Palettine, na
date of the Exodus but the longest would be Unable.
[Chronology-.]
II. Divisions of the Tear. — 1. /Seasons. Two sea-
sons are mentioned in the Bible, fV[>, " summer,"
and Sph, " winter." Tbe former properly means
tbe time of cutting fruits, the latter, that of gather-
ing fruits; they are therefore originally rather
summer and autumn than summer and winter.
But that they signify ordinarily the two grand divi-
sions of the year, the warm and cold seasons, U
evident from their use for the whole year in the ex-
pression CpTtt ^p, "summer and winter'* (Pa.
lxiiv. 17; Zech. xiv. 8, perhaps Gen. viii. 23),
and from tbe mention of "the winter house"
( Jer. xxxvi. 22) and " the summer house " (Am.
iil. 15, where both are mentioned together).
Probably Cph, when used without reference to the
year (as in Job xxix. 4), retains its original fagnift-
CHtiou. In the promise to Noah, after the blood,
the following remarkable passage occurs : " While
the earth remaineth, seed-time and harvest, and
cold and heat, and summer and winter, and day and
night shall not cease " (Gen. viii. 22). Here " seed-
time," JTTT, and " harvest," TX^. «" evidently tbe
agricultural seasons. It seems unreasonable ta
suppose that they mean winter and summer, ss the
beginnings of the periods of sowing and of harvest
are not separated by six months, and they do not
last for six months each, or nearly so long a time.
The phrase "cold and heat," Dm "$, probably
forms, either derived from the names of divinities, or tM
same ss those names. The name of the goddess of Batphi
Is written FT TEE, or FT, "twice." AaTts UKfcsamhw
termination, the root appears to be P, - twice," thus PKP-T
or APAP-T, the latter being Impetus's reading. (See Lett.
• his, badcmakr, sbih. IIL bL ITS, 111. Chrm. d. Mg. i.
l>. 141, and Poole, Hortu Mgyptimcot, p. t-e, 14, 16, 18J
t Tbe writer's paper on mis subject not baring jet bees
published, he must refer to the abstract in the 4
No. 1847, liar. 11, ISM.
— . >/
YEAR
lodkates the gnat alternations of tempaature. The
whale peerage indeed speaks of the alternations of
nature, whether of productions, temperature, the
eeie nni . or light and darkness. As we hare seen,
the year was probably then a wandering one, and
therefore the passage is not likely to refer to
it, but to natural phenomena alone. [Seasons;
Chbonoloot.]
2. Months. — The Hebrew months, from the time
of the Exodus, were lunar. The year appeal* ordi-
narily to havi contained twelve, but, when inter-
calation was necessary, a thirteenth. The older
fear contained twelve months of thirty days each.
Month ; Chronology.]
3. Weekt. — The Hebrews, from the time of the
institution of the Sabbath, whether at or before the
Exodus, reckoned by weeks, but, as no lunar year
could hare contained a number of weeks without
a 'fractional excess, this reckoning was virtually
independent of the year as with the Muslims.
[Wkkk; Sabbath; Chronology.]
4. Festivalt, holy dai/a, and fatU.— The Feast
of the Passover was held on the Hth day of the
1st month. The feast of Unleavened Bread lasted
7 days; from the 15th to the 21st, inclusive,
of the same month. Its first and last days were
kept as sabbaths. The Feast of Weeks, or Pen-
tecost, was celebrated on the day which ended seven
weeks counted fiom the 16th of the 1st month,
that day being excluded. It was called the " Feast
of Harvest," and " Day of First-fruits." The Feast
of Trumpets (lit. "of* the sound of the trumpet")
was kept as a sabbath on the 1st day of the 7th
month. The Day of Atonement (lit. "of Atone-
ments ") was a fast, held the 10th day of the 7th
month. The "Feast of Tabernacles," or "Feast of
Gathering," was celebrated from the 15th to the
22nd day, inclusive, of the 7th month. Additions
made long after the giving of the Law, and not
known to be of higher than priestly authority, are
the Feast of Purim, commemorating the defeat of
Hainan's plot ; the Feast of the Dedication, recording
the cleansing and re-dedication of the Temple by
Judas Maccabaeus; and tour nuts.
HI. Sacred Years.— 1. The Sabbatical year,
nsptPn IW, " the &llow year," or,' possibr/,
"year of remission," or ntBDB* alone, kept every
seventh year, was commanded to be observed aa a
year of rest from the lsbours of sgriculture and of
remission of debts. Two Sabbatical years are
recorded, commencing and current, B.C. 164-3 and
136-5. [Sabbatical Year; Chronology.]
2. The Jubilee year, fcrt'Jl XUB>, « the year of
the trumpet," or nY alone, a like year, which im-
mediately followed every seventh Sabbatical Tear.
It has been disputed whether the Jubilee year was
every 49th or 50th : the former is more probable.
[Jubilei; Chronology.] [R. S. P.]
YOKE. 1. A well-known implement of hus-
bandry, described in the Hebrew language by the
terms mit,* mttdh,* and '61* the two former speci-
fically applying to the bows of wood out of which
It was ooistrocted, and the last to the application
{binding) of the article to the neck of the ox. The
expressions are combined in Lev. xxvi. 13 and Ez.
xxxiv. 27, with the meaning, •• bands of the yoke."
The term " yoke " is frequently used metaphorically
7.AANAIM
1807
•oto knete
to
'TOY
for tuojecthm («. g. 1 K. xii. 4, 9-11 , Is. ix. 4*,
Jer. v. 5) • hence an " iron yoke" repieseiU aa
unusually galling bondage (Deut. xxviii. 48 ; Jer.
xxviii. 13). 2. A pair of oxen, so termed as being
yoked together (1 Sam. xi. 7 ; IK. xix. 19, 21,,
The Hebrew term, itemed,* is also applied to acres
(Judg. xix. 10) and mules (2 K. v. 17), nod even
to a couple of riders (Is. xxL 7). 3. The term
itemed is also applied to a certain amount of land,
equivalent to that which a couple of oxen could
plough in a day (Is. v. 10; A. V. "acre"), cor-
responding to the Latin jugwn (Yarro, S. S. L
10). The term stands in this sense in 1 Sam.
xiv. 14 (A. Y. '• yoke "J ; but the text is doubtful,
and the rendering of the LXX. suggests that the
true reading would refer to the instruments («"»
KoxAafi) wherewith the slaughter whs effected.
[W. L. B.]
ZAAN'AIM, THE PLAIN OF (]fajt
D?3{P¥3: Sovi wAeorearoeVveji' ; Alex. S. om-
■tmmiu'vmr : VaUis quae vooabatw Satnim) ; or,
more accurately " the oak by Zaannaim," such
being probably the meaning of the word tldn.
[ Plain, 8906.] A tree — probably a raced tr ee
mentioned aa marking the spot near which Heber
the Kenite was encamped when Sisera took refuge
in his tent (Judg. iv. 11). Its situation is defined
as " near Kedesh,'* i. e. Kedesh-Naphtali, the name
ef whiih still lingers on the high ground, north of
Safed, and west of the Lake of el Hulelt, usually
identified with the Waters of Merom. The Targum
gives as the equivalent of the name, mishor agga-
niga, - the plain of the swamp," and in the well-
known passage of the Talmud (liegiUah Jeruth. i.)
which contains a list of several of the towns of
Galilee with their then identifications, the equivalent
for "Eton (or Aijalon) be-Zaannaim" is Agniya
hak-todeth. Ague appears to signify a swamp, and
can hardly refer to anything but the marsh which
borders the lake of Hudeh on the north side, and
which was probably more extensive in the time
of Deborah than it now is [Merom]. On the
other hand, Professor Stanley has pointed out
(Jewish Chunk, 324; Localitiet, 197) how appro-
priate a situation for this memorable tree is afforded
by " a green plain . . . studded with massive tere-
binths, which adjoins on the south the plain con-
taining the remains of Kedesh. The whole of this
upland country is more or less rich in terebinths.
One such, larger than usual, and bearing the name
of Sejar em-Metsiah, is marked on the map of Van
de Velde as 6 miles N.W. of Kedes. These two
suggestions— of the ancient Jewish and the modern
Christian student — may be left aide by side to
await the result of future investigation. In favour
of the former is the slight argument to be draws
from the early date of the interpretation, and the
fact that the basin of the Buleh is still the favourite
camping ground of Bedouins. In favour of the latter
is the instinct of the observer and the abundance of
trees in the neighbouihood.
Mo name answering to either Zaannaim or Agne
has yet been encountered.
The Keri, or correction, of Judg. iv. 11, substi-
tute! Zasnannfm for Zaanaim, and the same form is
found in Josh. xix. 33. This correction the lexico-
graphers adopt as the more accurate form of the
name. It appears to be derived (if a Hebrea word)
1808
ZAANAN
from > root signifying to load beasts as nomad* 4o
when they change their placet of reaidence (Geaen.
Thee. 1177). Such a meaning agrees well with
the habits of the Kenites. Bat nothing am be
more uncertain than much explanations of topo-
graphical names — most to be distrusted when most
■tlausible. [G.]
ZAAN'ANf.lJKV: imoip: inexitu). A place
named by Micah (i. 11) in his address to the towns
of the Sheielah. This sentence, like others of the
name passage, contains a play of words founded on
the meaning (or on a possible meaning) of the
name Zaanan, as derived from yottoh, to go forth : —
• The moaMtreaa of Tsaaaaa cams not forth."
The division of the passage shown in the I.XX.
and A. V., by which Zaiuian is connected with Beth-
esel — is now generally recognised as inaccurate. It
is thus given by Dr. Posey, in his Commentary —
'• 'Die inhabitant of Zaanan came not forth. The
mourning of Beth-exel shall take from yon its stand-
ing." So also Ewald, De Wette, and Zona.
Zaanan is doubtless identical with ZenaN. [G.]
ZA'AVAN (Jljn : Zoi«cd> ; Alex. "IsrwuedV,
'Imutdr: Zoom). ' A Horite chief, son of Eier the
son of Seir (Gen. xxzri. 27 ; 1 Chr. i. 42). The
LXX. appear to hare read Jpft. In 1 Our. the
A. V. has Zavak.
ZATXAD (13t : Zafitt, lafier ; Alex. Zo/SoV
in 1 Chr.: Zabad': short for nH3T : see Zebadiah,
Znbdi, Zabdiel, Zebedee, « Ood hath given Urn").
1. Son of Nathan, son of Attai, son of Ahlai,
Shesban's daughter (1 Chr. ii. 31-37), and hence
railed son of Ahlai (1 Chr. xi. 41). lie was one of
David's mighty men, but none of his deeds have
been recorded. The chief interest connected with
him is his genealogy, which is of considerable im-
portance in a chronological point of view, and as
throwing incidental light upon the structure of the
Book of Chronicles, and the historical value of the
genealogies in it Thus in 1 Chr. ii. 26-41, we
have the following pedigree, the generations pre-
ceding Jerahraoel being prefixed : —
(1) Jodah.
(x) Mures.
(3) Hexron.
(4) JerahmeeL
(5) Onam.
(•) Shannon).
(») Nadsb.
(») Appalm.
(•) IshL
(10) Sbeshan.
(11) Ahlai. bUloJartia the
daughter 1 Egyptian.
(IS) AttaL
(U> Nathan.
(U) Zuan,
(IB) l^lhlal
(1«) Obed.
(IT) Jehu.
(18) Axauah
(19) Hetei.
(»)r
pi) I
(M)l
(S3) Jel
(«4)
Here, then, is a genealogy of twenty-four gene-
rations, commencing with the patriarch, and termi-
nating we know not, at first sight, when; but as
we happen to know, from the history, where Zabad
the son of Ahlai lived, we are at least sure of this
fact, that the fourteenth generation brings us to
the tim? :( David ; and that this is about the cor-
rect number we are also aure, because out of seven
other perfect genealogies, covering the same interval
of time, tour have the same number {fourteen),
two have ffteen, and David's own has eleven.
[Geseal. of Jesus Christ, p. 607.]
But it also happens that another person in the
true is an historical personage, whom we know
to have lived during the usurpation of Athaliah,
ZABAJ)
vut. Axariah the son (i.e. grandson) of Jtjea (1
Chr. jtxiii. 1). [AZARIAH, 13.] Ha was fomth
after Zabad. while Jehoram, Athaliah 'a hjseaad,
was eixth after David—* perfectly satisfactory cor-
respondence when we take into account thai Zabad'
may probably have been considerably youngs- than
David, and that the early marriages of the kings
have a constant tendency to increase the number of
generations in the royal line. Again, the but name
in the line is the sixth after Axariah ; bnt Hevkiah
was the sixth king after Athaliah, and we know
that many of the genealogies were written cut by
" the men of Hexekiah ," and therefore of course
came down to his time [Becker, p. 174] (set
1 Chr. iv. 41 ; Frov. xxv. 1). So that we ny
conclude, with great probability, both that this
genealogy ends in the time of Hexekiah, and that
all its links are perfect.
One other point of importance remains to be
noticed, vix. that Zabad is called, after his great-
grandmother, the founder of his house, son of Ahlai.
For that Ahlai was the name of Shesban's daughter
is certain from 1 Chr. ii. 31 ; and it is also certain,
from vers. 35, 36, that from her marriage with
Jarha descended, in the third generation, Zabad. It
is therefore as certain aa such matters can be, that
Zabad the eon of Ahlai, David's mighty man. was
so called from Ahlai his female ancestor. The case
is analogous to that of Joab, and Abisbai, and
Asahel, who are always called tome of Zermak,
Zeruiah, like Ahlai, having married a foreigner.
Or if any one thinks there is a difference between a
man being called the su: of his mother, and the son
of his great-grandmother, a more exact parallel may
be found in Gen. xxv. 4, xxxvi. 12, 13, 16, 17,
where the descendants of Keturah, and of the wives
of Esau, in the third and fourth generation, are
called " the sous of Keturah," - the sons of Adah *
and "of Bashemath" respectively.
2. (ZoJSoS; Alex. Zofiit). An Epbiaisarte, if
the text of 1 Chr. vii. 21 is correct. [Set
Shcthelah.]
3. (ZajStt; Alex. Za$40). Son of Shimeath, an
Ammonitess, nn assassin who, with Jehoxabad, slew
king Jonah, according to 2 Chr. xxiv. 26 ; but biK.
xii. 21 , his name is written, probably more corrvrtly,
Joxachar [Jozachab]. He was one of the domertic
servants of the palace, and apparently the agent of
a powerful conspiracy (2 Chr. xxv. 3 ; 2 ft. xiv. 5).
Joash had become unpopular from his idolatries
(2 Chr. xxiv. 18), his oppression (ib. 22), and
above all, his calamities (ib. 23-25). The exxdaaa
tion given in the article Jozachab is doubtless the
true one, that the chronicler rerjre atn ta this violent
death of the king, as well as the previous invasion
of the Syrians aa a Divine judgment against him
for the innocent blood of Zechariah abed by him .
not that the anassins themselves were actuated by
the desire to avenge the death of Zechariah. They
were both put to death by Amaxiah, but their chil-
dren were spared in obedience to the law of Moan
(Deut. xxiv. 18 V. The coincidence between the names
Zechariah and Jozaehar a remarkable. [A.C. H-]
4. (ZsulaeV, A layman of Israel, of the eons at
Zattu, who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's
command (Ear. x. 27). Ha is called Sabatob in
1 Esd. tx. 28.
5. (leJUfi; ZafUS.) One of the descendants at
» He does not appear In the list fa a Sam. nlr, aa* -
nrv therefore be presumed to have been attn) I* las
taller part of David's reign
ZABADAUS
Radium, who had married a foreign wife after the
Captivity (En-, i. 33): called Bakbaia in 1 Esd.
iz. 33.
6. (ZaffdS ; Alex, om.) One of the eons of Kebo,
whose name is mentioned under the same circum-
stances as the two preceding (Ezr.i. 43). It is repre-
sented by Zabadaiab in 1 Esd. ix. 35. [W. A. W.]
ZABADAI'AS (ZavSoiWai: Sabatw). Za-
BAD 6 (1 Esd. ix. 35 ; comp. Ezr. x. 43).
ZABADEANS (ZafitScuot; Alex. ZafiaUoi:
Zabadaei). An Arab tribr who wen attacked and
spoiled by Jonathan, on hi» way back to Damascus
from his fruitless pursuit of the army of Demetrius
(1 Mace xii. 31). Josephus calls them Nahataeans
(Ant. xiii. 5, §10), but he is evidently in error.
Nothing certain is known of them. Ewald (Oesch.
ir. 382) finds a trace of their name in that of the
place Zabda given by Robinson in his lists ; but this
is too far south, between the Yarmuk and the Zurka.
Michselis suggests the Arab tribe ZoMdeh; but
they do not appear in the necessary locality.
Jonathan had pursued the enemy's army as far as
the river Elmitherus (Nahr el Reoir), and was on
his march back to Damascus when he attacked and
plundered the Zabadeans. We must look for them,
t herefore, somewhere to the north-west of Damascus.
Accordingly, on the road from Damascus to Baalbek,
at a distance of about 8] hours (26 miles) from the
former place, is the village Znbdany, standing at
the upper end ot a plain of the same name, which
is the very centre of Antilibanus. The name Zeb-
Mny is possibly a relic of the ancient tribe of the
Zabadeans. According to Burckhardt (Syria, p. 3),
the plain " is about three quarters of an hour in
breadth, and three hours in length ; it is called
Ard Zebdeni, or the district of Zebdeni ; it is
watered by the Barreda, one of whose sources is in
the midst of it; and by the rivulet called Moiet
Zebdeni, whose source is in the mountain behind
the village of the same name." The plain is
" limited on one side by the eastern part of the
Antilibanus, called here Djebel Zebdeni. The vil-
lage is of considerable size, containing nearly 3000
inhabitants, who breed cattle, and the silkworm,
and have some dyeing-houses (ibid.). Not far from
Zeidany, on the western slopes of Antilibanuu, is
another village called Kefr Zebad, which again
seems to point to this as the district foi-merly
occupied by the Zabadeans. [W. A. W.]
2ABBA'I('3T: ZojM: Zabbof). 1. One of
the descendants of Bebai, who had married a foreign
wife in the days of Ezra ( Ezr. x. 28). He is called
Jobabad in 1 Esd. ix. 29.
8. (Za$ou; FA. Zafipov: Zadud.) Father of
Baruch, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the
city wall (Neh. Hi. 20).
ZAB'BUD ("Mat , A'«rf-A3t ; Zo/soM: Zackor).
One of the sons of Bigvai, who returned in the
second caravan with Ezra (Est. viii. 14). In 1 Esd.
viii. 40 his name is corrupted into IrrALCBBUS.
ZABDETJ8 (Zoj3oa7o»: Vulg. om.). Ze-
BADIAK of the sons of Inxner (1 Esd. ix. 21 ; comp.
Kir. x. 20).
ZAB'DI (v*3t : Za*uy i •*!"• z <&pl in Josh.
t3. 1 : Zabdi). i. Son of Zerah, the sou of Judsh,
and ancestor of Achan (Josh. vii. 1, 17, 18).
2. (Za&M.) A Benjamite, of the sons of Shizahi
(1 Chr. via. 19).
3. (Zabdiu.) David's officer over the produce
of the vineyards for the wine-osllan (1 Chr. xrvii
tol. m.
ZAC0HAEU8
1809
27). He is called " the Shiphmite," that is, in sJl
probability, native of Smpham ; but his native plant
has not been traced.
4. (Vat. and Alex. om. ; FA. third hand Ztyp, :
Zebedeis.) Son of Asaph the minstrel (Neh. xi.
17) ; called elsewhe> - Zaccpr (Neh. xii. 35) and
Ziciibi (1 Chr. ix. 15).
ZABDIEL (^H3! : ZojSS^X: Zabdiel).
1. Father nf Jashobeam, the chief of David's guard
(I Cbr. xxvii. 2).
3. (Ba!i^\; Alex. Zoxpi-fiK) A priest, son of
the great men, or, as the nargin gives it, " Hagge-
dolim" (Neh. xi. 14). He had the oversight of
128 of his brethren after the return from Babylon.
3. (Za/8SrijX ; Joseph. ZajSnAoi : Zabdiel.) An
Arabian chieftain who put Alexander Balas to death
(1 Macc.xi. 17; Joseph. Ant. xiii. 4, §8). According
to Diodorus, Alex. Boles was murdered by two o
the officers who accompanied him (Miiller, Iragm.
HUt. ii. 16).
ZA'BTTD (TQT : ZaBM ; Alex. Zafifitit :
Zabud). The son 'of Nathan (1 K. iv. 5). He is
described ss a priest (A. V. " principal officer ;"
Priest, p. 9 1 5), and ss holding at the court of Solo-
mon the confidential post of " king's friend," which
had been occupied by Hushai the Arehite during the
reign of David (2 Sam. xv. 37, xvi. 16 ; 1 Chr. xxvii.
33). This position, if it were an official one, was
evidently distinct from that of counsellor, occupied
by Aliithophel under David, and had more of the
character of private friendship about it, for Absalom
conversely calls David the " friend " of Hushai
(2 Sam. xvi. 17). In the Vat. MS. of the LXX.
the word " priest " is omitted, and in the Arabic
of the London Polyglot it is referred to Nathan.
The Peshito-Syriac and severs] Hebrew MSS. for
" Zabud " rend " Zaccur." The same occurs in the
case of ZABnuD.
ZABUL'ON 'ZojfcwAaV: Zabulon). The Creek
form of the name Zkbulun (Matt. iv. 13, 15;
Hev. vii. 8).
ZACCA1 (<3T: ZcwxotJ; Alex. Zo*xai In
Ezra: Zachat). The sons of Zaccai, to the number
of 760, returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 9 ; Neh.
vii. 14). The name is the ssme which appears in
the N. T. in the familiar form of Zacchakus.
ZAOCHAETJ8 (Z«x<uoi : Zacchaeni). The
name of a tax-collector near Jericho, who being
short in stature climbed up into a sycamore-
tree, in vder to obtain a sight of Jesus as He
passed through that place. Luke only has re-
lated the incident (xix. 1-10). Zacchaeus was a
Jew, as may be inferred from his name and from
the fact that the Saviour speaks of him expressly
as " a son of Abraham " (vlbf 'A/Snoop). So the
latter expression should be understood, and not in a
spiritual sense ; for it was evidently meant to assert
that he was one of the choseu race, notwithstanding
the prejudice of some of his countrymen that his
office under the Roman government made him an
alien and outcast from the privileges of the Israelite.
The term which designates this office (if>x«T*Xs5n)»)
is unusual, but describes him no doubt as the super'
mtendent of customs or tribute in the district oi
Jericho, where he lived, as one having a commission
from his Roman principal (manceps, publicanus) to
vcH«ct the imposts levied on the Jews by the Ro>
maus. sad irho in the execution of that trust txn-
pwved sub- Items (tne ordinary vsAatnu), who wer
5 Z
1810
ZAOOHXUB
accountable to him, M he in turn was accountable
to his superior, whether he resided at Home, as was
more commonly the case, or in the province itself
(see Winer, Bealw. ii. 711, and Diet, of Ant. p.
80ft). The office most hare been a lucrative one
in sudi a region, and it is not strange that Znc-
thaeus is mentioned by the Evangelist as a rich
man (otrot 1jr wWo-io»). Josephus states (Ant.
xv. 4, §2) that the palm-groves of Jericho and its
gardens of ba*jem were given as a source of revenue
by Antony to Cleopatra, and, on account of their
value, were afterwards redeemed by Herod the Great
for his own benefit. The sycamore-tree is no longer
found in that neighbourhood (Robinson, Bib. Set.
l. 559) ; but no one should be surprised at this,
since " even the solitary relic of the palm-forest,
seen as lata as 1838" — which existed near Jericho,
nas now disappeared (Stanley, 5. f P- p. 307).
Tie eagerness of Zacchaeus to behold Jesus indi-
cates a deeper interest than that of mere curiosity.
He must n*vc had some knowledge, by report at
least, of the teachings of Christ, as well as of His
wonder-working power, and could thus hare been
awakened to some just religious feeling, which
would make him tie more anxious to see the
announcer of the good tidings, so important to men
as sinners. The readiness of Christ to take up His
abode with him, and His declaration that "salva-
tion " had that day come to the house of his enter-
tainer, prove sufficiently that " He who knows
what is in man " perceived in him a religious sus-
ceptibility which fitted him to be the recipient of
spiritual blessings. Reflection upon his conduct on
the part of Zacchaeus himself appears to have re-
vealed to him deficiencies which disturbed his con-
science, and he was ready, on being instructed more
fully in regard to the way of life, to engage to
" restore fourfold " for the illegal exactions of which
he woulJ not venture to deny (rf tu>6s t< Iitvko-
aWrnffaj that he might have been guilty. At
all events he had not lived in such a manner as to
overcome the prejudice which the Jews entertained
against individuals of bis class, and their censure
fell on him as well as on Christ when they declared
that the latter had not scorned to avail Himself of
the hospitality of " a man that was a sinner." The
Saviour spent the night probably (juu>ai, ver. 5,
and (orraAvo-u, ver. 7, are the terms used) in the
house of Zacchaeus, and the next day pursued his
journey to Jerusalem. He was in the caravan from
Galilee, which was going up thither to keep the
Passover. Th* entire scene is well illustrated by
Owterzee (Lange's Bibelicerk, iii. 285).
We read in the Rabbinic writings also of a Zac-
chaeus who lived at Jericho at this same period,
well known on his own account, and especially as
the father of the celebrated Rabbi Jochanan ben
Zachai (sec Sepp's Ltben Jctu, iii. 166). This per-
son may have been related to the Zacchaeus named
in the sacred narrative. The family of the Zacchad
was an ancient one, as well as very numerous.
They are mentioned in the Books of Exva (ii. •)
and Nehemiah (vii. 14) as among those who re-
turned from the Babylonian Captivity under Zernb-
babel, when their number amounted to seven hun-
dred and sixty. It should be noticed that the name
is given as ZacCAI in the Authorised Version of the
Old Testament, [H. B. H.]
ZAOCHE'UB (Zaicx«roi: Zaeehams). An
officer of Judas Maccabaeus '2 Mace. x. 19). Grotius,
mm a mistaken reference to 1 Mace v. 56, wishes to
"end mil to* rot Zaxaoiov. [B IT. W.]
ZACHARIAH
ZAC'CHTJB ("flat . Zorxofro- ZtcSmr). k
Stmeonite, of the family of Mishma ( 1 Chr. rv. 26}.
His descendants, through his son Shimei, beams*
one of the most numerous branches of the tribe.
ZACCUB ("H3T: Taxoif, Alex. ZerxpX* '
Zcchur). 1. A Reubenite, father of Sbammua, tin
spy selected from his tribe (Num. xiii 4).
2. (2a<x < "V> Alex. Zajcxotp: Zaclmr.) A
Merante Levite, son of Jaazinh (1 Chr. xxiv. 27*.
3. (laxxoip, Z«x<"Vi Alex. Zojrxoep: Zoo-
chw, Zachw.) Son of Asaph, the singer, and dntt
of the third division of the Temple choir as arranged
by David (1 Chr. xxr. 2, 10 ; Neh. xii. 85).
4. (ZaKXpip; *"A. Zaxx'h- Zachw.) The
son of Imri, who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding
the city wall (Neh. iii. 2).
5. (Zo*x*V0 A Levite, or family of Levite*, who
signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 1°.''.
6. (Zoxxo^p.) A Levite, whose son or descendant
Hanan was one of the treasurers over the treasuries
appointed by Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 13).
ZACHABI'AH, or properlr Zechabtah
(iVD!, "remembered by Jehovah:" Zax«f*«:
Zadaritu), was son of Jeroboam 11., 14th king of
Israel, and the last of the hoiue of Jehu. There is
a difficulty about the date of his reign. We are
told that Amaziah ascended the throne of Judah in
the second year of Joash king of Israel, and reigned
29 years (2 K. xiv. 1, 2). He was succeeded ly
Uzxiah or Azariah, in the 27th year of Jero-
boam II., the successor of Joash (2 K. rv. 1), ami
Uixiali reigned 52 years. On the other hand,
Joash king of Israel reigned 16 fears (2 K. xiii.
10), was succeeded by Jeroboam, who reigned 41
(2 K. xiv. 23), and he by Zachnriah, who came to
the throne in the 38th year of Uzxiah king of J udah
(2 K. XT. 8). Thus we have (1) from the acces-
sion of Amaxiah to the 38th of Uzxiah, 29 + 38 =
67 years : but (2) fi on the second year of Joash to
the accession of Zacharith (or at least to the death
of Jeroboam) we have 15+41 = 56 years. Further,
the accession of Uzxiah, placed in the 27th year of
Jeroboam, according to the above reckoning a-
curred in the 15th. And this latter synchrooMn
is confirmed, and that with the 27th year of Jero-
boam contradicted, by 2 K. xiv. 17 which tells us
that Amazish king of Judah survived Joash king
of Israel by 15 years. Most chronologers assume
an interregnum of 11 years between Jeroboam's
death and Zachanah's accession, during which the
kingdom was suffering from the anarchy of a dis-
puted succession, but this seems unlikely after the
reign of a resolute ruler like Jeroboam, and does not
solve the diBerenee between 2 K. xiv. 17 and xr. 1.
We are reduced to suppose that our present M^S.
have here incorrect numbers, to substitute 15 Sir
27 in 2 K. XT. 1, and to believe that Jeroboam II.
reigned 52 or 53 yenrs. Joeephus fix. 10. §S)
places Uxziah's accession in the 14th year of Jero-
boam, a variation of a year in these synchronisms
being unavoidable, since the Hebrew annalists in
giving their dates do not reckon fractions of years.
[Israel, Kingdom of, vol. i. p. 900.] But whe-
ther we assume an interregnum, or an error in the
MSS., we must place Zachanah's accession ntc.
771-2. His reign lasted only six months. He wat
killed in a conspiracy, of which Shallum was the
head, and bv which the prophecy in 2 K. x. 30
was accomplished. We are told that during ho
brief term of power he did evil, and kept up the
calf-worship intu-rited from the first Jeroboam
ZACHARIAS
wittor. his fntlier had maintained in l-ej^d rplendonr
*ti!M.iel(Ani.vii.l3). [Shallce.] [G.E.L.C]
2. (Alex. Zayraiot) The father 'f Abi, or
Abijah, Hezekiah's mother (2 K. xvili. 2). Ill
2 Chr. xxix. 1 he it called Zechajuah.
ZAOHAM'AS (Za X aptw: Vulg. om.). 1.
Zechariah the priest in the reign of Josiah (1 Esd. 1. 8).
2. In 1 Esd. i. 1 5 Zachariaa occupies the place
of Heman in 2 Chr. xxxv. t5.
3. (Zapatmt; Alex. Zapeas: Areores.) =Se-
RAIah 6, and AZABIAH (1 Esd. v. 8 ; comp. Eir.
ii. 2 ; Neh. rii. 7). It is not dear from whence this
rendering of the name is derived. Oar translators
follow the Geneva Version.
4. (Zaxapfai: Zachariaa.) The prophet Ze-
CHARIAII (1 Esd. vi. 1, vii. 3).
5. Zechariah of the sons of Pharosh (1 Esd.
riii. 30; comp. Ezr. viii. 3).
6. Zechariah of the sons of Bebai (1 Esd. Till.
37; Ear. viii. 11).
7. Zechariah, one of" the principal mca and
Icaraed," with whom Ezra consulted (1 Esd. viii.
44 ; comp. Ezr. viii. 1 6).
8. Zechariah of the sons of Elam CI Esd. ix.
27 ; comp. Ezr. x. 26).
9. Father of Joseph, a leader in the first campaign
of the Maccabaean war (1 Mace. v. 18, 56-62;.
10. Father of John the Baptist (Luke, i. 5,
be.) [John the Baptist.]
11. Son of Barachias, who, our Lord says,
was slain by the Jews between the altar and the
temple (Matt, xxiii. 35; Luke, xi. 51). There
has been much dispute who this Zachariaa was.
Krom the time of Origen, who relates that the
father of John the Baptist was killed in the
temple, many of the Greek Fathers have main-
tained that this is the person to whom our Lord
alludes ; but there can be little or no doubt that
the allusion is to Zachnrias, the son of Jehoiada
(2 Chr. xxiv. 20, 21). Aa the Book of Chronicles—
in which the murder of Zachariaa, the son of
Jehoiada, occurs— closes the Hebrew canon, this
aaatasiuation was the last of the murders of
righteous men recorded in the Bible, just as that
of Abel was the first. (Comp. Renan, Vie dt
Jimit, p. 353.) The name of the father of Za-
chariaa is not mentioned by St. Luke ; and we
may suppose that trw name of Batachias crept into
the text of St. Matthew from a marginal gloss, a
confusion having been made between Zocharias, the
son of Jehoiada, and Zachariaa, the son of Bara-
chias (Berechiah), the prophet. [Comp. Zecha-
biau, 6, p. 1832.]
ZACH'ABY (ZaduriatX The prophet Ze-
ehariah (2 Esd. L 40).
ZA'OHEB (TDJ. in pause *OT : ZaK X oip :
Zaoher). One of the sons of Jehiel, the father or
founder of Gibeon, by his wife Maachah (1 Chr.
Tiii. 31). In 1 Chr. ix. 37 he is called Zechariah.
ZA'DOK(pVlX: latex: Sadok: "righteous").
1. Son of Ahitub, and one of the two chief priests
in toe time of David, Abiathar being the other.
[Abiathar.] Zadok was of the house of Eleazar,
the son of Aaron (1 Chr. xxiv. 3), and eleventh in
descent from Aaron. The first mention of him is
in 1 Chr. xii. 28, where we are told that he
joined David at Hebron after Saul's deatn with 22
captain* of his father's house, and, apparently, with
900 men (+60O-3700, vers. 26, 27). Up to this
time, H may be concluded, he had adhered to the
ZADOK
1811
house of Saul. But henceforth hi* fidelity to IVvid
was inviolable. When Absalom revolted, and
David fled from Jerusalem, Zadok and all tht
Levitea bearing the Ark accompanied him, and it
waa only at the king's express command that they
returned to Jerusalem, and became the medium <ri
communication between the king and Hushai the
Archite (2 Sam. xv., xvii.). When Absalom was
dead, Zadok and Abiathar were the persons who
persuaded the elders of Judah to invite David to
return (2 8am. xix. 11). When Adonijah, in
David's old age, set up for king, and had persuaded
Joab, and Abiathar the priest, to join his party,
Zadok was unmoved, and was employed by David
to anoint Solomon to be king in his room (1 K. I.).
And for this fidelity be was rewarded by Solomon,
who " thrust out Abiathar from being priest unto
the Lord," and "put in Zadok the priest" in his
room (1 K. ii. 27, 35). From this time, however,
we hear little of him. It is said in general terms
in the enumeration of Solomon's officers of slate
that Zadok was the priest (1 K. iv. 4; 1 Chr.
xxix. 22), but no single act of his is mentioned.
Even in the detailed account of the building and
dedication of Solomon's Temple, his name does not
occur, so that though Josephus says that " Sadoc
the high-priest was the first high-priest of the
Temple which Solomon built" (Ant. x. 8, §6),
it is very doubtful whether he lived till the dedi-
cation of Solomon's Temple, and it seems far more
likely that Azariah, his son or grandson, was high-
priest at the dedication (comp. 1 K iv. 2, and
1 Chr. vi. 10, and see Azariah 2). Had Zadok
been present, it is scarcely possible that he should
not have been named in so detailed an account as
that in 1 K. viii. [High-Priest, p. 810.]
Several interesting questions arise in connexion
with Zadok in regard to the high-priesthood. And
first, as to the causes which led to the descendants
of Ithamar occupying the high-priesthood to tht
prejudice of the house of Eleazar. There is, how-
ever, nothing to guide us to any certain conclusion.
We only know that Phinehas the son of Eleazar
was high-priest after his father, and that nt a sub-
sequent period Eli of the house of Ithamar waa
high-priest, and that the office continued in his
house till the time of Zadok, who was first Abia-
thar's colleague, and afterwards aupeiseded him.
Zadok's descendants continued to be hereditary
high-priests till the time at Antiochus Eupator,
and perhaps till the extinction of the office. [HiQH-
PRIEST, p. 812.1 But possibly some light may
be thrown on this question by the next which
arises, viz., what is the meaning of the double
priesthood of Zadok and Abiathar ( 2 Sam. xv. 20 ;
1 Chr. xxiv. 6, 31). In later times we usually
find two priests, ti;e high-priest, aud the second
priest (2 K. xxv. 1 8), and there does not seem tc
have been any great difference in their dignity. So
too Luke iii. 2. The expression " the chief priest ot
the house of Zadok " (2 Chr. xxxi. 10), seems also to
indicate that there were two priest* of nearly equal
dignity. Zadok aud Abiathar were of nearly ei ( o«i
dignity (2 Sain. xr. 3* 36, xix. 11). Hophni
and Phinebas again, and Elenzar and Ithamar art
coupled together, mid seem to have been holders of
the office as it were in commission. The duties
of the office too were in the case of Zadok and
Abiathar divided. Zadok ministered lefore the
Tabernacle at Gibeou (1 Chr. xvL 39), Abiathai
had the care of the Ark at Jerusalem. Not, how
ever, exclusively, us appeal* from 1 Chr xv. Ii
5 1. 2
1812
ZADOK
1 Sam. XT. 34. 25, 39. Hence, perhaps. It may be
ooajduded that from the first there was a tendency
to consider the office of the priesthood u somewhat
of the nature of a corporate office, although tome of
its functions were necessarily confined to the chief
member of that corporation ; and if so, it is very
easy to perceive how superior abilities on the one
hand, and infancy or incapacity on the other, might
operate to raise or depress the members of this cor-
poration respectively. Just as in the Saxon royal
families, considerable latitude was allowed as to the
particular member who succeeded to the throne.
When hereditary monarchy was established in
Judaea, then the succession to the high-priesthood
may have become more regular. Another circum-
stance which strengthens the conclusion that the
origin of the double priesthood was anterior to
Zadok, is that in 1 Chr. ix. 11; Neh. a. 11,
Ahitub the father of Zadok, seems to be described
at "ruler of the House of God," an office usually
arid by the chief priest, though sometimes by the
second priest. [High-Priest, p. 808J And if
this is so, it implies that the house of Eleazar had
maintained its footing side by side with the house
of Ithamar, although for a time the chief dignity
had fallen to the lot of Eli. What was Zadok s
exact position when he first joined David, is in*
possible to determine. He there appears inferior to
Jehoiada " the leader of the Aaronites."
2. According to the genealogy of the high-priests
in 1 Chr. vi. 12, there was a second Zadok, son of
a second Ahitub, son of Amariah ; about the time
of King Ahaxiah. But it is highly improbable that
the same sequence, Amariah, Ahitub, Zadok, should
occur twice over ; and no trace whatever remains
in history of this second Ahitub, and second Zadok.
It is probable, therefore, that no such person as this
second Zadok ever existed ; but that the insertion of
the two names is a copyist's error. Moreover, these
two names are quite insufficient to fill up the gap be-
tween Amariah in Jehoshaphat's reign, and Shallum
in Anton's, an interval of much above 200 years.
3. Father of Jerushah, the wife of King Uzxiah,
and mother of King Jotham. He was probably of
a priestly family.
4. Son of Baana, who repaired a portion of the
wall in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. Hi. 4). He is
probably the same as is in the list of those that
sealed the covenant in Neh. x. 21, as in both cases
his name follows that of Meshezabeel. But if so,
we know that he was not a priest, as his name
would at first sight lead one to suppose, but one of
" the chief of the people," or laity. With this
agrees his patronymic Baana, which indicates that
he was of the tribe of Judah ; for Baanah, one of
David's mighty men, was a Netophathite (2 Sam.
xxiii. 29), •'. «. of Ketophah, a city of Judah.
The men of Tekoah, another city of Judah,
worked next to Zadok. Heshullam of the house of
Meshezabeel, who preceded him in both lists (Neh.
iii. 4, and x. 20, 21 ), was also of the tribe of Judah
(Neh. xi. 24). Intermarriages of the priestly
house with the tribe of Judah were more frequent
• Compare the following pedigrees :—
ICkt.tt.«.M. IW.X.M. lar.rn.l-s. Nrh.n. Il,a iCar.u. II.
■■•loth. Ahkuk.
tfandatk.
Amorfcw. An
Ahllob. AhKuk. Abiub.
Zadok.
Shallum.
Hllkuh.
I»h.
ZrVIB
than with any other tribe. Hence probably the
name of Sadoc (Matt. i. 14).
5. Son of Immer, a priest who repaired a portion
of the wall over against his own house (Neh. m.
29). He belonged to the 16th course (1 C*<r.
xxiv. 14), which was one of those which returned
from Babylon (Ezr. it 37).
6. In Neb, xi. 11, and 1 Chr. ix. 11, zssntioo
is made in a genealogy of Zadok, the son of 11*-
raieth, the son of Ahitub. But as such a sequence
occurs nowhere else, Meraioth being always the
grandfather of Ahitub (or great-grandfather, aa in
Ezr. vii. 2, 3),* it can hardly be doubtful that Me-
raioth is inserted by the error of a copyist, and that
Zadok the son of Ahitub is meant.
It is worth noticing that the N. T. name Justus
(Acts i. 23, xviii. 7; Col. iv. 11) is the litenj
translation of Zadok. Zedekiah, Jehozadak, may be
compared.
The name appears occasionally in the post-hshbea!
history. The associate of Judah the Gaulonite, the
well-known leader of the agitation against the census
of Quirinus, was a certain Pharisee named Zadok
(Joseph. Aid. xviii. 1, §1), and the sect of the
Sadducees is reputed to have derived both its name
and origin from a person of the same name, a dis-
ciple of Antigonss of Socho. (See the citations of
Ligbtfoot, Bebr. and Talm. Exerc. on Matt. iii. 8.)
The personality of the last mentioned Sadok has
been strongly impugned in the article Saddocees
(p. 10841 ; but see, on the other hand, the remark
ofM.Benan(F!»tt»y«i»», 216). [A.C.H.]
ZA'HAM(Dnr: Zad>; Alex.ZoAd>: Zoom).
Son of Rehoboam by Abihail, the daughter of Eliab
(2 Chr. xi. 19). As Kliab was the eldest of David's
brothers, it is more probable that Abihail was his
granddaughter.
ZATRCrpt: ZcuV; Alex, omit*: Soira).
A place named, in 2 K. viii. 21 only, in the account
of Jorum's expedition again** the Edomites. He
went over to Zair with all his chariots ; there he
and his force appear to have bean surrounded,' and
only to have escaped by cutting their way through
in the night. The parallel account in Chronicles
(2 Chr. xxi. 9) agrees with this, except that the
words " to Zair " are omitted, and the words " with
his princes " inset ted. This is followed by Josephus
(Ant. ix. 5, §1). The omitted and inserted words
have a certain similarity both in sound and in their
component letters, !TTJ7¥ and V IP Wff ; and on
this it has been conjectured that the latter were
substituted for the former, either by the error of a
copyist, or intentionally, because the name Zair was
not elsewhere known (see Keil, Comm. on 2 K.
viii. 21). Others again, as Movers (Chrtmik, 218)
and Ewald {Qach. iii. 524), suggest that Zair it
identical with Zoar pjjt or TjnX). Certainly in
the middle ages the road by which an army pasted
from Judaea to the country formerly occupied by
Edom lay through the place which was then be-
lieved to be Zoar, below Kerak, at the S.E. quarter
of th* Dead Sea (Fulcher, Getta Dei, 405), and as
far this is in favour of the identification ; but there
is no other support to it in the MS. readings eitha
of the original or the Versions.
• This Is not, however, tlwmtarpreuttouoftae Jewisa
oomtneatatore, who take the ward 3'2Di1 to nder ts
tb* neighbouring parts of the country of Kjkrs VeBeaa
en J Chr. xxt t.
ZALAFb
The Tan of Gratia (u will oe seen under that
head) m probably near the N.E. end of the lake,
and the chief interest that exists In the identifica-
tion of Zair and Zoar, reside* in the feet that if
It could be established it would show that by the
time 2 K. viii. 21 was written, Zoar had been shifted
ftoin its original place, and had come to be located
where it was in the days of Joseph, Jerome, and
the Crusades. Possibly the previous existence there
of a place called Zair, assisted the transfer.
.A third conjecture grounded on the readings of
the Vulgate (Seira) and the Arabio Tersiou (war,
»*cL») is, that Zair is an alteration for Seir
rW), the country itself of the Edomites (The-
nius, Kvarxg. Ex. Handb.). The objection to this
is, that the name of Seir appears not to hare been
known to the author of the Book of Kings.* [G.]
ZA%APH(*£v: *X*>; Alex. 'EA*>: Se-
Itpty Father of Hanun, who assisted in rebuild-
ing the city wall (Neh. iii. 30).
ZAI/MON (PQ^V: 'EWiaV; Alex. JeAAaV:
Selmtm). An Ahohite, one of David's piard (2
Sam. rriil. 28). In 1 Chr. xi. 29 he u> cai.ed Ilai,
which Keunicott {Din. p. 187) decides to be the
true reading.
ZAJVMON, MOUNT (flD^Sni] : Spn'Zp-
fufc : mm Seltnon). A wooded eminence in the
immediate neighbourhood of Shechem, from which
Abimelech and his people cut down the boughs with
which he suffocated and burnt the Shechemites
who had taken refuge in the citadel (Judg. ix. 48).
It is evident from the narrative that it was close to
the city. But beyond this there does not appear to
be the smallest indication either in or out of the Bible
of it* position. The Kabbis mention a place of the
same name, but evidently far from the necessary
position (Schwarx, 137). The name SuUimijjeh is
attached to the S.E. portion of Mount Ebal (sse
the map of Dr. Rosen, Zeittch. ier D. U. 0. xiv.
634) ; but without further evidence, it ia hazardous
even to conjecture that there is any connexion between
this name and Tsalmon.
The reading of the LXX. ia remarkable both in
itself, and in the fact that the two great MSS. agree
in a reading so much removed from the Hebrew ;
but it is impossible to suppose that Hennon (at
any rata the well-known mountain of that name),
ia referred to in the narrative of Abimelech.
The possibility of a connexion between this mount
and the place of the same name in Ps. lxviii. 14
(A. V. Salmon), is discussed under the head of
Salmon, pp. 1094, 6.
The name of Dalmanutha has been supposed to
be a corruption of that of Tsalmon (Otho, Lex.
Xabb. " Dalmanutha"). [G.]
ZALMO'NAH (fUb^X: SeApava: Sahnona).
The nar ■* of a desert-station of the Israelites, which
they reached between leaving Mount He and camp-
ing at Punon, although they must hav* turned the
sruthern point of Edomiti&h territory by the way
(Norn, xxxiii. 41). It lies on the east side of
• Tfte variation of the MSS. of the LXX (Holmes and
Parsons) are very singular— >* 2im>, « 2>jm>, «c Op.
Bat they do not point to any difference in us Hebrew
leal from that now rxuuing.
k The anlatelliftbllliy of lbs names Is In tavonr of their
Wlnf correct!/ retained rather than the reverie. And It
ZAMZUMMXMS
181.!
Edom ; but whether or not identical with Mam,
a few miles E. of Petra, aa Rauroer thinks, it
doubtful. More probably Zalmonah may be in the
Wady Ithm, which' runs into the Arabah dose to
where FJath anciently stood. [H. H.]
ZAI/MTJNNA (JJJOVX: a«A/uua ; Alex. 3oA-
uavo, and so also Josephus: Sahnana). One cf
the two " kings" of Midian whose capture and
death by the hands of Gideon himself formed the
last act of his great conflict with Midian (Judg.
viii. 5-21 ; Ps. lxxxiii. 11). No satisfactory expla-
nation of the name of Zalmunna has been given.
That of Geseniua and FUrst (" shelter is denied
him") » can hardly be entertained.
The distinction between the " kings" ttfxfi
and the "princes" (nB>) of the Hidianites on thai
occasion is carefully maintained throughout the
narrative* (viii. 5, 12, 26). " Kings" of Midian an
also mentioned in Num. xxxi. 8, But when the
same transaction is referred to in Josh. xiii. 21
they are designated by the title NlsU ('K'feO), A. V.
"princes." Elsewhere (Num. xxii. 4, 7) the term
ttktnm k used, answering in signification, if not
in etymology, to the Arabic eheikh. It is difficult,
perhaps impossible, to tell how far these distinctions
are accurate, and how far they represent the imper-
fect acquaintance which the Hebrews must have had
with the organization of a people with whom,
except during the orgies of Shittim, they appear
to hare been always more or less at strife and war-
fare (1 Chr. r. 10, 19-22).
The vast horde which Gideon repelled must hart
included many tribes under the general designation
of - Midianites, Amalekites, childr-o of the East;"
and nothing would be easier or n*>re natural than
for the Hebrew scribes who chronicled the events
to confuse one tribe with another in so minute a
point as the title of a chief.
In the great Bedouin tribes of the present day,
who occupy the place of Midian and Amalek, there
is no distinctive appellation answering to the msiVo
and aar of the Hebrew narrative. Differences it
rank and power there are, as between tlie great
chief, the acknowledged head of the parent tribe,
and the lesser chiefs who lead the sub-tribes into
which it is divided, and who are to a great extent
independent of him. But the one word theikh is
employed for all. The great chief ia the Sktikk
el-keUr, the others are milt et-mathnkh, - of the
sheikhs," i. e. of sheikh rank. The writer begs to
express bis acknowledgments to Mr. Layard and Mr.
Cyril Graham for information on this point. [Q/)
ZAM'B'.S (Zeuiflf ; Alex. Zeuiftwr: Zambrit).
The same as AsUiuah (1 Esd. ix. 34 ; comp. Exr.
x. 42).
ZAMBRI (Zanfipi: Zamri). ZlMU the Si-
meouite slain by Phinehas (1 Mace. ii. 26).
ZA'MOTH (Zou-0; Alex. Zo^W: Zatkoim)m
Zattd (1 Esd. ix. 28 ; comp. Exr. x. 27).
ZAM'ZUMMIMB(Dn^Ot: Zo X o/W; Alex,
OHfueiv '• Zomxommim). The Ammonite name fat
should not be overlooked that tbey are not. Use Oreb and
Zeeb, stUehed also to localities, which always throws a
doubt on the name when attributed to a parson sa weU.
• Josephus bmrts the dUtmcoon. He styles Orst- and
Zseb/hwwuM, and Zsbsh and Zalmunna f ff aaeV s i fsi
1814
ZANOAH
(he people who by other* ( thou jh wb« they were
does not appear) were called Kephaim (Deut, it.
20 only). *They are described as having originally
been a powerful and aumeroo* nation of giants :-—
" great, many, and tall," — inhabiting the diatrict
which at the time of the Hebrew oonqneat was in
the possession of the Ammonites, by whom the
Zamiummim had a long time previously been de-
stroyed. Where this district was, it k not perhaps
possible erectly to ilefine; but it probably lay in
the neighbourhood of Rabbath-Aramon (AmmAn),
the only city of the Ammonites of which the
aame or situation is preserved to us, and therefore
eastward of that rich undulating country from
which Moab had been forced by the Amorites (the
modern Belka), and of the numerous towns of
that country,' whose ruins and names are still
encountered.
From a slight similarity between the two names,
and from the mention of the Emim in connexion with
each, it is usually aasumed that the Zamrummim
are identical with the ZuztM (Gesenins, The*.
410 a { Ewald, Geeok. i. 308 not* ; Knobel on Gen.
xlr. 5). Ewald further supports this by identify-
ing Ham, the capital city of the Zuzim (Gen. xiv.
5) with Amman. Bat at best the identification is
very conjectural.
Various cttempts have been made to explain the
name:— as by comparison with the Arabic f'j*o\
" long-necked ;" or » ^|"», " strong and big "
(Simonis, Oaom. 135) ; or as " obstinate," from
BDT (Luther), or as " noisy," from DTDJ (Gese-
nius, The*. 419), or as Onomatopoetic,* intended
t> imitate the unintelligible jabber of foreigners.
Hichaelis (8uppl. No. 629) playfully recalls the
likeness of the name to that of the well Zem-xem
at Mecca, and suggests thereupon that the tribe
may hare originally come from Southern Arabia.
Notwithstanding this banter, however, he ends his
article with the following discreet words, " Nihil
historiae, nihil originis populi novimus : fas sit ety-
mologiam aeque ignorare." [G.]
ZANO'AH (rta : Zosutr in both HSS. : Zona).
In the genealogical lists of the tribe of Judah in
1 Cliron., Jekuthiel is said to have been the father of
Zanoah (iv. 18) ; and, as far as the passage can be
made out, some connexion appears to be intended
with " Bithiah, the daughter of Pharaoh." Zanoah
is the name of a town of Judah [Zanoah 2], and
this mention of Bithiah probably points to some
colonisation of the place by Egyptians or by Israelites
directly from Egypt. In Seetxen's account of Samite
(or more accurately Za'nutah), which is possibly
identical with Zanoah, there is a curious token of
the influence which events in Egypt still exercised
on the place (Reitm, iii. 29).
The Jewish interpreters considered the whole of
this passage of 1 Chr. iv. to refer to Hoses, and in-
terpret each of the names which it contains as titles
of him. "He was chief of Zanoach," says the
Targum, " because for his sake Gs-1 put atoay
(rOt) the tins of Israel." [G.]
• In this sense the name was applied by controver-
statists of the nth century as a nlcknaias tor tanatkb
who pretended to speak with tongues.
k Tateoame, however C c «jh). exhibits the 'aui, which
ZAPHNATH-PAANEAH
ZANO'AH (rtJt). The name of two towns h
the territory of Judah.
1. (TttVw, Zone; Alex. Zone: Zanot m ttn
Shefelah (Josh. xv. 34), named in the sar e grotp
with Zoreah and Jannuth. It is possibly deotical
with Zinu'a, h a site which was pointed out to Dr.
Robinson from Beit NettlfiB. R. ii. 16), and which
in the maps of Van de Velde and of Tobler (3tU
Wandenmg) is located on the N. aide of the VrWj
Ismail, 2 miles E. of Zartah, and 4 miles N. rtf
Taramk. This position is sufficiently in accordance
with the statement of Jerome (Onomaet. " Zaa-
nohna"), that it was in the district of Eleutheropolis,
on the road to Jerusalem, and called Zanua.
The name recurs in its old connexion in the lists
of Nehemlah. both of the towns which were re-
inhabited by the people of Judah after the Captivity
(xi. 30* ), and of those which assisted in repairing
the wall of Jerusalem (iii. 13). It k an entirely
distinct place from
2. (Zurorcwfu ; Alex. *Xar m a x tifi : Zonae.) A
town in the highland district, the mountain proper
(Josh. xv. 56). It k named in the same grown
with llaon, Carmel, Ziph, and other places known
to lie south of Hebron. It is (as Van de Velde
suggests, Memoir, 354) not improbably identical
with Samite, which is mentioned by Seetxen (fieiam,
iii. 29) as below Senuta, and appears to be a*~it
10 miles S. of Hebron. At the time of his vish. it
was the last inhabited place to the south. Robinson
(B. B. U. 204 note) gives the name differently,
jJsaACj, Za'nUah; and it will be observed
that like Zamfak just mentioned, it contains the
'Am, which the Hebrew name does not, and which
rather shakes the identification.
According to the statement of the genealogical
lists of 1 Chr. Zanoah was founded or colonised by
a person named Jekuthiel (iv. 18). Here it k
also mentioned with Socio and E^htemoa, both ot
which places are recognizable in the neighbourhood
otZa'nitah. [G.]
ZAPHNATH-PAA-NEAH (TOPS TUBS :
VorSoiifearfix '■ Sal^otor imoioV), a name given
by Pharaoh to Joseph (Gen. xli. 45). Various
forms of this name, all traceable to the Heb. or
LXX. original, occur in the works of the early
Jewish and Christian writers, chiefly Jotephus,
from different MSS. and editions of whose An'..
(ii. 6, §1) no less than eleven forms have been
collected, following both originals, some vari ati o ns
being very corrupt ; but from the translation given
by Josephus it k probable that he transcribed
the Hebrew. Philo (De Somaum Jfirf. p 819 c
ed. Col. 1613) and Theodoret (i. p. 106, ed.
Schuh) follow the LXX., and Jerome, the Hebrew.
The Coptic version nearly transcribes the LXX.,
^oneu}ju.$£.nKK-
In the Hebrew text the name k divided into twe
parts. Every such division of Egyptian words beuar,
in accordance with the Egyptian orthography ; as
No-Ammon, Pi-beseth, Poti-pherah ; we cannot, if
the name be Egyptian, reasonably propose any
change in thk cast ; if the name be Hebrew, tht>
Is not present In the Hebrew name.
• Here the name Is contracted to Il5t.
* These curious words are produced by Jouurtf
to the name following it, Cain, or
ZAFHNATH-l'AANEAH
ssime fa certain. There is no fmiina facie reason
for any change in the consonants.
The LXX. form seems to indicate the same divi-
sion, as the latter part, efcw^x, is identical with
the second part of the Hebrew, while what precedes
as different. There is again no prima facie reason
for any change from the ordinary rending of the
name. The cause of the difference from the Hebrew
in the earlier part of the name most be discussed
when we come to examine its meaning.
This name has been explained a Hebrew or
Egyptian, and always as a proper name. It has
not been supposed to be an official title, but this
possibility has to be considered.
1. The Rabbins interpreted Zaphnath-paaneah as
Hebrew, in the sense " revealer of a secret." This
explanation is as old as Josephua (xpvirrSp eftpe-
rifr, Ant. ii. 6, §1) ; and Theodoret also follows
it (rttr ampftrwY tpit7)nvr))v, i. p. 106, Schulz).
Philo offers an explanation, which, though seemingly
different, may be the same («V a*-oicp{o-<i irrdpa
•tplntr ; bat Mangejr oonjectures the true reading
to be it eWscpAfxi <rrifia ia-oKpuxf/ierov, /. c).
It most be remembered that Josephus perhaps, and
Theodoret and Phiio certainly, follow the LXX.
form of the name.
2. Isidore, though mentioning the Hebrew inter-
pretation, remarks that the came should be Egyp-
tian, and offers an Egyptian etymology : — " Joseph
. . . nunc Pharao Zaphanath Phaaneca appellavit,
quod Hebraic* abaoonditorum repertorem sonat . . .
tamen quia hoc nomen ai> Aegyptio ponitur, ipsius
linguae debet habere rationem. Interpretatur ergo
Zaphanath Phaaneca Aegyptio sermone salrator
mundi" {Orig. vii. c. 7, t. iii. p. 327, Arev.).
Jerome adopts the same rendering.
3. Modem scholars have looked to Coptic for
an explanation of this name, Jahlonski and others
proposing as the Coptic of the Egyptian original
ncurr jDl $eneg,. or ncurf, #*.,
" the preservation " or " preserver of the age."
His is evidently the etymology intended by Isidore
and Jerome.
We dismiss the Hebrew interpretation, as unsound
in itself, and demanding the improbable concession
that Pharaoh gave Joseph a Hebrew name.
It is impossible to arrive at a satisfactory result
without first inquiring when this name was given,
and what are the characteristics of Egyptian titles
and names. These points having been discussed,
we can show what ancient Egyptian sounds corre-
spond to the Hebrew and LXX. forms of this name,
and a comparison with ancitot Egyptian will then
be possible.
After the account of Joseph's appointment to be
governor, of his receiving the insignia of authority,
and Pharaoh's telling him that he held the second
place in the kingdom, follow these words :— " And
Pharaoh called Joseph's name Zaphnath-paaneah ;
and he gave him to wife Asenath the daughter of
Poti-pherah priest of On ." It is next stated, - And
Joseph went out over [all] the land of Egypt"
(Gen. xli. 45). As Joseph s two sons were born
" before the years of famine came " (ver. 50), it
seems evident that the order is here strictly chrono-
logical, at at least that the events spoken of are of
the time before the famine. It is scarcely to be
supposed that Pharaoh would have named Joseph
** the preserver of the age," or the like, when the
calamity, from the worst effects of which his admi-
nistration preserved Hgypt, had not come. The
ZAPHNATH PAANKAH 1815
name, at first sight, serins to be a proper name,
but, as occurring after the account of Joseph's ap-
pointment and honours, may be a title.
Ancient Egyptian titles of dignity are generally
connected with the king or the gods, as SUTEN-
SA, king's son, applied not only to royal princes,
but to the governors of KEESH, or Cush. Titles
of place are generally simplv descriptive, as MER-
KETU, "superintendent of buildings" ("nubile
works"?). Some Aw are tropical. Ancient
Egyptian names are either simple or compound.
Simple names are descriptive of occupation, as MA,
the shepherd," an early king's name, or are the
names of natural objects, as PE-MAY (?), - the
cat," &c. ; more rarely they indicate qualities of
character, as S-NUPRE, " doer of good." Com-
pound names usually express devotion to the gods,
as PET-AM EN-APT, " Belonging to Amen of
Thebes;" some are composed with the name of the
reigning king, as SHAFRA-SHA, " Shafra rules;"
SESERTESEN-ANKH, "Sesertesen lives." Others
occur which are more difficult of explanation, as
AMEN-EM-HA, " Amen in the front," a war-
cry? Doable names, not merely of kings, but
of private persons, are found, but are very rare, as
SNUFRE ANKHEE, "Doer of good, living one."
These doable names are usually of the period before
the xviiith dynasty.
Before comparing Zaphnath-paaneah and Peon-
thomphanech with Egyptian names, we must
ascertain the probable Egyptian equivalents of the
letters of these forms. The Egyptian words occur-
ring in Hebrew are few, and the forms of some of
them evidently Shemitidzed, or at least changed by
their use by foreigners : a complete and systematic
alphabet of Hebrew equivalents of Egyptian letters
therefore cannot be drawn up. There are, on the
other hand, numerous Sbemitic words, either Hebrew
or of a dialect very near it, the geographical names
of places and tribes of Palestine, given, according to
a system, in the Egyptian inscriptions and papyri,
from which we can draw up, as M. de Rouge has
done {Seme ArcMologique, S. S. iii. 351-354), a
complete alphabet, certain in nearly all its details,
and approximately true in the few that are not
determined, of the Egyptian equivalents of tht
Hebrew alphabet. The two comparative alphabets
do not greatly differ, but we cannot be sore that in
the endeavour to ascertain what Egyptian sounds
are intended by Hebrew letters, or their Greek equi-
valents, we are quite accurate in employing the
latter. For instance, different Egyptian signs are
used to represent the Hebrew 1 and 7, bat it is
by no means certain that these signs in Egyptiar.
represented any sound '^ut R, except in the vulgar
dialect.
It is important to observe thit the Egyptians had a
hard " t," the parent of the Coptic X and tfTwhkh
we represent by an italic T; that they had an
" a " corresponding to the Hebrew V, which we re-
present by an italic A ; and that the Hebrew B mry
be represented by the Egyptian P, also pronounced
PTi, and by the F. The probable originals of the
Egyptian name of Joseph may be thus stated : —
v o 3 n cyan
TPNT PANKH
K
Toy *
PS N T
M
P
K
N KH
1810 ZAfHNATH-PAANEAH
The stand pait of the name in Uir Hebiew is
the tame as in the LXX. f although in the latter it
is Dot separate : we therefore examine it first. It
■ identical with the ancient Egyptian proper name
P-ANKHEE, " the living," borne by a king who
was an Ethiopian ruling after Tirbakah, and pro-
bably contemporary with the earlier part of the
reign of Psammetichus I. The only doubtful point
in the identification is that it is not certain that
the "a" in P-ANKHEE is that which represents
the Hebrew Jt. It is a symbolic sign of the kind
which serves as an initial, and at the same time
determines the signification of the word it partly
expresses and sometimes singly represents, and it is
only used in the single sense " life," " to lire." It
may, however, be conjectured from its Coptic equiva-
lents to have begun with either a long or a guttural
"a" (*.!«.£, B, k S, A.ng B, OIU.£,
Olt£, S, 0ltj6» UDItj6M, U>It&.£,B,
umng, s).
The second part of the name, thus explained,
•fiords no due to the meaning of the first part, being
a separata name, as in the case of a double name
already cited SNUFRE ANKHEE. TheLXX. form
of the first part is at once recognised in the ancient
Egyptian words P-SENT-N, "the defender" or
" preserver of," the Coptic H CCWf" JUL, " the
preserver of." It Is to be remarked that the ancient
Egyptian form of the principal word is that found in
the LXX., but that the preposition N in hieroglyphics,
however pronounced, is always written N, whereas in
Coptic it becomes JUL before Tl- The word SENT
does not appear to be used except as a divine, and;
under the Ptolemies, regal title, in the latter case
for Soter. The Hebrew form seems to represent a
compound name commencing with TETEr*, or
XEF, " he says," a not infrequent element in com-
pound names (the root being found in the Coptic
XO, 2COT : S XOO, 2£OT), » 7EP, - in-
cense, delight" (?) the name of the sacred incense,
also known to us in the Greek form xixpi (Plutarch,
de l»id. et Osir. c. 80, p. 383; Diosc. if. m. I. 24,
Spr.) But, if the name commence with either of
these words, the rest seems inexplicable. It is
remarkable that the last two consonants are the
same as in Asenath, the name of Joseph's wife. It
has been supposed that in both esses this element is
the name of the goddess Neith, Asenath having been
conjectured to be AS-NEET ; and Zaphnath, by
Mr. Osburn, we believe, TEF-NEKT, " the delight (?)
of Neith." Neith, the goddess of Sals, is not likely
to have been reverenced si Heliopolis, the city of
Asenath. It is also improbable that Pharaoh would
have given Joseph a name connected with idolatry ;
for Joseph's position, unlike Daniel's, when he was
first called Belteshanar, would hare enabled hhn
effectually to protest against receiving such a name.
The latter part of the name might suggest the pos-
sibility of the letters " aneah " corresponding to
ANKH, and the whole preceding portion, Zaphnath
and the initial of this part, forming the name of
Joseph's Pharaoh ; the form being that of SESER-
TEsEN-ANKH, " Sesertesen lives," already men-
tioned ; but the occurrence of the letter P shows
that the form is P-ANKHEE, and were this not
sufficient proof, no name of a Pharaoh, or other
proper name is known that ran be compared with
the supposed first portion. We hare little doubt
ZAJtKFHATB
that the monuments will unexpectedly >apply as
with the information we need, giving us the origin!
Egyptian name, though probably not applied ti>
Joseph, of whose period there are, we believe, but
few Egyptian records. [R. S. P.]
ZATHON (JJDX: SoavtV ; Alex. ZbstW:
Saplton). The name nf a place mentioned in the
enumeration of the allotment of the tribe of Gad
(Josh. xiii. 27). It is one of the places in " the
valley " which appear to have constituted the ** re-
mainder (V*!) °* the kuigdom of Sthon " — appa-
rently referring to the portion of the earns kin gdom
previously allotted to Reuben (vers. 17-21). The
enumeration appears to proceed from south to north,
and from the mention of the Sea of Cbinneroth it is
natural to infer that Zaphon waa near that lake.
No name resembling it has yet been encountered.
In Judg. xii. 1, the word rendered " northward "
(ttdpUnAh) may with equal accuracy be rendered
" to Zaphon." This rendering is supported by the
Alex. LXX. (ncatouw) and a host of other MSS.
and it has consistency on its side. [GJ
ZA'BA (Zoprf: Sara). Zakah the son of
Juduh (Matt. i. 3).
ZABACK8 (ZofNtcwi : ZaratxIaX Brother
of juocim, or Jehoiakim, king of Judah (1 Esd, i.
38). His name is apparently a corruption <4
Zedekiah.
ZA'BAH(rnt: Zap*: Zara). Properly Zebai?,
the son of Judah by Tamar (Gen. xxiriii. SO,
xlvi. 12).
ZAEAIA8 (Vat. omits; Alex. Zeysusb: Vulg.
omits). 1. Zkrahiah, one of the anceatom of Eira
(1 Esd. rill. 2) ; called Anna in 2 Eed. i. 8.
2. (Zapofu : Zaraeat.) Zmuht*H, the father
of Elihoenai (1 Esd. viii. 31).
3. (Zapotat: Zariat.) Zebadiah, the eon of
Michael (1 Esd. viii. 34).
ZA'BEAH (J1JTO : Vat. omits; Alex. Soya. :
Saraa). The form in which our translators have
once (Neh. xi. 20) represented the name, which
they elsewhere present (less accurately) as Zorah
and Zorbah. ' [G.]
ZA'BEATHITES, THE (TuTBtn : W 1m-
paBmot: Saraitae). The inhabitants of Zarkah
or Zorah. The word occurs in this form only in
1 Chr. ii. 53. Elsewhere the same Hebrew word
appears in the A. V. as tub Zorathites. [G.j
ZA'BED, THE VALLEY OF (TTJ Snj:
ipipayt Zaprr; Alex. e>. Zaps: torrent Zand).
The name is accurately Zered ; the change in
the first syllable being due to its occurring at a
pause. It is found in the A. V. in this form only
in Num. zxt. 12; though in the Hebr. it occur*
also Deut. ii. 13. [G.]
ZABTEPHATH (nffllt, •'.«. TatrtU: •*•>.
parti ; in Obad. plural : Sarephtka). A town which
derives its claim to notice from having been the
residence of the prophet Elijah during the latter
put of the drought (1 K. xvii. 9, 10). Berets]
statin? that it was near to, or dependent on, Zioon
(tfT i?)» the Bible gives no due to its
' In It xvii. t. UK Atex.»ia has Jeslfa. but a tkt
other two passages agrae* with (ha Vat,
ZABETAN
It is mentioned by Ubadiah (ver. 20), but rjerely
M * Canaanite (that is Phoenician) city. Jcsepnus
(Ant. riii. 13, §2), however, states that it was
"not fiu- from Sidon and Tyre, for it lies be-
»w*ep them." And to this Jerome add* (Onoin.
■ Sarefta") that it " lay on the public road," that
fa the coast-road. Both these conditions are implied
In the mention of it in the Itinerary of Paula by
Jerome (Epit. Paulae, §8), and both are fulfilled
in the situation of the modem Tillage of S&ra-
fnd* (ASSyAe), a name which, except in its termi-
aation.is almost identical with the ancient Phoenician.
SCrafcnd has been visited and described by Dr.
Robinson (B. S. ii. 475) and Dr. Thomson (Zand
and Book, ch. xii.). It appears to have changed its
place, at least since the 11 th century, for it is
now more than a mile from the coast, high up on
tlte slope of a hill (Rob. 474), whereas, at the time
rf the Crusades, it was on the shore. Of the old
town, considerable indications remain. One group
of foundations is on a headland called Am et-
Kentarak ; but the chief remains are south of this,
and extend for a mile or more, with many frag-
ments of columns, slabs, and other architectural
natures. The Roman road is said to be unusually
perfect there (Bemnont, Diary, &•., ii. 186). The
site of the chapel erected by the Crusaders ou the
spot then reputed '_> be the site of the widow's
bouse, is probably still preserved.* (See the cita-
tions of Robinson.) It is near the water's edge,
and is now marked by a widy and small khan dedi-
cated to el Khudr, the veU-known personage who
unites, in the popular Moslem faith, Elijah and S.
George.
In the N. T. Zarephath appears under the Greek
form of Sarkpta. [G.l
ZAB'ETAN"(|niy,i.«.Tsarthan: LXX. omits
In both MSS. : Sarthan). An inaccurate repre-
sentation of the name elsewhere more corm/ly
given as Zarthan. In occurs only in Josh. iii.
16, in defining the position of Adam, the city by
which the upper waters of the Jordan remained
during the passage of the Israelites : — " The waters
rushing down from above stood and rose up upon
one heap very far off— by Adam, the city that is
by the side of Zarthan." No trace of these names
has been found, nor is anything known of the situ-
ation of Zarthan.
It is remarkable that the LXX. should exhibit
no * trace of the name. [Q.]
ZA'HETH-SHA'HAB (injpn TTft, i. #. Zt-
retfc has-shachar: JcpoJo mat Xuir; Alex. Sap*
stat 2imi>: Seretn AssaAar). A place mentioned
only in Josh. xiii. 19, in the catalogue of the towns
allotted to Reuben. It is named between SimuH
and Betiipeor, and is particularly specified as " in
Mount^ha-Emck" (A. V. •' iu the Mount of the
Valley"). From this, however, no clue can be
famed to its position. Seetxen (Reiten, ii. 369)
proposes, though with hesitation (see his note), to
identify it with a spot called Sard at the mouth of
the Wady Zerka Main, about a mile from the
edge^ of the Dead Sea. A place SAaknr is marked
on Van de Velde's map, about six miles south of
M Salt , at the head of the valley of the Wady
• The name Is given as Sarphamt by loo Edrls;
m m rfn m by Manndevule ; and Sarflian t«r lsauadrelL
• A grotto (as usual) at the root of the bill on which
ska oxxtorn vlllafe stands Is aww shewn as the reskleire
2ATTHC 1817
Seir But nothing can be said of either of these ji
the p.eseut state of our knowledge. [G.J
ZABHITES, THE (TTJjrt : i Zooot; Alex.
"O Zoom!, Zaoiel in Josh. : ZarOtai, Zart, ttirpt
Zarahi and Zaral). A branch of the tribe o»
Judah: descended from Zerah the son df Judah
(Num. xxri. 13, 20; Josh. Til. 17; 1 Oil xxrU
11, 13). Acban was of this family, and it was
represented in David's time by two distinguished
warriors, Sibbechai the Hushathite and Maharal
the Netophathite.
ZABT'ANAH (rUJm: Strata*; Alex.
ZvXtartar: Sarthana). A place named in 1 K.
iv. 12, to define the position of Bethsheax. It
is possibly identical with Zarthan, but nothing
positive can he said on the point, and the name has
not been discovered in postbibliral times. [G.l
ZARTHAN (,JT1X: Stio**; Alex. Siopou:
Sarthan).
1. A place in the cieear or drew of Jordan, men-
tioned in connexion with Succoth (1 K. vli. 46).
2. It is also named, in the account of the passage
of the Jordan by the Israelites (Josh. iii. 16), aa
defining the position of the city Adam, which
was beside (ISO) it. The differes-* which the
translators of the A. V. have introduced into the
name in this passage (Zaretan) has no existence
in the original.
3. A place with the similar name of Zabtahah
(which in the Hebrew differs from the two forms
already named only in its termination) is mentioned
in the list of Solomon's commissariat districts. It
is there specified as " close to" I^W) Bethshean,
that is, in the upper part of the Jordan valley.
4. Further, in Chronicles, Zeredathah is sub-
stituted for Zarthan, and this sgain is not impos-
sibly identical with the Zererah, Zererath, or Zere-
rathah, of the story of Gideon. All these spots
agree in proximity to the Jordan, but beyond
this ire are absolutely at fault as to their posi-
tion. Adam is unknown ; Sucooth is, to say the
least, uncertain ; and no name approaching Zar-
than has yet been encountered, except it be Sir-
tabth (XAJavttv). the name of a lofty and isolated
hill which projects from the main highlands into
the Jordan valley, about 17 miles north of Jericho
(Van de Velde, Memoir, 354). But Swtabeh, if
connected with any ancient name, would seem
rather to represent some compound of the ancient
Hebrew or Phoenician Tsar, which in Arabic is re-
presented by Sir <jyo), as in the name of the
modem Tyre. [G.]
ZATH'OE (ZoSin : Zachuto). This name occurs
in 1 Esd. viii. 32, for Zattu, which appears to
have been omitted in the Hebrew text of Ear. viii.
5, which should read, " Of the sons of Zattu, She-
chauiah the son of Jahaxiel."
ZATHU'I (ZaBovl : Demu). ZATTU (1 Eadr.
v. 12; comp. Kxr. ii. 8).
ZATTHU(Wnt: ZaeWa; Ami. ZstftWa
ZeViu). Elsewhere Zattu (Neb. x. 14).
or Elijah (Van de Velde, S.4P.L 102>
* This Is not ooljr the esse in Uw two
the edition of Holmes snd Parsons shews ll la
sod that a cursive MS. of the 13th cent
i uojy
IU18
ZATTU
gAT'TU K1F1?: ZotvW, Zuffova, Zafloofa;
Alex. Zarfovd, ZaMoia; FA. ZaBovia, ZaBayia:
Zethua). The sons of Zattu wei* a family of lay-
men of Israel who returned with Zerubbabel (Esr.
tt. 8 ; Neh. vii. 13). A second division accom-
panied Ezra, though in the Hebrew text of Ezr.
Tiii. 5 the name has been omitted. [ZathOE.]
Several membeia of this family had married foreign
wives (Ezr. x. 27;.
ZA.*VAN = Zaavah (1 Chr. 1. 42).
ZA'ZA(MTT: *OCd>; Alex. 'Ofofrf: Zita).
One of the tons of Jonathan, a descendant of Jerah-
meel (1 Chr. ii. S3).
ZEBADI'AH (nH3| : Zafioita. : ZabadU).
1. A Benjamite of the sons of Ueriah (1 Chr. viii.
IS).
2. A Benjamitt of the sons of Elpaal (1 Chr.
tiii. 17).
3. One of the sons of Jeroham of Gedor, a Ben-
jamite a ho joined the fortunes of David in his
retreat at Ziklsg (1 Chr. xii. 7).
4. {ZafiaSlas ; Alex. ZafiSha : Zabadiat.) Son
of Asahel the brother of Joab (1 Chr. xxvii. 7).
5. (Zebedia.) Son of Michael of the sons of
Shephatiah (Ezr. Tiii. 8). He returned with 80
of his dan in the second caravan with Ezra. In
1 Esdr. viii. 34 he is railed Zaraias.
6. (ZafiSta; FA. ZafiStla.) A priest of the sons
of Immer who bad married a foreign wife after the
return from Babylon (Ezr. x. 2u). Called Zab-
oeus in 1 Esdr. ix. 21.
T. (W13t: Za0aJ(a; Alex. Z<u3a81af: Za-
baditu.) Third son of Meshelemiah the Korhite
v l Chr. xxvi. 2).
8. {Zafitlat.) A Levite in the reign of Jehosh-
aphat who was sent to teach the Law in the cities
of Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 8).
9. The son of Ishniael and prince of the house
of Judah in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xix.
11). In conjunction with Amariah the chief priest,
he was appointed to the superintendence of the
Levites. priests and chief men who had to decide all
causes, civil and ecclesiastical, which were brought
before them. They possibly may have formed a
kind of court of appeal, Zebadiah acting for the in-
*.«rats of the king, and Amariah being the supreme
authority in ecclesiastical matters.
ZEBAH (ri3T : Zt0c4 : Zebee). One of the
two " kings " of Midian who appear to have com-
manded the great invasion of Palestine, and who
finally fell by the hand of Gideon himself. He is
always coupled with Zahnunua, and is mentioned
in Judg. viii. 5-21 ; Ps. lxxxiii. 11.
It is a remarkable instance of the unconscious
artlessness of the narrative contained in Judg. vi.
33- viii. 28, that no mention is made of any of the
chiefs of the Midianites during the early part of the
story, or indeed until Gideon actually comes into
contact with them. We then discover (viii. 18)
that while the Bedouins were ravaging the crops in
the valley of Jezreel, before Gideon s attack, three*
or more of his brothers had been captured by the
Arabs and put to death, by the hands of Zebah and
Zalmunna themselves. But this material fact is
only incidentally mentioned, and is of a piece with
the later references by prophets and rwahnists to
It Is perhaps allowable to Infer this from the use of
ke plural (not the dual) to the word brethren (»cr. 19).
ZEBA1M
other events in tht same struggle, the interest an*
value of which have been alluded to under Oft£B.
Ps. lxxxiii. 12, purports to hare preserved the
very words of the cry with which Zebah and Za»
munna rushed up at the head of their hordes from
the Jordan into the luxuriant growth of the great
plain, " Seize these goodly » pastures'' !
While Oreo and Zeeb, two of the inferior leaden
of the incursion, had been slain, with a vast uurtbej
of their people, by the Ephraimites, at the central
fords of the Jordan (not improbably those near Jur
DamieK), the two kings had succeeded in making
their escape by a passage further to the north (pro-
bably the ford near Bethshean), and thence by
the Wady Toots, through Gilead, to Karkor, 'a
place which is not fixed, but which lay doubtless
high up on the Haoran. Here they were reposwf:
with 15,000 men, a mere remnant of their hng«
horde, when Gideon overtook them. Had they re-
sisted there is little doubt that they might hare
easily overcome the little band of " raiirtiu; *
heroes who had toiled after them up the tie-
mendous passes of the mountains ; bat the name
of Gideon was still full of terror, and the Bedouins
were entirely unprepared for his attack — they fled
in dismay, and the two kings were taken.
Such was the Third Act of the great Tragedy.
Two more remain. First the return down the
long defiles leading to the Jordan. We see the
cavalcade of camels, jingling the golden chains and
the crescentrahaped collars or trappings hung round
their necks. High aloft rode the captive chiefs dad
in their brilliant kefiyeta and embroidered abbat/tU,
and with their " collars " or "jewels" in nose and
ear, on neck and arm. Gideon probably strode on
foot by the side of his captives. They passed Peru*!,
where Jacob had seen the vision of the face of God;
they passed Succoth ; they crossed the rapid stream
of the Jordan; they ascended the highlands west
of the river, and at length reached Ophrah, the
native village of their captor (Joseph. Ant. iv. 7, §5).
Then at last the question which must have been on
Gideon's tongue during the whole of the return
found a vent. There is no appearance of its having
been alluded to before, but it gives, as nothing else
could, the key to the whole pursuit. It was the
death of his brothers, " the children of his mother,"
that had supplied the personal motive for that
steady perseverance, and had led Gideon on to hh
goal against hunger, faintnesa, and obstacles of all
kinds. " What manner of men were they whirb.
ye slew at Tabor?" Up to this time the sheuth-
may have believed that they were res e rve d for
ransom; but these words once spoken there can
have been no doubt what their fate was to be.
They met it like noble children of the Desert, with-
out fear or weakness. One request alone they make
— that they may die by the sure blow of the hero
himself — " and Gideon arose and slew them ;" and
not till he had revenged his brothers did any
thought of plunder enter his heart — then, and not
till then, did he lay hands on the treasures whici-
ornamented their camels. [CI
ZE'BAM (D'3-Vn, in Neh. D"2¥H : uhi
'Atrtfatlv ; Alex. Aere0tMui; in Neh. vi. XaSati'u:
Ambaim, Sabam). The sans of Pochereth of hit-
Tsebaim are mentioned in the catalogue of the
families of "-Solomon's slaves," who returned from
• Sochls the meaning of "pastures or God "mine maj
Idiom.
ZEBEDEE
the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Exra li. S7 ; N>h.
vii. 59). The name ia in the Gnirinal dl but
'•ImtJcal with that of Zeboim/ the fellow-city of
Sodom ; and as many of " Solomon's slaves " appear
to have been of Cauaanite* »tock, it ia possible that
the family of Pochereth were descended tram one of
the people who escaped from Zeboim in the day of
•he great catastrophe in the Valley of the Jordan.
This, howerer, can only be accepted aa conjecture,
and on the other hand the two names Pochereth
bst-Tnebaira are considered by some to hare no
reference to place, but to signify the " snarer or
hunter of row" (Geseniue, Tim. 11024; Bertbeau,
Extg. Simdb. Ear. il. 57). [G.]
ZKB EDEE («^?I or JTH3J: Zs/9«8o7o»). A
fiiherman of Galilee, the father of the Apostles
James the Great and John (Matt ir. 21), and the
hu>band of Salome (Matt xxvii. 56 ; Hark xv. 40).
Be probably lived either at Bethsaida or in its
immediate neighbourhood. It has been inferred
from tt.9 mention of hi* "hired servants" (Mark
i. 20), and from the acquaintance between the
Apostle John and Annas the high-priest (John xviii.
15) that the family of Zebsdee were in easy circum-
stances (comp. John xix. 27), although not above
manual labour (Hatt. ir. 21). Although the name
of Zebedee frequently occurs as a patronymic, for
the sake of distinguishing his two sons from others
who bore the same sanies, he appears only once in
the Gospel narrative, namely in Hatt. iv. 21, 22,
Mark i. 19, 20, where he is seen in his boat with
his two sons mending their nets. On this occasion
he allows his sons to leave him at the bidding of
the Saviour, without raising any objection ; although
it does not appear that he was himself ever of the
number of Christ's disciples. His wife, indeed,
appears in the catalogue of the pious women who
were m constant attendance on the Saviour towards
the close of His ministry, who watched Him on the
cross, and ministered to Him even in the grave
(Matt xxvii. 55. 56; Hark xv. 40, xvi. 1 ; comp.
Matt. xx. 20, and Luke viii. 3). It is reasonable
to infer that Zebedee was dead before this time. It
is worthy of notice, and may perhaps be regarded
as a minute confirmation of the evangelical narra-
tive, that the name of Zebedee ia almost identical
in signification with that of John, since it is likely
that a father would desire that his own name
should be, as it were, continued, although in an
altered form. [Jotm THE APOSTLE.] [W. B. J.]
ZEBTNA (Wnt: Ze/Sevrdr; Alex, omita:
Zabma). One of the sons of Nebo, who had taken
foreign wives after the return from Babylon (Ear.
x. 43).
ZE'BOIM. This word represents in the A. V.
two names which in the original are quite distinct
1. (D?3¥, D'nv, D'ttaV, and, in the Am,
D'13Y: 'Se/StseV; Alex. ItPtufL, SejoWip:
Sebom). One of the five cities of the " plain" or
circle of Jordan. It is mentioned in Gen. x. 19,
sir. 2, 8 ; Deut. xxix. 23 ; and Hos. xi. 8, in each
of which passages it is either coupled with Admah,
or placed next it ia the lists. The name of its king,
Sheoieber, is preserved (Gen. xiv. 2; ; and it perhaps
ZEBTjIi
1819
* Even to the donate sod. This name, on (be other
hand. Is distinct from the Zsaorif of Benjamin.
* to this aouecd mors al length under Manujrm,
(fpju. fcc
* In Gen. x. 1» only, this appears In Val. (Mil) ZcOuvit^i.
appears again, as Zebaim, in the lists of the men.nis
of the Temple.
' Mo attempt appears to have been made to dis-
cover the site of Zeboim, till H. de Saulcy sug-
gested the Talia Sebaan, a name which he, and he
alone, reports ss attached to extensive ruins on
the high ground between the Dead Sea and Kerak
( Voyage, Jan. 22 ; Map, aht. 7). Before however
this can be accepted, M. de Saulcv must explain
how a place which stood in the plain or circle a/
the Jordan, can have been aituated on the highlands
at least 50 miles from that river. [See Sodom ant
ZoabJ
In Gen. xiv. 2, 8, the name is given in the A. V.
Zebohm, a more accurate representative of the
form in which it appears in the original both there
and in Deut xxix. 23.
2. The Vallet of Zeboim (D'JQSn 'J: Tot
v^r Safutr ; the passage is lost in Alex. : VaUit
Sebcini). The name differs from the preceding, not
only in having the definite article attached to it,
but also in containing the characteristic and stub-
born letter Am, which imparts a definite character
to the word in pronunciation. It was a ravine or
gorge, apparently east of Michmash, mentioned only
in 1 Sam. xiii. 18. It is there described with a
curious minuteness, which is unfortunately no longer
Intelligible. The road running from Michmash to
the east is specified as "the road of the border
that looketh to the ravine of Zeboim towards the
wilderness." The wilderness (midbar) is no doubt
the district of uncultivated mountain tops and sides
which lies between the central district of Benjamin
and the Jordan Valley ; and here apparently the
ravine of Zeboim should be sought. In that very
district there is a wild gorge, bearing the name of
Shuk ed-Imbba' («A*flH <J&\ % "ravine of the
hyena," the exact equivalent of O* hat-tsebo'im.
Up this gorge runs the path by which the writer
was conducted from Jericho to Jfuihmcu, in 1853.
It does not appear that the name has been noticed by
other travellers, but it is worth investigation. fG.
ZEB'UDAH (HT3T, Ktri lfrW|: *I«X»d> ;
Alex. £l«A8d>: Zebida). Daughter of Pedaiah of
Rumah, wife of Jewish and mother of king Jehoi-
akim (2 K. xxiii. 36). The Peshito-Syriac and
Arabk :f the London Polyglot read nT3T : the
Targum has rH13T-
ZE*BTJL (^3? : Zt$oi\: Zdmt). Chief man
0lfe>, A. V. " ruler ") of *J>e city of Shecnem »t the
time of the contest between Abimelech and tb;
native Ganaanites. His name occurs Judg. ix. 28,
30, 36, 38, 41. He governed the town as the
" officer " (TJ5B : eWawos) of Abimelech while
the latter was absent <">d he took part against the
Canaanites by •hutting them out of the city when
Abimelech was encamsed outside it. His conversa-
tion with Gael the taaaanite leader, as they stood
in the gate of Sheehem watching the approach' ot
the armed bands, gives Zebul a certain indivi-
duality amongst the many characters of that time
of confusion. |G.]
s The writer was accompanied by Mr. Consul R. T.
Rogers, well known aa one or the beat living scholars in
the common Arabic, who wrote down the naaaa for tttai
at the moment.
1820 ZEBULONITE
ZE'BULONITE O&ttfn, with the def.
ti tide ■ i Zafiav\ttytrns , Alex. In both ve re aa,
t Zu&ovyittii : Zabulonita), i. t. member of the
tribe of Zebulun. Applied only to Elon, the one
iuilge produced by the tribe (Judg. xii. 11, 12).
The article being found in the original, the sentenre
should read, " Elon the Zebulonite." [G.]
ZE'BULUN (|^3|, f^2\, and «J^3{: lev
OwhAr: Zatmlon). 'The tenth of the ions of
Jacob, according to the order in which their births
are enumerated ; the sixth and last of Leah (Gen.
xxx. 20, xxxv. 23, xlvi. 14; 1 Chr. ii. 1). His
birth is recorded in Gen. xxx. 19, 20, where the
origin of the name is as usual ascribed to an ex-
clamation of his mother's — " ' Now will my hus-
band < dwell-with-me (isbeieni), for I have borne
him six sons V and she called his name Zebulun."
Of the individual Zebulun nothing is recorded.
The list of Gen. xlri. ascribes to him three sons,
founders of the chief families of the tribe (camp.
Mum. xxri. 26) at the time of the migration to
Egypt. In the Jewish traditions he is named as
the first of the five who were presented by Joseph
to Pharaoh— Dan, Naphtali, Gad, and Asher being
the others {Tan. Pttodojon. on Gen. xlvii. 2).
During the journey from Egypt to Palestine the
tribe of Zebulun formed one of the first camp, with
Judah and Issschsr (also sons of Leah), inarching
under the standard of Judah. Its numbers, at the
census of Sinai, were 57,000, surpassed only by
Simeon, Dan, and Judah. At that of Shittim they
were 60,500, not baring diminished, but not having
increased nearly so much as might naturally be ex-
pected. The head of the tribe at Sinai was Eliab
son of Helon (Num. vii. 24) ; at Shiloh, Elixaphan
sou of Parnach (lb. xxxiV. 25). Its representa-
tive amongst the spies was Gaddiel son of Sodi
(xiii. 10). Besides what may be implied in its ap-
pearances in these lists, the tribe is not recorded to
nave taken part, for evil or good, in any of the
events of the wandering or the conquest. Its
allotment was the third of the second distribution
(Josh. xix. 10). Judah, Joseph, Benjamin, had
acquired the south and the centre of the country.
To Zebulun 611 one of the fairest of the remaining
portions. It is perhaps impossible, in the present
state of our knowledge, exactly to define its limits ; •
but the statement of Joaephus (Art. v. 1, §22) is
probably in the main correct, that it reached on the
one side to the lake of Geneaareth, and on the
other to Cannel acd the Mediterranean. On the
south it was bounded by hsachar, who lay in the
great plain or valley of the Kishon ; on the north
it had Naphtali aud Asher. In this district the
tribe possessed the outlet (the " going-out," Deut.
xxxiil. 18) of the plain of Akka ; the fisheries of
the lake of Galilee j the splendid agricultural capa-
bilities of the great plain of the Buttauf (equal in
* Of these three forms the first Is employed m Genesis,
Isaiah, Psalms, and Chronicles, except Gen. xllx. 13, and
1 Chr. xxvlL IS; alsoocreslnnilly In Judges; tha second Is
found In the rest of the Pentateuch, In Joshua, Judges,
EmUbI. and the above place In Chronicles. The third and
men extended form is found In Judf . L 30 only. The
Brit and second are used Indiscriminately : e. or. Jodg.
lr. t and v. II exhibit the lint; Judg. It. u> and v. U the
second form.
' This play Is not preserved In the original of the
■Blearing of Jacob," though the language of the A. V.
Implies It. The mini rendered " dwell " In Gen. xllx. 13 Is
}>{►?, with no relation to the name Zebulun. Tbs LXI.
ZEBULUN
fertility, and almost equal m extent, to that of
Jezreel, and with the immense advantage of not
being, as that was, the high road of the Bedouins) ,
and, last not least, it included sites so strongly for-
tified by nature, that in the later struggles of the
nation they proved more impregnable than any in
the whole country.' The sacred mountain of
Tabor, Zebulun appears to hare shared with lass-
char (Deut. xxxiil. 19), and it and Kimmon were
allotted to the Merarite Levitea (1 Chr. vi. 77).
But these ancient sanctuaries of the tribe wen
eclipsed by those which arose within it afte rward s,
when the name of Zebulun was superseded by that
of Galilee. Nazareth, Cans, Tiberias, and probably
the land of Geneaareth itself, were all situate*
within its limits.
The fact recognized by Joaephus that Zebulun
extended to the Mediterranean, though not men-
tioned or implied, as far as we can discern, in the
lists of Joshua and Judges, is alluded to in the
Blessing of Jacob (Geu. xlix. 13): —
"&bt Ion dwells at the shore of the seas.
Even be at the shore of ships :
And his thighs are upon Ztdon**
—a passage which seems to show that at the data
at which it was written, the tribe was taking a part
in Phoenician f commerce. The " way of the aes *
(Is. ix. 1), the great road from Damascus to tbs
Mediterranean, traversed a good portion of the ter-
ritory of Zebulun, and must have brought its people
into contact with the merchants and the commodities
of Syria, Phoenicia, and Egypt.
Situated so far from the centre of government,
Zebulun remains throughout the history, with one
exception, in the obscurity which envelopes the
whole of the northern tribes. That exception, how-
ever, is a remarkable one. The conduct of the
tribe during the struggle with Sisera, when they
fought with desperate valour side by side with
their brethren ot Naphtali, was such aa to draw
down the especial praise of Deborah, who singles
them out from all the other tribes (Judg. v. 18) :—
* Zebulun Is s people that threw away Its life even oats
And Naphtali, on the high places of the Beat,"'
The same poem contains an expression which seems
to imply that, apart from the distinction gained
by their conduct in this contest, Zebulun was al-
ready in a prominent | usition among the tribes : —
** Out of Machir came down governors;
And out oTZebnlnn those that handle the pen (or tha
wand) of the scribe ;"
referring probably to the officers, who registered
snd marshalled the warriors of the boat (comp.
Josh. i. 10). One of these "scribes" may bars
been Elon, the single judge produced by the tribe,
who is recorded as having held office for ten years
(Judg. xii. 11, 12).
put a different pout on the exclamation of La
husband will choose me ** (userm pc). This,
hardly Implies sny difference In the original text,
■ephus (Ant. i. It, $8) gives only a eeceral
"a pledge of goodwill towards her."
• Few of the towns In tbs catalogae of Joan. xtx.
have been Identified The tribe Is omitted as tbs B
1 Chronicles.
' Seppborts, Jotapata, ex.
* In the -Testament of Zsbolon" (TaMcsaa,
emgr. V. T. L 430-16) great stress Is kid en his
fishing, and he la commemorated as the Bret as
sskuTuo thesta.
-Mi-
rer.
1B-M
dsot
skSia
ZKBDLUN1TE8
A similar reputation is alluded to in the mention
af the tribe among those who attended the inaugu-
ratrau of David's reign at Hebron. The expreirioni
ire again peculiar : — " Of Zebulun such na went
forth to war. rangen of battle, with all tool* of
war, 50,000 ; who could art the battle in array ;
they were net of double heart" (1 Chr. xii. 33).
The suae paaaage, however, shows that while pro-
ficient in tbe arte of war they did not neglect thoae
•f peace, but that on the wooded hills and fertile
plain* of their district they produced bread, meal,
tigs, grapes, wine, oil, oxen, and sheep in abundance
(rer, 40). The head of the tribe at this time was
Ishmaiah ben-Obadiah (1 Chr. xxrii. 19).
We axe nowhere directly told that tbe people of
Zebnlnn were carried off to Assyria. Tiglath-
pileser swept away the whole of Naphtali (2 K. xv.
29 ; Tob. i. 2), and Shal manner in the tame way
took "Samaria" (xvii. 6); but though the de-
portation of Zebulun and Issachar is not in so many
words asserted, there is the statement (xrii. 18)
that the whole of the northern tribes were removed ;
and there is also the well-known allusion of Isaiah
to the affliction of Zebulun and Naphtali (ix. 1),
which can hardly point to anything but the in-
vasion of Tigiatb-pileser. It U satisfactory to re-
flect that the very latest mention of the Zebulunitea
is the account of the visit of a large number of
them to Jerusalem to the passover of Hexekiah,
when, by the enlightened liberality of the king,
they were enabled to eat the feast, even though,
through long neglect of the provisions of the Law,
they were not cleansed in the manner prescribed
by the ceremonial law. — In the visions of Exekiel
(xlviii. 26-33) and of St. John (Rev. vii. 8) this
tribe finds its due mention. [G.]
ZK3ULTJNITE8, THE (*&3{il, i.e. " the
Zebulonite:" Zo0ovA*r-. Zabuim). The members
of the tribe of Zebulun (Num. xxvi. 27 only). It
would be more literally accurate if spelt Zebu-
lONtTEa. [G.j
ZECHAHI'AH (nra\: Za X ap(as: Zacha-
rial). 1. The eleventh in order of the twelve minor
prophets. Of his personal history we know but little.
He is called in his prophecy the son of Berechiah,
and the grandson of lddo, whereas in the Book of
Eire (v. 1, vi 14) he is said to have been the son
of lddo. Various attempts have been made to re-
concile this discrepancy. Cyril of Alexandria (Pre/.
Canmtmt. ad Zech.) supposes that Berechiah was tbe
father of Zechariah, according to the flesh, and that
lddo was his Instructor, and might be regarded as
his spiritual father. Jerome too, according to some
MSS- has in Zech. i. 1, <• filium Bemchise, filium
Addo," as if he supposed that Berechiah and lddo
were different names of the same person ; and the
saune mistake occurs in the LXX. : Tor rov Booa-
X<«*, •&» 'ASM. Gesenius (Ltx. s. v. J3) and
Sosecmflller {On Zech. i. 1) take 13 in the pas-
sages in Earn to mean " grandson/' as in Gen. xxix.
5, Laban is termed " the son," i. e. - grandson," of
Nahor. Others, again, have suggested that in the
text at* Eire no mention is made of Berechiah, be-
«■•«** he was already dead, or because lddo was the
snore distinguished person, and the generally re-
sogaoad bead of the family. Knobel thinks that
the name of Berechiah has crept into the present
ZECHARIAH
1821
i (Is. 1 1, Ho*. L l) and JebeseUah (t K.
svOL I. a, im, Oanlaa (Jer. xxll. tt. xxxvtl 1 and Je-
text of Zechariah from Isaiah viii. 'J, wnjre men*
tion ia made of a Zechariah " the son ef Jebtre-
chink," which is virtually the same name (LXX.
Bapax'ov) ** Berechiah.* His theory is that
chapters ii.-xi. of our present Book of Zechariah an
really the work of the older Zechariah (Is. viii. 2,
that a later scribe finding the two books, one bearing
the name of Zechariah the sou of lddo, and the other
that of Zechariah the son of Berechiah, united th*m
into one, and at the same time combined the titles
of the two, and that hence arose the confusion
which at present exists. This, however, is hardly
a piobable hypothesis. It is surely more natural to
suppose, as the Prophet himself mentions his
father's name, whereas the historical Books of Esra
and Nenemiah mention only lddo, that Berechiah
had died early, and that there was now no inter-
vening link between the grandfather and the grand-
son. The son, in giving his pedigree, does not omit
his father's name : tbe historian posses it over, as
of one who was but little known, or already for-
gotten. This view is confirmed if we suppose the
lddo here mentioned to have been the lddo the
priest who, in Neh. xii. 4, is said to have re-
turned from Babylon in company with Zerubbabel
and Joshua. Ha is there said to have had a son
Zechariah (ver. 18), who was contemporary with
Joiakim the son of Joshua ; and this tails in with
the hypothesis that, owing to some unexplained
cause — perhaps the death of his father — Zechariah
became the next representative of the family after
his grandfather lddo. Zechariah, according to this
view, like Jeremiah and Ezekiel before him, was
priest a* well as prophet. He seems to have entered
upon his office while yet young (Tjj, Zech. ii. 4 ;
comp. Jer. i. 6). and must have been bom in Ba-
bylon, whence he returned with the first caravan
of exiles under Zerubbabel and Joshua.
It was in the eighth month, in the second year
of Darius, that he first publicly discharged his
office. In this he acted in concert with Haggai,
who must have been considerably his senior, it, ai
seems not improbable, Haggai had been carried
into captivity, and hence had himself been one ot
those who had seen " the house" of Jehovah M in
her first glory" (Hagg. ii. 3). Both prophets had
the same great object before them ; both directed
all their energies to the building of the Second
Temple. Haggai seems to have lea the way in this
work, and then to hare left it chiefly in the hands
of his younger contemporary. The foundations of
the new building had already been laid in the time
of Cyrus ; but during the reigns of Cambyses and
the pseudo-Smerdis the work had been broken off
through the jealousies of the Samaritans. When,
however, Darius Hystaspis ascended the throne
(521), things took a more favourable turn. He
seems to have been a large-hearted and gracious
prince, and to have been well-disposed towards me
Jews. Encouraged by the hopes which his acces-
sion held out, the Prophets exerted themselves to
the utmost to secure the completion of the Temple.
It is impossible not to see of how great moment,
under such circumstances, and for the discharge of
the special duty with which he was entrusted,
would be the priestly origin of Zechariah.
Too often Uie Prophet had had to stand forth In
direct antagonism to the Priest. In an age when
the service of God had stiffened into fbrmalUii,
oonlata (Jer. xxlv. t, xxvu. MX **•*•' < 3se\ **• *>) and
TsaiW (1 Gar xv It).
1822
ZECHARIAH
end the Print*' lips no longer kept knowledge, the
Prophet was Die witness for the truth which lay
beneath the outward ceremonial, and without which
the outward ceremonial waa worthlaea. But the
thing to be dieaded now waa not superstitious
formalism, but cold neglect. There waa no fear
uow lest in a gorgeous temple, amidst the splen-
dours of an imposing ritual and the smoke of
sacrifices ever ascending to heaven, the heart and
lift of religion should be lost The fear was all the
other way, lest even the body, the outward form
and service, should be suffered to decay.
The foundations of tin Temple had indeed been
kid, but that was all (Ear. T. 16). Discouraged
by the opposition which they had encountered at
first, the Jewish colony had begun to build, and
were not able to finish ; and even when the letter
came from Darius sanctioning the work, and pro-
mising his protection, they snowed no hearty dis-
position to engage in it. At snch a time, no more
fitting instrument could be found to rouse the
people, whose heart had grown cold, than one who
united to the authority of the Prophet the seal and
the traditions of a sacerdotal family .
Accordingly, to Zechariah's infiuenoe we find
the rebuilding of the Temple in a great measure
ascribed. " And the elders of the Jews buflded,"
it is said, " and they prospered through the pro-
phesying of Haggai the prophet, and Zechariah the
son of Iddo ' (Ear. vi. 14). It is .-cmarkable that
in this juxtaposition of the two names both are not
styled prophets : not " Haggai and Zechariah the
prophets,' but " Haggai the prophet, and Zechariah
the mm of Iddo." Is it an improbable conjecture
that Zechariah is designated by his father's (or
grandfather's) name, rather than by his office, in
order to remind us of his priestly character ? Be
this as it may, we find other indications of the close
union which now subsisted between the priests and
the prophets. Various events connected with the
taking of Jerusalem and the Captivity in Babylon
had led to the institution of solemn fast-days ; and
we find that when a question arose as to the pro-
priety of observing these fast-days, now that the
city and the Temple were rebuilt, the question was
referred to " the priests which were in the house of
Jehovah, and to the prophets,"—* recognition, not
only of the joiut authority, but of the harmony
subsisting between the two bodies, without parallel
in Jewish history. The manner, too, in which
Joshua the High-Priest is spoken of in this pro-
phecy shows how lively a sympathy Zechariah felt
towards him.
Later tradition* assume, what is indeed very pro-
bable, that Zechariah took personally an active part
in providing for the Liturgical service of the Temple.
He and Haggai are both said to have composed
Psalms with this view. According to the LXX.,
Pss. exxxvii. cxlv.-cxlviii. ; according to the Peshito,
Pas. cxzv. exxvi. ; according to the Vulg., Ps. cxi. ;
* Hence Pseodeplpbanlas, speakinf of Haggai, says
ml mxnht «SV«AW Am irpirot dAAaAoiKa. (In allusion
to On Hallelujah with which some of these Psalms begin)
•t* Aeyoyur* aAAataifia o imw tiswoc 'Ayyo*o» Ml
* Tr. MeglUa, foL 17, 2. 18, 1 j Rash! ad Bata BaOm,
M.1M.
* Paeodeplph. de ivopft. cap. 21, efaoc ■atfer are yqt
XaXtoXwr ij&f apo0e£)aKMf «ai «t« wr woAAa Tip Aa^ «po-
i^Tiwn, «tA- Dorotheas, p. 144: Blc Zschsrlsj •
Cosltuea venlt rmn aetata Jam easet provecta stone lot
pppnlo molls ratlcinatus eat prodlglsque proband! gratia
ZBCHAKIAH
are Psalms of Haggai and Zechariah.* Tbr tri-
umphant " Hallelujah," with which many of time
open, was supposed to be characteristic of thee*
Paalma which were first chanted in the Second
Temple, and came wit* an emphasis of meaning
from the lips of those who had been restored t»
their nr'.'ve land. Toe allusions, moreover, with
which these Psalms abound, a* well a* their place
in the Psalter, leave us in no doobt as to the ton*
when they were composed, and lend oouirmataon ti-
the tradition respecting their authorship.
If the later Jewish accounts • may be trusted,
Zechariah, as well as Haggai, was a member of
the Great Synagogue. The patristic notices of the
Prophet are worth nothing. According to these,
he exercised hi* prophetic office in Chaldaea, and
wrought many miracles there ; returned to Jeru-
salem at an advanced age, where he discharged the
duties of the priesthood, and where he died and was
buried by the side of Haggai.*
The genrJne writings of Zechariah help us but
little in our estimation of his character. Suae Sunt
traces, however, we may observe in them of hit
education in Babylon. Less free and independent
than he would have been, had his feet trod from
childhood the soil,
' Where each old poetic mountain
Inspiration breathed around,"
he leans avowedly on the authority of the older
prophets, and copies their expressions. Jeremiah
especially seems to have been his favourite; and
hence the Jewish saying, that " the spirit of Jere-
miah dwelt in Zechariah." But in what may b*
called the peculiarities of his prophecy, he ap-
proaches more nearly to Eiekiel and Daniel Lii.«
them he delights in visions; like them he uss*
symbols and allegories, rather than the bold figure*
and metaphors which lend so much force and
beauty to the writings of the earlier prophets ; like
them he beholds angels ministering before Jehovah,
and fulfilling his behests on the earth. He is tl>*
only one of the prophets who speaks of Satan.
That some of these peculiarities are owing to his
Chaldaean education can hardly be doubted. It as
at least nrmarkable that both Kxekiel and Daniel,
who must have been influenced by toe same asso-
ciation*, should in some of these respects so closely
resemble Zechariah, widely as they differ from him
in others.
Even in the/orm of the visions a careful criticism
might perhaps discover some traces of the Prophet's
early training. Possibly the " valley of myrtles " in
the first vision may have been suggested by Chaldm
rather than by Palestine. At any rate it U a
curious met that myrtles are never mentioned in
the history of the Jews before the exile. They are
found, besides this passage of Zechariah, in tin.
Deutero-Isaiah xli. 19, lv. 13, and in Neh. viu. 15."
The forms of trial in the third vision, where Jo-Jiua
edldlt, at sscerdotio Hlerosolynus functus est, etc. Isi-
dores, sap. 81. Zacbarias de rextooe ChaMsi is isai vaUe
senex In terram nam reversus est. In qua el msetmbesi
as aepaltns Juxta Aggaeum qunaelt In pace.
• In the last passage the people are told to- Ittd] olive-
branches and cypress-branches, and myrtle-branches and
palm-branches ... to nuke booths" for the eessfct«tio£
or the least of tabernacles. It Is Interesting tocceopan
this with the original direction, as given In the wil d er n ess,
when the only trees mentioned are "palms and vluews
of the brook." Palestine waa rich In the oUw sad
cypress. Is ! ' very Improbable that the myrtle may hsrt
ZBOHABIAH
th<! lligh-PrieKt ii arraigned, seem borrowed fro.il
»h* practice of Persian rather than Jewish court* of
taw. The tilthy garment* hi which Joshua appears
are thon which the accused mart assume when
brought to trial; the white robe put upon him
to the catbui or robe of honour which to this day
hi the East h put upon the minister of state who
ruu> been acquitted of the charges laid against him.
The vision of the woman in the Ephah is also
Oriental iit its character. Ewald refers to a very
-imilar vision in Tod's KajasUum, t. ii. p. 688.
Finally, the chariots issuing from between two
mountains of brats must have been suggested, there
enn scarcely be any doubt, by some Persian sym-
bolism.
Other peculiarities of style must be noticed,
when we come to discuss the question of the
Integrity of the Book. Generally speaking, Zecha-
rinh's style is pure, and remarkably tree from
Chaldaisms. As is commou with writers in the
decline of a language, he seams to have striven to
imitate the purity of the earlier models; but in
orthography, and in the use of some words and
phrases, he betrays the influence of a later age.
lie writes nfc, and TH; and employs niTtt
f r. 7) in its later use as the indefinite article, and
hVVUY with the fern, termination (iv. 12). A
full collection of these peculiarities will be found in
bloater, Meletemata in Zeeh., &c
anient* of the Prophecy— Th* Book «f Zecha-
riah, in its existing form, consists of three principal
ports, chaps, i.-viii., chaps, ii.-ii., chaps, xii.-xiv.
I. The first of these divisions is allowed by all
critics to be the genuine work of Zechariah the son
of Iddo. It consists, first, of a short introduction
or preface, in which the prophet announces his com-
mission ; then of a series of visions, descriptive of
all those hopes and anticipations of which the build-
ing of the Temple was the pledge and sure founda-
tion; and finally of a discourse, delivered two years
later, in reply to questions respecting the observance
of certain established fasts.
1. The short introductory oracle (chap. i. 1-6)
-a a warning voice from the past. The prophet
solemnly reminds the people, by an appeal to the
experience of their fathers, that no word of God had
over fallen to the ground, and that therefore, if with
sluggish indifference they refused to co-operate in
the building of the Temple, they must expect the
judgments of God. This warning manifestly rests
upon the former warnings of Haggni.
2. In a dream of the night there passed before
the eyes of the prophet a series of visions (chap.
i. 7-vi. 15) descriptive in their different aspects of
events, some of them shortly to come to pass, and
others losing themselves in the mist of the future.
These visions are obscure, and accordingly the pro-
phet asks their meaning. The interpretation is
given, not as to Amos by Jehovah Himself, but by
an sngel who knows the mind and will of Jehovah,
wot intercedes with Him for others, and by whom
Jehovah speaks and issues his commands: at one
time he is called " the angel who spake with me "
iflBUHARIAH
1823
been an Importation from Babylon?
called Hadassah (the myrtle), perhaps ber Persian deslg-
Bttton (Kslh. U. t) ; and tbe mjrtle U said to be a native
omnia.
I Ewald understands by "T?VO not "a vadey" or
' bottom," as the A. V. renders, bat the heavenly tent o»
•stemade (ine expression being chosen wtth reference to
[or " by me"] (!. 8); at another, " the angel ot
Jehovah" (i. 11, 12, iii. 1-6).
(1.) In the first vision (chap. 1. 7-1 5) the prophet
sees, in a valley of myrtles,' a rider upon a rooa
horse, accompanied by others who, having been sat
forth to the four quarters of the earth, had returned
with the tidings that the whole earth was at rest
(with reference to Hagg. ii. 20). Hereupon the angel
asks how long this state of things shall last, and
is assured that the indifference of the heathen shall
cease, and that the Temple shall be built in Jeru-
salem. This vision seems to have been partly bor-
rowed from Job i. 7, &c.
(2.) The second vision (chap. ii. 1-17, A. V. i.
18— it. 13 j explains how the promise of the first is
to be fulfilled. The four horns are the symbols of
the different heathen kingdoms in the four quarters
of the world, which have hitherto combined against
Jerusalem. The four carpenters or smiths symbolize
their destruction. What follows, ii. 5-9 (A. V. ii.
1-5), betokens the vastly extended area of Jeru-
salem, owing to the rapid increase of the new popu-
lation. Tho old prophets, in foretelling the happi-
ness and glory of the times which should succeed
the Captivity in Babylon, had made a great part of
that happiness and glory to consist in the gathering
together again of the whole dispersed nation in the
land given to their fathers. This vision was de-
signed to teach that the expectation thus raised —
the return of the dispersed of Israel — should be ful-
filled ; that Jerusalem should be too large to be
compassed about by a wall, but that Jehovah Him-
self would be to her a wall of fire — a light and
defence to the holy city, and destruction to her ad-
versaries. A song of joy, in prospect of so bright
n future, closes the scene.
(8.) The next two visions (iii. iv.) are occupied
with the Temple, and with the two principal persona
on whom thehopesof the returned exiles rested. The
permission granted for the rebuilding of the Temple
had no doubt stirred afresh the malice and the
animosity of the enemies of the Jews. Joshua the
High-Priest had been singled ont, it would seem, as
the especial object of attack, and perhaps formal
accusations had already been laid ngnin*t him before
the Persian court.! The prophet, in vision, sees him
summoned before a higher tribunal, and solemnly
acquitted, despite the charges of the Satan or Ad-
versary. This is done with the forms still usual in
an Eastern court. The filthy garments in which
the accused is expected to stand ore taken away, and
the caftan or robe of honour is put upon him in
token that his innocence has been established. Ac-
quitted at that bar, he need not fear, it is implied
any earthly accuser. He shall be protected, he shall
carry on the building of the Temple, he shall m
prepare the way for the coming of the Messiah
and upon the foundation-stone laid before him shall
the seven eyes of God, the token of His ever-watch-
roi Providence, rest.
(*.) The last vision (iv.) supposes that all opposi-
tion to the building of the Temple shall be removed.
This sees the completion of the work. It has evi-
dently a peculiarly impressive character; for the
tbe Mosaic tabernacle), which Is tbe dwelling-place of
Jebovab. Instead of "myrtles" be andersuods by
D'tTin (with the LXX. art iuW vfiv oesw iii
mmntnlmr) "mountains," snd supposes these to be tbe
"two mountains" mentioned vt. 1, and which arc tiien
called " mountains of brass."
> 8u Ewald, Die Pnfkettn. ii. »!«.
13J4
ZECHABIAH
prophet, UnDgh his drmm still oontiauea. seems to
uiinsslf to be awakened out of it by the angel who
■peaks to 'jim. The candlestick (or more properly
chandelier) with sertn lights (borrowed from the
< aadlcsti i of the Mosaic Tabernacle, Ex. xxv. 31 ff.)
supposes that the Temple is already finished. The
seven pips which supply each lamp answer to the
seean ever of Jehovah in the preceding Tision (m.
°), aud this sevenfold supply of oil denotes the
presen ce and operatiou of the Divine Spirit, through
whose aid Zerubbabel will overcome all obstacles,
to that as his hands had laid the foundation of the
boose, his hands should also finish it (iv. 9). The
two olive-branches of the vision, belonging to the
olive-tree standing by the candlestick, are Zerub-
babel himself and Joshua.
The two next visions (v. 1-11) signify that the
land, in which the sanctuary has just been erected,
shall be purged of all its pollutions.
(5.) First, the corse is recorded against wicked-
nets in the whole land (not in the whole earth, as
A. V.), t. 3 ; that due solemnity may be given to
it, it is inscribed upon a roll, and the roll is repre-
sented a» flying, in order to denote the speed with
which the curse will execute itself.
(6.) Next, the unclean thing, whether in the form
of idolatry or any other abomination, shall be utterly
removed. Caught and shut up as it were in a cage,
like some savage beast, and pressed down with a
weight as of lent upon it so that it cannot escape,
it shall be carried into that land where all evil
things have long made their dwelling (Is. xxxiv.
13), the land of Babylon (Shinar, v. 11), from
which Israel had been redeemed.
(7.) And now the night is waning fast, and the
morning is about to dawn. Chariots and horses
appear, issuing from between two brazen mountains,
the horses like those in the first vision ; and these
receive their several commands and are sent forth
to execute the will of Jehovah in the four quarters
rf the earth. The four chariots are images of the
four winds, which, according to Ps. civ. *, aa
servants of God, fulfil His behests ; and of the one
thst goes to the north it is particularly said that it
shall let the Spirit of Jehovah rest there — is it a
spirit of anger against the nations, Assyria, Baby-
lon, Persia, or is it a spirit of hope and desiie of
return in the hearts of those of the exiles who still
lingered in the land of their captivity ? StAhelin,
Maurer, and others adopt the former view, which
seems to be in accordance with the preceding vision :
Ewald gives the latter interpretation, and thinks it
is supported by what follows.
Thus, then, the cycle of visions is comoleted.
Scene after scene is unrolled till the whole glowing
picture is presented to the eye. All enemies
crushed ; the land re-peopled and Jerusalem girt as
w.th a wall of fire; the Temple rebuilt, more truly
splendid than of old, because more abundantly filled
with a Divine Presence ; the leaders of the people
amured in the most signal manner of the Divine
protection ; all wickedness solemnly sentenced, and
the land for evor purged of it ; — such is the magni-
ficent panorama of hope which the prophet displays
to his countrymen.
And very consolatory must such a nrost>ect have
seemed to the weak and disheartened colony in Je-
rusalem. For the times were dark and troublous.
According to recent interpretations of newly-dis-
covered inscriptions, it would appear that Darius I.
found it no easy task to hold his vast dominions.
P-evinne ifter provin:* had r-volted both in the
2K7HARIAH
ea*t and in the north, whither, aeer. line to tfcf
prophet (vi. 8), the winds had carried the wrstk
of God ; and if the reading Mudraja, i. e. Egypt, is
correct (Lassen gives Kurdistan), Kgypt must have
revolted before the outbreak mentioned ia Herod,
vii. 1, and have again been reduced to subjection.
To such revolt there may possibly be an allusion i
the reference to " the land of the south " (vi. 6).
It would seem that Zechariah anticipated as a
consequence of these perpetual insurrections, the
weakening and overthrow of the Persian monarchy
and the setting np of the kingdom of (Sod, for
which Judah in faith and obedience was to wait A
Immediately on these visions there follows a
symbolical act. Three Israelites had just returned
from Babylon, bringing with them rich gifts to
Jerusalem, apparently as contribution* to th*
Temple, and had been received in the house of
Jonah the son of Zephaniah. Thither the Prophet
is commanded to go, — whether still in a dream or
not, is not very clear, — and to employ the silver
and the gold of their offerings for the service of
Jehovah. He it to make of them two crowns, and
to place these on the head of Joshua the High-
Priest, — a sign that in the Messiah who shook!
build the Temple, the kingly and priestly office*
should be united. This, however, is expressed
somewhat enigmatically, ns if king and priest should
be perfectly at one, rather than that the Kama
person should be both king and priest. These
crowns moreover, were to be a memorial in honour
of those by whose liberality they had been made,
and should serve at the same time to excite othei
rich Jews still living in Babylon to the like libe-
rality. Hence their symbolical purpose bavins,
been' accomplished, they were to be laid up in the
Temple.
3. From this time, for a space of nearly twe
Tears, the Prophet's voice was silent, or hk wotdi
nave not been recorded. But in the fourth yew
of King Darius, in the fourth day of the ninth
month, there came a deputation of Jews to the
Temple, anxious to know whether the fast-dart
which had been instituted during the seventy yean
Captivity were still to be observed. On the one
hand, now that the Captivity was at an end, and
Jerusalem was rising from her ashes, such set times
of mourning seemed quite out of place. On the
other hand, there was still much ground for serious
uneasiness ; for some time after their return they
had suffered severely from drought and famine
(Hagg. i. 6-11), and who could tell that they would
not so suffer again f the hostility of their neigh-
bours had not ceased ; they were still regardel with
no common jealousy; and large number* of their
brethren had not yet returned from Babylru. It
was a question therefore, that seemed to admit of
much debate.
It is remarkable, as has been already- notiret.
that this question should hare been addressed to
priests and prophets conjointly in the Temple.
This dose alliance between two classes hitherto sr
separate, and often so antagonistic, was one of tht
most hopeful circumstances of the times, Stil
Zechariah, as chief of the prophet*, has the dedsks.
of this question. Some of the priests, it is evident
(vii. 7), were inclined to the mora gloomy view ;
but not so the Prophet. In language worthy J
his position and his office, language which reminds
us of one of the most striking passages of his trreat
► Stthelto, Malta. <« He Kim. Buck. p. *M
7.KCHAB1AH
predecessor (b. lviii. 5-7), be lays do-.ni the <*>»
principle that God lores mercy rather than fasting,
and truth and righteousness rather than sackcloth
and a sad countenance. If they had psrwhed, he
reminds them it was because their hour!* were hard
while they fasted ; »f they would dwell safely, they
must abstain liom fraud and violence and not from
food (rU. 4-U).
Again he foretells, but not now in vision, the
glorious times that are near at hand when Je-
hovah shall dwell in the midst of them, and Jeru-
salem be called a city of truth. He sees her
streets thronged by old and young, her exiles re-
taming, her Temple standing in all its beauty, her
land nch In fruitfulness, her people a praise and a
blearing in the earth (viii. 1-151. Again, he de-
clares that "truth and peace" (vers. 16, 19) are
the bulwarks of national prosperity. And once
more reverting to the question which had been
raised concerning the observance of the fasts, he
annouuees, in obedience to the command of Jehovah,
not only that the fasts are abolished, but that
the days of mourning shall henceforth be days of
joy, the fasts be counted for festivals. His pro-
phecy concludes with a prediction that Jerusalem
shall be the centre of religious worship to all nations
of the earth (viii. 16-23).
II. The remainder of the Book consists of two
sections of about equal length, ix.-xi. and xii.-xiv.,
each of which has an inscription. They have the
general prophetic tone and character, and in subject
they so far harmonize with i.— viii., that the Pro-
phet seeks to comfort Judah in a season of depres-
sion with the hope of a brighter future.
1. In the first section he threatens Damascus and
the sea-coast of Palestine with misfortune ; but de-
clares that Jerusalem shall be protected, for Jehovah
himself shall encamp about her (where ix. 8 re-
minds us of ii. 5/ ; her king shall come to her, he
shall speak peace to the heathen, so that all weapons
of war shall perish, and his dominion shall be to the
cuds of the earth. The Jews who are still in cap-
tivity shall return to their land; they shall be
mightier than Javan (or Greece) ; and Ephraim and
Judah once more united shall vanquish all enemies.
The land too shall be fruitful as of old (comp. viii.
12). The Teraphim and the false prophets may
indeed have spoken lies, but upon these will the
Lord execute judgment, and then He will look
with favour upon His people and bring back both
Judah and Ephraim from their captivity. The
possession of Gilead and Lebanon Is again promised,
as the special portion of Ephraim ; and both Egypt
and Assyria shall be broken and humbled.
The prophecy now takes a sudden turn. An
enemy is seen approaching from the north, who hav-
ing forced the narrow pusses of Lebanon, the great
bulwark of the northern frontier, carries desolation
into the country beyond. Hereupon the prophet
receives a commission from God to feed his flock,
which (Sod Himself will no more feed because of
their divisions. The prophet undertakes the office,
and makes to himself two staves (naming the ont
Beauty, and the other Union), in order to tend the
flock, and cuts off several evil shepherd* whom his
•ool abhors; but observes at the same time that
the flock will not be obedient. Hence he throws
ap his office ; he breaks asunder the one crook in
token that the covenant of God with Israel was
dissolved. A few. 'He poor of the flock, acknow-
ledge God's hand herei.. ; and the prophet demand-
ing the wa^-s of bis service, reaves thirty pieces
VOL, in.
KBOHABIAH
1829
of silver, and casta it info the house of Jehovah.
At the wune time he sees that there is no hops ot
union between Judah ana Israel whom he ban
trusted to feed as one flock, and therefore cuts in
pieces the other crook, in token that the brotherhood
between them is dissolved.
2. The Second Section, xii.-xiv., is entitled,
" The burden of the word of Jehovah for Israel."
But Itrael is here used of the nation at large, not
of Israel as distinct from Judah. Indeed, the pro-
phecy which follows, concerns Judah and Jerusalem.
In this the prophet beholds the near approach of
troublous times, when Jerusalem should be hard
pressed by enemies. Bnt in that day Jehovah shall
come to save them: "the house of David be aa
God, aa the angel of Jehovah " (xii. 8), and all the
nations which gather themselves against Jerusalem
shall be destroyed. At the same time the deliver-
ance shall not be from outward enemies alone,
God will pour oat upon them a spirit of grace and
supplications, so that they shall bewail their sin-
fulness with a mourning greater than that with
which they bewailed the beloved Josiah in the
valley of Megiddon. So deep and so true shall be
this repentance, so lively the aversion to all evil,
that neither idol nor false prophet shall again be
seen in the land. If a man shidl pretend to pro-
phesy, " his father and his mother that begat him
shall 'thrust him through when he prophesieth,"
fired by the same righteous indignation as l'hinehas
was when he slew those who wrought folly in
Israel (xii. 1-xiii. 6).
Then follows a short apostrophe to the sword
of the enemy to turn against the shepherds of the
people; and a farther announcement of search-
ing and purifying judgments ; which, however, it
must be acknowledged, is somewhat abrupt. Ewald's
suggestion that the passage xiii. 7-9, is here out of
place, and should be transposed to the end of chap,
xi. is certainly ingenious, and does not seem im-
probable.
The prophecy closes with a grand and stirring
picture. All nations are gathered together against
Jerusalem ; and seem already sure of their prey.
Half of their cruel work has been accomplished,
when Jehovah Himself appears on behalf of His
people. At his coming all nature is moved: the
Mount of Olives on which His feet rest cleaves
ssunder ; a mighty earthquake heaves the ground,
and even the natural succession of day and night is
broken. He goes forth to war against the adver-
saries of His people. He establishes His kingdom
over all the earth. Jerusalem is safely inhabited,
and rich with the spoils of the nations. All nation*
that are still left, 10811 come up to Jerusalem, as
the great centre of religious worship, there to
worship " the King, Jehovah of hosts," and the
city from that day forward shall be a holy city.
Such is, briefly, an outline of the second portion
of that book which is commonly known aa the Pro-
phecy of Zechariah. It is Impossible, even on a
cursory view of the two portions of the prophecy,
not to feel how different the section xi.-xiv. is from
the section i.-viii. The next point, then, for oar
consideration is this, — Is the book in its present
form the work of one and the same prophet, Zecha-
riah the son of Iddo, who lived after the Babylonish
exile?
Integrity. — Mede was the first to call tbii b
Question. The probability that the later chapters
rem the 9th to the 14th were by some other pro-
post, seam first to have been suggested to him by
6 A
IBM
ZK0HA1UAH
tr* citation in St. Matthew. He my* (Epist. ml),
" It may Mem the Evangelist would inform us that
those latter chapters awribed to Zachary (namely ,
9th, 10th, 11th, A*.- are kneed the prophecies of
Jeremy ; and that the Jew* had not rightly attri-
buted them.'* Starting from this point, he goei on
to give reasons for supposing a different snthor.
" Certainly, if a man weighs the contents of some
of them, they should in likelihood be of an elder
date than the time of Zachary ; namely, before the
Captivity : fcr the subjects of some of them were
scarce in being after that time. And the chapter
out of which St. Matthew quotes may seem to
hare somewhat much unsuitable with Zaohary'i
time; as, a prophecy of the destruction of the
Temple, then when he was to encourage them to
build it. And how doth the sixth Terse of that
chapter suit with bis time? There is no scripture
saith they are Zachary's; but there is scripture
saith they are Jeremy's, as this of the Evangelist,'
Me then cbserres that the mem tact of these being
found in the same book as the prophecies of Zeche-
riah does not prove that they were his ; difference
of authorship being allowable in the same way as
in the collection of Agur's Proverbs under one title
with those of Solomon, and of Psalms by other
authors with thoee of David. Even the absence of
a fresh title is, be argues, no evidence against a
change of author. " The Jews wrote in rolls or
volumes, and the title was but once. If aught
were added to the roll, 06 stnuvfuWinem argumenti,
or for some other reason, it had a new title, as
that of Agur ; or perhaps none, but was avdwv-
fior." The utter disregard of anything like chro-
nological order in the prophecies of Jeremiah, where
" sometimes all is ended with Zedekiah ; then we
are brought back to Jehoiakim, then to Zedekiah
again"— makes it probable, be thinks, that they
were only hastily and loosely put together in those
distracted times. Consequently some of them might
not have been discovered till after the return from
the Captivity, when they were approved by Zeeha-
riah, and so came to be incorporated with his pro-
•hecies. Mode evidently rests his opinion, partly
on the authority of St, Matthew, and partly on the
contents of the later chapters, which he considers
require a date earlier than the exile. He says
again (Kpist. Id.) : " That which moveth me more
than the rest is in chap, xii., which contains a pro-
phecy of the destruction of Jerusalem, and a de-
scription of the wickedness of the inhabitants, for
which God would give them to the sword, and
have no more pity on them. It is expounded of
the destruction by Titus ; but methinks such a pro-
phecy was nothing seasonable for Zachary's time
'when the city yet, for a great part, lay in her
ruins, and the Temple had not yet recovered oar's),
nor agreeable to the scope of Zachary's commission,
who, together with his colleague Haggai, was sent
to encourage the people lately returned from cap-
tivity to build their temple, and to iostaurata their
oommonwealth. Was this a fit time to fbretel the
destruction of both, while they were but yet a
building? and by Zachary, too, who was to enco i-
rage them ? would not this better bent the desou-
tiou by Nebuchadnexsar ? "
Archbishop Newcome went further. He insisted
on the greet dissimilarity *f style as well as subject
between the earlier and later chapters. And he
was the first who advocated the theory which
Bunssa calls one of the triumphs of modern cri-
Houbb, that the last six duptars of Zechariah are
8KCHAXIAH
tike work of tern distinct prophets. Hawaii
"The eight tret chapters appear by the
dnetery parts tu be the pro p hecies af .
stand in connexion with each other, an |
the time when they were di limed, an I
style and manner, and conatnxte a regular whole.
But the six last chapters an not expressly awakens*)
to Zechariah; are rmconnected with those -which
precede; the three first of them are unsuitable in
many parts to the time when Zechariah lived ; a&
of them have a more adorned and poetical tan
of composition than the eight first chapters; aad
they manifestly break the unitv of the pmpaaaicei
book."
** I conclude," he continues, " from internal xaarb
in chaps, ix., x., xi., that these three chapter* were
written much earlier than the time of Jin aiiil.
and before the captivity of the tribes, brad ■
mentioned chaps, ix. 1, xi. 14. (But that this arga-
meut is inconclusive, sea Mai. ii. 11.) Epigram
chaps, ix. 10, 13, x. 7 ; and Assyria, chap. z. 10,
11. . . . They seem to suit Hoseee age and manner.
. . . The xjith, xnith, and xivth ch apte r * form a
distinct prophecy, and wen written alter the death
of Josiah ; but whether before or after the Captivity,
and by what prophets, is uncertain. Thongs I
inuine to think that the author lived before the
destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians.- In
proof of this he refers to xiii. 3, on which he ob-
serves that the "prediction that idols and sales
prophets should cease at the final restoration of the
jews seems to have been uttered when idolatry
and groundless pretensions to the spirit of prapha ey
were common among the Jews, and therefore betore
the Babylonish Captivity."
A large number of critics have followed Medss and
Archbishop Newcome in denying the later date of
the last six chapters of the Book. In
Bishop Kidder, Whiston, Hammond, ■
recently Pye Smith, and Davidson ; in Germany,
Fltigge, Eichhorn, Bauer, Bertboldt, Anjroati,
Forberg, Kosenmaller, Gramberg, Crednar, Xwald,
Maurer, Knobel, Hitxig, and Bleek, are agreed in
maintaining that these later chapters an not the
work of Zechariah the son of Iddo.
On the other hand, the later date of these
chapters has been maintained among ourselves by
Blarney and Henderson, and on the continent by
Carpsov, Beekhans, Jahn, Easter, Heneatenberg,
Hmvernick, Keil, De Wette (in later editions of his
Einleitmtg ; in the first three he adopted a different
view), and StSbelin.
Those who impugn the later date of these chap-
ters of Zechariah rest their arguments on the change
in style and subject after the 8th chapter, but
differ much in the application of their crttraem.
Rosenmuller, for instance (SeM. m Prop*. Mm.
vol. iv. 257), argues that chaps. ix.-riv. are a*
alike in style, that they must have been written by
one author. He alleges in proof his fondness, frr
images taken from pastoral lire (ix. 16, x. 3, 3, xi.
3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 11, 15, 17, xiii. 7, 8). From the
allusion to the earthquake (xiv. 5, oomp. An. i
1), he thinks the author mnst ban lived in the
reign of Uxxish.
Davidson (in Home's Introd. ii. 983) an Hint
manner daiires for one author, but supposes rasa
to have been the Zechariah mentioned la. Tin. 3
who lived in the reigu of Ahax.
Eichhorn, on the other hand, whilst also assign
ing (in his EmMtimg, iv. 444) the whole of chaps,
ix.-xiv. to one writer, »» af ctucjoa that thaw sat
OTOHAEUH
the work of a faiir prophet who flonrished in flu
t*«M of Alexander.
Others again, as Bertholdt, Getenios, Knobel,
snanrer, Bnnsen, and Ewald, think that chaps.
ix.-xL (to which Ewald addi xiii. 7-9) are a distinct
prophecy from chaps, xii.-xiv., and separated from
them by a considerable interval of tame. These
critics conclude from internal evidence, that the
former portion was written by a prophet who lived
ia the reign of Abas (Knobel gives iz., x. to the
reign of Jotham, and xi. to that of Ahai), and most
of them conjecture that be was the Zeehariah
the son of Jeberechiah (or Berechiah), mentioned
Is. viii. 2.
Ewald, without attempting to identify the prophet
with any particular person, contents himself with
remarking that he was a subject of the Southern
kingdom (as may be inferred from expressions such
as that in ix. 7, and from the Messianic hopes
which he utters, and in which be resembles his
countryman and contemporary Isaiah); and that
like Amos and Hosea before him, though a native
of Judsh, he directs his prophecies against Ephraim.
There ia the same general agreement among the
last-named critics as to the date of the section
xii.-xiv.
They sll assign it to a period immediately pre-
vious to the Babylonish Captivity, and hence the
author must have been contemporary with the
prophet Jeremiah. Bunsen identifies him with
llrijeh the son of Sbemaiah of Kirjsth-jearim (Jer.
axvi. 20-S3), who prophesied " in the name of
Jehovah " against Judah and Jerusalem.
According to this hypothesis we have the works
of three dirlerent prophets collected into one book,
and passing under one name : —
1. Chapters ii.-xi., the book ef Zeehariah I., a
contemporary of Isaiah, under A has, about 736.
2. Chapter* lii.-iir., author unknown (or per-
haps Urijeh, a contemporary of Jeremiah), about
607 or 606.
3. Chapters i.-viii., the work of the son (or
grandson) of lddo, Haggai's contemporary, about
520-518.
We have then two distinct theories before us.
The one merely affirms that the six last chapters of
our present book are not from the same author as
the fust eight. The other caniea the dismember-
ment of the book still further, and maintains that
the six last chapters are the work of two distinct
authors who lived at two distinct periods of Jewish
history. The arguments advanced by the sup-
porters of each theory rest on the same grounds.
They are drawn partly from the difference in style,
and partly from the difference in the nature of the
contents, the historical references, etc., in the dif-
ferent sections of the book ; but the one sees this
difference only in ix.-xiv., as compared with i.— viii. ;
the other seas it alio in xii.-xiv., as compared with
ix.— xt. We must accordingly consider, —
1. The difference generally in the style and con-
tents of chapters ixv-xiv., as compared with chapters
L-vih.
2. The differences between xii.-xiv., as compared
with bv-xi.
1. The difference in point of style between the
latter and former portions of the prophecy is admitted
by all critics. RoseunviUler characterizes that of the
first eight chapters aa " pruoic, feeble, poor.** xud
that of the remaining six as " poetic, weignty,
glowing." But without admitting so
[ a criticism, and one which the verdict of
ZECUABIAH
1827
abler critics on the ,'ormer portion lias contradicted,
there can be no doubt that the general tone and cha-
racter of the one section is in decided contrast witfc
that of the other. " As he passes from the first
half of the Prophet to the second," says Eichhom,
" no reader can fail to perceive how strikingly dif-
ferent are the impressions which are made upon
him by the two. The manner of writing in the
second portion is far loftier and more mysterious ;
the images employed grander and more magnifi-
cent; the point of view and the horixon are
changed. Once the Temple arid the ordinances of
religion formed the central point from which the
Prophet's words radiated, and to which they ever
returned ; now these have vanished. The favourite
modes of expression, hitherto so often repeated, are
now as it were forgotten. The chronological notices
which before marked the day on which each several
prophecy was uttered, now fail us altogether.
Could a writer all at once have forgotten so entirely
his habits of thought? Could he so completely
disguise his innermost reelings ? Could the world
about him, the modi of expression, the images em-
ployed, be so totally different in the case of one and
the same writer?" (EM. iv. 443, §605).
I. Chapters i.-viii. are marked by certain pecu-
liarities of idiom and phraseology which do not
occur afterwards. Favourite expressions are—
" The word of Jehovah came unto," Ac. (i. 7, iv.
8, vi. 9, vii. 1, 4, 8, viii. 1, 18); "Thus saith
Jehovah (God) of hosts " (i. 4, 16, 17, ii. 11, viii.
2, 4, 6, 7, 9, 14, 18, 20, 23) ; - And I lifted up
mine eyes and saw" (i. 18, ii. 1, v. 1, vi. 1): none
of these niodes of expression are to be met with in
chapters ix.-xiv. On the other hand, the phrase
" In that day" is entirely confined to the later
chapters, in which it occurs frequently. The form
of the inscriptions is different. Introductions to
the separate oracles, such as those in ix. 1, xii. 1,
do not present themselves in the earlier portion.
Zeehariah, in several instances, states the time at
which a particular prophecy was uttered by him
(i. 1, 7, vii. 1). He mentions his own name ia
these passages, and also in vii. 8, and the names of
contemporaries in iii. 1, iv. 6, vi. 10, vii. 2: the
writer I or writers) of the second portion of the book
never does this. It has also been observed that
after the first eight chapters we hear nothing of
" Satan," or of " the seven eyes of Jehovah ;" that
there are no more visions ; that chap. xi. contains
an allegory, not a symbolic action ; that here are
no riddles which need to be solved, no angelut tn-
terpres to solve them.
II. Chapters ix.-xi. These chapters, it is alleged,
have also their characteristic peculiarities : —
(1 .) In point of style, the author resembles Hosea
more than any other prophet : such is the verdict
both of Knobel and Ewald. He delights to pic-
ture Jehovah as the Great Captain of His people.
Jehovah comes to Zkm, and pitches His camp there
to protect her (ix. 8, 9). He blows the trumpet,
marches against His enemies, makes His people His
bow, and shoots His arrows (ix. IS, 14) ; or He
rides on Jonah as Hi* war-horse, and goat forth
thereon to victory (x. 3, 5). Again, he speaks of
the people as a Sock, and the leaders of the people
as their shepherds (ix. 16, x. 2, 3, xi. 4, ff.). Ho
describes himself also, in his character of prophet,
as a shepherd in the last pa ss ages, and assumes to
himself, in a symbolic action, which however may
have been one only of the imagination, all the guise
and the fear ef a shepherd. In genera) he delights
« A 8
182?
ZKCHAB1AB
in images (ix. 3 4, 13-17, x. 3, 5, 7,fto.), ane of
which an striking and forcible.
(2 ) The notes of time are also peculiar : —
1. It was a time wheti the pride of Assyria was
jret at it* height (x. ri.), and when the Jews had
already suffered from it. This lint took place in
the time of Meaahem (B.O. 778-761).
2. iff Trans-jordanic territory had already been
swspt by the armies of the invader (x. 10), but a
still farther desolation threatened it (xi. 1-3). The
first may hare been the inrnion of Ful (1 Chr. v.
36), the second that of Tiglath-Kleser.'
3. The kingdoms of Jndah and Ephraim are both
standing (ix. 10, 13, x. 6), but many Israelites an
nevertheless exiles in Egypt and Assyria (ix. It,
x. 6, 8, 10, 4c.).
4. The struggle between Judah and Israel is sap-
posed to be already begun (xi. 14). At the same
time Damascus is threatened (ix. 1). If so, the re-
ference must he to the alliance formed between
Poknh king of Israel and Rexin of Damascus, the
consequence of which was the loss of Elath (739).
5. Egypt sod Assyria are both formidable powers
(x. 9, 10, 11). The only other prophets to whom
these two nations appear as formida) "e, at the tame
time, are Hosea (vii. 11, xii. 1, xiv. 3) and his con-
temporary Isaiah (vii. 17, tec.) ; and that in pro-
phecies which must have been uttered between 743
and 740. The expectation seems to have been that
the Assyrians, in order to attack Egypt, would
march by way of Syria, Phoenicia, and l'hilistia,
along the coast (Zech. ix. 1-9), as they did after-
wards (Is. xx. 1 ), and that the kingdom of Israel
would suffer chiefly in consequence ( Zech. ix. 9-12),
and Judah in a smaller degree (ix. 8, 9).
6. The kingdom of Israel is described as " a flock
for the slaughter" in chap, xi., over which three
shepherds have been set in one month. This cor-
responds with the season of anarchy and confusion
which followed immediately on the murder of
Zechariah the son of Jeroboam II. (760). This son
reigned only six months, his murderer Shallum but
one (2 K. xv. 8-15), being put to death in his
tarn by Menaheta. Meanwhile another rival king
may have arisen, Bonsen thinks, in some other part
of the country, who may have fallen as the mur-
derer did, before Menahem.
The symbolical action of the breaking of tile two
shepherds' staves— Favour and Union — points the
same way. The breaking of the first showed that
God's favour had departed from hrael, that of the
wcond that all hope of union between Judah and
Ephraim was at an end.
All these notes of time point in the same direc-
tion, and make it probable that the author of chaps
ix.-xi. was a contemporary of Isaiah, and pro-
phesied during the reign of Alias.*
Chaps, xii.-xiv.— By the majority of those critics
who assign these chapters to s third author, that
author is supposed to have lived shortly before the
Babylonish Captivity. The grounds lor separating
these three chapters from chapters ii.-ii. are as
nilows : —
i So Knobel supposes. Ewald also raters, xL 1-3, to the
deportation of Tlgtath-PUeser, and thinks that x. 10 raters
to some earlier deportation, tbe Assyrians having invaded
this portion of the kingdom of Israel In the forma- half of
Pekah's reign of twenty years. To this Borneo (Soft m
1*r Ossca. I. 4K) objects that we have no record of any
earner removal of tbe Inhabitants from the land than that
or TlgUth-Plkeer, which oecarred at the close of Pekah's
nigs, and which in a, 10 at tappoeaa to have taken place
ZBCHABIAH
1. This section opens with its own intioduetwi
formula, aa the preceding one (ix. 1) dees. This,
however, only shows that the sections are distinct,
not that they were written at different times.
2. The object of the two sections i* altogether
different. The author of the former (ix.-xi.) has
both Israel and Judah before him ; he often speaks
of them together (ix. 13, x. 6, xi. 14, camp. x. 7);
he directs his prophecy to the Trans-jordanie terri-
tory, and announces the discharge of his office is
Israel (xi. 4, ft). The author of the second sec-
tion, on the other hand, has only to do with Judah
and Jerusalem : he nowhere mention* Israel.
3. The political horizon of the two prophets is
different. By the former, mention is made of the
Syrians, Fnoenicians, Philistines (ix. 1-7), and
Greeks, (ix. 13), as well as of the Assyrians and
Egyptians, the two last being described s* at thai
time the most powerful. It therefore belongs ta
the earlier time when these two nations were be-
ginning to struggle for supremacy in Western Asia.
By the latter, the Egyptians only are mentioned as
a hostile nation : not a word is said of the A»y
rians. The author consequently must have lived
at a time when Egypt was tbe chief enemy of
Judah.
4. The anticipations of the two Prophets are dif-
ferent. Tbe first trembles only for Ephraim. He
predict* tbe desolation of the Trans-jordanic terri-
tory, the carrying away captive of the Israelites,
but also the return from Assyria and Egypt (x. 7,
10). But for Judah he has no cause of fear.
Jehovah will protect her (ix. 8), and bring back
those of her sons who in earlier times had gone rote
captivity (ix. 1 1). The second Prophet, an the
other hand, making no mention whatever of the
northern kingdom, is full of alarm for Jndah. He
sees hostile nations gathering together against her,
and two-thirds of her inhabitants destroyed (sin.
6) ; he sees the enemy laying siege to Jerusalem,
taking and plundering it, and carrying half of her
people captive (xii. 3, xiv. 2, SV Of any return of
the captives nothing is here said.
5. The style of the two Prophets is dif-
ferent. The author of this last section is fond of
the prophetic formulae: rVill, - And it shall coo*
to pus" (xii. 9, xiii. 2, 3, 4. 8, xiv. 6, 8, 13,
16)} iWin 0V»S, - in that day" (ni. 3, 4, «,
8, 9, II, xiii. 1, 2, 4, xiv. 8, 9, 13, 20, 21);
rrtn; DtU. "aaitb. Jehovah" (xii. 1, 4, xiii. 2, 7,
8). In the section ix.-xi the first dot* not occur at
all, the second but once (ix. 16), the third only
twice (z. 12, xi. 6). We hare moreover in this
section certain favourite expressions : " all peoples,'*
"all people of the earth," "all nations round
about," " all nations that come up against Jeru-
salem," " tbe inhabitants of Jerusalem," - the
house of David," " family " for nation, " the
families of the earth," " the family of Egypt," be.
6. There are apparently few notes of time in this
section. One is the allusion to the death of Jstdah
already.
> According to Knobel. Ix and x. were probably de-
livered in Jottaam'a reign, snd xL In that of Abas, wta
sammoned Tlglath-Mleser to bla aid. Manrer thinks
that ix. and x. wen written between the Brat (1 K. xv
M) and second (1 K. xvU. 441 Assyrian mrasiona, ebsat
x. during the seven years mterregnum which foils sea
lbs death of Pekah, ant xi. In tie reign at Hnshsa.
ffiCHABIAH
at *■ the moamit z of Hadadrimraon in the vnlley of
Megiddon ;" another to the earthquake in the dan
of (Jiziah king of Judah. This addition to the
name cf the king shows, Knobel suggests, that he
had been long dead ; but the argument, if it is
worth anything, would make even more for those
who hold a post-exile date. It is certainly remark-
able occurring thus in the tyjjiy of the prophecy,
and not in the inscription as iu Isaiah i. t.
In reply to all these arguments, it has bean urged
by Keil, StaMelin, and others, tha ■ the difference of
style between the two principal divisions of the
prophe cy is not greater than may reasonably be
aco> anted for by the change of subject. The lan-
guage in which visions are narrated would, from
the nature ot the case, be qni*ter and less ani-
mated than that in which prophetic anticipations
of future glory are described. They differ as the
style of the narrator differs from that of the orator.
Thus, for instance, how different is the style of
Hoses, chaps, i.-iii., from the style of the same
Prophet in chaps, ivw-xiv. ; or again, that of Exekiel
vi. vii. from Exekiel iv.
But besides this, even in what may be termed
the more oratorical portions of the first eight
chapters, the Prophet is to a great extent occupied
with warnings and exhortations of a piactical kind
(ses i. 4-6, Til. 4-14, viii. 9-23); whereas in the
subsequent chapters he is rapt into a far distant
and glorious future. In the one case, therefore, the
language would naturally sink down to the level of
prose ; in the other, it would rise to an elevation
worthy of its exalted subject.
In like manner the notes of time in the former
part (i. 1, 7, vii. 1), and the constant reference to
the Temple, may be explained on the ground that
the Prophet here busies himself with the events of
hi* own time, whereas afterwards his eye is fixed
on a far distant future.
On the other hand, where predictions do occur
m the first section, there is a general similarity
between them and the predictions of the second.
The scene, so to speak, is the same ; the same visions
float before the eyes of the seer. The times of the
Messiah are the theme of the predictions in chaps,
i.— ir., in i>., x., and in xii.— xiii. 6, whilst the events
which an to prepare the way for that time, and
•specially the sifting of the nat'.on, are dwelt upon
in chap, v., in xi., and in xiii. 7— xiv. 2.
(3.) The same peculiar forms of expression occur
in the two divisions of the prophecy. Thus, for
(■stance, we find SPD) "latyQ not only in vii. 14,
but also m ix." 8 ; fsjjil, in the sense of "to
remove," in iii. 4, and in xiii. 2 — elsewhere it occurs
m this unusual sense only in later writings (2 K.
xvi. 3 j 2 Cbr. xv. 8)—" the eye of God, as be-
tokening the Divine Providence, in iii. 9, iv. 10,
and in ix. 1,8.
In both sections the return of the whole nation
after the exile is the prevailing image of happiness,
and in both it is similarly portrayed. As in ii. 10,
the exiles are summoned to return to their native
land, because now, according to the principles of
righteous recompense, they shall rule over their
enemies, so also a similar strain occurs in ix. 12, Ac.
Both in ii. 10 and in ix. 9 the renewed protection
ZECHAEIAH
1B2U
« Usurer's reply to this, vis, thst tbs like phrase,
WW 1*13^ ocean la Exoi. xxxli. VI, and 3B>1 13V
B> Bask. xxxv. T, It must be oonfeand is of little foree,
season tlNse who atfie lor oas author build oat only on
wherewith God will favour Zion is represented as
an entrance into His holy dwelling; in loth Hit
people are called on to rejoice, and in both there is
a remarkable agreement in the words. In ii. 14,
K3 OJJ1 >3 )VV TU *rOSn UT. and in ix. 9,
run DteiT na «jnn \ct n3 -mo b*i
i? Ki3< ipho.
Again, similar forms of expression occur in ii. V,
11, and xi. 11; the description of the increase lu
Jerusalem, xiv. 10, may he compared with ii. 4;
and the prediction m riii. 20-23 with that in xiv.
16. Tha resemblance which has been found in
some other passages is too slight to strengthen the
argument ; and the occurrence of Chaldaisms, such
as K3V (ix. 8), n0*O (xiv. 10), Vn3 (which
occurs besides only in Prov. xx. 21), and the phrasa
THPiJ kVd (ix. 13), instead of HBJ£ 1|T», really
prove nothing as to the age of the later chapUrs
of Zechariah. Indeed, generally, as regards these
minute comparisons of different passages to prove
an identity of authorship, Maurer's remark holds
true: " Sed quae potest vis esse disjectorum quo-
rundam locorum, ubi res judicanda est ex toto?
Of far more weight, however, than the ar-
guments already advanced is the fact that the
writer of these last chapters (ix.— xiv.) shows an
acquaintance with the later prophtts of the time
of the exile. That there are numerous allusions in
it to earlier prophets, such as Joel, Amos, Hicah,
has been shown by Hitxig (Comment, p. 354, 2nd
ed.), but there are also, it is alleged, allusions to
Zephaniah, Jeremiah, Exekiel, and the later Isaiah
(chaps, xlj-lxvi.). If this can be established, it is
evidence that this portion of the book, if not writ-
ten by Zechariah himself, was at least written after
the exile. We find, then, in Zech. ix. 2 an allusion
to Ex. xxviii. 3 ; in ix. 3 to 1 K. x. 27 ; in ix. 5 to
Zeph. U. 4 ; in ix. 11 to Is. Ii. 14; in ix. 12 to Is.
xlix. 9 and Is. lxi. 7 ; in x. 3 to Ex. xxxiv. 17.
Zech. xi. is derived from Ex. xxxiv. (corop. esp.
xi. 4 with xxxiv. 4), and Zech. xi. 3 from Jer. xii.
5. Zech. xii. 1 alludes to Is. Ii. 13; xiii. 8, 9, to
Ex. v. 12; xiv. 8 to Ex, xlvii. 1-12; adv. 10, 11,
to Jer. xxxi. 38-40; xiv. 16-19 to Is. lxvi. 23 and
Ix. 12 ; xiv. 20, 21, to Ez. xliii. 12 and xliv. 9.
This manifest acquaintance on the part of tha
writer of Zech. ix.-xiv. with so many of the later
prophets seemed so convincing to De Wette thst,
sfter having in the first three editions of his Intro-
duction declared for two authors, he found nimself
compelled to change his mind, and to admit that
the later chapters must belong to the age of Zecha-
riah, and might have been written by 7.»*«ri»h
himself.
Bleek, on the other hand, has done his best to
weaken the force of this argument, first by main
taining that in most instances the alleged agreement
is only apparent, and next, that There there is a
real agreement (as in Zech. ix. 12, n. 3, xii. 1, xiv.
16), with the passages above cited, Zechariah may
be the original from whom Isaiah and Jnemiah
borrowed. It must be confessed, however, that it
is more probable tliat one writer should have allu-
sions to many others, than that many others should
the nut that the same forms of mpwaslii are to be fcnoJ
In both sections of tbs Prophecy, bat that lbs second Mo-
tion, like the first, evinces a familiar lt» with ethei
writings, and especially with later prophets U
1830
ZECHARIAH
borrow from on; and this probability approaches
certainty in proportion aa we multiply the n imber
of quotations or allusions. If there are passages in
Zechariah which are manifestly aimilar to other
passage* in Zephaniah, in Jeremiah, Esrtriel, and
the Dectsro-Uaiuh, which ia the more probable, that
they ill borrowed from him, or be from them ? In
ix. 12 especially, as Stahelin argues, the expraaaion
ia decidedly one to be looked for after the exile
rather than before it, and the passage reata upon
Jer. xvi. 18, and haa an almost verbal accordance
with Is. lxi. 7.
Again, the aame critica argue that the Httorioal
nftrenea in the later chapters are perfectly con-
sistent with a post-exile date. This had been already
maintained by Eichhorn, although he supposes these
chapters to have been written by a later prophet
than Zechariah. Stahelin puts the ease as follows:
Even under the Persian rule the political relations
of the Jews continued very nearly the same as they
were in earlier times. They still were placed be-
tween a huge Eastern power on the one side and
Egypt on the other, the only difference now being
tht.t Egypt as well as Judaea waa subject to the
Persians. But Egypt waa an unwilling rascal, and
aa in earlier times when threatened by Assyria she
had sought for alliances among her neighbours or
had endeavoured to turn them to account as a kind
•footwork in her own defences, so now she would
adopt the same policy in her attempts to cast off
the Persian yoke. It would follow as a matter of
coarse that Persia would be on the watch to check
such efforts, and would wreak her vengeance on
those among her own tributary or dependent pro-
vinces which should venture to form an alliance
with Egypt. Such of these provinces as lay on the
sea-coast must indeed suffer in any case, even if
they remained true in their allegiance to the Per-
sians. The armies which were destined for the
invasion of Egypt would collect in Syria and Phoe-
nicia, and would march by way of tie coast ; and,
whether they came as friends or S3 foes, they would
probably cause sufficient devastation to justify the
prophecy in Zech. ix. 1, etc., delivered against Da-
mascus, Phoenicia, and Philistia. Meanwhile the
prophet seeks to calm the minds of his own people
by assuring them of God's protection, and of the
coming of the Messiah, who at the appointed time
shall again unite the two kingdoms of Judah and
Ephraim. It ia observable moreover that the pro-
phet, throughout his discourses, is anxious not only
to tranquillize the minds of his countrymen, but
to prevent their engaging in any insurrection against
their Persian masters, or forming any alliance with
their enemies. In this respect he follows the ex-
ample of Jeremiah and Esekiel, and, like then two
prophets, he foretells the return of Ephraim, the
onion of Ephraim and Judah, and the 6nal over-
throw both of Assyria (x. 11), that is, Persia,* and
of Egypt, the two countries which had, more than
all others, vexed and devastated Israel. That a
large portion of the nation was still supposed to be
in exile is clear from ix. 11, 12, and hence verse 10
can only be regarded as a reminiscence of Mic. v.
10 ; and even if x. 9 must be explained of the past
(with De Wette, Einl. §250, 6, note a), still it
appears from Josephus (Ant. xii. 2, §5) that the
Persians carried away Jews into Egypt, and from
ZBTJHABIAH
SyneeHus (p. 486, Kjebnhrs ed.) that Oeh-ss trtsa*
planted large numbers of Jews from Palislsai *x
the ease and north; the earlier custom of tan
forcibly removing to a diotsnrr- those cnssessuraf
nations who from disaffection or a tmtiiilial sfarst
were likely to gin occasion for alarm, harass; asst
only continued among the Persians, lot nstvaar,
/deem i. 254, 2nd ed.). This walWowwn assort-
on the part of their conquerors would beasasnoett
ground for the assurance wtttch the p s e p h ts, girts
in x. 9. Even the threats uttered afaioat tJse teae
prophets and the shepherds of the people aa* as*
inconsistent with the times after the exile, ia Men.
v. and vi. we find the nobles sad rulere csf tar
people o p p i ea si ng their brethren, and false ps osai is
active in their opposition to Tialianiiali Ia baa
manner " the idols " (B'31fg) in xuL 1-5 bit he
the same as the " Teraphun " of x. 2, where they
are mentioned in mnnrTion with "the drainers'
(trOOipn). Maladu(uu 5) speaks *f" -
ie Persians had iiiutmlail to the As-
l Ike stud might still be called bj lis ancient nai
sf Assyria. Set Est vt as. sad stasia. OacK. W. MO.
(D'BBOP), and the* such superstition long; held
its ground among the Jews is evident from Jaeaaa.
JjU. via. 2, §5. Nor does sir. 21 est i
imply either idol-worship or heathen
the Temple. Chapter xj. was spoken by the pro-
phet later than ix. and x. In verse 14 ha astasia
the impossibility cf any reunion b e tween Jstaaa aa.
Bphraun, either because the north e rn set i i lo tt an.
already been laid waste, or because the ielalessnn
of it had shown a disposition to league erith l"ase-
nicia in a vain effort to throw off the Persian yake
which would only involve them in carotin deatmo
tton. This difficult paaage SUhesin I anili at
cannot solve to hit satisfaction, but i
it may have been designed to teach the i
that it was not a part of God's purpo se to i
the severed trihes ; and in this he sees •
for the post-exile date of the p r op he c y .
the. union of the ten tribes with the taw waa i
one of the brightest hopes of the prophets eras nvei
before the Captivity.
Baring thus shown that there ia no reeetn ersy
the section ix.-xi. should not belong to a that auk-
sequent to the return from Babylon, Seahean pro-
ceeds to argue that the p rophecy directed sarsenet
the nations (ix. 1-7) is really more apeasojalr n>
the Persian era than to any other. It is only the
coast-line which is here threatened; whereas Ike
earlier prophets, whenever they threaten she man-
time tribes, unite with them if cab and Asanas*, or
Edom. Moreover the nations here mentioned sre
not spoken of as enemies of Judah; for bene Per-
sian subjects they would not venture to attack the
Jewish colony when under the special pmt e uiu n at
that power. Of Ashdod H is sssd that a sereerner
(TtDD, A. V." bastard") shall dwell in it. This.
too, might naturally hare happened in the tame ei
Zechariah. During the exile, Arabs had attahtnanl
themselves in Southern Palestine, and the ieste.il
foresees that they would occupy Ashdod; and ac-
cordingly we learn from Keh. xiu. 24, that tea
dialect of Ashdod waa unintelligible to the Jews
and in Keh. IV. 7, the people of Ashdod appear at a
distinct tribe united with other Arabians aenast
Judah. The king of Gaza (mentioned Zech.ut. i
may have heeu a Persian vassal, as the sings el
Tyre and Salon were, according to Hands*. Tin. 47
A king ui Gas* would only be in cenasnuiry with tie
ZBOHABIAB
ftacfan custom (tee Herod, iii. 15), although inn
m no longer the com in the time of Alexander.
The mention of the - eons of Javan " (ii. 13 ; A. V.
- Greece") it suitable to the Persian period (which
is also the Tiew of Eichhorn), as it was then that the
Jews were first brought into any close contact with
the Greeks. It was in fact the fierce struggle between
Greeue and Persia which gave a peculiar meaning
to his words when the prophet promised his own
people victory over the Greeks, and so reversed the
earlier prediction of Joel iv. 6, 7 (A. V. iii. 6, 7).
If, bowerer, we are to understand by Javan Arabia,
as some maintain, this again equally suits the
period suppo sed, and the prophecy will refer to the
Arabians, of whom we hare already spoken.
We come now to the section xii^xiv. The main
proposition here is, that however hard Jndah and
Jerusalem may be pressed by enemies (of Israel
there is no further mention), still with God's help
they shall be victorious ; and the result shall be
that Jehovah shall be more truly worshipped both
by Jews and Gentiles. That this anticipation of
the gathering of hostile armies against Jerusalem
was not unnatural in the Persian times may be in-
ferred from what has been said above. Persian
hosts were often seen in Judaea. We find an in-
stance of this in Josephus (Ant. A 7, §1), and
Stdou was laid in ashes in consequence of an insur-
rection against Persia (Diod. xri. 45). On the
other hand, how could a prophet in the time imme-
diately preceding the exile — the time to which, on
account of lit 12, most critics refer this section —
have ottered predictions such as these ? Since the
tin* of Zephaniah all the prophets looked upon the
fate of Jerusalem as sealed, whereas here, in direct
contradiction to such views, the preservation of the
city is announced even in the eitremest calamities.
Any analogy to the general strain of thought in
this section is only to be found in Is. xxix.-xxxiii.
Besides, no king is here mentioned, but only «• the
house of David," which, according to Jewish tra-
dition (Henfcld, Qeeeh. dee VoUum ftrwrf, p. 378,
C), held a high position after th* exile, and accord-
ingly >» mentioned (lit. 12, 13) in its different
branches (comp. Hovers, Dae Phbnix. Allerth. i.
531), together with the tribe of Levi ; the prophet,
like the writer of Pa. Iixrii., looking to it with a kind
of yearning, which before the exile, whilst there was
still a king, would have been inconceivable. Again,
the manner in which Egypt is alluded to (xiv. 19)
almost of necessity leads us to the Persian times ;
for then Egypt, in consequence of her perpetual
efforts to throw off the Persian yoke, was naturally
brought into hostility with the Jews, who were
tinder the protection of Persia. Before the exile
this was only the case during the interval between
the death of Josiah and the battle of Carchemish.
It would seem then that then is nothing to
compel na to place this section xii.-xiv. in the
times before the exile; much, on the contrary,
ZECHATUAH
1831
* flimul, in JCvang. MUtk. cap. xxvU. », 10.
* Tins extraordinary method of solving the drfflcoltr
has been adopted by Dr. Wordsworth in Us note on the
passage in & Matthew. He ssys: "On the whole there
Is lesson to believe . . . that the prophecy which we reed
to Zech. (xi. la, J3) bed. in ttc firtt ituUmec, been deli-
vered by Jeremiah; and that by referring here not to
Seen, where we reed it, but to Jer. where we do not read
It, the Holy Spirtt teaches us net to regard the Prophets
as the AutXon of their Prophecies," Ste. And again:
•* He ralende to teach, that oil praphfcies proceed from
One Spirit, and that loose by whom iter cere attend
winch as CAly be satisfactorily accounted for on
the supposition that it was written during the
period of *ie Persian dominion. Nor must it be
forgotten that we have here that fuller development
of the Messianic idea which at such a time might be
expected, and one which in fact rests upon all the
prophets who nourished before the exile.
Such are the grounds, critical and historical, on
which Stfthelin rests his defence of the later date of
the second portion of the prophet Zechariah. We
have given his arguments at length as the ablest
and most complete, ss well as the most recent, on
his side of the controversy. Some of them, it must
be admitted, are full of weight. And when critics
like Eichhorn maintain that of the whole section
ix. 1-x. 17, no explanation is possible, unless we
derive it from the history of Alexander the Great;
and when De Wette, after having adopted the theory
of different authors, felt himself obliged to abandon
it for reasons already mentioned, and to vindicate
the integrity of the book, the grounds for a post-
exile date must be very strong. Indeed, it is not
easy to say which way the weight of evidence
preponderates.
With regard to the quotation in St Matthew
there seems no good reason for setting aside the re-
ceived reading. Jerome observes, " This passage is
not found in Jeremiah. But in Zechariah, who
is nearly the last of the twelve prophets, something
like it occurs : and though there is no great difference
in the meaning, yet both the order and the words
are different. I read a short time since, in a He-
brew volume, which a Hebrew of the sect of the
Nazarenes presented to me, an apocryphal book of
Jeremiah, in which I found the passage word for
word. But still I am rather inclined to think
that the quotation is made from Zechariah, in the
usual manner of the Evangelists and Apostles, wh->
neglecting the order of the words, only give th«
general sense of what they cite from the Old Testa-
ment"*
Ensebius (Evangel. Demonttr. lib. x.) is of opi-
nion that the passage thus quoted stood originally
in the prophecy of Jeremiah, but was either erases
subsequently by the malice of the Jews [s very
improbable supposition it need hardly be said] ; or
that the name of Zechariah was substituted for that
of Jeremiah through the carelessness of copyists.
Augustine (de Com. Evangel, iii. 30) testifies that
the most ancient Greek copies had Jeremiah, and
thinks that the mistake was originally St. Matthew's,
but that this was divinely ordered, and that the
Evangelist would not oorrect the error even when
pointed out, in order that we might thus infer that
all the Prophets spake by one Spirit and that what
was the work of one was the work of all (et singula
esse omnium, et omnia singulorum.)* Some Inter
writers accounted for the non-appearance of the
passage in Jeremiah, by the confusion in the Greek
MSS. of hie prop hec ies a confusion, howevei, it
are not sources, but only cAawuli of the same DtVjie
truth." But if so, why. It may be asked, do the writers
of the Sacred Books ever give theirnaacs it all? Why
trouble ourselves with the question whether 8. Luke
wrote the Acts, or whether 8. l*aul wrote the Ep. to the
Hebrews or the Pastoral Epistles? What becornes of the
argument, usually deemed so strong, derived from the
testimony of the tvm ETsngellsts, IT, after all, the f Mir
are but oh r
It weald not be too much to say that such s thorny Is
that against which it to directed.
1832
ZECHABIAH
may be remarked, which ia not coatmed to th»
Greek, but which u found no leas in oar present
Hebrew text. Othen again suggest that in the
Greek autograph of Matthew, ZPIOT may hare
been written, and that copyirts may have taken
tni« for IPIOT. But there it no evidence that
abbreviations of this kind were in use so early.
Epiphaniua and some of the Greek Fathers seem
to have read «V rots noo^ftait. And the most
ancient copy of the Latin Version of the Gospels
omits the name of Jeremiah, and has merely
dictum est per prophetam. It has been con-
jectured that this represents the original Greek
reading ri fnfiir 5i« rov Ityo^Tov, and that some
early annotator wrote 'Itpauiev on the margin,
whence it crept into the text. The choice lies
between this, and a slip of memory on the part of
the Evangelist if we admit the integrity of our
present Book of Zechariah, unless, indeed, we sup-
pose, with Eichhora, who follows Jerome, that an
Apocryphal Book of Jeremiah is quoted. Theo-
phylact proposes to insert a col, and would read tta
lepsufou Kol rev Hfopirrou — {jyovr Zaxapfou.
He argues that the quotation is really a fusion of
two passages ; that concerning the price paid oc-
curring in Zechariah, chap. xi. ; and that concerning
the field in Jeremiah, chap. xix. But what N. T.
writer would have used such a form of expression
" by Jeremy and the Prophet " ? Such a mode of
quotation is without parallel. At the same time
it must be borne in mind that the passage as given
in S. Matthew does not represent exactly either the
Hebrew text of Zechariah, or the version of the
LXX. The other passages of the Prophet quoted
.n the N. T. are ix. 9 (in Matt. xxi. 5 ; Joh. xii.
IS); xii. 10 (in Job. xix. 37 ; Rev. i. 7); xiii. 7
(in Matt. xxvi. 31 ; Mark xiv. 27) ; but in no
i is the Prophet quoted by
Literature.
1. Patristic Commentaries.
Jerome, Comment, m xii Minora Prophetat.
Opp. Ed. Villars (Veron. 1734), Tea;. »i.
Theodoret, Interpretatio a* xii Prcph. Mm.
Opp. Ed. Schulxe (Hal. 1769-74), Vol. ii.
Pars 2.
2. Later Exegetical Works.
Der Prophet Zacharia* autgelegt durch D.
Mail. Lutbern. Vitemberg, 1528. (Also in
the collected works of Luther in German
and Latin.)
Phil. Melancthonis Comm. in Proph. Zach.,
1553. (Opp. P. ii. p. 531.)
J. J. Grynaei Comm. in Zach., Genev. 1581.
Caspar Sanctii Comm, m Zach., Lugd. 1616.
C. Vitringa, Comment, ad lib. Proph. Zach.,
1734.
F. Venema, Sermon* Acad, in lib. Proph.
Zach., 1789.
3. 'Writers who have diseased the question of
Ac Integrity of Zechariah.
Mede, Worki, Lond. 1664, p. 786, 884.
Bishop Kidder, Dtmonatratim of the Mestias,
Lond. 1700, Vol. ii. p. 199.
Archbp. Newcome, Minor Prophets, Lond.
1785.
Blaynev, New Trantlation of Zech., Oxf.
1797.
Carpxov, Vmdic. Crit., Lips. 1724.
flilgge. Die Weiesaoungen, welche bey den
Schriften dee Proph. Zach. beygebogtn md,
eu.tr., Hams. 1784.
KBCHARIAH
BerthoWt. Histor. Krit. EM. in die fiacAev-efcs
A. u. N. Tett., P. iv., p. 1762 ff, 1712 fT.
Eichhora, Hebr. Propheten, iii. pp. 327-SSO
880-92, 415-28, 515-18; £■».'.. iv. p
427 ff. (4th. edit. 1824.)
Bauer, EM., p. 510 fT.
Beckhens, die IntegritSt der Proph. Beirut.
dee A. B n p. 337 ff.
Jahn, EM., ii. p. 675 ff.
Koster, Meletemeta Crit. et Exeget. as ZaeK
Proph. part. pott. Gdtting. 1818.
Forberg, Comm. Crit. et Exeget. as Zaeh.
Vaticc. part. post. Cob. 1824.
Gramberg, Krit. Qetch. der Religiontideen, ii.
520 ff.
Bosenmtiller, Scholia, vii. 4, p. 254 ff.
Credner, der Prophet Joel, p. 67 ff.
Hengstenhsrg, BtitrMge, i. 861 ff., aad Oara*»
tologie, iii.
De Wette, EM. (Edit, 1-3, against the In-
tegrity, later editions in favour of it)
Keil, EM.
Httrernick, EM.
Maurer, Comment, in Vet. Tett^ vol. i>
621 ff.
Ewald, dit Propheten, and Getch. iv.
Bleek, EM.
Stahelin, EM. m die hanon. Bicker dew A. T.
1862, p. 315 ff.
Hiteig, in Stud, und Krit., 1830, p. 25 ff..
and in Prophet.
Henderson on the Minor Prophett, 1830.
Davidson, m Second Vol. of Horn/* IntrooL,
10th edit. 1856, and more recently in hit
Introduction to the O.T.
Bnnsen, Bibelaerh, 2ter Band, lte AhtfcsO.
2ter Theil; Gott in der GetcUchU, u
449. [J. J. S. P.]
2. {teqcnfUtx Zachariat.) SonofMesheJesniah,
or Shelemiah, a Korhite, and keeper of the north gate
>A the tabernacle of the congregation (1 Chr. ix. 21}
in the arrangement of the porters in the reign of
David. In 1 Cbr. xxvi. 2, 14, his name appears ia
the lengthened form 1iV"Pf > and in the last quoted
verse he is described at " one counselling with
understanding."
3. (Zcuryoae ; Alex. Zoxxeep.) One of the sons
of Jehiel, the father or founder of Gibeon (1 Chr.
ix. 37). In 1 Chr. viil. 31 he is called Zacher.
4. (Zaxoplor.) A Levite in the Temple bend as
arranged by David, appointed to play " with psal-
teries on Alamoth" (1 Chr. xv. 20). He was of
the second order of Levites (ver. 18), a porter or
gatekeeper, and may possibly be the same as Zech a
riah the son of Meshclemiah. In 1 Chr. xv. IS
his name is written in the longer form, WJ3J.
5. Oneof the princes of Jndah in the reign afje-
hoshaphat who were sent with priests and Levites to
teach the people the law of Jehovah (2 Chr. xvfc. 7\
6. ('Afoolas.) Son of the high-priest Jehoiads,
in the reign of Joash king of Judah '2 Chr. xxjv,
20), and therefore the king's cousin. After the
death of Jehoiada Zechariah probably soceae de d u
his office, and in attempting to check the reaetba
in favour of idolatry which immediately followed,
he fell a victim to a conspiracy formed against hist
by the king, and was stoned with stones in the
court of the Temple. The memory of this un-
righteous deed lasted long in Jewish tradition, la
'he Jerusalem Talmud (Taanith, fol. 69, qurted It
LighUoot, Temple Service, c xxxvi.) then is •
BBCHABIAH
(sgi.-rid told of eighty thousand young priest* who'
were «Uin by Nebuzaradnn for the blood of Zecha-
riah, and the evident hold which the story had
taken upon the minds of the people renders it pro-
bable that " Zachariaa son of Barachias," who was
slain between the Temple and the altar (Matt, xxiii.
35), is the same with Zechariah the son of Jeholada,
and that the name of Barachias as his father crept
into the test from a marginal gloss, the writer con-
fusing this Zechariah either with Zechariah the pro-
phet, who was the son of Berechiah, or with another
Zechariah the son of Jeberechiah (Is. viii. 2).
7. (Zaxapicu.) A Kohathite Lenta in the reign
of Josiah, who was one of the overseers of the work-
men engaged in the restoration of the Temple (2
Chr. xxxiv. 12).
8. The leader of the sons of Pharoih who re-
turned with Exra (Ear. viii. 3).
9. Son of Bebai, who came up from Babylon
with Ezra (Err. viii. 11).
10. (Zacharia in Neh.) One of the chiefs of the
people whom Ezra summoned in council at the
river Ahava, before the second caravan returned
from Babylon (Ear. viii. 16). He stood at Ezra's
left Band when he expounded the Law to the people
(Neh. viii. 4).
11. (Zoxopfa: Zachariat.) One of the family
of Elam, who had married a foreign wife after the
Captivity (Ear. x. 26).
12. Ancestor of Athaiah, or Uthai (Neh. xi. 4).
13. (Zaxophu) A Shilonite, d es cendant of
Perez (Neh. xi. 5).
14. (Zax«pt*-) A priest, son of Paahor (Neh.
xi. 12).
15. {Zacharia.) The representative of the priestly
family of Iddo in the days of Joiakim the son of
Jeshoa (Neb. xii. 16). Possibly the same as Zecha-
riah the prophet the son of Iddo.
16. (Zackariai, Zacharia.) One of the priests,
son of Jonathan, who blew with the trumpets at
the dedication of the city wall by Ezra and Nehe-
miah (Neh. xii. 35, 41).
17. Onn3| : Zax«y><a). A chief of the Rau-
btnites at the 'time of the captivity by Tiglath-
Hleser (1 Chr. v. 7).
18. One of the priests who blew with the trum-
pets in the procession which accompanied the ark
from the house of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xv. 24).
19. Son of Isshiah, or Jesiah, a Kohathite Levite
descended from Czziel (1 Chr. xxiv. 25).
20. (Zaxapioj.) Fourth son of Hosah of the
children of Merari (1 Chr. xrri. 11).
21. (ZoJeuor; Alex. ZofiSias.) A Manassite,
wboas son Iddo was chief of his tribe in Gilead in
the reign of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 21).
22. (Xaxapica.) The father of Jahaziel, a Ger-
abonite Levite in the reign of Jehoehaphat (2 Chr.
xx 14).
23. One of the sons of Jehoehaphat (2 Chr.
Hi. 9).
24. A prophet in the reign of Uzziah, who
appears to have acted as the king's counsellor, but
of whom nothing is known (2 Chr. xxvi. 5). The
chronicler in describing him makes use of a most
remarkable and unique expression, H Zechariah, who
understood the seeing of God," or, as our A. V. has
it, " who had understanding in the visions of God "
ZEDKKIAH
1433
feetnp. Dan. I. 17). As no such term is ever em-
ployed elsewhere in the description of any prophet
it has been questioned whether the reading of thi
received text is the true one. The LXX., Targnm,
Syriac, Arabic, Rashi, and Kimchi, with many of
Kennicott's MSS., read j"IKT3, " in the fear of,'
for JYlN"0, and their reading is moat probably ths
correct one.
26. The father of Abijah, or AM, Hezeklalrs
mother (2 Chr. xxix. 1); called also ZaCHARUJI
in the A. V.
26. One of the family of Asaph the minstrel,
who in the reign of Hezekiah took part with other
Leritee in the purification of the Temple (2 Chr.
xxix. IS).
27. One of the rulers of the Temple in the
reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 8). He was probably,
as Berihmn conjectures, " the second priest" (comp
2 K. xxv. lit).
28. The son of Jeberechiah, who was taken by
the prophet Isaiah as one of the " faithful witnesses
to record," when he wrote concerning Haher-shalal-
hash-baz (Is. viii. 2). He was not the same as
Zechariah the prophet, who lived in the time of
Uzziah and died before that king, but he may have
been the Levite of that name, who in the reign of
Hezekiah assisted in the purification of the Temple
(2 Chr. xxix. 13). As Zechariah the prophet is
called the son of Berechiah, with which Jeberechiah
is all but identical, Beitholdt (Einl. iv. 1722,
1727) conjectured that some of the prophecies at-
tributed to him, at any rate chaps, ix.-xi., were
really the production of Zechariah, the contempo-
rary of lsauth, and were appended to the volume of
the later prophet of the same name (Gesen. Der
Proph. Jaaia, i. 327). Another conjecture is that
Zechariah the son of Jeberechiah is the same az
Zechariah the father of Abijah, the queen of Ahaz
(Poli Synopsis, in loc.): the witnesses summoned
by Isaiah being thus men of the highest ecclesiastical
and civil rank. [W. A. W '
ZEDAD' (~nY: lafaZix, H*uur<A*a*t ; Alex.
laoo&xa-, EXlaii : Sedada, Sadada). One of the
landmarks on the north border of the land of Israel,
as promised by Moses (Num. xxxiv. 8) and as
restored by Ezekiel (xlrii. 15), who probably passea
through it on his road to Assyria as a captive. In
the former case it occurs between " the entrance of
Hamath " and Ziphron, and in the latter between the
" road to Hethlon " and Hamath. A place named
Sidid exists to the east of the northern extremity
of the chain of Antilibanus, about 50 miles E.N.E.
or Baalbec, and 35 SJS.E. of Sums. It is possible
that this may ultimately turn out to be identical
with Zedad ; but at present the passages in which
the latter is mentioned are so imperfectly under-
stood, and this part of the country has been so little
explored with the view of arriving at topographical
conclusions, that nothing can be done beyond direct-
ing attention to the coincidence in the names (sea
Porte., Fan Yean, Ac., ii. 3544). [G.]
ZEDECHXAB (SteWo*: Stdtciat). Z»
deeiau king of Judah (I Eed. i. 46).
ZEDEKTAH. 1. (WpnY.TsidMyyahu,*t>d
thrice' nyjX, Tsidktyyah : t'JtoWa, SsSaicfaf :
• Jer. xxvll. 11, xxvttl I, xxix. 3. In tab lonn It Is
Identical with lbs name which appesrs In the A. V. 0a
oonoexkm with a different person) as Zidumjz. A si-
BsSlzr uiossMlstenej ot oar 11-1111'-*'— Is staewa in the
esses of Hessklsb, HtikUah, sxd Hliktah; Esekiel and
JebeaskeL
* The peculiarities of the name, as It appears In the
Vatican LXX (Mai), may be noted ;- <ef) t«
1884
ZEDEKIAH
Sxfaote). The kut king of Jonah and Jerusalem. '
He wh the m ef Josiah by his wife Hamntal, end
tnerecore own blather to Jehoshax (2 K. xxiv. 18 ;
eomp. nriii. 31). His original name had been
Mattamah, which was changed to Zedekiah by
Ncbncbadnexar, when he earned off bat nephew
Jehoiaehim to Babylon, and left him on the throne
of Jerusalem. Zadeziah was bat twenty-one Team
old when he was thus placed in charge of an im-
poverished kingdom, and a city which, though still
strong in its natural and artificial impregnability,
wss bereft of well-nigh all its defenders. But Jeru-
salem might hare remained the head of the Baby-
lonian prorince of Judah, and the Temple of
Jehovah continued standing, had Zedekiah possessed
wisdom and firmness enough to remain true to his
Allegiance to Babylon. This, howerer, he could
not do (Jer. xxxviii. 5). His history is contained
in the short sketch of the events of his reign given
in 2 K. xxiv. 17-xxv. 7, and, with some trifling
variations, in Jer. xxxix. 1-7, lii. 1-11, together
with the still shorter summary in 2 Chr. xxxvi.
10, be ; and also in Jer. xxl. xxiv. xxrii. xxriii.
ixii. zxzii. zxxiii. nxir. xxxvii. zzxviii. (being the
chapters containing the prophecies delivered by
this prophet daring this reign, and Ins relation
of various events more or lam affecting Zedekiah),
and Kt.xvi. 11-21. To these it is indispensable to
add the narrative of Josephus (Ant. x. 7, 1-8, $2),
which is partly oonstmcted by comparison of the
documents enumerated above, but also contains in-
formation derived from other and independent
sources. From these it is evident that Zedekiah
was a man not so much had at heart as weak in
will. He was one of those unfortunate character!,
frequent in history, like our own Charles I. and
Louis XVL of France, who find themselves at the
head of affairs during a great crisis, without having
the strength of character to enable them to do what
they know to be right, and whose infirmity be-
comes moral guilt. The princes of his court, as
he himself pathetically admits in his interview with
Jeremiah, described in chsp. xxxviii., had him com-
pletely under their influence. " Against them," be
complains, " it is not the king that can do any-
thing." He was thus driven to disregard the counsels
of the prophet, which, ss the event proved, were
perfectly sound ; and he who might have kept tht
fragments of the kingdom of Judah together, and
Maintained for some generations longer the worship
af Jehovah, brought its final ruin on his country,
destruction on the Temple, death to his family, and
cruel torment and miserable captivity on himself.
It is evident from Jer. xxvii." and zrriii. (ap-
parently the earliest prophecies delivered during
this reign), that the earlier portion of Zedekiah's
reign was marked by an agitation throughout
the whole of Syria against the Babylonian yoke.
Jerusalem seems to hare taken the lead, since in
the fourth year of Zedekiah's reign we find am-
bassadors from all the neighbouring kingdoms —
Tyre, Sidon, Edom, and Moab — at his court, to
consult ss to the steps to be taken. This happened
(a) It Is IbsWs In a K. xslv. If; 1 Chr. ill. IS; Jer.
uziv. 4 only.
(6) The genitive Is Mmuw In a K. xxv.J, Jer. 1L St,
UL 1,10.11; but IteWe to Jer. L 3, xxviiL 1. xxxix. 1 1
and Xrfcmui In xxxix. 3 only.
(ej The name Is occasionally omitted where It Is p i mart
to the Hebrew text, to. Jer. uivlU., 111. 5, 8; bat on me j of Jeeouiah in ver.X0.no less than toe whole
etkerhsod Is inserted In xlvl 1, where slso Bass la put the latter part of aba casplsr. rossaw tMs iv t ssan
kr -gentiles."
BBDRrOAII
eHher during re* king's absence or rmmedWatr]
after his retcra fives Bshvton. whither be went m
some errand, the nature of which is not Darned, but
which may have been an attempt to Mind the eyei
of Nobnehadiiiiisr to his contemplated revolt (jer
li. 68). The project was attacked by Jeremiah
with the strongest statement of the folly of such
course— a s t ate me n t corroborated by the very ma-
terial fact that a man of Jerusalem named Hana-
niah, who bad opposed him with a declaration in
the name of Jehovah, that the spoilt of the Temple
should be restored within two years, had died, in
accordance with Jeremiah's prediction, within two
months of its delivery. This, and perhaps also
the impossibility of any real alliance b e twe e n Judah
and the surrounding nations, seems to have put a
stop, for the time, to the anti-Babylonian move-
ment On a man of Zedekiah's temperament the
sodden death of Hsjuunah must have produced a
strong impression ; and we may without improba-
bility accept this as the time at which he p ro c ur e d
to be made in silver a set of the rea s eh i of the
Temple, to replace the golden plate carried off with
bis pre dece ss o r by Nebucbadnezxar (Bar. i. 8).
The first act of overt rebellion of which any re-
cord survives was the formation of an alliance with
Egypt, of itself equivalent to a declaration of enmity
with Babylon. In fact, according to the statement
of Chronicles and Exekiel (xvti. 18), with the ex-
pansion of Josephus, it was in direct contrave n tion
of the oath of allegiance in the name of Etohim, by
which Zedekiah was bound by Nebuehadneaxor,
namely, that be would keep the kingdom for Ne-
buchadnezzar, make no innovation, and enter into
no league with Egypt (Ex. rvii. 13 ; 2 Chr. xxxvi.
13; Jos. At*. 1.7, §1). Asa natural consequence it
brought on Jerusalem an immediate invasion of the
Chaldeans. The mention of this event in the Bible,
though sure, is extremely slight, and occurs only in
Jer. xxxvii. 5-11, xxxiv. 21, and Ex. xvii. 15-20 ;
but Josephus (x. 7, §3) relates it more folly,
sod gives the date of its occurrence, namely the
eighth year of Zedekiah. Probably also tba de-
nunciations of an Egyptian alliance, contained in
Jer. ii. 18, 36, have reference to the same time.
It appears that Nebuchadnezzar, being made aware
of Zedekiah's defection, either by the non-payment
of the tribute or by other means, at once sent at
army to ravage Judaea. This wsa done, and the
whole country reduced, except Jerusalem and twe
strong places in the western plain, Lachish sad
Axekah, which still held out (Jer. xxxiv. 7). In
the panic which followed the appearance of the
Chaldeans, Zedekiah succeeded in inducing the
princes and other inhabitants of Jerusalem tc
abolish the odious custom which prevailed of en-
slaving their countrymen. A solemn rite (ver. 18),
recalling in its form that in which the original
covenant of the nation had been made with Abram
(Gen. xv. 9, 4m.), was performed in the Tecopat
(ver. 15), and a crowd of Israelites of both sexs>
found themselves released from slavery.
In the mean time Pharaoh had moved to the
N.B. The references above given to Jeremiah are i
log to the Hebrew capitulation.
• There can be no doubt that ver. 1 of xxrviL, aa ft at
present stsnds, oootslns sn error, sod that for Jebotasaw.
we should read Zedekiah. The mention of liwIetrisTi ■
vers. S and 11, and In xxvtil. 1, ss well as of (be c a pBvttj
at
ZEDEKIAH
i of hi* ti\j. On' hearing of his approach
the Chaldees at once raiacd the siege and advanced to
inert him. The nobles seized the moment of respite
to reassert their power over the king, and their
defiance of Jehovah, by re-enslaving those whom
they had so recently manumitted ; and the prophet
thereupon utters a doom on these miscreants which,
m the nerocnen of its tone and in some of its ex-
pressions, recalls those of Elijah on Ahab (ver. 20).
This encounter was quickly followed by Jeremiah s
capture and imprisonment, which but tor the inter-
ference of the king (xxxvii. 17, 21) would have
rapidly put an end to his life (rer. 20). How long
the Babylonians were absent from Jerusalem we
are not told. It must have required at least several
months to move a large army and baggage through
the difficult and tortuous country which separates
Jerusalem from the Philistine Plain, and to effect
the complete repulse of the Egyptian army from
Syria, which Josephus affirms was enacted. All
we certainly know is that on the tenth day of
the tenth mouth of Zedekiah's ninth year the
Chaldeans were again before the walls (Jer. lit. 4).
From this time forward the siege progressed slowly
but surely to its consummation, with the accompani-
ment of both famine and pestilence (Joseph.), lede-
kiah again interfered to preserve the life of Jeremiah
from the vengeance of the prinoss (xxxviii. 7-13),
and then occurred the interview between the king
and the prophet of which mention has alceady
been made, and which aftords so good a clue to
the condition of abject dependence into which a
long course of opposition had brought the weak-
minded monarch. It would seem from this con-
versation that a considerable desertion had already
taken place to the besiegers, proving that the pro-
phet's view of the condition of things was shared
by many of his countrymen. But the unhappy
Zedekiah throws away the chance of preservation
for himself and the city which the prophet set before
him, in hit fear that he would be mocked by those
very Jews who bad already taken the step Jeremiah
was urging him to take (xxxviii. 19). At the same
time his tear of the princes who remained in the
city is not diminished, and he even condescends to
impose on the prophet a subterfuge, with the view
of concealing the real purport of his conversation
from these tyrants of his spirit (vers. 24-27).
But while the king was hesitating the end was
rapidly coming nearer. The city was indeed reduced
to the last extremity. The fire of the besiegers had
throughout been very destructive (Joseph.), but it
was now aided by a severe famine. The bread had
for long been consumed (Jer. xxxviii. 9), and all
the terrible expedients had bean tried to which the
wretched inhabitants of a besieged town are forced
to resort in such cases. Mothers bad boiled and
eaten the flash of their own infanta (Bar. ii. 3:
Lam. iv. 10). Persona of the greatest wealth and
station were to be seen searching the dungbeape for
a morsel of food. The effeminate nobles, whose fair
complexions had been their pride, wandered in the
open streets like blackened but living skeletons
(Lam. iv. 5, 8). Still the king was seen in public,
sitting in the gate where justice was administered,
that his people tnigh* approach him, though indeed
bo had no help to gi re them (xxxviii. 7).
At last, after sixteun dreadful months had dragged
Cu, the catastrophe arrived, it was on the ninth day
of the fourth nctnth, about the middle of July, at
midnight, as .Tottphus with careful minuteness in-
forms us, that toe breach in those stout and vener-
ZEDKKIAH
183fi
able walls was effected. The moan, nine days old,
had gone down below the hills which form the
western edge of the basin of Jerusalem, or was, at
any rate, too bw to illuminate the utter darkness
which reigns in the narrow lanes of an eastern
town, where the inhabitants retire early to rest, and
where there are but few windows to emit light
from within the houses. The wretched remnants of
the army, starved and exhausted, had left the walla,
and there was nothing to oppose the entrance of
the Chaldeans. Passing in through the breach,
they made their way, as their custom was, to the
centre of the city, and for the first time the Temple
was entered by a hostile force, and all the princes
of the court of the great king took their seats in
state in the middle gate of the hitherto virgin
bouse of Jehovah. The alarm quickly spread
through the sleeping city, and Zedekiah, collecting
his wires and children (Joseph.) and surrounding
himself with the few soldiers who had survived the
accidents of the siege, made his way out of the
city at the opposite end to that at which the Assy-
rians had entered, by a street which, like the Bern
a-Surein at Damascus, ran between two walla
(probably those on the east and wast sides of the
so-called Tyropoeon valley), and issued at a gate
above the royal gardens and the Fountain of
Siloem. Thence he took the road towards the
Jordan, perhaps hoping to find refuge, as David
had, at some fortified place in the mountains on its
eastern side. On the road they were met and
recognized by some of the Jews who had formerly
deserted to the Chaldeans. By them the intelligence
was communicated, with the eager treachery of de-
serters, to the generals in the city (Joseph.), and,
as soon as the dawn of day permitted it, swift
pursuit was made. The king's party must have
bad some hours' start, and ought to have had no
difficulty in reaching the Jordan ; but, either from
their being on foot, weak and infirm, while the
pursuers were mounted, or perhaps owing to the
incumbrance of the women and baggage, they were
overtaken near Jericho, when just within eight
of the river. A few of the people only remained
round the person of the long. The rest fled in all
directions, so that he was easily taken.
Nebuchadnezzar was then at Riblah, at the upper
end of the valley of Lebanon, some 35 miles beyond
Baalbec, and therefore about ten days' journey from
Jerusalem. Thither Zedekiah and his sons were
despatched ; his daughters wars kept at Jerusalem,
and shortly after fell into the hands of the notorious
I&hmael at Mixpah. When he was brought before
Nebuchadnezzar, the great king reproached him in
the severest terms, first for breaking his oath of alle-
giance, and next for ingratitude (Joseph.). He then,
with a refinement of cruelty characteristic of those
cruel times, ordered his sons to be killed before him,
and lastly his own eyes to be thrust out. He was
then loaded with brazen fetters, and ata later period
taken to Babylon, where he died. We are not told
whether he was allowed to communicate with hie
brother Jeboiachin, who at that time was also in
captivity there ; nor do we know the time of his
death ; but from the omission of his name in the
statement of Jehoiakim's release by Evil-Merodach,
26 years after the fall of Jerusalem, it is natural
to infer that by that time Zedekiah's sufferings had
ended.
The net of his interview with Nebuchadnezzar at
Riblah, and his ktiug carried blind to Babylon, recon-
ciles two predictions of Jeremiah and Kxekicl. wliiee
1836
HEDEKIAH
at the time of their delivery mint have appeared
conflicting, and which Josephus indeed particularly
states Zedekiah alleged at his reason for not giriDg
more heed to Jeremiah. The former of these (Jer.
mii. 4) states that Zedekiah ahall "apeak with
the king of Babylon mouth to mouth, and his eyes
ahall behold his eyes;" the latter (Ex. xii. 13),
that '• he ahall be brought to Babylon, yet shall
he not see it, though he die there." The whole of
this prediction of Exekiel, whose prophecies appear
to have been delivered at Babylon (Ex. i. 1-3 ;
xl. 1), is truly remarkable as describing almost
exactly the circumstances of Zedekiah's flight.
2. (*.n*jri? and •njrpt: 3«»««los : Seiecica.)
Son of Chenaanah, a prophet at the court of Ahab,
head, or, if not head, virtual leader of the college.
He appears but once, vix., as spokesman when the
prophets are consorted by Ahab on the result of
his proposed expedition to Ramoth-Gilead (1 K.
xxii. ; 2 Chr. xviii.).
Zedekiah had prepared himself for the inte-view
with a pair of iron horns after the symbolic
custom of the prophets 'oomp. Jer. xiii. xix.),
the horns of the reem, or buffalo, which was the
recognised emblem of the tribe of Ephraim (Deut.
xxxiii. 17). With these, in the interval of Micaiah's
arrival, he illustrated the manner in which Ahab
should drive the Syrians before him. When Micaiah
appeared and had delivered his prophecy, Zedekiah
sprang forward and struck him a blow on the face,
accompanying it by a taunting sneer. For this he
is threatened by Micaiah in terms which are hardly
intelligible to us, but which evidently allude to
some personal danger to Zedekiah.
The narrative of the Bible does not imply that the
blow struck by Zedekiah was prompted by more
than sudden anger, or a wish to insult and humi-
liate the prophet of Jehovah. But Josephus takes
a very different view, which he developes at some
length {Ant. viii. IS, §3). He relates that after
Micaiah had spoken, Zedekiah again came forward,
and denounced him as false on the ground that his
prophecy contradicted the prediction of Elijah, that
Allah's blood should be licked up by dogs in the
field of Naboth of Jezreel ; and as a further proof that
ne was an impostor, he struck him, daring hie to do
what Iddo, in somewhat similar circumstances, had
done to Jeroboam — vix., wither his hand.
This addition is remarkable, but it is .related
by Josephus with great circumstantiality, and was
doubtless drawn by him from that source, unhappily
now lost, from which he has added so many admirable
touches to the outlines of the sacred narrative.
As to the question of what Zedekiah and his
followers were, whether prophets of Jehovah or of
some false deity, it seems hardly possible to enter-
tain any doubt. True, they use the name of
Jehovah, but that was a habit of false prophets
(Jer. xxviii. 2, comp. xxix. 21,31), and there is a
vast difference between the casual manner in which
they mention the awful Name, and the full, and as
it were, formal style in which Micaiah proclaims and
reiterates it. Seeing also that Ahab and his queen
were professedly worshipper* of Baal and Ashtaroth,
and that a few years only before this event they
had an establishment consisting of two bodies— one
of 450, the other of 400— prophets cf this false
worship, it is difficult to suppose that there could
* Ones only, vis. 1 K. xxtt. 11.
a Tne meaning Is slightly altered by the change la the
vawaHMlnta. In the forme] cue It slaslnes an ••aaarUon"
JSELAH
have 1 ten also 400 prophets of J*hovab at nil court
But the inquiry of Sue nng uf ,'adah seems to deeaas
the point. After hearing the prediction of Zedo>
kiah and his fellows, he asks at once for a prophet
of Jehovah : " Is there not here besides (lfr) •
prophet of Jehoeah that we may enquire of Asm f "
The natural inference seems to be that the others
were not prophets of Jehovah, but were the 400
prophets of Ashtaroth (A. V. " the groves ") who
escaped the sword of Elijah (comp. 1 K. xviii. 19
with 22, 40). They had spoken in His name, bat
there was something about them — some trait of
manner, costume, or gesture — which aroused tip*
suspicions of Jehoshaphat, and, to the practised eye.
of one who lived at the centre of Jehovah-worship
and was well versed in the marks of the genuine
prophet, proclaimed them counterfeits. With thcea
few words Zedekiah may be left to the oblivion in
which, except on this one occasion, he remains. f_G.]
3. (in*p"lV.) The son of Maaseiah, a false pro-
phet in Babylon among the captives who wen
taken with Jeconiah (Jer. xxix. 21, 22). He was
denounced in the letter of Jeremiah for having,
with Ahab the son of Kolaiah, buoyed up the people
with false hopes, and for profane and flagitioua con-
duct. Their names were to become a byword, anj
their terrible fate a warning. Of this fate we have
no direct intimation, or of the manner in which
they incurred it: the prophet simply prononxKn
that they should fall into the hands of Nebucbaal-
nexxar and be burnt to death. In the Targum «
R. Joseph on 2 Chr. xxviii. 3 the story is told that
Joshua the son of Joxadak the high-priest waa eecl
into the furnace of fire with Ahab and Zedeknn,
but that, while they were consumed, he was -~>*J
for his righteousness' sake.
4. The son of Hananiah, one of the princes: .f
Judah who were assembled in the scribal chamber
of the king's palace, when Micaiah announced that
Baruch had read the words of Jeremiah in tb» vara
of the people from the chamber of Gemarial je
scribe (Jer. xxivi. 12). [W. A. W.J
ZEEBQMp iZiiP: Zeb). One of the twe
"princes" (*"£?) of Nfctian in the great invasion
of Israel— inferior to the " kings " Zebah and ZaU
munna. He is always named with Oreb (Judg.
vii. 25, viii. 3 ; Pb. lxxxiii. 11). The name signifies
in Hebrew " wolf," just aa Oreb does "crow," and
the two are appropriate enough to the customs of
predatory warriors, who delight in conferring such
names on their. chiefs.
Zeeb and Oreb were not slain at the £rat rout
of the Arabs below the spring of Hand, but at a
later stage of the struggle, probably in crossing
the Jordan at a ford further down the river, near
the passes which descend from Mount Ephraim.
An enormous mass of their followers perished with
them. [Oreb.] Zeeb, the wolf, was brought to
bay in a winepress which in later times bore his
name — the "winepress of Zeeb" (3et| t^;
'loa-erffe; Alex. It****)**! Ibrwsior Zeb). [Q.]
ZE'LAH (jfat and ""J^Y, •". «. TaeU: in Josh,
Vat. omits ; Alex. ai|Ao[Aee) j in Sam. eV rjj
a-Xevrf in both: Sela; at latere). One of the
cities in the allotment of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 38).
(oftVowX "• the latter a «i»" (FHnt, Oep. tL *»•).
Compare the equivalents of OieUU.au Valg. In l aaiiii l
as gives* anove.
ZELEK
it* ptioe in the list is between Taralah mid na-
Eleph. Nana of thaw places have, however, been
vet discovered. The interest of Zelah resides in the
net that it contained the family tomb of Kish the
fcther of Saul (2 Sam. xxi. 14), in which the bones
of Saol and Jonathan, and alio apparently of the
two tons and five grandsons of Saul, sacrificed to
Jehovah on the hill of Gibeah, at last fonnd their
resting-place (comp. ver. 13). As containing their
sepulchre, Zelah was in all probability the native
phVue 1 of the family of Kith, and therefore his
home, and the home of Saul before his selection as
king had brought him into prominence. This ap-
pears to have been generally overlooked, but it is
important, because it gives a different starting-point
to that usually assumed for the journey of Saul in
quest of his father's asses, as well as a different
goal for his return after the anointing ; and although
the position of Zelah ia not and may never be known,
atill it Is one step nearer the solution of the com-
plicated difficulties of that route to know that
Gibeah — Saul's royal residence after he became king
— was not necessarily the point either of his de-
parture or his return.
The absence of any connexion between the names
of Zelah and Zelsah (too frequently assumed) is
noticed under the latter head. [G.]
ZEI/EK (pfrx : 'EAte*, S«A4 ; Alex. 2$ktyl,
2*AA4* : Zslec). An Ammonite, one of David's
guard (2 Sam. xxiii. 37 ; 1 Chr. li. 39).
ZELOPH'EHAD (lnoSv : XaKwait: Sal-
T I T 7
pKaod). SonofHepher, sonofGilead, sonofMachir,
sou of Manasreh (Josh. xvii. 3). He was appa-
rently the second son of his father Hepher (1 Chr.
vii. 15), though Simonis and others, following the
interpretation of the KabUs, and under the impres-
sion that the etymology of his name indicates a
fjit-born, explains the term 'JBTl as meaning that
his lot came up second. Zelophehad came out of
Egypt with Moses ; and all that we know of him
is that he took no part in Korah's rebellion, but
that he died in the wilderness, as did the whole of
that generation (Num. xiv. 36, xxvii. 3). On his
death without male heirs, his five daughters, just
after the second numbering in the wilderness, came
before Hoses and Elauar to claim the inheritance of
their father in the tribe of Manaaseh. The claim
was admitted by Divine direction, and a law was
qroraulgated, to be of general application, that if a
man died without sons his inheritance should pass
to his daughters (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1-11),
which led to a further enactment (Num. xxxvi.),
'.hat such heiresses should not marry out of their
own tribe — a regulation which the five daughters
of Zelophehad complied with, being all married to
tens of Manaaseh, so that Zelophehad's inheritance
continued in the tribe of Manasseh. The law of
sneeession, as exemplified in the case of Zelophehad,
i* treated at length by Selden {De Success, capp.
xxii. xxiii.).
The interest of the case, in a legal point of view,
has led to the careful preservation of Zelophehad's
ZEMABAIM
1831
« In Uka manner the sepulchre of tie family of Jesse
was at Bethlehem (2 Sam. U. 31).
* Apparently reading ^X^V- Tbe Talmud has uo,
xoareai explanations, the favourite one being that Zeiss*
wwjeewalem-" lbs shadow (^y) or Uod." Something
it thts kind Is af *ba root of the mtridit or the Vulg.
* Tt* Beats Avia occurs male than once elsewhere
genealogy. Beginning with Jo>*ph, it will be ten
that the daughters of Zelophehad are the seventh
generation. So ore Salmon, Bexalcel, and Zopha:
(apparently toe first settler of his family), from
their patriarchal ancestors; while Caleb, Achan, an>l
Phinehas are the sixth ; Joshua seems to have been
the eighth. [Shuthelah.] The average, therefore,
seems to he between 6 and 7 generations, which, at
40 years to a generation (as suited to the length of life
at that time) gives between 240 and 280 years, which
agrees very well with the reckoning of 215 years f<«
the sojourning of the Israelites in Kgypt + 40 yean
in the wilderness = 255 (Joseph. Ant. iv. 7, §5 ;
Selden, D» Success, xxii. xxiii.). [A. C. H.j
ZELOTE8(Zi|Aerrt7»: Zetotes). The epithet
given to the Apostle Simon to distinguish him t'ron;
Simon Peter (Luke vi. 15). In Matt. x. 4, he is
called "Simon the Canaanite," the last word being
a corruption of the Aramaic term, of which " Ze-
loteo " ia the Greek equivalent. [Camaahitk •
Simon 5.]
ZBL'ZAH {Tvh'i, it. Tseltsach: lAAop«Vov;«
uryctAo, in both MSS.: in meridie). A place named
once only (1 Sam. x. 2), as on the boundary o
Benjamin, close to (DJf) Rachel's sepulchre. It was
the first point in the homeward journey of Saul
after his anointing by Samuel. Rachel's sepulchre
is still shown a short distance to the north off Beth-
lehem, but no acceptable identification of Zelzaib,
has been proposed, it is usually considered as iden-
tical with Zelah, the home of Kish and Saul, arm
that again with Beit-jala. But this ia not tenable;
at any rate there is nothing to support it. The
names Zelah and Zelzach are not only not identical,
but they have hardly anything in common, still
leas have IWX and illaa, i aor ■* Beit-Jala close
enough to the Kubbet Rakit to answer to tbe ex-
pression of Samuel. [G.]
ZEMABATJI (0nO? : 34>a; Alex. * W 'M
Setaaram). One of the towns of the allotment of
Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 22). It ia named between
Beth ha-Arabah and Bethel, and therefore on the
assumption that Arabah in the former name denotes
as usual the Jordan Valley, we should expect to
find Zemaraim either in the valley or in some posi-
tion on its western edge, between it and Bethel. In
the former case a trace of the name may remain in
Chirbet tl-Siimra, which is marked in Section's
map (Beisen, vol. iv. map 2) as about 4 miles
north of Jericho, and appears as es-Simrah l in
those of Robinson and Van de Velde.' (See also
Rob. B. B. i. 569.) In the latter can Zemaraim
may be connected, or identical, with MOOKT Ze-
maraim, which must have been in the highland
district.
In either event Zemaraim may have derived its
name from the ancient tribe of the Zemarim or
Zemaritea, who were related to the Hittites and
Amoiitts ; who, like them, are represented in the
Biblical account as descendants of Canaan, but,
from eirae cause or other unexplained, have left
In the Jordan valley. It Is fonnd dose to the " Kcuml
fountain" In tbe Mate of Oanaeaareu; also at the 8.R.
end of the Lake of Tiberias.
» Io the and ed. of KoMnson 0. •*•) the name ia given
as a samrtx ; but this ts probably a misprint. See the
Arabic Index to ed. I. the teat, M. 301, and 'Jx eaaps
both<
I
1838 ZEMARAIM, MOUNT
but very scanty traces of their existence. Tfce
bats of the towni of Benjamin are remarkable for
the number of tribes which they com m emorate.
The Avitts, the Ammonite*, the Ophnitea, the Je-
busites, are all mentioned in the catalogue of Joeh.
xriii. 22-28, and it ia at heat possible that the
lemsrites may add another to the list. [G.]
ZEMARAIM, MOUNT (D^TOV in : re
fost ttpifmr : none Samtrm). An eminence men-
tioned in 2 Chr. ziii. 4 only. It was " in Mount
Ephraim," that ia to aay within the general district
of the highland* of that great tribe. It appears to
hare been close to the some of the engagement men-
tioned in the narrative, which again may be in-
ferred to have been south of Bethel and Ephraim
(ver. 19). It may be said in pn»ng, that a position
so far tooth ia no contradiction to its being in
Mount Ephraim. It has been already shown under
IUmah [9986] that the name of Mount Ephraim
probably extended as far as er-fiam, 4 miles south
of Beittn, and 8 of Taiyibek, the possible represen-
tative of Ephraim. Whether Mount Zemaraim is
identical with, or related to, the place of the same
name mentioned in the preceding article, cannot be
ascertained. If they prove to be distinct places
they will furnish a double testimony to the presence
of the ancient tribe of Zemarites in this part of the
country. No name answering to Zemaraim has
been yet discovered in the maps or information of
travellers on the highland.
It will be observed that in the LXX. and Vul-
gate, this name is rendered by the same word which
in the former represents Samaria. But this, though
repeated (with a difference) in the case of Zemarite,
can hardly be more than an accidental error, since
the names have little or no resemblance in Hebrew.
In the present case Samaria is besides inadmissible
on topographical grounds. [G.j
ZEM'ARITE, THE (nOWl: i 3**mpwo t :
8amaraeus). One of the Hamite tribes who in the
genealogical table of Gen. x. (ver. 18), and 1 Chr.
i. (ver. 16), are represented as " sons of Canaan."
It is named between the Arvadite, or people of
Ruad, and the Hamathite, or people of Hamah.
Nothing is certainly known of this ancient tribe.
The old interpreters (Jerusalem Targum, Arabic
Version, &c) place them at Emesea, the modern
/Tunis. Michaelia (SpiciUgtum, ii. 51), revolting
at the want of similarity between the two names
(which is perhaps the strongest argument in favour
of the old identification), proposes to locate them at
Bumra (the Simyra of the classical geographers),
which name is mentioned by Shaw as attached to
a site of ruins near Arka, on the west coast of
Syria, 10 or 11 miles above Tripoli.
On the new French map of the Lebanon (Cart*
da Lxban, Ik., 1862) it appears as Kobbet aim
8/ioamra, and lies between Arka and the Mediter-
ranean, 2 kilometres from the latter, and 5} from
the former. Beyond, however, the resemblance in
the names, and the proximity of Ruad and Arka,
the probable seats of the Arvadites and Arlcites, and
the consequent inference that the original seat of
the Zemarites must have been somewhere in this
direction, there is nothing to prove that Sumra or
Shaamra have any connexion with the Tsemaritss
of the ancient records.
Traces of their having wandered to the south are
possibly afforded by the name Zemaraim, formerly
attached to two places in the topographical list* of
ZEFHANLAH
Central Palestine — a district which appears to hart
been very attractive to the aboriginal wandering
tribes from every quarter. [ 7»m »it» ; see aba
ATM, OpHKr, *c.]
The LXX. and Vulgate would connect the Zs>
marites with Samaria. In this they have bees
followed by some commentators. But the id«a it
a delusion, grounded ou she inability of the Grwfc
alphabet to express the Hebrew letters of both
names. [G.]
ZEM'IEA(rn»OX: Zeausst; Akx. ZsyuaAu :
^imsro). One of the sons of Becher the son oi
Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8).
ZENAN'()W: Semi; Alex. Semap: Saturn).
One of the towns' in the allotment of Jndab, situ-
ated in the district of the SheWae (Josh. rv. 37).
It occurs in the second group of the enumeration,
which contains amongst others Migdal-gad and
Lachjah. It is probably identical with Zaawas,
a place mentioned by the prophet Micah in the
same connexion.
Schwarx (103) proposes to identify it with " the
village Zan-abra, situated 2J English miles south*
east of Mareshah." By this be doubtless intends
the place which in the lists of Robinson (B. S.
1st ed. vol iii. App. 117) is called e*8n»birak.
sjjUssJIi tod ia Tobler*s Dritte Wmdenmg
(149), m-Semabtnk. The latter traveller in his
map places it about 2} miles due east of Martuk
{Maretka). Bnt this identification is more than
doubtful. [G.]
ZETJAS (Zt)pas, a contraction from Zavooatpet,
as 'Aortitis from 'Afrt/iilctfos, Nvpfas from
fiv/updtapoi, and, probably, 'Epfuit from *E r yiJ-
oWpor), a believer, and, as may be inferred from
the context, a preacher of the Gospel, who is men-
tioned in Tit. iii. 13 in connexion with A polios, and,
together with him, is there commended by St. Paul
to the care and hospitality of Titus and the Cretan
brethren. He is further described as " the lawyer "
(tot w/iuroV). It is impossible to determine with
certainty whether we are to infer from this designa-
tion that Zones wss a Roman jurisconsult or a
Jewish doctor. Grotius accepts the former alter-
native, and thinks that he was a Greek who hal
studied Roman law. The N. T. usage of rssucst
leads rather to the other inference. Tradition has
been somewhat busy with the name of Zenas. The
Synopsis de Vita et Mortt Propketanan Apattoto-
rum et Disdpalorvm Domini, ascribed to Dorotheas
of Tyre, makes him to have been one of the
" seventy-two " disciples, and subsequently bishop
of Diospolis in Palestine {BM. Patr. iii. ISO).
The " seventy-two'' disciples of Dorotheus are, how-
ever, a mere string of names picked out of saints-
tions and other incidental notices in the N. T. The
Greek Menologies on the festival of SS. Bartholo-
mew and Titus (Aug. 25) refer to a certain Life of
Titus, ascribed to Zenas, which is also quoted for
the supposed crnversion of the younger Pliny (ocas-
pa- e Fabricius, Codex Apocr. N. T. it 831, 2\.
The association of Zenas with Titus, in St. Pauls
Epistle to the latter, sufficiently accounts for thi
forgery. [W. B. J.]
ZEPHANTAH(iTOBV: aosWoa:
These forms refer to another punctuation, rPJfcs*
a participial form). Jerome derive* the name frost
ZEPHANIAH
nDX. and spp p o a aa it to mean peculator Domini,
•* watcher of the Lord," an appropriate appellation
for a prophet. The pedigree of Zephaniah, ch. i. 1,
ia traced to his fourth ancestor, Heiekiah : supposed
by A ben Ezra to be the celebrated king of that name.
This is not in itself improbable, and the fact that
the pedigree terminates with that name, points to a
penonage of rank and importance. Late critics and
commentators generally acquiesce in this hypothesis,
viz. Eichhorn, Hitzig, P. Ad. Strauss ( Vaticmia
ZqAanint, Berlin, 1843), Havemick, Keil, and
Bleek (Emkitmg n dot Aite Testament).
Analysis. Chap. i. The utter desolation of Judaea
is predicted as a judgment for idolatry, and neglect
of the Lord, the luxury of the princes, and the
violence and deceit of their dependents (3-9). The
Drosperity, security, and insolence of the people is
contrasted with the horrors of the day of wrath ;
the assaults upon the fenced cities and high towers,
and the slaughter of the people (10-18). Ch. ii., a
call to repentance (1-3), with prediction of the ruin
of the cities of the Philistines, and the restoration
of the house of Judah after the visitation (4-7).
Other enemies of Judah, Moab, Ammon, are threat-
ened with perpetual destruction, Ethiopia with
a great slaughter, and Nineveh, the capital of
Assyria, with desolation (8-15). Ch. iii. The pro-
phet addresses Jerusalem, which he reproves sharply
for vice and disobedience, the cruelty of the princes
and the treachery of the priests, and for their ge-
neral disregard of warnings snd visitations (1-7).
He then concludes with a series of promises, the
destruction of the enemies of God's people, the
restoration of exiles, the extirpation of the proud
and violent, and the permanent peace and blessed-
ness of the poor and afflicted remnant who shall
trust in the name of the Lord. These exhortations
to rejoicing and exertion are mingled with inti-
mations of a complete manifestation of God's
righteousness and lore in the restoration of His
people (8-20).
The chief characteristics of this book are the
unity and harmony of the composition, the grace,
energy, and dignity of its style, and the rapid and
eHective alternations of threats and promises. Its
prophetical import is chiefly shown in the accurate
predictions of the desolation which has fallen upon
each of the nations denounced for their crimes;
Ethiopia, which is menaced with a terrible invasion,
being alone exempted from the doom of perpetual
ruin. The general tone of the last portion is Mes-
sianic, but without any specific reference to the
Person of our Lord.
The date of the book is given in the inscription ;
viz. the reign of Josiah, from 642 to 611 B.C.
This date accords fully with internal indications.
Nineveh is represented as in a state of peace
and prosperity, while the notices of Jerusalem
touch upon the same tendencies to idolatry and
crime which are condemned by the contemporary
Jeremiah.
It is most probable, moreover, that the prophecy
was delivered before the 18th year of Josiah, when
the reformation, for which it prepares the way, was
carried into effect, and about the time when the
Scythians overrun the empires of Western Asia,
extending their devastations to Palestine. The no-
tices which are supposed by some critics to indicate
a somewhat later date are satisfactorily explained.
The king's children, who are spoki < of, in ch. i. 8,
n* sJdicted to foreign habits, "ou\ 1 not have oeen
sons uf Josiah, who was but eight years old at hia
ZEPHATH
1888
accession, but were probably hia brothers or nan
relatives. The remnant of Baal (ch. i. 4) implies
that some partial reformation had previously taken
p'utce, while the notices of open idolatry are incom-
patible with the state of Judah after the discovery
of the Book of the Law. [F. a C]
2. (itupayia ; Alex, Xuparlat : Sophonicn). A
Kohathite Levite, ancestor of Samuel and Heman
(1 Chr. vi. 36 [21]).
3. (So^oWas.) The son of Maaseiah (Jer. xxi.
1), and sagan or second priest in the reign of Zedc-
Iriah. He succeeded Jehoiada (Jer. xxix. 25, 26 1,
and was probably a ruler of the Temple, whose
office it was among others to punish pretenders to
the gift of prophecy. In this capacity he was ap-
pealed to by Shemaiah the Nehelamite, in a letter
from Babylon, to punish Jeremiah (Jer. xxix. 29).
Twice was he sent from Zedekiah to inquire of
Jeremiah the issue of the siege of the city by the
Chaldeans (Jer. xxi. 1), and to implore him to
intercede for the people (Jer. zxxvii, 3). On the
capture of Jerusalem by Nebuzaradan he was taken
with Seraiah the high-priest and others, and slain
at Riblah (Jer. Iii. 24, 27; 2 K. xxv. 18, 21). In
2 K. xxv. 18, Jer. xxxvii. 3, his name is written in
the longer form 4iVODY.
4. Father of Josiah 2 (Zech. vi. 10), and of Hen,
according to the reading of the received text of Zech.
vi. 14, as given in the A. V. [W. A. W-]
ZEPHATH' (flD? •• ***«"« ; Alex. Sea*? :
Sephath). The earlier name (according to the single
notice of Judg. i. 17) of a Canaanite town, which
after its capture and destruction was called by the
Israelites Hormah. Two identifications have been
proposed for Zephath: — that of Dr. Kobinson with
the well-known Pass es-Sufi (jdjbttM), by which
the ascent is made from the borders of the Arabah
to the higher level of the " South country " (B. B.
ii. 181), and that of Mr. Rowlands (Williams's Boly
City, i. 464) with Stbita, 2* hours beyond Khahaa,
on the road to Suez, and J of an hour north of
Rohdbeh or Ruheibth.
The former of these, Mr. Wilton {The Negtt
be., 199, 200) has challenged, on account of the
impracticability of the pass for the approach oi
the Israelites, and the inappropriateoess of so ruggec
and desolate a spot for the position of a city of
any importance. The question really forms part
of a much larger one, which this is not the place to
discuss— viz. the route by which the Israelites
approached the Holy Land. But in the mean time
it should not be overlooked that the attempt in
question was an unsuccessful one, which is so far
in favour of the steepness of the pass. The argu-
ment from the nature of the aite is one which might
be brought with equal force against the existence of
many others of the towns in this region. On the
identification of Mr. Rowlands some doubt is thrown
by the want of certainty as to the name, as well as
by the fact that no later traveller has succeeded in
finding the name Sebata, or the spot. Dr. Stewart
(71ml and Khan, 205) heard of the name, but
east of Khalasa instead of south, and this was ia
answer to a leading question — always a dangerous
experiment with Arabs.
It is earnestly to be hoped that some means may
shortly be found, to attempt at least the examine-
Hon and reconcilement of these and the like contra-
dktory statements and inferences, f G.J
1840 ZEPHATHAH
ZETHATHAH, THE VALLET OP (Wi
nriBV: 4 faparf <wr& 'fo^in', in both MSS. ;
Joseph. «>. icupad: Vallii Sephata). The spot in
winch An joined buttle with Zerah the Ethiopian
(2 Chr. xiv. 10 only). It was "at" or rather
" belonging to " Mareshah (riCHD? : Joseph. o*«
twmStr). This would seem to exclude the possi-
bility of its being, at suggested by Dr. lioliinson
(li. 31), at Tell ahSafieh, which is not leas than 8
miles from Mitrtah, the modem representative of
Marashah. It is not improbable that an examination
of the neighbourhood might reveal both spot and
name. Considering the enormous number of the
combatants, the valley must be in extensive
one. [GJ
ZETHI (»BV: SwfWf--. SqAi), 1 Chr. i. 86.
[Zepiio.]
ZETHO OfiV: :Wd>: Sephu). A son of
Eliphax son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 11), and one of
the " dukes," or phvlarchs, of the Edomites (ver.
15). In 1 Chr. i. 3(5 he is called Zephi. [E. S. P.]
ZEPHON (tfBV: 2as>stv; Alex, omits: Se-
phon). ZiPHtON the son of Gad (Num. xxvi. 15),
and ancestor of the family of the ZKPHOSlTtp.
ZEPHON'ITES, THE ('ta-Vil : t 3aaW ;
Alex, omits: Sephonitae). A branch of the tribe
of Gad, descended from Zephon or Ziphion (Num.
xxvi. 15).
ZEB ("IV : T»>ot ; Alex, omits : Sir). One of
the fortified towns of the allotment of Naphtali
(Josh. xix. 35 only). From the names which suo-
:eed it in the list it mar be infeiTed that it was
in the neighbourhood of the S.W. side of the Lake
•f Gennewreth. The versions of the LXX. and of
the Peshito, both of this name and that which pre-
cedes it, are grounded on an obvious mistake.
Neither of them has anything to do with Tyre or
Zidon.
Ziddim may possibly be identified with Hatttx ;
but no name resembling Tser appeal's to have been yet
discovered in the neighbourhood of Tiberias. [G.]
ZE'BAH (fTIt : Zaps': Zara). A son of Rene)
son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13; 1 Chr. i. 37), and
one of the " dukes," or phylarohs, of the Edomites
(Gen. xxxvi. 17). Jobab of Boxrah, one of the
early kings of Edom, perhaps belonged to his fiimilv
(xxxvi. 33; 1 Chr. i. 44). [E. S. P.]'
ZE'BAH, leu properly, Zarah (Hit, with the
pause accent, IDT : Zaoi: Zara). Twin son with
his elder brother Pharea of Judah and Tainar (Gen.
xxxviii. 30; 1 Chr. ii. 6 ; Matt. i. 3). His de-
scendants were called Zerhites, Eirahites, and
Israhitea (Num. xxvi. 90 ; 1 K. iv. 31 ; 1 Chr.
xxvii. 8, 11), and continued at least down to the
time of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. ix. 6; Neh. xi. 24).
Nothing is related of Zerah individually, beyond the
peculiar circumstances of his birth (Gen. xxxviii.
127-30), concerning which see Heidegg. Hi$t. Pa-
triarch, xviii. 28. [A. C. H.]
3. (Ztwer; Alex. ZoesW: Zara.) Son of Simeon
(1 Cnr. iv. 24), called ZOHAR in Gen. xlvi. 10.
S. (Zopa, Zasfat; Alex. Zap*", 'Alupuv.) A
■ Probably reading n»BY. It «•>■ ■» observed that
losaebA* hen fenskea the LIS «-r the Hebrew teat.
ZRBAH
fimsHonrsa Invite, son of IJdo or Adaiaa 1 1 CJaT.
vi. 21, 41 [Heb. vi. 26]).
4. (rnt : Zap4 : Zerah.) The Ethiopia* or
Cushite, W3i1, an invader it Judah, defeated by
Asa.
1. In its form tlie name is identical with the He-
brew proper name above. It has been supposed to
represent the Egyptian USARKEN, possibly pro-
nounced US ARCH EN. a name almost certainly nt
Semitic origin [SmSHAK.ii. 12891. The difference is
great, but may be partly accounted for, if we suppose
that the Egyptian deviates from the original Semitic
form, and that the Hebrew represents that form,
or that a further deviation than would have been
made was the result of the similarity of the Hebrew
proper name Zarah. So, K^D, even if pronounced
SEWA, or ^EVA, is more remote from SHEI1KK
or SHEBETEK than Zerah from USARKEN. I-
may be conjectured that these forms resemble those
of Memphis, Moph, Noph, which evidently repre-
sent current pronunciation, probably of Shemites.
2. The war between Au and Zerah appears to
have taken place soon after the 10th, and shoitly
before the loth, year of Asa, probably late in the
14th, as we shall see in examining the narrative. It
therefore occurred in about the same year of Car-
ken II., fourth king of the xxiind dynasty, whe
began to reign about the same time as the king ot
Judah. Asa's reign, as far as the 14th year inclu-
sive, was B.C. cir. 953-940, or, if Manssseh's reign
be reckoned of 35 years, 933-920. [Shishajc, ii.
pp. 1287-1289.]
3. The first ten years of Asa's reign were undis-
turbed by war. Then Asa took counsel with his sub-
jects, and wailed and fortified the cities of Judah. He
also maintained an army of 580,000 men, 300.000
spearmen of Judah, and 280,000 archers of Benja-
min. This great force was probably the whole
number of men able to bear arms (2 Chr. xiv. 1-8).
At length, probably in the 14th year of Asa, the
anticipated danger came. Zerah, the Ethiopian,
with a mighty army of a million, Cushim and
Lubim, with three hundred chariots, invaded the
kingdom, and advanced unopposed in the field as fiu
as Mareshah. As the invaders afterwards retreated
by way of Gerar, and Hareshah lay on the west ot
the hill-country of Judah, where it rises out of the
Philistine plain, in the line of march frcm Egypt
to Jerusalem, it cannot be doubted that they
came out of Egypt. Between the border on the
side of Gerar and Mareshah, lay no important city
but Gath. Gath and Mareshah were both fortified
by Rehoboam before the invasion of Shisbak (xi.
8), and were no doubt captured and probably dis-
mantled by that long (comp. xii. 4), whose fist of
conquered towns, Ac, shows that he not. only took
some strong towns, but that he subdued the uuntry
in detail. A delay in the capture of Gath, where
the warlike Philistines may have opposed a stubborn
resistance, would have removed the only obstacle
on the way to Mareshah, thus securing the retreat
that was afterwards made by this route. From
Mareshah, or its immediate neighbourhood, was a
route to Jerusalem, presenting no difficulties but
those of a hilly country ; for not one important
town is known to have lain between the capital and
this outpost of the tribe of Judah. The invading
nrmy had swarmed across the border and devoured
the Philistine fields before Asa could march to met
it. The distance from Gerar, or the south-wasteca
border of Palestine, to Mareshah, waa MA
ZERAH
[nui tnan from Mareshah to Jerusalem; axd,
considering the nature of the tracts, would have
taken about the same time to traverse ; and only
each delay u would have been caused by the sieges
of Galh and Mareshah could have enabled Am
hastily to collect a levy and march to relieve the
beleaguered town, or hold the passes. " In the
Valley of Zephathah at Hareshah," the two armies
met. We cannot perfectly determine the site of the
cattle. Mareshah, aooording to the Onomattioon,
lay within two miles of Eleutheropolis, and Dr. Bo-
binaon has reasonably conjecture' its position to be
marked by a remarkable " tell," or artificial mound,
a mile and a half south of the site of the latter
town. Its signification, " that which is at the
head," would scarcely suit a position at the open-
ing of a valley. But it seems that a narrow
valley terminates, and a broad one commences, at
'.he supposed site. The Valley of Zephathah, " the
watch-tower," is supposed by Dr. Robinson to be
the latter, a broad wadee, descending from Eleu-
theropolis in a north-westerly direction towards
Teli-aSifieh, in which last name he is disposed
to trace the old appellation (Bib. Ret. ii. 31). The
two have no connexion whatever, and Robinson's
conjecture is extremely hazardous. If this identi-
fication be correct, wc must suppose that Zerah
retired from before Mareshah towards the plain,
that he might use his " chariots and horsemen "
with effect, instead of entangling them in the
narrow valleys leading towards Jerusalem. From
the prayer of Asa we may judge that, when
he came upon the invading army, he saw its
hugeness, and so that, as he descended through
a valley, it lay spread out beneath him. The
Egyptian monuments enable us to picture the
general disposition of Zerah's army. The chariots
formed the first corps in a single or double line ;
behind them, massed in phalanxes, were heavy-
armed troops ; probably on the flanks stood archers
and horsemen in lighter formations. Asa, march-
ing down a valley, must have attacked in a heavy
column ; for none but the most highly-disciplined
troops can form line from column in the face of an
enemy. His spearmen of Jndah would have com-
posed this column : each bank of the valley would
have been occupied by the Benjamite arcbers, like
those who came to David, " helpers of the war,
armed with bows, and [who] could use both
the right hand and the left in [hurling] stones
and [shooting] arrows out of a bow " (1 Chr.
xii. 1, 2). No doubt the Ethiopian, confident in
his numbers, disdained to attack the Hebrews or
clear the heights, but waited in the broad valley,
or the plain. Asa's prayer before the battle is
full of the noble faith of the age of the Judges :
" Lord [it is] alike to Thee to help, whether the
strong or the weak : help us, Lord our God ;
for we rest on Thee, and in Thy name we go
against this multitude. Lord, Thou [art] our
<iod ; let not man prevail against Thee." From the
account of Abijahs defeat of Jeroboam, we may
suppose that the priests sounded their trumpets,
and the men of Judah descended with a shout
(2 Chr. xiii. 14, 15). The hills and mountains
were the favourite camping-places of the Hebrews,
who usually rushed down upon their more numerous
or better-disciplined enemies in the plains and val-
leys. If the battle were deliberately set in array,
it would have begun early in the morning, accord-
ing to the usual prart.ee of these times, when
there was not a night-surprise, as when Goliath
vol. in.
ZEKAH
1841
chauWed the Israelites (1 Sam- rvii. 20-23), and
when Thothmea HI. fought the Canasnites at Me-
giddo, and as we may judge fiom the long pur-
suits at thif period, the son would have been in the
eyes of the irmy of Zerah, and its arcbers would
have been tl as useless. The chariots, broken by the
charge and * ith horses made unmanageaole by flights
of arrows, must have been forced back upon the
cumbrous L at behind. " So the Lord smote the
Ethiopians More Asa, and before Judah ; and the
Ethiopians fled. And Asa and the people tuat
Ewere] with him pursued them unto Gerar : and
or "for"] the Ethiopians were overthrown, that
they could not recover themselves." This last
clause seams to relate to an irremediable over-
throw at t'm first ; and, indeed, had it not been so,
the pursuit would not have been carried, and, as it
seems at once, beyond the frontier. So complete
was the overthrow, that the Hebrews could capture
and spoil the cities around Gerar, which must have
been in alliance with Zerah. From these cities
they took very much spoil, and they also smote
" the tents of cattle, and carried away sheep and
camels in abundance " (2 Chr. xiv. 9-15). More
seems to have been captured from the Arabs than
from the army of Zerah : probably the army con-
sisted -of a nucleus of regular troops, and a great
body of tributaries, who would hare scattered in all
directions, leaving their country open to reprisals.
On his return to Jerusalem, Asa was met by Axa-
riah, who exhorted him and the people to be faithful
to God. Accordingly Asa made a second reforma-
tion, and collected nis subjects at Jerusalem in the
3rd month of the 15th year, and made a covenant,
and offered of the spoil " seven hundred oxen and
seven thousand sheep" (xv. 1-15). From this it
would appear that the battle was fought in the
preceding winter. The success of Ana, and the
manifest blearing that attended him, drew to him
Ephraimites, Manaarites, and Simeonites. His
father had already captured cities in the Israelite
territory (xiii. 19;, and be held cities in Mount
Ephraim (xv. 8), and then was at peace with
Israel. Simeon, always at the mercy of a powerful
king of Judah, would hare naturally turned to
him. Never was the house of David stronger after
the defection of the ten tribes ; but soon the long
fell into the wicked error, so constantly to be re-
peated, of calling the heathen to aid him against
the kindred Israelites, and hired Benhadad, king of
Syria-Damascus, to lay their cities waste, when Ha-
nani the prophet recalled to him the great victory
he had achieved when be trusted in God (xvi. 1-9).
The after years of Asa were troubled with wars
(ver. 9) ; but they were with Baasha (1 K. xv. lo,
32). Zerah and his people had been too signally
crushed to attack him again.
*. The identification of Zerah has occasioned some
difference of opinion. He has been thought to hare
been a Cushite of Arabia, or a Cuihite of Ethiopia
above Egypt Bnt lately it has been supposed that
Zerah is the Hebrew name of Ussrken I., second king
of the Egyptian xxiind dynasty; or perhaps more pro-
bably Usarken II., his second successor. This ques-
tion is a wider one than seems at first sight. We
have to inquire whether the army of Zerah was that
of an Egyptian king, and, if the reply be emrmatit*,
whether it was led by either Usarken I. or II.
The war of Shishak had reduced the angle of
Arabia that divided Egypt from Palestine. Pro-
bably Shishak was unable to attack the Assyrians,
and endeavoured, by securing this tract, to gua«J
e B
1842
ZEBAH
the approach to Egypt. If the army of Zerah wen
Egyptian, this would account for its connexion with
the people of Gerar and the pastoral tribes of the
neighbourhood. The sudden decline of the power
of Egypt after the reign ef ShisrVr would be ex-
plained by the overthrow of the Egyptian army
about thirty years later.
The composition of the army of Zerah, of Cushim
and Lubim (2 Chr. xvi. 8), closely resembles that
of Shishak, of Lubim, Sukkiim, and Cushim (xii.
3) : both armies also had chariots and horsemen
(xri. 8, xii. 3). The Cushim might have been of
an Asiatic Curb, but the Lubim can only haTe been
Africans. The army, therefore, must have been of
a king of Egypt, or Ethiopia above Egypt. The
unoertainty is moored by our finding that the
kings of the xxiind dynasty emploved mercenaries
<rf the MASHUWASHA, a Libyan tribe, which
apparently supplied the roost important part of
their hired force. The army, moreover, as consist-
ing partly, if not wholly, of a mercenary force, and
with chariots and horsemen, is, save in the horse-
men, exactly what the Egyptian army of the empire
would hare been, with the one change of the in-
creased importance giren u the mercenaries, that we
know to hare marked it under the xxiind dynasty.
[Shishak, ii. p. 1389 a.] That the army was of
an Egyptian king therefore, cannot be doubted.
As to the identification of Zerah with an
(Jsarken, we speak diffidently. That he is called
a Cushite must be compared with the occurrence of
the name NAMURET, Nimrod, in the line of the
Usarkena, but that line seems rather to hare been
ef eastern than of western Ethiopians (see, how-
erer, Shishak, ii. p. 1289). The name (Jsarken
has been thought to be Saigon [Shishak, /. c],
in which case it is unlikely, but not impossible,
that another Hebrew or Shemitic name should hare
been adopted to represent the Egyptian form. On
the other hand, the kings of the xxiind dynasty
were of a warlike family, and their sons constantly
held military commands. It is unlikely that an
important army would hare been intrusted to any
b> t a king or prince. Usarken is less remote from
Z/rah than seems at first sight, and, according to our
computation, Zerah might hare been Usarken II.,
but according to Dr. Hiucks's, Usarken I.
5. The defeat of the Egyptian aimy by Asa
is without parallel in the history of the Jews.
On no other occasion did an Israelite army meet
an army of one of the great powers on either
side and defeat it. Shishak was unopposed, Sen-
nacherib was not met in the field, Necbo was so
met and overthrew Josiah's army, Nebuchadnezzar
like Shishak was only delayed by fortifications.
The defeat of Zerah thus is a solitary instance, more
of the power of faith than of the bravery of the
Hebrews, a single witness that the God of Israel
was still the same who had led His people through
the Red Sea, and would gire them the same aid if
they trusted in Him. We have, indeed, no distinct
statement that the defeat of Zerah was a miracle,
but we hare proof enough tint God providentially
enabled the Hebrews to vanquish a force greater in
number, stronger in the appliances of war, with
horsemen and chariots, more accurate in discipline,
nc raw leries hastily equipped from the king's
armoury, but a seasoned standing militia, strength-
ened and moie terrible by the addition of swarms of
hungry Arabs, bred to war, and whose whole life
ww a time of pillage. This great deliverance is one
•f the many proofs that God is %■> His people ever the
ZEBKDA
same, whether He bids them stand still and behold
His salvation, or nerves them with that courat*
that has wrought great things in His lame in our
later age ; thus it bridges orer a chasm between two
periods outwardly unlike, and bids as see in Listorv
the immutability of the Divine actions. [R. S. P-5
ZERAHTAH (rrrTTf : Zooofa, Zapata,, Za-
pata; Alex. Zapaias, Zaoias, Zaaatas: Zartn.it,
Zarahiay A priest, son of Uzxi, and ancestor of
Ezra the Scribe (1 Chr. vi. 6, 51 [Heb. r. 32, vi.
36] ; Ezr. vii. 4).
3. (lapata; Alex. Zooofa: Zarthe.) Father ot
Elihoenai of the sons of Pahath Moab (Ear. viii. 4) :
called ZabaiaS in 1 Esdr. viii. 31.
ZEB'ED (TIT! Zaptt, Zooer: Zand). The
name of a brook or ralley running into the Dead Sea
near its S.E. corner, which Dr. Robinson (Bib. En
ii. 157) with some probability suggests as identical
with the Wady tl Akty. It lay between Moab and
Edom, and is the limit of the proper term of the
Israelites' wandering (Deut. ii. 14). Laborde,
arguing from the distance, thinks that the source
of the Wady Gh&rindcl in the Arabah » the site;
as from Mount Hor to el Ahsy is by way of Exjon-
geber 65 leagues, in which only four stages occur :
a rate of progress quite beyond their power. This
argument, however, is feeble, since it is dear that
the march-stations mentioned indicate not dairy
stages, but more permanent encampments. He also
thinks the palm-trees of Wady 0. would have at-
tracted notice, and that Wady Jethum (el /torn)
could not have been the way consistently with the
precept of Deut. ii. 3. The camping station in the
catalogue of Num. xxitt., which corresponds to the
" pitching in the valley of Zand " of xxi. 12, is
probably Dibon-Gad, as it stands next to Ije-Abarim ;
compare Mum. xxxiii. 44-45 with xxi. 12. The
Wady et-Ahsy forms the boundary be t w w- i the
districts of Jebai and Kertk. The stream runs in a
very deep ravine and contains a hot spring which
the Arabs call the " Bath of Solomon son of David "
(Irby, May 29).
The Jewish interpreters translate the name in the
first case "osiers," and in the second '•baskets"
(Targum Pseudojonathan), which recals the " brook
of the willows ' of Isaiah (xv. 7). The name
Sufsaf (willow) is attached to the valley which
runs down from Ktrak to the Dead Sea ; but this
appears to be too far north for the Zered. [TVil-
LOWS, BROOK OF THE.] [H. H-]
ZEhVEDA (ilTHtn, i. t. the TserSdah, with
the def. article: '^ Sapiffw; Alex. 4 Sopieat:
Sartda). The native place, according to the present
Hebrew text, of Jeroboam, the leader of the revolt
of the northern tribes, and the first king of the
" Kingdom of Israel." It occurs in 1 K. xi. 26
only. The LXX. (in the Vatican Codex) for Zereda
substitute Sareira, as will be seen above. This s>
not in itself remarkable, since it is but an instance
of the exchange of r and d, which is so often
observed both in the LXX. and Syriac Versions,
and which has not impossibly taken place in the
Hebrew text itself of Judg. vii. 22, where the mum
Zererah appeals attached to a place which is per-
haps elsewhere called Zeredathah. But it is more
remarkable that in the long addition to the history
of Jeroboam which these translators insert Ictwees
1 K. xii. 24 and 25 of the Hebrew text, Sareira e
frequently mentioned. In strong contra-* to Dm
merely casual mention of it in the Hebrew namtm
ZEBEDATHAH
•a Jeroboam's native place, it is derated in the
narrative of the LXX. into great prominence, and
becoraea in fact the moat important and, it may
naturally be presumed, the most impregnable for-
tress of Ephraim. It there appears as the town
which Jeroboam fortified for Solomon in Mount
Ephraim ; thither be retain on his return from
Egypt; there he assemble the tribe of Ephrsim,
and there he builds a fortress. Of its position
nothing is said except that it was " in Mount
Ephraim," bat from the nature of the case it must
have been central. The LXX. further make it
the residence of Jeroboam at the time of the death
of his child, and they substitute it for Tirzah (not
only on the single occasion on which the latter
luune occurs in the Hebrew of this narrative, but)
three times over. No explanation has been given
o* this change of nVW into (THY. It is hardly
•ne which would naturally occur from the cor-
ruptions either of copyists or of pronunciation.
The question of the source and value of these sin-
gular additions of the LXX has never yet been
fully examined ; b-t in the words of Dean Milman
{But. of the Jem, 3rd ed. i. 332), "tnei: is a
ctrcumstantialness about the incidents which gives
them an air of authenticity, or rather antiquity,"
and which it is to be hoped will prompt some
scholar to a thorough investigation.
Zeredah has been supposed to be identical with
Zeredathah (2 Chr. iv. 17) and Zarthan or
Zartakah. But even if the two last of these
names were more similar to it than they are, there
would remain the serious topographical difficulty
to such an identification, that they were in the
-valley of the Jordan, while Zeredah was, according
to the repeated statement of the LXX., on Mount
Ephraim. If, however, the restricted statement
of the Hebrew Bible be accepted, which names
Zeredah merely as the native place of Jeroboam,
and as not concerned in the events of his mature
life, then there is no obstacle to its situation in
that part of the tribe of Ephraim which lay in the
Jordan Valley. [6.]
ZEBEDATHAH (niTTO: *p8o*W; Alex.
SoJafla : Saredatha). NameJ fin 2 Chr. iv. 17 only)
in specifying the situation of the foundries for the
brass-work of Solomon's Temple. In the parallel
passage in 1 K. vii. 46 Zarthan occupies the place
of Zeredathah, the rest of the sentence being lite-
rally the same ; bnt whether the one name is merely
an accidental variation of the other, or whether, as
there is some ground for believing, there is a con-
nexion between Zeredah, Zeredsthah, Zererah, and
Zarthan, we have now no means of determining.
It should be observed that Zeredah baa in the
original the definite article prefixed to it, which is
not the case with either Zeredsthah or Zerera. [0.]
ZEBEBATH 1 - (rTTW, i. 4. Tsererah: »Ta-
•yap a yati ; Alex. *si avrtrypunt : Valg. omits).
A place named only in Judg. vii. 22, in describing
the flight of the Midianite host before Gideon. The
A. V. has somewhat unnecessarily added to the
ZEBUBBABEI,
1843
• The H terminating the name in the A. V. Is the He-
brew nude of connecting It with the particle of motion.—
Serersthab. I e. to Zererah.
* The Ts at the commenonnent of this barbarous word
■o dart* belongs to the preceding name, Betb-iblttah ; and
tbs) should be divided as follows, BqSWera ropayafc.
The ration Codes appears to be the only Ml which re-
tain any trace of the name. The oi here quoted by Holmes
original obscurity of the passage, which inns at
follows :— «' And the host fled unto Beth has-shiltah
to 'Zererah, unto the brink of Abel Mehilah u)«u
Tabbath "—apparently describing the two lines ci
flight taken by the two portions of the horde.
It is natural to presume that Zererah is the same
name as Zeredathah.* They both appear to have been
in the Jordan valley, and as to the difference in the
names, the termination is insignificant, and the ex-
change of *1 and "1 is of constant occurrence. Zere-
dathah, again, appears to be equivalent to Zarthan.
It ia also difficult not to suppose that Zererah is
the same place with the Sarira which the LXX.
present as the equivalent of Zereda and of Tirzan.
But in the way of this there is the difficulty which
has been pointed out under Zereda, that the two
last-named places sppear to hare been in the high-
lands of Ephraim, while Zererah and Zeredathah
were in the Jordan Valley. [6.]
ZEB'ESH (BHt: Zawrdpa; lutrdpa; Joseph.
Zdoa(a: Zara). The wife of Hainan the Agagite
(Esth. v. 10, 14, vi. 13), who counselled him to
prepare the gallows tor Mordeou, but predicted her
husband's ruin as soon as she knew that Mordecai
was a Jew. [A. C. H.]
ZEB'ETH(rm: XfU; Alex. Soptt: St-
nth). Son of Ashur the founder of Tekoa, by his
wife Helah (1 Chr. iv. 7).
ZE'BI (nV: Xwpf : Son). One of the tons
of Jeduthun in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxv. 3).
In ver. 1 1 he is called IzRL
ZEB'OB (ifrY?: 'lopA; Alex. 'A**.: Sever).
A Benjamite, ancestor of Kish the father of Seal
(1 Sam. ix. 1).
ZEB'TJAHXrmm: Vat. omits; Alex. Safwest:
Sana). The mother of Jeroboam the son of Nebat
(1 K. xi. 26). In the additional narrative of
the LXX. inserted after 1 K. xii. 24, the is called
Sarira (a corruption of Zereda), and is said to have
been a harlot.
ZEBUITBABEL (733TJ , " dispersed " oi
"begotten, in Babylon:" tapo$i$»K: Strubabtl).
The head of the tribe of Judah. at the time of the
return from the Babylonish Captivity In the first
year of Cyrus. His exact parentage is a little
obscure, from bis being always called the son of
Shealtiel (Ear. ill. 2, 8, v. 2, Ac ; Hagg. i. 1, 12,
14, tie.), and appearing as such in the genealogies
(Matt, i. 12 ; Luke iii. 27), whereas in 1 Chr. iii.
19, he is represented as the son of Pedaiah, Shealtiel
or Salathiel s brother, and consequently as Salsthiri's
nephew. Probably the genealogy in 1 Chr. exhibits
his true parentage, and he succeeded his uncle at
head of the house of Judah — a supposition which
tallies with the facts that Salathiel appears as the
first-born, and that no children are assigned to him.
There are two histories of Zerubbabel : the one,
that contained in the canonical Scriptures ; the
other, that in the Apocryphal Books and Josephus.
The history of Zerubbabel in the Scripture* is at
and Parsons either substitute at «tUovt for It, c ■ exattds
■ome variation of lbs words quoted above froc tie Alex.
MS. The Vulgate entirely malts the name.
« Or possibly the two first of these four names shoaU
tie joined. Beth-bas-sUtlah-Zerersthth.
' Zererah appeals In Judg. vtl. 21, rllVTW. wlln the
particle of motion attached, which is all but Iderteai with
■inrW. fertdauuh.
6B2
1844
ZKBUBBABEL
follow*: — In the tint year of Cyrus ha was tiring
at Baby loo, and n the recognixed prince (KTO)
of Judah in toe Captivity, what in later timet waa
■lied ntybtn tfn, or rvf*yr\ (Rbesa), "the
Prince of the Captivity," or " the Prince." On
■he ianiing of Cyrus's decree he immediately arailed
himself of it, and placed himself at the bead of
those of his countrymen " whose spirit God had
raised to go up to build the House of the Lord
which is in Jerusalem." It is probable that he
was in the king of Babylon's service, both from his
having, like Daniel and the three children, received
a Chaldee name [Shesrbazzab], and from his re-
astring from Cyrus the office of governor (iiriB) of
Judaea. The restoration of the sacred vessels, which
Neboehadnezxar had brought from the Temple,
having been effected, and copious presents of silver
and gold, and goods, and beasts, having been
bestowed upon the captives, Zerubbabel went forth
at the head of the returning colony, accompanied
b* Jeahaa the high-priest, and perhaps by the
prophets Haggai and Zechariah, ana a considerable
number of priests, Levites, and heads of houses
of Judah and Benjamin, with their followers. On
arriving at Jerusalem, Zerubbabel's first care was
to build the altar on its old site, and to restore
the daily sacrifice. [Jeshoa.] Perhaps also they
kept the Feast of Tabernacles, as it is said they did
in Ear. iii. 4 ; but there is some reason to suspect
that vers. 4, 5, and the first half of ver. 6, are in-
terpolated, and are merely an epitome of Neh. viii.,
which belongs to very different times. [Ezra, Book
OF; NehesOAH, Book or.] But his great work,
which he set about immediately, waa the rebuilding
of the Temple. Being armed with a grant from
Cyras of timber and stone for the building, and of
money for the expenses of the builders (Ear. vi. 4),
he had collected the materials, including cedar-trees
brought from Lebanon to Joppa, according to the
precedent in the time of Solomon (2 Chr. ii. 18),
and got together masons and carpenters to do the
work, by the opening of the second year of their
return to Jerusalem. And accordingly, in the second
month of the second year of their return, the
foundation of the Temple was laid with all the
pomp which they could command : the priests in
their vestments with trumpets, and the sons of
Asaph with cymbals, singing the very same Psalm
of praise for God's unfailing mercy to Israel, which
was song when Solomon dedicated his Temple (2
Chr. v. 1 1-14) ; while the people responded with
a great shout of joy, " because the foundation of
the house of the Lord was laid." How strange
must have been the emotions of Zerabbabel at
this moment! As he stood upon Mount Zion,
and beheld from its summit the desolations of
Jerusalem, the site of the Temple blank, David's
palace a heap of ashes, his fathers' sepulchres de-
filed and overlaid with rubbish, and the silence of
desertion and emptiness hanging oppressively over
the streets and waste places of what waa once the
joyous city; and then remembered how his great
ancestor David had brought up the ark in triumph
to the very spot where he was then standing, how
Solomon had reigned there in all his magnificence
and power, and how the petty kings and potentates
rf the neighbouring nations had been his vassals
and tributaries, bow must his heart alternately
have swelled with pride, and throbbed with an-
truLh, aad sunk in humiliation I In the midst of
ZEBUBBABEL
these mighty memories he waa bat the officer of s
foreign heathen despot, the head of a feeble reanaal
of half-emancipated slaves, the qsptaJQ of a benl
hard)} able to hold up their heads in the pj muu.
of their hostile and jealous neighbours; and yet
there he was, the son of David, the heir of gress
and mysterious promises, returned by a wonderful
Providence to the home of his ancestors. At his
bidding the daily sacrifice had been r e stored after >
cessation of half a century, and now the fonndarioos
of the Temple were actually laid, amidst the seers
of the Levites singing according to David's ordi-
nance, and the shouts of the tribe of Judah. It
was a heartstirring situation ; and, despite ail the
discouragements attending it, we cannot doubt that
Zerubbabel's faith and hope were kindled by it into
freak life.
But there were many hindrances and delays to be
encountered before the work was finished. The
Samaritans or Cutheana put in a claim to join with
the Jews in rebuilding the Temple; and whea
Zerubbabel and his companions refused to admit
them into partnership they tried to hinder them
from building, and hired counsellors to frustrate
their purpose. They probably contrived, in the
first instance, to intercept the supplies of timber
and stone, and the wages of the workmen, which
were paid out of the king's revenue, and then by
misrepresentation to calumniate them at the court
of Persia. Thus they were successful in putting a
stop to the work during the seven remaining years
of the reign of Cyrus, and through the eight yean
of Cambyses and Smenhs. Nor does Zerubbabel
appear quite blameless for this long delay. The
difficulties in the way of building the Temple were
not inch as need have stopped the work; and
during this long suspension of sixteen years Zerab-
babel and the rest of the people had been busy in
building costly houses for themselves, and one
might even suspect that the cedar-wood which had
been brought lor the Temple had been used to
decorate private dwellings (comp. the use of {BQ
in Hagg. i. 4, and V K. vii. 3, 7> They had. in
fact, ceased to care for the desolation of the Temple
(Hagg. i. 2-4), and had not noticed that God was
rebuking their lukewarmneas by withholding His
blessing from their labours (Hagg. i. 5-11). Bnt m
the second year of Darius light dawned upon the
darkness of the colony from Babylon. In that
year — it was the most memorable Lvent in Zernb-
babel's life — the spirit of prophecy suddenly biased
up with a most brilliant light amongst the returned
captives ; and the long silence which was to ensue
till the ministry of John the Baptist was preceded
by the stirring utterances of Haggai and Zechariah.
Their words fell like sparks upon tinder. In a mo-
ment Zerubbabel, roused fi^ui his apathy, threw
his whole strength into the work, xealously seconded
by Joshua and all the people. [Jeshoa.] Dnde-
terred by a fresh attempt of their enemies to hinder
the progress of the building, they went on with
the work even while a reference was being made to
Darius; and when, after the original decree of
Cyrus had been found at Ecbatana, a most gracio u s
and favourable decree was issued by Darius, en-
joining Tatnai aud Shetharboxmi to assist the Jews
with whatsoever they had need of at the king's ex-
pense, the work advanced so rapidly that on the
third day of the month Adar, in the sixth year of
Darius, the Temple was finished, and was forth-
with dedicated with much pomp and rejonir-g It
2EBUBBABEL
M> difficult to calculate how gnat was the effect
•f th» prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah in sus-
taining the ooange and energy of Zerubhabel in
ouryiag hi» work to completion. Addressed, as
snany of them were, directly to Zerubhabel by
bum, neajilag, as thev did, most glorious things
•f the Temple which nt was building, conveying
to Zenibbabel himself extraordinary assurances of
Divine favour, and coupling with them magnificent
and consolatory predictions of the future glory of
Jerusalem, and Judah, and of the conversion of the
Gentiles, they necessarily exercised an immense in-
fluence npon his mind (Hagg. l. 13, 14, ii. 4-9,
21-83 ; Zech. iv. 6-10, riii. 3-8, 9, 18-23). It is
not too much to say that these prophecies upon
Zenibbabel were the immediate instrument by
which the church and commonwealth of Judah
were preserved from destruction, and received a
life which endured till the coming of Christ.
The only other works of Zerubhabel which we
learn from the Scripture history are the restoration
of the courses of priests and Levites, and of the
provision for their maintenance, according to the
institution of David (Err. vi. 18; Neh. xii. 47);
the registering the returned captives according to
their genealogies (Neh. vii. 5) ; and the keeping of
u Passover in the seventh year of Darius, with
which hut event ends all that we know of the life
of Zenibbabel the son of Shealtiel : a man inferior
to few of the great characters of Scripture, whether
we consider the perilous undertaking to which he
devoted himself, the importance, in the economy of
the Divine government, of his work, his courageous
faith, or the singular distinction of being the object of
to many and such remarkable prophetic utterances.
The Apocryphal history of Zenibbabel, which,
as usual, Josephus follows, may be summed up in a
few words. The story told in 1 Esdr. iii.-vii. is,
that on the occasion of a great feast made by Darius
c>n his secession, three young men of his body-guard
had a contest who should write the wisest sentence.
That one of the three (Zenibbabel) writing " Women
<une strongest, but above all things Truth beareth
■way the victory;" and afterwards defending his
sentence with much eloquence, was declared by
acclamation* to be the wisest, and claimed for his
reward, at the king's hand, that the king should
perform his vow which he had vowed to rebuild
Jerusalem and the Temple. Upon which the king
gave him letters to all his treasurers and governors
on the other side the river, with grants of money
and exemption from taxes, and sent him to rebuild
Jerusalem and the Temple, accompanied by the
families of which the list is given in Exr. ii., Neh.
vii. ; and then follows, in utter confusion, the his-
tory of Zerubhabel as given in Scripture. Appa-
rently, too, the compiler did not perceive that
Sanabasar* (Sheshhasiar) was the same person as
Zerubhabel. Josephus, indeed, seems to identify
Shesbbuar with Zerubhabel, and tries to reconcile
the storr in 1 Esdr. by saying, " Now it so fell
out that (boat this time Zorobabel, who hurl been
m. de governor of the Jews that had been in cap-
tivity, came to Darius from Jerusalem, for there
had been an old friendship between him and the
king," bo. (Ant. xi. 3.). But.it is obvious on
the £ice of it that this is simply Josephus' s inven-
tion to reconcile 1 Esdr. with the canonical Esra.
[KttDKAB, First Book of.] Josephus has ako
ZEKUIAH
184C
• With the stoat, - Hams est vpntss, et pnevalebU P
* Zurafanta U merer/ n rurrupUoo ufSagaaWaa
another story (Ant. xi. 4, §9) which is not found
in 1 Esdr., of Zorobabel going on an embassy to
Darius to accuse the Samaritan governors and
hipparchs of withholding from the Jews the grants
made by Darius out of the royal treasury, for ths
offeiing of sacrifices and other Temple expenses
and of his obtaining a decree from the king com
manding his officers in Samaria to supply the
high-priest with all that he required. But that
this is not authentic history seems pretty certain
from the names of the governors, Sambabat befog
an imitation or corruption of Sanballat, Tangant*
of Tatnai (or Thauthanai, as in LXX.), Bairaoa of
Ssthrabouzanes, confused with Shadrach, Bobelo of
Zoro-babel ; and the names of the ambassadors,
which are manifestly copied from the list in 1 Esdr.
v. 8, where Zorobabel, Enenius, and Mardochaeus,
correspond to Zorobabel, Ananias, sod Mardochaeus
of Josephus. Moreover the letter or decree of
Darius, as given by Josephus, is as manifestly
copied from the decree of Darius in Ezr. vi. 6-10.
In all probability, therefore, the document used by
Josephus was one of those numerous Apocryphal
religious romances which the Hellenistic Jews were
so fond of about the 4th and 3rd century before
Christ, and was written partly to explain Zoro-
babel's presence at the court of Darius, as spoken
of in 1 Esdr., partly to explain that of Mordecai at
the court of Ahasuerus, though he was in the list
of those who were Zorobabel 's companions (as it
seemed), and partly to give an opportunity for re-
viling and humiliating the Samaritans. It also
gratified the favourite taste for embellishing, ana
corroborating, and giving, as was thought, addi-
tional probability to the Scripture narrative, and
dwelling upon bygone times of Jewish triumphs.
[Esther, Book of.]
It only remains to notice Zerubbabel's place in
the genealogy of Christ. It has already been ob-
served that in the genealogies Matt. i. 12, and Luke
iii. 27, he is represented as son of Salathiel, though
the Book of Chronicles tells us he was the son of
Pedaiah, and nephew of Salathiel. It is of mora
moment to remark that, while St. Matthew deduces
his line from Jechonias and Solomon, St. Luke
deduces it through Neri and Nathan. Here then
we have the head of the nation, the Prince ol
Judah, the foremost man of his country, with a
double genealogy, one representing him as descend-
ing from all the kings of Judah, the other as the
descendant indeed of David, but through a long
line of private and unknown persona. We find him,
too, filling the position of Prince of Judah at a
time when, as far as the history informs us, the
royal family was utterly extinct. And though, if
descended from the la*t king, he would have been
his grandson, neither the history, nor the contem-
porary prophets, nor Josephus, nor the apocryphal
books, give the least hint of his being a nor rela-
tive of Jeooniab, while at the same time the natural
interpretation of Jer. xxii. 30 shows Jeooniab. to
have been childless. The inference from all this is
obvious. Zenibbabel was the legal successor and
heir of Jeooniah's royal estate, the grandson of Neri,
and the lineal descendant of Nathan the son of
David. [SiXATHiEi. ; Gkkealogy of Chbjst.
For Zerubbabel's descendants see HaNajuaH 8 7
In the N. T. the name appears iu the Greek form
of Zobobabel. * [A. C. H.]
ettTRUIAH (rrai?, and once * nnx : lafoi to
» Sam. its.-
1846
ZETHAM
Santa). A woman who, at long as tbe Jewish
records are read, will be known a the mother of
the three leading heroea of David's army — Abisha>
Joab, and Asahel — the " sons of Zeruiah." She
and Abigail are specified in the genealogj of
David's family in 1 Chr. ii. 13-17 as "aiatera
of Che aona of Jesse " (ver. 16 ; oorap. Joaeph. AnU
vii. 10, §1). The expreaaion is in itself enough to
raise a suspicion that she waa not a daughter of
Jesse, a suspicion which ia corroborated by the
statement of 2 Sam. xvii. 25, that Abigail was the
daughter of Nahash. Abigail being apparently the
younger of the two women, it ia a probable inference
that they were both the daughters of Nahash, but
whether thia Nahash be — as Professor Stanley baa
ingeniously conjectured — the king of the Ammon-
ites, and the former husband of Jesse's wife, or
some other person unknown, must for ever remain
a mere conjecture. [David, toI. i. p. 401 .] Other
explanations are given under Nahash, vol. ii. p. 457.
Her relation to Jesse (in the original Iabai) ia ex-
pressed in the name of her son Ab-ishai.
Of Zeruiah's husband there is no mention in the
Bible. Josephus {Ant. rii. 1, §3) explicitly atatea
tie name to have bean Souri (Xoupi), but no corro-
boration of the statement appears to hare been dis-
covered in the Jewish traditions, nor does, Josephus
himself refer to it again. The mother of such
remarkable sons must herself have been a remark-
able woman; and this may account for the fact,
unusual if not unique, that the family is always
called after her, and that her husband's name has
not been considered worthy of preservation in the
sacred records. [G.]
ZETHAM (Dnt : ZijSoV, Z««o> ; Alex. Zai-
tiiL, Zo»ip : Zethtm, Zathan.) The son of Laadan,
a Gerahonite Levite (1 Chr. xziii. 8). In 1 Chr.
ixvi. 22 he appears as the son of Jehiel, or Jehieli,
and so the grandson of Laadan.
ZE'THAN (1JVt: ZsueaV; Alex. 'HfoV: Ze-
than). A Benjamite of the sons of Bilhan (1 Chr.
rii. 10).
ZETHABpm: 'A$*ra(At: Zethar). On*
of the seven eunuchs of Ahasuerus who attended
upon the king, and were oommanded to bring Vaahti
into bis presence (Esth. i. 10).
ZI'A (JPT: Imi: Zie). One of the Gadites
who dwelt in Bashan (1 Chr. v. 13).
ZTBA (N3'V, once *K3Y: 3ei/M; Alex. 3Mb,
and inch. xvi'. 2, 2i30a; Joseph. 2t0ds: Siba). A
person who plays a prominent part, though with
no credit to himself, in one of the episodes of
David's history (2 Sam. ix. 2-12, xvi. 1-4, six.
17, 29). He had been a slave (lag) of the house
of Saul before the overthrow of his kingdom, and
(probably at the tine of the great Philistine in-
cursion which proved so fatal to his master's
family) had been set free (Joseph. Ant. vii. 5, §5).
The opportunities thus afforded him he had so
far improved, that when first encountered in the
history he is head of an establishment of fifteen
aona and twenty slaves. David's reception of Me-
phibosheth had the effect of throwing Ziba with
hit whole establishment back into the state of bond-
age from which he had for so long bean free. It
reduced him from being an independent landholder
. art t.
ZICHHI
to the poaitimi of a mere dependant. The know-
ledge of thia fact gives the key to the whole of h J
conduct towards David and towards Mephiboshetr..
Beyond this the writer has nothing to add to hit
remarks on Ziba under the head of Hkthibo-
BHETH. [O.]
ZIB'IA W3Y: 2c£u>: Srifa). A Benjamite,
apparently, as the text now stands, the son of Sba-
haraim by his wife Hodesh (1 Chr. viii. 9).
ZIB'IAH (STOV: So**, 1-ooWf ; Aha
Afiid, 'lttmSi : SMa). A native of Beersheba, and
mother of king Joash (2 K. xii. I ; 2 Chr. xi«-. 1).
ZIB*EOH(ItP3V:»«/5e r »V:Ss6aoit). Father
of Anah, whose daughter Abolibsmah waa Esau's
wife (Gen. xxxvi. 2). Although called a Hivite, he
ia probably the same as Zibeon the son of Seir the
Horite (vers. 20, 24, 29; 1 Chr. i. 38, 40), the
latter signifying 'care-dweller," and the former
being the name of his tribe, for we know nothing
of the race of the Troglodytes ; or more probably
'inn (the Hivite), is a mistranscription for r TTtn
(the~Horite).
Another difficulty connected with this Zibeon
is, that Anah in ver. 2 is called his daughter, mod
in ver. 24 his son ; but this difficulty appears to be
easily explained by supposing that 113 refers to
Aholibamah, and not to the name next pieced ing
it : the Samaritan, it should be observed, has }3-
An allusion is made to some unrecorded fact in the
history of the Horitea in the passage, " this [was
that] Anah that found the mules in the wilderness,
as he fed the asses of Zibeon his father " (Gen. xxxvi.
24). The word rendered "mules" in the A. V.
is the Hcb. D*0\ perhaps the Emims or giants, as
in the reading of the Sam. D^O^KTl, and so also
Onkelos and Pseudojonathan, Gesenius prefers " hot-
springs," following the Vulg. rendering. Zibeon
was alio one of the dukes, or phylarchs, of tot
Horites (ver. 29). For the identification with
Been, father of Judith the HittiU (Gen. zxvi. 34),
see Beebi, and see also Anah. [E. S. P.]
ZTOH'KI (»T3 1 : Zexpri = Ztckri). 1. Son of
Ixhar the son of'Kohath (Ex. vi. 21). His nam*
is incorrectly given in modern editions of the A. T.
" Zithri," though it is printed Zichbi in the ed.
of 1611.
2. (Zaxpf; Alex. Zexpf.) A Benjamite of the
aona of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 19).
3. (Zcxpf ; Alex. Zoxpi.) A Benjamite of tb»
sons of Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 23).
4. (Z(Yj>f-) A Benjamite of the sons of Jeroham
(1 Chr. viii. 27).
5. Son of Asaph, elsewhere ceded Zabdi and
Zacoub (1 Chr. ix. 15).
6. A descendant of Eliexer the son of SJok»
(1 Chr. xxvi. 25).
7. The father of Eliexer, the chief of the Ren-
benltes in the reign of David ( 1 Chr. xxvii. 16).
8. (Zoof ; Alex. Zoyj.1.) Of the tribe of Judah.
His son Amasiah commanded 200,000 men in Je-
hoshaphat's army (2 Chr. xvii. 1&>
8. (Zaxoof*"') Father of Elishaphat, one of uV
conspirators with Jehoiada (2 Chr. xxiii. 1).
10. (Z«x/>' > Alex. 'EffXPfO An Kphraimia
hero in the invading army of Pekah the son of Ke-
maliah (2 Chr. xxviii. 7). In the battle wbi.ii
was so disastrous to the kingdom of Jodah, Max-
seiah -lie king's son, Axrikam, the prefect of uj
zn>Dot
tuba, and Elkanah, who was next to the king •Ml
j the hand of Ziohri.
11. '.Z*X^0 Father or ancestor of Joei 14
CNeh. 11. 9). He was probably a Benjamite.
12. A priest of the family of Abijah, in the day» of !
Jsialrimthesonof Jeshua(Neh.iji.l7). [W.A.W.j
ZLDDDf (CWiT, with the d«f. article: r&V
Trplor ; Alex, omita : Aeeddim). One of the for-
tified towns of the allotment of Naphtali, according
to the preaent condition of the Hebrew text (Josh.
six. 35). The translators of the Vat. LXX. appear
tc haTe read the word in the original, D'T^il, " the
Tynans," while those of the Peshito-Syriae, on the
other hand, read it as |VlY, Zidon. These readings
were probably both influenced by the belief that the
name next following that in question, viz. Zee,
was that of Tyre. But this is more than doubtful,
and indeed Tyre and Zidon were included in the
allotment, not of Naphtali, but of Asher (xix. 28,
29). The Jerusalem Talmud {MegiUak, i.) is pro.
bmbly nearer the mark in identifying hat-Tsiddim
with Kefr CMttai, which Schwarz (182) with much
probability takes to be the present Hatttn, at the
northern foot of the well known K*rn Hatttn, or
" Horns of Hattin," a few miles west of Tiberias.
This identification foils in with the foot that the
Sires next names in the list are all known to hare
been connected with the lake. [0.]
Zn>KTJAH(njP"lV: SsSesfofS Bedeeiat).
A priest, or family of priests, who signed the cove-
nant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 1). The name is
identical with that elsewhere in the A. V. rendered
Zedekiab.
ZI-DON or SIDON (flTV and fVTfi %Mw:
Bidm). Gen. x. 19, 1 5 ; Josh. xi. 8, xix. 28 ; Judg.
i. 31, XTiii. 28 ; Joel iii. 4 (iv. 4) ; b. xxiii. 2, 4,
12; Jer. xxr. 22, xxvii. 3; Ex. xxviii. 2], 22;
Zecb. ix. 2; Matt xi. 21, 22, xv. 21 ; Luke vi.
17, x. 13, 14; Hark iii. 8, vii. 24, 31.— An
undent and wealthy city of Phoenicia, on the
eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea, in latitude
33° 34' 05" N., less than twenty English miles to
the north of Tyre. Its Hebrew name, Tsiddn,
signifies " Fishing," or " Fishery " (see Gesenius,
•■v.). Its modem name is Saida. It is situated in
the narrow plain between the Lebanon and the sea,
to which it once gavu its own name (Joseph. Ant.
v. 3, §1, ro lUytt wittor Itt&roi wo'Xfwi) at a
point where the mountains recede to a distance of
two miles (Kenrick's Phoenicia, p. 19). Adjoin-
ing the city there are luxuriant gardens and
orchards, in which there is a profusion of the finest
fruit trees suited to the climate. " The plain is
flat and low," says Mr. Porter, author of the
Handbook for Syria and Palatine, " but near the
coast line rises a little hill, a spur from which
shoots out a few hundred yards luto the sea in a
aoutb-western direction. On the northern slope of
the promontory thus formed stands the old city of
Zidon. The hill behind on the south is covered by
the citadel " (JSno. Brittmnica, 8th edition, *.».).
From a Biblical point of view, this city is infe-
rior in interest to its neighbour Tyre, with which
its name is so often associated. Indeed, in all the
passages above referred to in which the two cities
are mentioned together, Tyre is named first — a cir-
cumstance which might at once be deemed acci-
tt'.ntal, or the mere result of Tyre's being the
■canst of the two cities to Palestine, were it not
ZIDON
1847
that some doubt on this point is raised by the
order being reversed in two works which were
written at a period, after Zidon had enjoyed a lo»t
temporary superiority (Err. iii. 7 ; 1 Chr. xxii. 4).
However this may be, it is certain that, of the two,
lyre is of the greater importance in reference to
the writings of the most celebrated Hebrew pro-
phets ; and the splendid prophecies directed against
Tyre, as a single colossal power (Ex. xxvi., xxvii.,
xxviii. 1-19; Is. xxiii.), have no parallel in the
shorter and vaguer utterances against Zidon (Ex.
xxviii. 21-23). And the predominant Biblical
interest of Tyre arises from the prophecies relating
to its destiny.
If we could believe Justin (xviii. 3), there would
be no doubt that Zidon was of greater antiquity
than Tyre, as he says that the inhabitants of Sidon,
when their city had been reduced by the king of
Ascalon, founded Tyre the year before the capture
of Troy. Justin, however, is such a weak autho-
rity for any disputed historical fact, and his
account of the early history of the Jews, wherein
we have some means of testing his accuracy, seems
to be so much in the nature of a romance (xxxvi. 2)
that, without laying stress on the unreasonable-
ness of any one's assuming to know the precise
time when Troy was taken, he cannot be accepted
as an authority for the early history of the Phoeni-
cians. In contradiction of this statement, it has
been further insisted on, that the relation between
a colony and the mother-city among the Phoeni-
cians was sacred, and that as the Tynans nevei
acknowledged this relation towards Zidon, the sup-
posed connexion between Tyre and Zidon is morally
impossible. This is a very strong point; but,
perhaps, not absolutely conclusive, as no one can
prove that this was the custom of the Phoenicians
at the very distant period when alone the Zidonians
would have built Tyre, if they founded It at all ;
or that it would have ar plied not only to the con-
scious and deliberate founding of a colony, but
likewise to such an almost accidental founding of a
city, as is implied in the account of Justin. Cer-
tainly, there is otherwise nothing improbable ic
Zidonians having founded Tyre, as the Tynans are
called Zidonians, but the Zidonians are never called
Tynans. And at any rata this circumstance tends
to show that in early times Zidon was the most
influential of the two cities. This is shadowed
forth in the Book of Genesis by the statement that
Zidon was the first-born of Canaan (Gen. x. 15), ana
is implied in the name of " Great Zidon," or " the
Metropolis Zidon," which is twice given to it in
Joshua (xi. 8, xix. 28). It is confirmed, likewise,
by Sidonians being used as the generic name of the
Phoenicians, or Canaanites (Josh. xiii. 6 ; Judg.
xviii. 7) ; and by the reason assigned for there being
no deliverer to Laish when its peaceable inhabitants
were massacred, that " it was far from Zidon ; "
whereas, if Tyre had been then of equal importance,
it would have been mora natural to mention Tyre,
which professed substantially the same religion,
and was almost twenty miles nearsr (Judg. xviii.
28). It is in accordance with the inference to be
drawn from these circumstances that in the Homeric
poems Tyre is not named, while there is mention
both of Sidon and the Sidonians (Od.tr. 425,
B. xxiii. 743) ; and the land of the Sidonians ic
called "Sidon*" (0d. xiii. 285). One point,
however, in the Homeric poems deserves to be
specially noted concerning the Sidonians, that thr.y
are never here mentioned as trader*, ox praised fee
1848
ZIDON
their nautical skill, for which they were aftei «srds
so celebrated 'Herod, rii. 44, 96). The trader
are invariabl) known by the general name of Phoe-
nicians, which would, indeed, include the Sidonians ;
bat still the ipecial praise of Sidonians was as
skilled workmen. When Achilles distributed
prizes at the games in honour of Patrodus, he gave
as the prize of the swiftest runner, a large silver
bowl for mixing wine with water, which had been
cunningly made by the skilful Sidonians, but
which Phoenicians had brought over the sea (72.
xziii. 743, 744). And when Mendaus wished to give
to Telemachus what was most beautiful and most
valuable, he presented him with a similar mixing-
bowl of silver, with golden rim, a divine work, the
work of Hephaestus, which had been • gift to
Meneiaus himself from Phaedimus, king of the
Sidonians (<W. iv. 614-618, and Od. xv. I.e.).
And again, all the beautifully embroidered robes
of Andromache, from which she selected one as an
offering to Athene, were the productions of Sidonian
women, which Paris, when coming to Troy with
Helen, had brought from Sidonia {11. vi. 289-295).
But in no case is anything mentioned as having
boon brought from Sidon in Sidonian vessels or by
Sidonian sailors. Perhaps at this time the Phoenician
vessels were principally fitted out at seaports of
Phoenicia to the north of Sidon.
From the time of Solomon to the invasion of
Nebuchadnezzar Zidon is not often directly men-
tioned in the Bible, and it appears to have been
subordinate to Tyre. When the people called
" Zidonians " is mentioned, it sometimes seems that
the Phoenicians of the plain of Zidon are meant, as,
for example, when Solomon said to Hiram that
there was none among the Jews that could skill to
hew timber like the Zidonians (1 K. v. 6) ; and
possibly, when Ethhaal, the father of Jezebel, is
called their king (1 K. xvi. 31), who, according to
Menander in Josephus {Ant. viii. 13, §2), was king
of the Tynans. This may likewise be the meaning
when Ashtoreth is called the Goddess, or Abomina-
tion, of the Zidonians (1 K. xi. 5, 33 ; 2 K. xxiii.
13), or when women of the Zidonians are mentioned
in reference to Solomon (1 K. xi. 1). And this
seems to be equally true of the phrases, " daughter
of Zidon," and " merchants of Zidon," and even once
of " Zidon " itself (Is. xxiii. 12, 2, 4) in the prophecy
of Isaiah against Tyre. There is no doubt, however,
that Zidon itself, the city properly so called, was
threatened by Joel (iii. 4) and Jeremiah (xxvii. 3).
Still, all that is known respecting it during this
epoch is very scanty, amounting to scarcely more
than that one of its sources of gain was trade in
slaves, in which the inhabitants did not shrink from
selling inhabitant* of Palestine [Phoenicians,
p. 1001]; that the city was governed by kings
(Jer. xxvii. 3 and xxv. 22) ; that, previous to the
invasion of Nebuchadnezzar, it had furnished ma-
rine™ to Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 8) ; that, at one period,
it was subject, in some sense or other, to Tyre;
and that, when Shalmanoser king of Assyria invaded
Phoenicia, Zidon seized the opportunity to revolt.
It seems strange to hear of the subjection of one
great city to another great city only twenty miles
off, inhabited by men of the same race, language,
and religion ; but the fact is rendered conceivable
* In an excellent account of this revolt. Bp. Thlrlwall
seems to nave regarded Olodorus as meaning Sidon itself
If the words «V vp Xtturimr, xvi. 41 (JKatory <f Grace,
vi. lit); and Wot, in bis Kirncb translation of I Mode™
(Jft//io<A«ji* Bistoriquc at Diodan U SIclU. Itsits, 1S37,
ZJDON
by the relation of Aniens to its a lies after »he »»
Ban war, and by the history of the Italian republics
in the middle ages. It is not improbable that its
rivalry with Tyre may have been influential in
inducing Zidon, more than a century later, f o submit
to Nebuchadnezzar, apparently without offering any
serious resistance.
During the Persian domination, Zidon s tems to
have attained its highest point of prosperity ; and
it is recorded that, towards the close of that period,
it far excelled all other Phoenician cities in wealth
and importance (Died. xvi. 44; Mela, i. 12).
It is very probable that the long siege of Tyre by
Nebuchadnezzar had tended not only to weaken and
impoverish Tyre, but likewise to enrich Zkton at
the expense of Tyre ; as it was an obvious expedient
for any Tyrian merchants, artisans, and sailors, who
deemed resistance useless or unwise, to transfer their
residence to Zidon. However this may be, in the ex-
pedition of Xerxes against Greece, the Sidonians were
highly favoured, and were a pre-eminently important
element of his naval power. When, from a hill near
Abydos, Xerxes witnessed a boat-race in his fleet, the
prize was gained by the Sidonians (Herod, vii. 44).
When be reviewed his fleet, he sat beneath a golden
canopy in a Sidonian galley (vii. 100); when he
wished to examine the mouths of the river Penenn,
he entrusted himself to a Sidonian galley, as was
his wont on similar occasions (vii. 128) ; and
when the Tyrants and general officers of his great
expedition sat in order of honour, the king of the
Sidonians sat tint (viii. 67). Agsin, Herodotus
states that the Phoenicians supplied the best vessels
of the whole fleet; and of the Phoenicians, the
Sidonians (vii. 96). And lastly, as Homer gives a
vivid idea of the beauty of Achilles by saying that
Nireus (thrice-named) was the most beautiful of all
the Greeks who went to Troy, after the son of Petals,
so Herodotus completes the triumph of the Sidoni-
ans, when he praises the ves s el s of Artemisia
(probably for the daring of their crews), by saying
that they were the moat renowned of the whole
fleet, " after tie Sidoniam " (vii. 9).
The prosperity of Sidon was suddenly cat short
by an unsuccessful revolt against Persia, which led
to one of the most disastrous catastrophes recorded
in history. Unlike the siege and capture of Tyre
by Alexander the Great, which is narrated by se-
veral writers, and which is of commanding interest
through its relation to such a renowned conqueror,
the fate of Sidon is only known through the history
of Diodorus (xvi. 42-45), and is mainly connected
with Artaxerxca Ochus (B.C. 359-338), a monarch
who is justly regarded with mingled aversion and
contempt. Hence the calamitous overthrow of Sides
has not, perhaps, attracted so much attention as it
deserves. The principal circumstances were these
While the Persians were making preparations is
Phoenicia to put down the revolt in Kgypt, sunt
Persian satraps and generals behaved oppressively
and insolently to Sidonians in the Sidonian" divi-
sion of the city of Tripoli*. On this, the Sidonian
people projected a revolt ; and having first co n ce ited
arrangements with other Phoenician cities, and made
a treaty with Nectanebus, they put their destgnr
into execution. They commenced by committing
outrages in a residence and park (s-apneeio-ea) of
torn. v. ?3), actually translates the words by ~SHoaL."
rbe real meaning, howe-er, seems to be as stated bb the
text. Indeed, otherwise there was no snfflchat ream tar
mentioning Tripoli? as specially muMcKdw'u Ibex
of tin war
ZJDON
the Persian king ; they burnt ■ large stare of fodder
which had been collected for the Persian cavalry ;
an.l they seized and put to death the Persians who
had been guilty of insult* towards the Sidonians.
Afterwards, under their King Tennes, with the
-jaistance from Egypt of 4000 Greek mercenaries
under Mentor, they expelled the Persian satraps
from Phoenicia ; they strengthened the defences of
their city, they equipped a fleet of 100 triremes, and
prepared for a desperate resistance. But their King
Tennes proved a traitor to thei. cause — and in per-
formance of a compact with Ochus, he betrayed
into the king's power one hundred of the most dis-
tinguished citizens of Sidon, who were all shot to
death with javelins. Five hundred other citizens,
who went out to the king with ensigns of supplica-
tion, shared the same fate ; and by concert between
Tennes and Mentor, the Persian troops were ad-
mitted within the gates, and occupied the city
walls. The Sidonians, before the arrival of Ochus,
had burnt their vessels to prevent any one's leaving
the town; and when they saw themselves sur-
rounded by the Persian troops, they adopted the
desperate resolution of shutting themselves up with
their families, and setting fire each man to his own
house (E.C. 351). Forty thousand persons are said
to have perished in the flames. Tennes himself did
not save his own life, as Ochus, notwithstanding his
promise to the contrary, put him to death. The
privilege of searching the ruins was sold for money.
After this dismal tragedy, Sidon gradually reco-
vered from the blow ; fresh immigrants fiom other
cities must hare settled in it ; and probably many
Sidonisn sailors survived, who had been plying their
trade elsewhere in merchant vessels at the time of
the capture of the city. The battle of Issus was
fought about eighteen years afterwards (B.C. 333),
and then the inhabitants of the restored rity
opened their gates to Alexander of their own accord,
from hatred, as is expressly stated of Darius and
the Persians (Arrian, Anab. At. ii. 15). The
impolicy, as well as the cruelty of Ochus in his
mode of dealing with the revolt cf Sldca new be-
r»mt apparent; for the Sidonian fleet in joining
Alexander was an essential element of his success
against Tyre. After aiding to bring upon Tyre as
great a calamity as had afflicted their own city,
they were so far merciful that they saved the lives of
many Tynans by concealing them in their ships,
and then transporting them to Sidon (Q. Curtiua,
it. 4, 15). From this time Sidon, being dependent
on the fortunes of war in the contests between the
successors of Alexander, ceases to play any important
political part in history. It became, however, again
a nourishing town — and Polybius (v. 70) inci-
dentally mentions that Antiochus in his war with
Ptolemy Philopator encamped over against Sidon
(B.C. 218), but did not venture to attack it from
the abundance of its resources, and the great number
cf its inhabitants, either natives or refugees. Sub-
sequently, according to Josephui ( Ant. xiv. 10, §2),
Julius Caesar wrote a letter respecting Hyrcanus,
which he addressed to the " Magistrates, Council and
Demos of Sidon." This shows that up to that time
the Sidonians enjoyed the forms of liberty, though
Dion Cassias says (lxiv. 7) that Augustus, on his
arrival in the East, deprived them of it for seditious
ZTDON
1849
» PUnv elsewhere (Ifat. Bist. xxxvL U [36]) gives an
commit of the supposed accidental invention or glass In
Phoenicia. The story Is that some merchant* on the sea-
shore made use of some tumps of natron to support their
cauldrons; and that, when the natron was subjects to the
conduct. Net long after, Strabn in his account of
Phoenicia, says of Tyre and Sidon, " Roth were
illustrious and splendid formerly, and noio; but
which should be called the capital of Phoenicia, is a
matter of dispute between the inhabitants " (xvi. \i
756). He adda that it is situated on the mainland,
on a fine naturally-formed harbour. He rpeaks ol
the inhabitants as cultivating the science*' of arith-
metic and astronomy ; and says that the best oppor-
tunities were afforded in Sidon for acquiring a know-
ledge of these and of all other branches of philosophy.
He adds, that in his time, there were distinguished
philosophers, natives of Sidon, asBoethus, with whom
he studied the philosophy of Aristotle, and his bro-
ther Diodotus. It is to be observed that both these
names were Greek ; and it is to be presumed that
in Strabo's time, Greek was the language of the
educated classes at least, both in Tyre aud Sidon.
This is nearly all thai is known of the state of
Sidon when it was visited by Christ. It is about
fifty miles distant from Nazareth, and is the most
northern city which is mentioned in connexion with
his journeys. Pliny notes the manufacture of glass
at Sidon (Nat. Hilt. v. 17 (19) ;• and during the
Roman period we may conceive Tyre and Sidon as
two thriving cities, oach having an extensive trade,
and each having its staple manufacture ; the latter
of glass, aud Tyre of purple dyes from shell-fish.
There is no Biblical reason for following minutely
the rest of the history of Sidon. It shared gene-
rally the fortunes of Tyre, with the exception that
it was several times taken and retaken during the
wars of the Crusades, and suffered accordingly
more than Tyre previous to the fetal year 1291 B.C.
Since that time it never seems to have fallen quite
so low as Tyre. Through Fakhr ed-Dln, emir of the
Druses between 1594 and 1634, and the settlement
at Sayda of French commercial houses, it had a re-
vival of trade in the 17th and part of the 18th
century, and became the principal city on the
Syrian coast for commerce between the east and
the west (see Me'moirts du Chevalier d'Arvieux,
Paris, 1735, torn. i. p. 294-379). This was put
an end to at the close of last century by violence
and oppression (Hitter's Erdbmde, Siebsehnter
theil, ereto abtheilung, drittes buch, pp. 405-6),
closing a period of prosperity in which the popula-
tion of the city was at one time estimatnl at 'iO.OOO
inhabitants. The population, if it ever approached
such a high point, has since materially Aecreesec,
and apparently does not now exceed 5000 ; b'lt the
town still shows signs of former weal!: and the
houses are better constructed and more **uiu than
those at Tyre, being many of them built ol stone.
Its chief exports are silk, cotton, and nutgalii
(Robinson's Biblical Researches, iii. p. 418-419).
As a protection against the Turks, its ancient har-
bour was filled up with stones and earth by the
orders of Fakhr ed-Din, so that only small boats
can now enter it ; and larger vessels anchor te the
northward, where they are only protected from the
south and east winds (Porter's Handbook for Syria
and Palestine, 1858, p. 398). The trade between
Syria and Europe now mainly passes through
Beyrout, as its moat important commercial centre ;
and the natural advantages of Beyrout in this re-
spect, for the purposes of modem navigation, are so
action of fire In conjunctkia with the sea muni, a Iran*
lucent vitreous stream was seen to flow atone; the ground
This story, however, la now discredited ; as It require]
Interne furnace beet to produce the fusion. See aruca
• Glass " In the encyckfoeiia BriUmnica, sib ediuoa.
1860
ZIDOHIANS
decided that it i* certain to maintain its present
superiority over Sidjo and Tyre.
In conclusion it may be observed, that while in
our own times no important remains of antiquity
have been discovered at or near Tyre, the case is
different with Sidon. At the base of the mountains
to the east of the town there are numerous sepul-
chres in the rock, and there are likewise sepulchral
cares in the adjoining plain (see Porter, Eacydop.
Briicmn. I. c). " In January, 1855," says Mr.
Porter, "one of the sepulchral caves was acci-
dentally opened at a spot about a mile S.E. of the
City, and in it was discovered one of the most
beautiful and interesting Phoenician monuments in
existence. It is a sarcophagus the lid
of which is hewn in the form of a mummy with
the nice bare. Upon the upper part of the lid is a
perfect Phoenician inscription in twenty-two lines,
and on the head of the sarcophagus itself is another
almost as loug." This sarcophagus is now in the
Nineveh division of the Sculptures in the Louvre.
At first sight, the material of which it is composed
may be easily mistaken ; and it has been supposed
to be black marble. On the authority, however,
of 11. Suchard of Paris, who has examined it very
closely, it may be stated, that the sarcophagus is of
black syenite, which, as far as is known, is more
abundant in Egypt than elsewhere. It may be
added that the features of the countenance on the lid
are decidedly of the Egyptian type.and the head-dress
is Egyptian, with the head of a bird sculptured on
what might seem the place of the right and left
shoulder. There can therefore be little reason to
doubt that this sarcophagus was either made in
Egypt and sent thence to Sidon, or that it was made
in ¥hoeoieia in imitation of similar works of art in
Egypt. The inscriptions themselves are the longest
Phoenician inscriptions which have come down to
our times. A translation of them was published
by Professor Dietrich at Marburg in 1855, and
by Professor Ewald at Gottingen in 1856. The
predominant idea of them seems to be to warn all
men, under penalty of the monarch's curse, against
opening his sarcophagus or disturbing his repose for
any purpose whatever, especially in order to search
for treasures, of which he solemnly declares there are
none in his tomb. The king's title is " King of the
Sidonians;" and, as is the case with Ethbaal, men-
tioned in the Book of Kings (1 K.xvi. 31), there must
remain a certain doubt whether this was a title ordi-
narily assumed by kings of Sidon, or whether it had
a wider signification. We learn from the inscription
that the king's mother was a priestess of Ashtoreth.
With regard to the precise date of the king's reign,
there does not seem to be any conclusive indication.
Ewald conjectures that he reigned not long before
the 1 Ith century B.C. [E. T.]
Coin of Zidun.
' The only Instance In the Aula Vers, of the use of F
b s proper nuns.
• 1 Chr. xli. I and 20.
ZErTLAO
MDON'IANS (tfW, Ex. xxxH. 30. Crfr*
D^TTT, D'm, and ence (1 K. xi. 33) ffn
iM»«. exc Ex. xxxii. 30, *T*srrr)wI 'Kmi?
Sidonii, exc Ex. xxxii. 30, texatora). The inha-
bitants of Zidon. Tbey were among the ■!■■
of Canaan left to practise the Israelites in the xrt
of war (Judg. iii. 3), and colonies of than appear
to hare spread up into the hill country froxn Le-
banon to Misrepbotb-inaim (Josh. xiii. 4, 6), wheacs
in later times tbey hewed cedar-trees for David and
Solomon (1 Chr. nii. 4). They op pres s ed the Is-
raelites on their first entrance into the country , Jodr.
x. 12), and appear to have lived a luxurious, reckless
life (Judg. xriii. 7) ; they were skilful in newiar,
timber (1 K.v. 6),and were employed for this p o rpose
by Solomon. They were idolaters, and wuwbiprxd
Ashtoreth as their tutelary goddess (1 K. ri. 5, 33 ;
2 K. xxiii. 13), as well as the sun-god Baal, from
whom their king was named (IK. xvi. 31 ). To*
term Zidoniana among the Hebrews appears to hare
been extended in meaning as that of Phoenicians
among the Greeks. In Ex. xxxii. 30, the Vohrau
read DTX, the LXX. probably Ttr|t nfe\ tor
"aPK 'rtX. Zidonian women (lfr»m : ilfsa.
Sidoniae) were in Solomon's harem (1 K. xi. 1 .
ZIF«. "\\ : rtioj; Alex, ('•—■ Zio\ 1 at. vi.
37. [Mohth.]
ZTHA (KITV: Sovtfa, Sad; Alex. Xeisai.
Stata: Siha, Soha). J.. The children of Zthm were
a family of Nethioim who returned with <&erub-
babel ( Exr. u. 43 -, Neh. vii. 46). 2. (Vat. oaniu ;
Alex. 3,ai: Soaha.) Chief of the Nethinian u
Ophel (Neh. xi. 21). The name is probably that
of a family, and so identical with the preceding.
ZffiXAG (iSpV, and twice »3^r>Xt StaaAie.
once late Asia- ; in Chron. "flicAo, ZmrAa, larj ft ■*■ :
Alex. iuctXtcy, but also laiAry, 2«a«Aa ; Joseph.
ZsaeAa: Sicikg). A place which possanses a
special interest from its having been the residence
and the private property of David. It is first men-
tioned in the catalogue of the towns of Jodah hi
Josh, xv., where it is enumerated (ver. 31) amcew-4
those of the extreme sooth, b e twe e n Hormah (or
Zephathy and Madmannah (possibly Beth maica-
both). It next occurs, in the same coonexioa
amongst the places which were allotted out of the
territory of Judah to Simeon (six. 5). We orxt
encounter it in the possession of the PhilBuarn
(1 Sam. xxvii. 6\ when it was, at David's request,
bestowed upon him by Achish king of Gath. He
resided there for a year' and four months ibid. 7 ,
1 Sam. xxxi. 14, 26; 1 Chr. xii. 1, 20). It was
there he received the news of Saul's death (2 Sam.
i. 1 , iv. 10). He then relinquished it for Hebron
(ii. 1). Ziklag is finally mentioned, in company
with Beersheba, Haxarshual, and other towns at the
south, as being reinhabited by the people of Jodah
after their return from the Captivity (Neh- xi. 28 1
The situation of the town is difficult to i satmu na,
notwithstanding so many notices. On the one hand,
that it was in " the south " (neyeo) seems certaia
both from the towns named with it, and also frssa
its mention with ** the south of the Cherethrtas " and
" the south of Caleb," some of whose diniasli il
we know were at Ziph and Haon. perhaps evac at
• Josephns (Aii. n. 13k ,10) gtvca this aa oat i
and twenty dsyo.
ZILLAH
Paian (1 Sam. xxv. 1). On the other hand, this
V: difficult to reconcile with its connexion with the
Philistines, and with the feet — which follows from
the narrative of 1 Sam. xxx. (tee 9, 10, 21)— that
it was north of the Brook Besor. The word em-
ployed in 1 Sam. xxvii. 5, 7, 11, to denote the
region in which it stood, is peculiar. It is not
kat-SHefelah, as it most hare been bad Ziklag stood
in the ordinary lowland of Philistia, but hat-Sadeh,
which Prof. Stanley (S. and P. App. §15) renders
" the field." On the whole, though the temptation
is strong to suppose (as some hare suggested) that
there were two places of the same name, the only
conclusion seems to be that Ziklag was in the south
oar Negeb oountry, with a portion of which the
Philistines had a connexion which may have lasted
from the tune of their residence there in the days
•f Abraham and Isaac. It is remarkable that the
word tadth is used in Gen. xiv. 7, for the country
occupied by the Amalekites, which seems to hare
been situated far south of the Dead Sea, at or near
Kadesh. The name of Paran also occurs in the
same passage. But further investigation is neces-
sary before we can remove the residence of Nabal
so fiur south. His Maon would in that cue be-
otme, not the Main which lies near Zif and
Kurmil, but that which was the head-quarters of
the Maonites, or Mehunim.
Ziklag does not appear to have been known to
Eusebims and Jerome, or to any of the older tra-
vellers. Mr. Rowlands, however, in his journey
from Gaaa to Sues in 1842 (in Williams's Holy
City, i. 463-8), was told of •< an ancient site called
Adoodg, or Kasloodg, with some ancient walls,"
three hours east of Sebita, which again was two
hours and a half south of Khalasa. This he con-
siders as identical with Ziklag. Dr. Robinson had
previously (in 1838) heard of 'AtUj as lying south-
west of if t'M, on the way to Abdeh (B. B. ii.
201), a position not discordant with that of Mr.
Rowlands. The identification is supported by Mr.
Wilton (Ntgeb, 209) ; but it is impossible at pre-
sent, and until further investigation into the dis-
trict in question has been made, to do more than
name it If Dr. Robinson's form of the name is
correct— and since it is repeated in the Lists of Dr.
Eli Smith (— aVurf*. App. to vol. iii. of 1st ed.
p. 115a) there is no reason to doubt this — the
similarity which prompted Mr. Rowlands 's con-
jecture almost entirely disappears. This will be
evident if the two names are written in Hebrew,
jSpv, bw. [G.]
ZILLAH (PI9Y: 2<XA>: SOU). One of the
two wives of Lamech the Cainite, to whom he
addressed his song (Gen. iv. 19, 22, 23). She was
the mother of Tubal-Cain and Naatnah. Dr. Kalisch
(Comm. on (Jen.) regards the names of Lantech's
wives and of his daughter as significant of the
transition into the period of art which took place
in his time, and the corresponding change in the
position of the woman. " Naamah signifies the
lovely, beautiful woman; whilst the wife of the
tint man was simply Evj, the lifegiving. . . . The
women were, in the age of Lamech, no more re-
garded merely as the propagators of the human
family ; beauty and gracefulness began to command
homage. . . . Even the wives of Lamech manifest
the transition into this epoch of beauty ; for whilst
«e wifo, Zillah reminds still of assistance and pro-
toctwn (r6x. " shadow"), the other Adah, bean
ZLMKI
IBM
almost synonymous with Naamah, aid like-
wise signifying ornament and loveliness."
In the apocryphal book of Jaihar, Adah and
Zillah are both daughters of Csinan. Adah hare
children, but Zillah was barren till her old age, ia
consequence of some noxious draught which her
husband gave her to preserve her beauty and to
prevent her from bearing. [W. A. W.]
ZIL/PAH (rmSf : ZeXatd : Ze\pha\ A Syrian
given by Laban to his daughter Leah as an attend-
ant (Gen. xxix. 24), and by Leah to Jacob as a
concubine. She was the mother of Gad and Ashtr
(Gen. xxx. 9-13, xxxv. 26, xxxvii. 2, xlvi. 18).
ZILTHA'I (WW- **««; Alex. Sols.':
SeUUuA). 1. A Benjatnite, of the sons of Shimhi
(1 Chr. viii. 20).
2. {JtquOli FA. Zcpafcf: Salatki.) One of
the captains of thousands of Manasseh who deserted
to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 20).
ZIM'MAH (flSt: Zcuifiav; Alex. Zewio,
ZtppiS: Zamma. Zemma.) 1. A Gerahonite Le-
rite, son of Janata (1 Chr. vi. 20).
2. (Zafi/iifi.) Another Gerahonite, son of Shi-
mei (1 Chr.Ti. 42) ; possibly the same as the pre-
ceding.
3. (Ztfmdt: Zemma.) Father or ancestor of
Joah, a Gerahonite in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr.
xxix. 12). At a much earlier period we find the
same collocation of names, Zimmah and Joah as
father and son (1 Chr. vi. 20). Compare " Ma-
hath (he son of Amasai " in 2 Chr. xxix. 12 with
the same in 1 Chr. vi. 35; " Joel the son of Axa-
riah " in 2 Chr. xxix. 12 and 1 Chr. vi. 86 ; and
" Kish the son of Abdi" 2 Chr. xxix. 12 with
" Kishi the son of Abdi " in 1 Chr. vi. 44. Unless
these names are the names of families and not of
individuals, their recurrence is a little remarkable.
ZIM/RAN (fTCf: ZopftNV, Ze/tjB»a>; Alex.
Zt&pav, Ztn&par, Ztppar : Zamran). The eldest
son of Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 32). His
descendants are not mentioned, nor is any hint given
that he was the founder of a tribe : the contrary
would rather appear to be the case. Some would
identify Zimran with the Zimri of Jer. xxv. 25,
but these lay too far to the north. The Greek form
of the name, as found in the LXX., has suggested
a comparison with Zafipd/i, the chief city of thi
Cinaedocolpitae, who dwelt on the Red Sea, weft of
Mecca. But this is extremely doubtful, for tnis
tribe, probably the same with the ancient Kendo,
was a branch of the Joktanite Arabs, who in the
most ancient times occupied Yemen, and mav only
have come into possession of Zabram at a later period
(Knobel, Qenaa). Hitzig and Lengerke propose
to connect the name Zimran with Zimiris, a district
of Ethiopia mentioned by Pliny (xxxvi. 25) ; but
Grotius, with more plausibility, finds a trace of it
in the Zamereni, a tribe of the interior of Arabia.
The identification of Zimran with the modem Ben.
Outran, and the Bani Zomaneis of Diodorus, proposed
by Mr. Forster ( Oeogr. of Arabia, i. 431 ), cannot
be seriously maintained. [W. A. W.]
ZIMRI (no; : Za/ifipl : Zambri). 1. The son
of Salu, a Simeonite chieftain, slain by Phinehas
with the Midianitish princess Coibi (Num. xxv
14). When the Israelites at Shittim were smitten
with plagues for their impure worship of Baal Pear,
and wen weeping before the tabernacle, Zimri with
1852
ZOfBI
a ahameleaa disregard to hia own high position and
the sufferings of his tribe, brought into then 1 pre-
sence the Midianiteas in the tight of Mows and in
the tight of the whole congregation. The fierce
anger of Phinehat m aroused, and in the swift
vengeance with which he punned the offenders, he
gave the first indication of that uncompromising
spirit which characterised him in later life. The
whole circumstance is much softened in the nar-
rative of Josephus (Ant. iv. 6, §10-12), and in
the hands of the apologist is divested of all its
vigour and point. Iu the Targom of Jonathan ben
Usxiel several traditional details are added. Zimri
retorts upon Moses that he himself had taken to
wife a Midianitess, and twelve miraculous signs
alien 1 the vengeance of Phinehas.
1l describing the scene of this tragedy an unusual
word is employed, the force of which is lost in the ren-
dering "tent" oftheA. V.of Num. xzv. 8. Itwas
not the ohel, or ordinaiy tent of the encampment, but
the H3P, kubbdh (whence Span. (Jama, and our
alcove), or dome-shaped tent, to which Phinehas
pursued his victims. Whether this was the tent
which Zimri occupied as chief of his tribe, and
which was in consequence more elaborate and highly
ornamented than the rest, or whether it was, as
Gesenius suggests, one of the tents which the Midi-
anites used tor the worship of Peor is not to be
determined, though the latter is favoured by the
rendering of the Vulg. tupanar. The word does
not occur elsewhere in Hebrew. In the Syriac
it is rendered a cell, or inner apartment of the
tent. [W. A. W.]
3. (»TDf : ZatuV; Joseph. Ant. viii. 12, §5,
Zeuutsi)! : Zambri.) Fifth sovereign of the separate
kingdom of Israel, of which he occupied the throne
for the brief period of seven days in the year B.C. 930
or 929. Originally in command of half the chariots
in the royal army, be gained the crown by the
murder of king Elah son of Baasha, who, after
reigning for something more than a year (compare
1 K. xvi. 8 and 10), was indulging in a drunken
revel in the house of his steward Arza at Tiitah,
then the capital. In the midst of this festivity
Zimri killed him, and immediately afterwards all
the rest of Baasha's family. But the army which
at that time was besieging the Philistine town of
Gibbathon, when they heard of Klah's murder,
proclaimed their general Omri king. He imme- j
natelr marched against Tirzah, and took the city.
Zimn retreated into the innermost part of the late
king s palace,* set ,t on fire and perished in the ruins
( 1 K. xvi. 9-20). E weld's inference from Jezebel's
speech to Jehu (2 K. ix. 31), that on Elah's death
the queen-mother welcomed Lis murdersr with
smiles and blandishments, seems rather arbitrary
and far-fetched. [Jezebel.] [G. E. L. C]
3. (Zamri.) One of the five sons of Zerah the
son of Judah (1 Chr. it. 6).
4. Son of Jehoadah and descendant of Saul (1
Chr. viii. 36, ix. 42).
5 'Om *t LXX. : Zambri.) An obscure name,
mentioned Jer. xxv. 25) in probable connexion
with Dedan, Tenia, Bin, Arabia (31g), the mingled
people " "ereb " (XW il), all of which immediately
> The wont Is ]\K>"?& which Ewald (after J. P. Ml-
ebaelli), both hers and in a K. xv. it, Insists on translating
* bairm," with which won! he thinks that It la etymo-
logically counseled, sod henoa aeeka oonnrmstlon of hia
Wv that Zlmrl was a voluptuous slave of women. But
ZIOR
praosde R, besidea other peoples ; and fbUowe-i by
Elam, the Hades, and others. The passage av at
wide comprehension, but the reference, as indicated
above, seems to be to a tribe of the sons of the F a st ,
the Beni-Kedem. Nothing further is known reepecv
ing Zimri, but it may possibly be tie same aw, of
derived from, Zimkah, which see. [E. 3. 1\}
ZIN (|*;¥ : Or). The name given to a ponton
of the desert tract between the Dead Sea, Ghftr. and
Arabah (possibly including the two latter, or por-
tiona of them) on the E^ and the general plateau
of the Tth which stretches westward. The country
in question consists of two or three succe ssiv e ter-
races of mountain converging to an acute angle
(like stairs where there is a turn in the flight) at
the Dead Sea's southern verge, towards which auso
they slope. Here the drainage finds :<* chief vent
by the Wady el-Fikreh into the Gb6i, the remain-
ing waters running by smaller channeU into the
Arabah, and ultimately by the Wady tl-Jeib also
to the GhOr. Judging from natural features, in
the vagueness of authority, it is likely that the
portion between, and drained by these wadya, is the
region in question ; but where it ended we st w a rd,
whether at any of the abovenamed terrace*, or
blending imperceptibly with that of Paran, h quite
uncertain. Kadesh lay in it, or on this unknown
boundary, and here also Idumea was u uu tciuiiooua
with Judah ; since Kadesh was a city in the border
of Edom (aee Kadesh; Num. xiii. 21, xx. 1, xxvii.
14, xxxiii. 36, xxxiv. 3 ; Josh. xv. 1). The researches
of Williams and Rowlands on this subject, although
not conclusive in favour of the site tt-Kidta for
the city, yet may indicate that the " wilderness of
Kades, ' which is indistinguishable from that of Zin,
follows the course of the Wady Uwrek we st w a rd.
The whole region requires further research ; bat its
difficulties are of a very formidable character.
Josephus {Ant. iv. 4, §6) speaks of a " hill called
Sin ' (Mr), where Miriam, who died in Kadesh,
when the people had " come to the desert of Zm,'*
was buried. This *" Sin " of Josephus may recsX
the name Zin, and, being applied to a hill, may
perhaps indicate the most singular and wbollv
isolated conical acclivity named Moderak (Madura,
or Madara), standing a little S. of the Wady /ttrsft,
near its outlet into the Gbor. This would precisely
agree with the tract of country above rDdkated
(Num. xx. 1 ; Seetzen, Beitcn, iii. Hebron to Ma-
dara; WUton, Negtb, 127, 134). [H. H.]
ZTNA(§0»}: ZtQt: Zixa). ZiisB the second
son of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 10, oomp. 11) the
Gerahonite. One of Kennioott's MSS. reads KTT,
Zixa, like the LXX. and Vulg.
ZI'ON. [Jebcsalem.]
ZI'OB ("*••* : ImpalS ; Alex. 3bw* : Smr\
A town in the mountain district of Judah (Josh,
xv. 54, only). It belongs to the same group with
Hebron, next to which it occurs in the list. By
Eusebius and Jerome ( Onom. Xiip) it is spokes of
aa a village between Aelia (Jerusalem) and Eleu-
theropolia (Beit jibrin), in the tribe of Judah. A
small village named Sa'ir (jtXm) lies on the road
IU root aeema to be DTK, - to be hie*" (Geaastss); aaa
In other pssaages. especially Prov. svilL 19, the metnim
la " a lofty fortress," rather than "• banana." Ewald, I*
bis sketch or Zimri. ts perhaps somewhat ltd astrav by rat
desire of finding a historical parallel wt k 3anUna|«rim
ZIPH
between lkhia and Hebron, about six miles north-
east or the latter (Rob. B. S. i. 488 1, which may
probably be that alluded to in the Onomatticon;
and but for its distance from Hebron, might be
adopted as identical with Zior. So little, however,
is known of the principle on which the groups of
towns are collected in these lists, that it is impos-
sible to speak positively on the point, cither one
way or the other. [0.]
ZIPH (fC\). The name borne by two towns in
tl* territory of Judah.
1. (Maud>; Alex. IoWjfuh: Ziph). In the
m nth (iM7<6) ; named between Ithnan and Telem
(Josh. xr. 24). It does not appear again in the
history — for the Ziph of David's adventures is an
entirely distinct spot — nor has any trace of it been
met with. From this, from the apparent omission
of the name in the Vatican LXX., and from the
absence of the "and" before it, Mr. Wilton has
been W, J> suggest that it is an interpolation
( Xegtb, 85) ; but his grounds for this are hardly
conclusive. Many names in this list have not yet
been encountered on the ground ; before several
other* the " and" is omitted ; and though not now
recognisable in the Vat. LXX., the name is found
in the Alex, and in the Peshito (Zib). In our pre-
sent ignorance of the region of the Negeb it is safer
to postpone any positive judgment on the point.
2. ("Ofeffl, Zafo), *) Zeffl; Alex. Zid>, Ztup:
Ziph.) In the highland district; named between
Carmel and Juttah (Josh. xv. 55). The place is
immortalized by its connexion with David, some
of whose greatest perils and happiest escapes took
place in its neighbourhood (1 Sam. xxiii. 14, 15,
24, xxvi. 2). These passages show, that at that
time it had near it a wilderness (midbar, ■'. e. a
ZDPHION
1963
wartc pasture ground) and a food. The latter hat
disappeared, but the former remains. The naini
of Ztf is found about three miles S. of Hebixn,
attached to a rounded hill of some 100 feet in
height, which is called Tell Zif. About the same
distance still further S. is Kii-mil (Carmel), and
between them a short distance to the W. ol the
road is Yttta (Juttah). About half a mile E.of
the Tell are some considerable ruins, standing at the
head of two small Wadys, which commencing here,
run off towards the Dead Sea. These ruins are
pronounced by Dr. Robinson (B. S. i. 492) to be
those of the ancient Ziph, but hardly on sufficient
grounds. They are too far from the ttU for it to
have been the citadel to them. It seems mora
probable that the Ml itself is the remnant of the
ancient place which was fortified by Rehoboam
(2 Chr. xi. 8).
'• Zib " is mentioned in the Onomatticon as 8 miles
east of Hebron ; " the village," adds Jerome, " in
which David hid is still shown." This can hardly
be the spot above referred to, unless the distance
and direction have been stated at random, or the
passage is corrupt both in Eusebius and Jerome.
At 7 Roman miles east of Hebron a ruin is marked
on Van de Velde's map, but it does not appear to
have been investigated. Elsewhere (under " Zeib "
and "Ziph") they place it near Carmel, and con-
nect it with Ziph the descendant of Caleb.
From Eusebius to Dr. Robinson no one appears
to have mentioned Ztf. Yet many travellers most
have passed the Tell, and the name is often in the
mouths of the Arab guides (Stanley, 8. j> P.
101 •).
There are some curious differences between the
text of the LXX. and the Hebrew of these passages,
which may be recorded here.
1 Salt, xxlll. 14. . . . remained In
tbe mountain tn the wilderness of
Ziph.
15. ... In the wilderness of Ziph
In tbe wood.
19. And Zlphltes came to Saul
24. And they arose and went to
Ziph before Saul.
xxvL 1. And the Zlphltes came
nntoSaalL
The recurrence of tbe word avjpios,
Ziph of the negeb to be Intended.
ZIPH (e)<|: ZljB; Alex. Zi«W : Siph). Son of
Jehaleleel(lChr. Iv. 16).
ZIPH'AH(rllVt: Z«t>i; Alex. Zaupl : Zipha).
One of the sons of Jehaleleel, whose f'amilr is enu-
merated in an obscure genealogy of the tribe of
Judah (1 Chr. it. 16).
ZITHIMS, THE rD'B'jrl: root Ze.eWowj:
Ziphaei).
Vmjoah LXX. (Mjj).
faasVre iv Tjj tp-far h tif hfm
Ztty, iv rg y§ r§ av^fuMcr
iv np opci t^ avxjui&n iv rjf
«<u«t) Zc'4, yjj uvp [ui^a
BHI1 read for BHUj.
Kal avifhpa* oi Zci^OMi J* T$v
avxfUaOOW vpbf 2.
Kol avitrnjtrav oi Z«i$aToa xat
rsvpcvvSio-ay i/ivpov9tv 2.
k. SpxovroL oi Z«4a«H i* T^f
Atsx LXX.
ww opei wv nj cpttaw
Zu4 •** °P°* n avxjAMOCI rv yn
ov.i^ujoVi.
. . . Zti«> tv re **a>».
urn
tnopcv9v9«F ot ZtsVajM . •
* See a remark curiously parallel to this by Mar-
snont In his Koyapc between Nsplouse sod Jeru-
SSHStt,
• Kzsraple* of the sunn Inconsistency In the A. V. are
'dried up." " parched,'' would almost soagtst that lbs LXX. unfcrstocd the
The inhabitants of Zipm (see the foregoing article.
No. 2). In this form the name is found In tbe
A. V. only in the title of Ps. liv. In the narrative
it occurs in the more usual • form of
ZITHITJ& THE (<B'?rl: oi ZeieWsi:
Ziphaei), 1 Sam. xxiii.* 19 ; xxvi. 1. [C]
ZIPH'IOK ifVBX: 3aa>»r: Sephim). Son of
Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16) ; elsewhere calied Zephon.
round In Arm, Avnsa; Hoani. Hoarras; Pauurna
PHiLBTrnras.
• Ib this pssasa* there Is nu article to the east* •* Ik*
Hem*.
1854
ZIPHRON
ZIFH*BON(ppf: Aefeaml*; A\a.Zt+pfa
Ztphirma). A point in the north boundary of the
Promiiad Lend as specified by Mom (Num. zzdr.
9). It occurs between Zedad and Hatsar-Enan. If
Tedad is Sidid, and Hatsar-Enan Kurietem, as is
not impossible, then Ziphron must be looked for
somewhere between the two. At present no name
at all suitable has been discovered in this direction.
But the whole of this topography is in a most on-
satisfactory state as regards both comprehension of
the original record and knowledge of the ground ;
and in the absence of more information we must be
content to abstain from conjectures.
In the parallel passage of Exekiel (xlvii. 16, 17)
the words " Haxar-hatticon, which is by the border
of E» «an," appear to be substituted for Ziphron.
The Hauran here named may be the modern village
Hamc&rin, which lies between Sidid and Kurie-
tem, and not the district of the same name many
miles farther south. [G.]
ZIFTOB ("riBV, and twice 'ibV: iew^p:
Sepphor). Father of Balak king of Hoab. His
name occurs only in the expression "son* of
Zippor" (Mum. xxii. 2, 4, 10, 16, xxiii. 18 ; Josh.
Kir. 9 ; Judg. xi. 25). Whether he was the
"former king of Hoab alluded to in Mam. xxf.
26, we are not told, nor do we know that he himself
ever reigned. The Jewish tradition already noticed
[Hoab, p. 393 o] is, that Hoab and Hidian were
united into one kingdom, and ruled bya king chosen
alternately from each. In this connexion the simi-
larity between the names Zippor and Zipporah, the
latter of which we know to hare been the name of
a Midianiten, cur tang, is worthy of notice, as it
suggests that Balak may have been of Uidianite
parentage. [G.]
ZIPPORAH (rrfSV: 2tir*<*>; Joeeph.
imt+Apa : Sephora). Daughter of Reuel or Jethro,
the priest of Hidian, wife of Hoses, and mother of
his two sons Gerahom and Elieser (Ex. ii. 21, ir.
25, xviii. 2, comp. 6). The only incident recorded
in her life is that of the circumcision of Gerahom
(iv. 24-26), the account of which has been examined
under the head of Hoses (p. 427 b. See also
Stanley's Jtwith Church, 114).
It hat been suggested that Zipporah was the
Cusbite (A.V. "Ethiopian") wife who furnished
Hinam and Aaron with the pretext for their attack
on Hoses (Mum. xii. 1, Sic). The chief ground
for this appears to be that in a passage of Habakkuk
(iii. 7) the names of Cuahan and Hidian are men-
tioned together. But in the immense interval
which had elapsed between the Exodus and the
period of Habakkuk (at least seven centuries), the
relations of Cash and Hidian may well have altered
too materially to admit of any argument being
founded on the later passage, even if it were certain
that their being mentioned iu juxtaposition implied
any connexion between them, further than that
both were dwellers in tents and enemies of Israel ;
and unless the events of Mum. xii. should be proved
to be quite out of their proper place in the narra-
tive, It is difficult to believe that a charge could
have been nude against Hoses on the ground of his
marriage, after so long a period, and when the chil-
dren of his wife must have been several years old.
The must feasible suggestion appears to be that of
• Tkeunal • In l.XX. and Vallate is dut Is the Hebrew
particle o." ssotkm— " to Ziphron."
ZOAN
! Kwald (Onchickte, ii. 229, note), namely tint the
Cushite was a second wife, or a concubine, taken
by Moses during the march through the wilderness
— whether after the death of Zipporah (which U
not mentioned) or from other circumstances mrrt
be uncertain. This — with the utmost respect ta
the eminent scholar who has supported the other
alternative — the writer ventures to cfler as that
which commends itself to him.
The similarity between the names of Zippor sad
Zipporah, and the possible inference from that simi-
larity, have been mentioned under the former head.
[Zippob.] [G.]
ZIT1TRI (nnD: Seypel; Alex. Srfprf:
Setkri). Properly' "Sithri;" one of the sous of
Dzziel, the son of Kohath (Ex. vi. 22). In Ex.
vi. 21, - Zithri" should be "Zichri," as in A. V.
of 1611.
ZIZ, THE CLIFF OF (f»«n nSjjD:
4 im$eurtt 'Kaai, in both HSS. : ctiaa modus*
Sit). The pass (such is more accurately the mean-
ing of the word mailih ; comp. Adummtm ; Gcr,
ttc) by which the horde of Hoabites, Ammonites,
and Hehunim, made their way up from the shores
of the Dead Sea to the wilderness of Judah near
Tekoa (2 Chr. xx. 16 only ; comp. 20). There can
be very little doubt that it was the pass of Am
Jidy—>' the very same route," as Dr. Robinson re-
marks, " which is taken by the Arabs in their ma-
rauding expeditions at the present day ; along the
shore as far as to 'Am Jidy, and then up the pass,
and so northwards below Tekia" (Sib. St. i.
508, 530). The very name (which since it has the
article prefixed is more accurately haz-Ziz than
Zix) may perhaps be still traceable in et-HUtinA,
which is attached to a large tract of table-land lying
immediately above the pass of Am Jidy, between it
and Tekia, and bounded on the north by a Wady of
the same name (B. R. i. 527). Hay not both hax-
Ziz and Husasah be descended from Haseaon-tamsr,
the early name of Engedi ? [G.]
ZI'ZA (Kt'T : Zonf* : *«*). 1. Son of ShhAi
a chief of the Simeonites, who in the reign of Hexe-
kiah made a raid upon the peaceable Hamite shrp-
herds of Gedor, and smote them, "because then
was pasture there for their flocks * (I Cfcr. iv. 37V
2. rZnfa*.) Son of Reboboam by MaaUac Ac
granddaughter of Absalom (2 Chr. ». 20).
ZrZAH(nr|: 2t(4: z " a )- A Gerahonits
Levite, second son of Shimei (1 Chr. xxifi. Hi;
called Zina in ver. 10.
ZO'AN (Rfr : Tavls : Emit), an ancient dty
of Lower Egypt It is mentioned by a SbemitJc and
by an Egyptian name, both of the same signification.
Zoan, preserved in the Coptic 3£i-ltH> 2C<S*1TI»
S. Xiilte, X-Liltl, the Arabic ^U
(a village on the site), and the classical Tint, Tana,
whence the Coptic transcription TA-ltCtDCi
ccmes from the root }JJV, " he moved taota * (Is.
xxxiii. 20), oognate with JJTO, " he loaded a beast
of burden ;" and thus signifies •« a place of de-
Mum, xxil. 10, xaiU. in.
In LXX. ihoc £-, except in Josh, xuv. t.irmiX.
ZOAN
parture," like ttMJJV, Zaanateai (Josh, xix. 33),
or D*JJ?V. Zaanaim* (Judg. iv. 11), " removings"
(Geeen.), a place in northernmost Palestine, on the
border of Naphtali near Kedesh. The place just
mentioned is close to the natural and constant
northern border of Palestine, whether under the
spurs of Lebanon or of Hermon. Zoan lay near
the eastern border of Lower Egypt. The sense of
departure or removing, therefore, would seem not
to indicate a mere resting-place of caravans, but a
place of departurs from a country. The Egyptian
name HA-AWAR,or PA-AWAR, Avaris, Aswsoii,
means " the abode ' or " house" of " going out "
or " departure." Its more precise sense fixes that
of the Sheniitic equivalent.*
Tanis is situate in N. lat. 31", E. long. 31° 55',
en the east bank of the canal which was formerly
the Tanitic branch. Anciently a rich plain extended
due east as far as Pelusiun, about thirty miles
distant, gradually narrowing towards the east, bo
that in a south-easterly direction from Tanis it was
not more than half this breadth. The whole of
this plain, about as far south and west as Tanis,
was anciently known as " the Fields " or " Plains,"
nU*.ecgaj U, T"' •« the Marshes," t« 'Z\i,,
'EAeapxfa, or " the pasture-lands," Bova-oAfa.
Through the subsidence of the Mediterranean-coast,
it is now almost covered by the great Lake Menzeleh.
Of old it was a rich marsh-land, watered by four
of the seven branches of the Nile, the Pathmitic,
Mendesian, Tanitic, and Pelusiac, and swept by the
cool breezes of the Mediterranean. Tanis, while
Egypt was ruled by native kings, was the chief
town of this territory, and an important post
towards the eastern frontier.
At a remote period, between the age when the
pyramids were built and that of the empire, seem-
ingly about B.O. 2080, Egypt was invaded, over-
run, and subdued, by the strangers known as the
Shepherds, who, or at least their first race, appear
to have been Arabs cognate with the Phoenicians.
How they entered Egypt does not appear. After a
time they made one of themselves king, a certain
Salatis, who reigned at Memphis, exacting tribute
of Upper and Lower Egypt, and garrisoning the
fittest places, with especial regard to the safety of
the eastern provinces, which he foresaw the Assy-
rians would desire to invade. With this view
finding in the Salte (better elsewhere Sethrolte)
nome, on the east of the Bubastite branch, a very
fit city called Avaris, he rebuilt, and very strongly
walled it, garrisoning it with 240,000 men. He
came hither in harvest-time (about the vernal
equinox), to give corn and pay to the troops, and
exercise them so as to terrify foreigners. This is
Manetho's account of the foundation of Avaris, the
great xtrongbold of the Shepherds. Several points
are raised by it. We see at a glance that Mauetho
did not know that Avaris was Tanis. By his time
the city had (alien into obscurity, and he could not
connect the HA-AWAR of his native records with
the Tanis of the Greeks. His account of its early
history must therefore be received with caution.
Throughout, we trace the influence of the pride
that made the Egyptians hate, and affect to despise,
the Shepherds above all their conquerors, except the
Persians. The motive of Salatis is not to overawe
ZOAN
1856
■ Ktri, as In Joshua,
t The ideotiScution of Znn with Avaris Is doe to
M.deRmge.
Egypt but to keep out the Assyrians ; nut to terrify
the natives but these foreigners, who, if other his-
tory be correct, did not then form nn important state.
The position of Tanis explains the case. Like the
other principal cities of this tract, Pelusium, Bu-
bastis, and Heliopolis, it lay on the east bank of the
river, towards Syria. It was thus outside a great
line of defence, and afforded a protection to the cul-
tivated lands to the east, and an obstacle to an in-
vader, while to retreat from it was always possible,
so long as the Egyptians held the river. But Tanir
though doubtless fortified partly with the object ol
repelling an invader, was too far inland to be tho
frontier-fortress. It was near enough to be the
place of departure for caravans, perhaps was the
last town in the Shepherd-period, but not near
enough to command the entrance of Egypt. Pelu-
sium lay upon the great road to Palestine — it has
been until lately placed too far north [Sin] — and
the plain was here narrow, from north to south,
so that no invader could safely pass the fortress;
but it soon became broader, and, by turning in a
south-westerly direction, an advancing enemy would
leave Tanis far to the northward, and a bold general
would detach a force to keep its garrison in check
and march upon Heliopolis and Memphis. An
enormous standing militia, settled in the Bucolia,
as the Egyptian militia afterwards was in neigh-
bouring tracts of the Delta, and with its head-
quarters at Tanis, would have overawed Egypt, and
secured a retreat in case of disaster, besides main-
taining hold of some of the most productive land in
the country, and mainly for the former two objects
we believe Avaris to have been fortified.
Manetho explicitly states Avaris to have been
older than the time of the Shepherds ; but there are
reasons for questioning his accuracy in this matter.
The name is more likely to be of foreign than of
Egyptian origin, for Zoan distinctly indicates the
place of departure of a migratory people, whereas
Avaris has the simple signification "abode of de-
parture."
A remarkable passage in the Book of Numbers,
not hitherto explained, " Now Hebron was built
seven years before Zoan in Egypt " (liii. 22), seems
to determine the question. Hebron was anciently
the City of Arba, Kiijath-Arba, and was under the
rule of the Analrim. These Anakim were of the old
warlike Palestinian race that long dominated over
the southern Canaanites. Here, therefore, the
Anakim and Zoan are connected. The Shepherds
who built Avaris were apparently of the Phoenician
stock which would be referred to this race as, like
them, without a pedigree in the Noaehiau geo-
graphical list. Hebron was already built in Abra-
ham's time, and the Shepherd-iuvasion may be
dated about the same period. Whether some older
village or city were succeeded by Avaris matters
little: its history begins in the reign of Salatis.
What the Egyptian records tell us of this city
may be briefly stated. Apepee, probably Apophis
of the xvth dynasty, a Shepherd-king who reigned
shortly before the xviiith dynasty, built a temple
here to Set, the Egyptian Baal, and worshipped no
other god. According to Manetho, the Shepherds,
after 511 years of rule, were expelled from all Egypt
and shut up in Avaris, whence they were allowed
to depart by capitulation, by either Amosia or
Thummosis ( Aahmes or Thothmes IV.), the first and
seventh kings of the xviiith dynasty. The monu-
ments show that the honour of ridding Egyjt of
the Shepherds belongs to Aahmes, and that this
1856
ZOAN
event occurred about B.C. 1500. Rameses II. em-
bellished the gnat temple of Tanis, and was followed
oy hie too Menptah.
It ia within the period from the Shepherd-inva-
sion to the reign of Menptah, that the sojourn and
Exodus of the Israelite! are placed. We believe that
the Pharaoh of Joseph as well at the oppressors
were Shepherds, the former ruling at Memphis and
Zoan, the latter probably at Zoan only ; though in
the ease of the Pharaoh of the Exodus, the time
would suit thn annual visit Manetho states to hare
been paid by 3alatis. Zoan is mentioned in con-
nexion with the Plagues in such a manner as to
leave no doubt that it is the city spoken of in the
narrative in Exodus aa that where Pharaoh dwelt.
The woz, jera were wrought " in the field of Zoan "
(ft. lxxviii. 12, 43), $¥"iTTC>, which may either
denote the territory immediately around the city,
or its noma, or eren a kingdom (Gesen. Lax. a. r.
mi?). This wouid accord best with the Shepherd-
period; hut it carina, he doubted that Rameses II.
paid great attention to Zoan, and may have made it
a royal residence.
After the fall of the empire, the first dynasty is
the xxist, called by Manetho that of Tanites. hs his-
tory is obscure, and it fell before the stronger line of
Bubastites, the xxiind dynasty, founded by Shishak.
The expulsion of Set from the pantheon, under the
xxiind dynasty, must have been a blow to Tanis ;
and perhaps a religious war occasioned the rise of
the xxiiird. The xxiiird dynasty is called Tanite,
and its last king is probably Sethos, the contem-
porary of Tirhakah, mentioned by Herodotus. At
this time Tanis once more appears in sacred history,
as a place to which came ambassadors, either of
Hashes, or A has, or else, possibly, Hezekiah : — " For
his princes were at Zoan, and his messengers came
to Banes " (Is. xxx. 4). As mentioned with the
frontier-town Tahpanb.es, Tanis is not necessarily
the capital. But the same prophet perhaps more
distinctly points to a Tanite line where saying, in
" the burden of Egypt," " the princes of Zoan are
become fools ; the princes of Noph are deceired "
(xix. 13). The doom of Zoan is foretold by Ezekiel :
" I will set fire in Zoan" (xxx. 14), where it occurs
among the cities to be taken by Nebuchadnezzar.
" The plain of Sin is very extensive, but thinly
inhabited : no village exists in the immediate vicinity
of the ancient Tania ; and, when looking from the
mounds of this once splendid city towards the
distant palms of indistinct villages, we perceive the
desolation spread around it The ' field ' of Zoan,
is now a barren waste : a canal passes through it
without being able to fertilize the soil ; ' fire has
been set in ' Zoan ;' and one of the principal capitals
or royal abodes of the Pharaohs is now the habita-
tion of fishermen, the resort of wild beasts, and in-
fested with reptiles and malignant fevers." It is
" remarkable for the height and extent of its
mounds, which are upwards of a mile from N. to
S., and nearly { of a mile from E. to W. The
area in which the sacred enclosure of the temple
stood ia about 1500 ft. by 1250, surrounded by
mounds of fallen bouses. The temple was adorned
by Rameses II. with numerous obelisks and most
of its sculptures. It is very ruinous, but its
remains prove its former grandeur. The number
af its obelisks, ten or twelve, all now fallen, is un-
ZOAK
•quailed, and the labour of transporting then fW«
Syene shows the lavish magnificence of the Egyptiai
sings. The oldest name found here is that of Se.
sertesen HI. of the xiith dynasty, the latest that
of Tirhakah (Sir Gardner Wilkinson's Htm&ook,
pp. 221, 222). Recently, M. Marietta has ma*
excavations on this site and discovered remains ef ths
Shepherd-period, showing a ■ran-kedly-characteriitic
style, especially in ths representation of face sad
figure, but of Egyptian art, and therefore afterwards
appropriated by the Egyptian kings. [R. S. P.]
ZO'AB (*Ufr, and twice* TjhV ; Samar.
throughout "©»" : Ztyopa, Xvyip, Z070V; Josef*.
Zoip, r& Zooms, or Ziaaa: Sm/or). One of the
most ancient cities of the land of Canaan, lb
original name was Bela, and it was still so called
at the time of Abram's first residence in Oman
(Gen. xiv. 2, 8). It was then in intimate conm-ike
with the cities of the " plain of Jordan " — Sodom,
Gomorrah, Admah, and ZeboUm (see also xiii. 10;
but not x. 19) — and its king took part with the krop
of those towns in the battle with the Assyrian host
which ended in their defeat and the capture of Lot
In the general destruction of the cities of the plain.
Zoar was spared to afford shelter to Lot, and it was
on that occasion, according to the quaint stat em ent
of the ancient narrative, that the change in its
name took place (xix. 22, 23, 30)> It is mentioned
in the account of the death of Moses as one of tat
landmarks which bounded his view from Piagsh
(Deut. xixiv. 3), and it appears to have bcea
known in the time both of Isaiah (xv. 5) ami
Jeremiah (xlviii. 34). These are all the notices af
Zoar contained in the Bible.
1. It was situated in the same district with tha
four cities already mentioned, via. in the ciecar,
the " plain" or "circle" "of the Jordan," and the
narrative of Gen. xix. evidently implies that it was
very near to Sodom — sufficiently near for Let sad
his family to traverse the distance in the time
between the first appearance of the morning and
the actual rising of the sun (ver. 15, 23, 271 The
definite position of Sodom is, and probably will
always be, a mystery, but there can be little doubt
that the plain of the Jordan was at the north of the
Dead Sea, and that the cities of the plain must
therefore have been situated there instead of at the
southern end of the lake, as it is generally taken
for granted they were. The grounds for this con-
clusion have been already indicated under Soros
(p. 1339 a), but it will be -srell to state them here
more at length. They are as follows : —
(a.) The northern and larger portion of the "ate
has undoubtedly existed in, or very nearly it, its
present form since a date long anterior to the age
of Abraham. (The conviction of the writer is that
this is true of the whole lake, but everyone will
agree as to the northern portion, and that is sB
that is necessary to the present argument) The
Jordan therefore at that date discharged itself in»
the lake pretty nearly where it does now, and tha
the " plain of the Jordan," unless unconnected with
the river, must have lain on the north of the Head
Sea.
(6.) The plain was within view of the spot frost
which Abram and Lot took their survey 01 tht
country (Gen. xiii. 1-13), and which, if than is v>
connexion in the narrative, wat "the mountaa
• Wee. xix. 22, so. aamof Zoar to rfven T^ and u> ptaj on ike •• •»•
a In lor Xt^um Fkcvdojonathan, to vers. 22, S3, the . mas " of tee town is suppressed.
30 VB
east of Bethel," betwert Bethel ««d Ai." with
» BoUwt on the irnt nod A. on U- j art" (riii. 3.
xii. 8). Now tha lower put of tile eonne of the
Jordan it alainlj visible from the hill* east of
Beittn — the whole of that rich and angular valley
spread out before the spectator. On the other
hand* the southern half of the Dead Sea in not only
too far off to be discerned, but is actually thnt out
from view by intervening heights.
(e.) In the account of the new of Moses from
Pisgah the ciccar is more strictly denned as " the
cicoar of the plain of Jericho" (A. V. "plain of
the valley of Jericho "), and Zoar is mentioned in
immediate connexion with it. Now no person who
knows the spot from actual acquaintance or from
study of the topography can believe that the " plain
of Jericho" can have been extended to the southern
end of the Dead Sea. The Jerusalem Targum (not
a very ancient authority in itself, but still valuable
m a storehouse of many ancient traditions and ex-
planations), in paraphrasing this passage, actually
identifies Zoar with Jericho—" the plain of the
valley of Jericho, the city which produces the
palms, that is Zeer " (T'gY).*
These considerations appear to the writer U
render it highly probable that the Zoar of the Pen-
tateuch was to tie north of the Dead Sea, not far
from its northern end, in the general parallel of
Jericho. That it was on the east side of the valley
seems to be implied in the fact that the descendants
of Lot, the Moabites and Ammonites, are in pos-
session of that country as their original seat when
they first appear in the sacred history. It seems
to follow that the " mountain " in which Lot and
his daughters dwelt when Moab and Ben-Ammi
were bom was the " mountain" to which he was
advised to flee by the angel, and between whioh
and Sodom stood Zoar (xii. 30, compare 17, 19).
It is also in favour of its position north of the Dead
Sea, that the earliest information as to the Moabites
makes their original seat in the plains of Heshbon,
N'.E. of the Lake, not, as afterwards, in the moun-
tains on the S.E., to which they were driven by the
Amorites (Mum. xxi. 26).
2. The passages in Isaiah and Jeremiah in which
Zoar is mentioned give no due to its situation. True
they abound with the Dames of places, apparently in
connexion with it, but they are places (with only an
exception or two) not identified. Still it is remark-
able that one of these is Elesleh, which, if the modem
ei-Aai, is in the parallel of the north end of the Dead
Sea, and that another is the Waters of Nimrim, which
may torn out to be identical with Wady Nimrtn,
opposite Jericho. Wady Seir, a short distance south
of' Nimrbi, is suggestive of Zoar, but we are too ill-
mfcrnwd of the situations and the orthography of the
places east of Jordan to he able to judge of this.
3. So much for the Zoar of the Bible. When
however we examine the notices of the place in the
irwrt-bibiical sources we find a considerable difference.
fa true* its position is indicated with more or leas
precision, as at the S.E. end of the Dead Sea. Thus
Josepbui say* that it retained Its name (Zoatp) to
bis day {Ant. L 11, 84V that it was at the further
end of the Aepbaltic Lake, in Arabia— by which he
ZOAR
1867
• The Samaritan Tsxt and Version afford sb light on
lets passed, as they, ftr re a sons not dlnVult to divine,
nave thrown the whole law confusion.
a None of these plant, however, can be seen from
Men Xaim (Rob. L «»!).
VOL. III.
■near/A the country lying S.E. if the lake, whose
capital was Petra {B. J. iv. 8, §4 ; Ant. xir.
1, §4). The notices of Eusebiui are to the same
tenor : —the Dead Sea extended from Jericho Ui
Zoar (ZeooSr; Atom. 6:iAa<rira i| aXvin)). Phaeno
lay between Petra and Zoar (lb. wwaV). It still
retained its name (ZshukI), lay close to (sapa-
Kttftirri) the Dead Sea, was crowded with inha-
bitants, and contained a garrison of Roman soldiers ;
the palm and the balsam still flourished, and tes-
tified to its ancient fertility {lb. BoXd).
To these notices of Eusebins St. Jerome adds
little or nothing. Paula In her journey beholds
Segor (which Jerome gives on several occasions as
the Hebrew form of the name In opposition to Zoom
or Zoara, the Syrian form) from Caphar Barucha
(possibly Beni Nairn, near Hebron J, at the same
time with Engaddi, and the land where once stood
the four cities ; « but the terms of the statement are
too vague to allow of any inference as to its posi-
tion {Epiat. cvili. $11). In his commentary on
Is. xv. 5, he says that it was " in the boundary of
the Moabites, dividing them from the land of the
Philistines," and thus justifies his use of the word
veetit to translate fWU (A. V. " his fugitives,"
marg. " borders;" Gesen. flichtlmge). The terra
PkUisthim, unless the words are corrupt, can only
mean the land of ' Palestine— i. «. (according to the
inaccurate usage of later times) of Israel — as opposed
to Moab. In his Quaestionts Hcbraica* on Gen . six.
.SO (comp. xiv. 3) Jerome goes so far as to affirm
the accuracy of the Jewish conjecture, that the later
name of Zoar was Shalisha : — " Bale primum et
pastes Salisa appellate" (comp. also his comment
on Is. xv. 5). But this is probably grounded merely
on an interpretation of thaliahiyih in Is. xv. 5, as
connected with btla, and as denoting the " third "
destruction of the town by " earthquakes."'
In more modern times Zoar is mentioned by the
Crusading historians. Fulcher (Qetta Dei, 405,
quoted by von Raumer, 239) states that " having en-
circled (girato) the southern part of the lake on the
road from Hebron to Petra, we found there a large
village which was said to be Segor, in a charming
situation, and abounding with dates. Here we begat
to enter the mountains of Arabia." The palms are
mentioned also by William of Tyre (xxii. 30) as
being so abundant as to cause the place to be called
Villa Patmarum, and Palmer (•*. «. probably Pau~
mkr). Abulfeda (cir. a.d. 1320) does not "specify
its position more nearly than that It was adjacent to
the lake and the ghor, but he testifies to its then
importance by calling the lake after it— Balret-
seghor (see too Ibn Idris, in Belaud, 272). The
natural inference from the description of Fulcher is,
that Segor lay in the Watty Ktrak, the ordinary road,
then and now, from the south of the Dead Sea to
the eastern highlands. The conjecture of Irliy and
Mangles (June 1, and see May 9), that the extensive
ruins which they found in the lower part of this Wady
were those of Zoar, is therefore probably accurate.
The name Dra'a or Dtra'ah (JUB.&), which they,
Poole {Qtogr. Joan. xxvi. 63), and Burckbardt
(July 15), give to the valley, may even without
violence be accepted as a corruption of Zoar,
• ttmuarly. Stephanos of Brauiuuai places Bet* a
IlaAaae-ru* (quoted by Roland, lot*).
< Bee Reamer. Dit J/ser. lyases, <a Bi um p mt (Bray
Ian, MSI), p. a*.
6 c
1868
ZOAB
Zoat was included in the province of 3uest.na
Tertia, which contained alio Kerak and Areopolis.
It was an episcopal see, in the patriarchate of Jeru-
salem and archbishopric of Petm ; at the Council of
Chalcedon (a.d. 451) it was represented by its
bishop Muaonius, and at the Synod of Constantinople
(A.o. 536) by John (Le Qi^en, Orima Christ, iii.
743^).
4. To the statement* of the mediaeval travellers
(nst qi/ed there are at least two remarkable excep-
tions. ;i.) Brocardus (cir. A.D. 1290), the author
of the Dacriptio Terrae Sancton, the standard
" Handbook to Palestine" of the middle ages, the
work of an able and intelligent resident in the
country, states (cap. vii.) that " five leagues!
(leucae) to the south of Jericho is the city Segor,
situated beneath the mountain of Engaddi, between
which mountain and the Dead ties is the statue of
salt," » True he confesses that all his efforts to visit
the spot had been frustrated by the Saracens ; but
the passage bears marks of the greatest desire to
obtain correct information, and he must have nearly
approacLed the place, because he saw with his own
eyes the " pyramids " which covered the " wells of
bitumen," which he supposes to have been those of
the vale of Siddim. This is in curious agreement
with the connexion between Engedi and Zoar
implied in Jerome's Itinerary of Paula. (2.) The
statement of Thietmar (a.d. 1217) is even more
singular. It is contained in the 11th and 12th
chapters of his Pertgrinatio (ed. Laurent, Ham-
burg!, 1857). Afterjisiting Jericho and Gilgal he
arrives at the " fordTof Jordan " (xi. 20), where
Israel crossed and where Christ was baptised, and
where then, as now, the pilgrims bathed (22).
Crossing this ford (33) he arrives at " the field
and the spot where the Lord overthrew Sodom and
Gomorra. ' After a description of the lake come
the following words : — " Ou the shore of this lake,
about a mile (ad miliar*) from the spot at which
the Lord w«. baptised is the statue of salt into
which Lot's wife was turned "(*?)■ "Hence I came
from the lake of Sodom and Gomorra, and arrived
at Segor, where Lot took refuge after the over-
throw of Sodom ; which is now called in the Syrian
tongue Zora, but in Latin the city of palms. In
the mountain hard by this Lot sinned with his
daughters (xii. l-3\ After this I passed the vine-
yard of Benjamin (?) and of Engaddi. ... Next I
came into the land of Moab and to the mountain in
which was the cave where David hid ... leaving
on my left hand Sethim (Shittim), where the chil-
dren of Israel tarried. ... At last I came to the
plains of Hoab, which abound in cattle and grain.
... A plain country, delightfully covered with
herbage, but without either woods or single trees ;
hardly even a twig or shrub (+-15). ■ • ■ After this
I came to the torrent Jabbok (xiv. 1).
Making allowance for the confusion into which
tliis traveller seems to have fallen as to Engaddi
■ The distance from Jericho to Engedi is understated
here. It is really about 24 English mile*.
tt In the map to the reentrant Terrae Scnetat of Adri-
cbumlus, Sodom Is placed within the Lake, >t Its N.W.
•no ; Segor near It on the shore ; and the Status Sails
me to the month of the Torrent (apparently KJdron).
l Thietmar did not return to the west of the Jordan,
/ram the torrent Jabbok be aaeeaded the moantsios of
Abfiuim. He then recreated the plain of Heshbon to the
river Artoo • and passing the ruins of Roods (Babba\
and Crash (Kenk> and again crossing lb* Anion (pro-
bshiV the vtadv el Ahay), reached the tnp of a very
ZOBA
-Jid the ~j»ern :i Le>v~t, H i
from nis description that, having once crossed uV
Jordan, he did not recross it, 1 and that the site J
Sodom and Gomorrah, the pillar of salt, and Zoar
were all seen by him on the east of the Dead Sea -
the two first at its north-east end. Taken by itself
this would not perhaps be of much weight, but what
combined with the evidence which the writer ha*
attempted to bring forward that the * cities of ta*
plain " lay to the north of the lake, it seems to hist
to assume a certain significance.
5. But putting aside the accounts of Btwcsrdia
and Thietmar, as exceptions to the ordinary medWial
belief which placed Zoar at the Wady so* Dra't
how can that belief be reconciled with the snseresn
drawn above from the statements of the Pesttanmeh ?
It agrees with those statements in one partkatar
only, the position of the place on the leak i it side at
the lake. In everything else it disagrees not only
with the Pentateuch, bat with the locality ernV
narily * assigned to Sodom. For if tjtdum be Sodas*.
at the S.W. corner of the lake, its distance from the
Wady ed JOra'a (at least 15 miles) is toe great to
sgree with the requirements of Gen. six.
This has led M. de Snulcy to place Zoar in the
Wady Ztnceirah, the pass leading from Hebron to
the Dead Sea. But the names Zuwrirah and Zanr
arc not nearly so similar in the originals as they as*
in (heir western forms, and there is the fatal ob-
stacle to the proposal that it places Zoar on the
west of the lake, away from what appears to have
been the original cradle of Hoab and Amman-" If
we are to look for Zoar in this neighbourhood, a
would surely be better to place it at the T*B *s*>
Zoghal* the latter part of which name (3**j) ■
almost literally the same as the Hebrew Zoar. The
proximity of this name and that of Uidam, so lake
Sodom, snd the presence of the salt mountain — «e
this day splitting off in pillars which snow a rasa
resemblance to the human form — are cenasaly re-
markable facts ; but they only add to the geasrsi
mystery in which the whole of the question of the
position and destruction of the cities is ui ia l iea.
and to which the writer sees at present no hope of
a solution.
In the A. T. of 1611 the name Zoar is found at
1 Chr. iv. 7, following (though inaccurately) th*
Keri pmtl). The present Received Text of the
A. V. follows (with the insertion of " aad ") the
CeMb (ins*). In either one the name has n*
connexiou with Zoar proper, and is more accs us ssry
represented in English as Zofanr (Tsochar) or
Jexohar. [a]
ZO'BA, or ZO'BAH (SC^Y, iUrX: 3-fid:
Soba, Aiia) is the name of a portion of Syria,
which formed a separate kingdom in the tone U
the Jewish monarch*. Seal, David, and So
It is difficult to fix its exact position and !
ksgh mountain, where be was ha*f UBed by aw cast
Thence he journeyed to Fetra and Mount Bar. and at
length reached the Bed Sea. His itawnry s> tsD <4
Interest snd mtalhsvnee.
» Though Incorrectly, If lb* writer's aigusneut tor ix*
poetUooof the plain of Jordan ■ tenable.
• Dr. Robmson's ai g iu ue u ts states* this proposal of
De Sanlcr (B. K tt. 107 ; tit), though they asleftt be sswrt
pleasant In tone, are unanswerable in sahstsace.
■ The «*tjam et-J fcaw i a el of De Ssnlcy. racnem
rrik each strive to represent the Arabic etaua, whom e
pronounced like s guttural rolling r.
ZOBA
hit there Htm to be grounds for regarding it u
lying chiefly eastward cf Coele-Syria, and extending
tnence north-east and east, toward!, if not eren
tu, the Euphrates. [Stria.] It would thus hare
included the eastern flank of the mountain-chain
which shots in Code-Syria on that ride, the high
land about Aleppo, and the more northern portion
of the Syrian desert.
Among the cities of Zobah were a Tamath (2 Chr.
viii. 3), which mu«t not be con (mm led with " Ha-
math the Great " (Haxath-Zobah' ; a place called
Tibhath or Betah (2 Sam. viii. 8 ; 1 Chr. iviii. 8),
which is perhaps Taibeh, between Palmyra and
Aleppo; and another called Berothai, which has
been supposed to be Beyrut. (See Winer, Real-
■rcVttrtacA, rol. i. p. 155.) This last supposition
is highly improbable, for the kingdom of Hamatb
most bare interrened between Zobah and the coast.
[Bebotrah.]
We first hear of Zobah in the time of Saul, when
we find it mentioned as a separate country, governed
apparently by a number of kings who own no com-
mon head or chief (1 Sam. xiv. 47). Saul engaged
in war with these kings, and " vexed them," as he
did his other neighbours. Some forty years later
than this, we find Zobah under a single ruler, Ha-
dadezer, son of Rehob, who seems to have been a
powerful sovereign. He had wars with Toi, king
of Hamath (2 Sam. riii. 10), while he lived in
close relations of amity with the kings of Damascus,
Beth- Rehob, Ish-tob, be., and held various petty
Syrian princes as vassals under his yoke (2 Sam.
x. 19). He had even a considerable influence in
Mesopotamia, beyond the Euphrates, and was able on
one occasion to obtain an important auxiliary force
from that quarter (ibid. 16; compare title to Ps.
lx.). David, having resolved to take' full possession
of the tract of territory originally promised to the
posterity of Abraham (2 Sam. viii. 3 ; compare
Gen. XT. 18), attacked Hadadezer in the early part
of his reign, defeated his army, and took from
him a thousand chariots, seven hundred 'seven
thousand, 1 Chr. xviii. 4) horsemen, and 20,000
footmen. Hadadezer's allies, the Syrians of Da-
mascus, having marched to hu assistance, David
defeated them in a great bottle, in which they lost
22,000 men. The wealth of Zobah is very ap-
parent in the narrative of this campaign. Several
of the officers of Hudadrczer's army carried " shields
of gold " (2 Sam. viii. 7), by which we are pro-
bably to understand iron or wooden frames overlaid
with plates of the precious metal. The cities,
moreover, which David took, Betah (or Tibhath)
and Berothai, yielded him " exceeding much brass "
(ver. 8). It is not clear whether the Syrians of
Zobah submitted sod became tributary on this occa-
sion, or whether, although defeated, they were able
to maintain their independence. At any rate a few
years later, they were again in arms against David.
This time the Jewish king acted on the defensive.
The war was provoked by the Ammonites, who
bind the services of the Syrians of Zobnh, among
others, to help them against the people of Israel,
sum obtained in this way auxiliaries to the amount
of 33,000 men. The allies were defeated in a great
battle by Joab, who engaged the Syrians in person
with tbe flower of his troops (2 Sam. x. 9). Ha-
dadezer, upon this, mode a last effort. He sent
■crow the Euphrates into Mesopotamia, and "drew
fori the Syrians that were beyond the river"
"- Chr. xix. 16), who had hitherto taken no part in
the war. With these allies and Us own troops he
ZOHE*,ETH. THE 6TONK 186V
once idm renewed the strugsle with the Israelites,
who were now commanded by David himself, the
crisis being such as seemed to demand the presence
of the king. A battle was fought near Helam — •
place, the situation of which is uncertain (Helam)—
where the Syrians of Zobah and their new allies
were defeated with great (laughter, losing between
40,000 and 50,000 men. After this ire h»r of no
more hostilities. The petty princes hitherto tri-
butary to Hadadezer transferred their allegiance to
the king of Israel, and it is probable that he himself
became a vassal to David.
Zobah, however, though subdued, continued to
cause trouble to the Jewish kings. A man of Zobah,
one of the subjects of Hadadezer — Rezon, son of
Eliadah — having escaped from the battle of Helam,
and " gathered a band " (t.«. a body of irregular
marauders), marched southward, and contrived
to make himself master of Damascus, where he
reigned (apparently) for some fifty years, proving
a fierce adversary to Israel all through the reign
of Solomon (1 K. xi. 23-25). Solomon also was
fit would seem) engaged in a war with Zobah itself.
The Hainath-Zobah, against which he " went up "
(2 Chr. viii. 3), was probably a town in that
country which resisted his authority, and which be
accordingly attacked and subdued. This is the last
that we hear of Zobah in Scripture. The name,
however, is found at a later date in the Inscriptions
of Assyria, where the kingdom of Zobah seems to
intervene between Hamath and Damascus, falling
thus into tbe regular line ofjnavch of the Assyrian
armies. Several Assyrian '*rnonarch» relate that
they took tribute from Zobah, while others speak
of having traversed it on their way to or fiom
Palestine. [G. R. ]
ZO*BEBAH(ni3^: 2ojBa0e>; Alex. Sss/huM :
Soboba). Son of Coz, in an obscure genealogy of the
tribe of Judali (1 Chr. iv. 8).
ZO'HAK pfT,': Xaip: Sear). 1. Father oi
Ephron the Hittite (Gen. xxiii. 8, xxv. 9).
2. (Sohar, Scar.) One of the sons of Simeon
(Gen. xlvi. 10 ; Ex. vi. 15,; called Zebah in 1 Chr.
iv. 24.
ZOHET/ETH, THE STOIHE (nSlVil J3R.
ANrij toS Zo>fAef«i; Alex, Tor KiSor ran Zttt\t$:
lapis Zoheleth). This was •< by En Kegel" (1 K.
i. 9); and therefore, if En Rogel be the modern
Um-ed-Denx}, this stone, " where Adonijah slew
sheep and oxen," was in all likelihood not tar
from the well of the Virgin. [Em Rooel.] Tk.
Targumists translato it " the rolling stone ;" and
Jnrchi affirms that it was a large stone rn which
the young men tried their strength in attempting
to roll it. Others make it " the serpent stone
(Gesen.), as if from the root btV, " to creep."
Jerome simply says, » Zoelet tractum sive pro-
tractum." Others connect it with running water;
but there is nothing strained in making it " the
stone of the conduit" (rP'DTD. Mazchelah), from
its proximity to the great rock-conduit or inn-
duits that poured into Si loam. Bochart's idea ik
that the Hebrew word tolul denotes " a slow mo-
tion" (Hierot. parti, b. 1, c. 9): "the fullers
here pressing out tbe water which dropped from
the clothes that they had washed in the well called
Rogel." If this be the cast, then we have stunt
reucs of this ancient custnm at the mawire hit»»t-
6 C 2
I860 ZOHELETH. THE STONE
work below the present Birkct eUHamra, where
the donkeys wait for their load of skins from the
well, and where the Arab washerwomen may be
•een to this day beating their clothes.*
The practice of placing stones, and naming then
from a person or an event. Is very common. Jacob
did so at Bethel (Gen. xxviii. it, xxxv. 14; see
Bochart's Canaan, pp. 785, 786); and be did it
again when parting from Labau (Gen. xiai. 45).
Joshua set up stones in Jordan and GilgaL at the
command of God ( Josh. iv. 8 '20) ; and again in
Shechem (Josh. xxiv. 26). Near Bethshemesh
there was the Ebn-gedolaJi (« great atone," 1 Sam.
vi. 14), called also Abtl-gtdolak (" the great weep-
ing," 1 Sam. vi. 18). There *sa the Ebm-Bohm,
south of Jericho, in the plains of Jordan (Josh.
xv. C, xviii. 17), " the stone of Bohan the son
if Reuben." the Ehrenbreitatein of the decor, or
" plain" of Jordan,a memorial of the son or grand-
son of Jacob's eldest bora, for which the writer
once looked in vain, but which Felix Fabri in the
15th century (Ecagat. ii. 82), professes to have
teen. The Rabbis preserve the memory of thin stone
in a book called Ebtn-Bohan, or the touchstone
'Chron. of Rabbi Joseph, transl. by Bialloblotaky, i.
192). There was the stone set up by Samnel be-
tween Mixpeh and Shen, Ebe*-Exer, " the atone of
help " (1 Sam. vii. 11, 12). There was the Gnat
Stone on which Samuel slew the sacrifices, after
the great lattle of Saul with the Philistines (1 Sam.
xiv. 33). There was the Ebm-Extl (" lapis dis-
cessus vel abitus, a discessu Jonathanis et Davidis,"
Simonis, Onom. p. 156), where David hid himself,
ai.J which some Talmudiats identify with Zoheleth.
Large stones bare always obtained for themselves
peculiar names, from their shape, their position,
their connexion with a person or an event. In the
Sinaitic Desert the writer found the Hajar-tl-Bekab
("atone of the rider"), Hajar-cLFul ("stone of
the beau"), Hajar Musa ("stone of Moses").
The subject of atones is by no means uninteresting,
and has not in any respect been exhausted. (See the
Notes of De Sola and Undenthal in their edition of
Genesis, pp. 175, 226; Bochart's Canaan, p. 785;
Vossius de Idvlatr. vi. 38 ; Scaliger on Eusebias,
p. 198; HeralJn* on Ai-nobiia, b. vii., and Elmen-
horstius on Arnobius ; also a long note of Ouzelius in
his edition of Miniiciiis Felir, p. 15 ; Calmet's Frag-
ments, Nos. 166, 735, 736; Kitto's Palestine. See,
besides, the works of antiquaries on stones and stone
circles ; and an interesting account of the curious
Phoenician Hajar Chan in Malta, in Tallack's recent
volume on that island, pp. 115-127.) [U. B.]
• We five the following Rabbinical note on Zoheleth.
from the Arabic Commentary of Tanchom of Jerusalem,
translated by Haarbrackcr :—
- Ver. >. rhlVt\ Verbam ^|*| stgnlOcaoonem trept-
datlonln babel et reptatlonis et concutknia In locessu.
lsdn Salumum V>- appellaverunt propter multos ejus
regrossus inceisusque retrogrades. £aqne sententia est
la verbis KTK1 *nSnf (HI. M, •) L e. cuuetabar vobu
respondere oaurillumque tneum vobtseum commnnlcare,
propteres quia voa verebar et gravitatem aetatls veetrae
admlrabar. Serpentes "ifjy >?rT1T appellantur. quia In
terra serpent, et ob Inccwum suum quasi trepltUntrm
euneiaiitemque. lode porrc dicuut: (Sebb. fol as, b.)
fhmn hy f'BDiin »-* t6tp (vm. wtebn. mik-
vaoth. can. »). }»«¥**. pHM O'Dfll '•• «• aqua tenlter
Biktw in terra. Forlaste igitur JVjnitr! J3K similiter
SSORAH
ZO'HETH (nrnt: Zarfr: Alex, tox**
Zol,rtJ>). Son of lshi of the tribe of Judah (1 Ch>
rr. SO).
ZOTHAH (rieft: So**; Alex. %*4» :
Supha). Son of Helem, or iiotham, the son of
Heber, an Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 35, 36).
ZOTHAI (»dW: See*!: ApAof). A Be
hathite Levite, son of Elkanah and ancestor of Sa-
muel (1 Chr. vi. 26 [11]). In ver. 35 he ia sue]
Zufr.
ZO'FHAB OOW: SeieVse: Sophar\ Ones)
the three friends of Job (Job ii. 11, xi. 1, xx. 1. ilh
9). He is called in the Hebrew, « the Naamathitt,'
and in the LXX. '« the Muweao." and " the kingof
the Minaeans."
ZOTHTM, THE FIELD OF (MBS* iTIP ;
typoj atemdr ; loom lublmis). A spot on - ot
near the top of Pisgah, from which Balaam hat 1
his second view" of the encampment of Israel (Nura
xxiii. 14). If the word sadek (rendered " field",
may be taken in its usual sense, then the " field
of Zophim" was a cultivated* spot high up on
the top of the range of Pisgah. But that word
is the almost invariable term for a portion of the
upper district of Moab, and therefore may hare
had some local sense which has hitherto escaped
notice, and in which it is employed in referenee
to the spot in question. The position of the nets
of Zophim is not defined, it is ouly said thai
it commanded merely a portion of the encamp-
ment of Israel. Neither do the anrient versioas
afford any clue. The Targum of Onkelos, the
LXX., and the Peshito-Syriac take Zophim in the
aente of " watchers " or " lookers-out, and trans-
late it accordingly. But it is probably a Hebrew
version of an aboriginal name, related to thai
which in other places of the present records appear*
as Mizpeh or Mizpah.* May it not be the sam'
place which later in the history is mentioned (owx
ontr) as Mizpah-Moab ?
Mr. Porter, who identifies Attarti with Pisgah,
mentions ( Handbook, 300 a) that the ruins of iiuia.
at the foot of that mountain, are aurrounded by s
fertile and cultivated plain, which he regards as
the field of Zophim. ' [G-]
ZO'BAH (iljnX : Xapit, Sapeta, laoaa ; Alex.
laptus, Sapes, Apaa; Joseph. 3a»Wa: Sana).
One of the towns in the allotment of the tribe ot
Dan (Josh. xix. 41). It is previously mentmsn)
(xv. 33) in the catalogue of Judah, among the placet
explkandnm est, nlmlram lapis votatataa et bio life
tractua, quern saepe quasi ludentes velrebant; ant s ens es
eat earn per se fuleae teretem (volubUesn) ardrritata
instar, cujua latas alierum elau'ua, alteram una —li s
Meet In modum pontis exstroctl, m quo ad looaa al-
tlorem sine gradlbua ascendatur; quern CQ3 Tocaverass
qualctnque ad altare struxerunt, ut eo aacenderetit. qmaa
ad altare per gradus ascendere nou lleeret (Ex. xx 231
Nee absurdum mlht vldetor eondem mbee banc ApUm
atque eum, qui In Davidis Jonatbanlqoe bistorfa TyU
7tKH vocatns est quern lntrpretantur laptdeoi n»
torum, ad quern rUelleet vlatoras defeitebaqL Tirxaiu
h - L Nni3D (3N tramtallt L e. alius; fortaaae rnna
lapis situs full et elatus, quern vtatores e kxsjpaqac.
consplcerenL 1 *
• oce Stanley, S. 4 P., Appendix. y 15.
* The Targum treats the names tfliprb and 2npt.nr *
identltal translating tham both by Kni3D.
Z0BATHITK3. THE
a th* dtatrict of the Shefelah (A. V. Zobeah). In
both lists it is in immediate proximity to Eihtaol,
and the two are elsewhere named together almost
without an exception (Judg. ziii. 25, xvi. 31, xviii.
i. 8, 11 ; and see 1 Cbx. ii. 53). Zorah was the
residence of Manoah and the native place of Samson.
The place both of his birth and his bunal is spe-
cified with a carious minuteness as " between Zorah
and Kahtaol;" "in Mahaneh-Dan " (Judg. xin. 25,
«ri. 31). In the genealogical record* of 1 Chr. (ii.
»3, It. 2), the " Zareathites and Beirut-lite*" are
: «a descended from (i, ». colonised by) Kirjath-
fcarins.
Zorah is mentioned amcngst the plsoe fortified
by Rehobeam (2 Chr. xi. 10), and it waj re-inha-
bited by the men of Judah after the return from
the Captivity (Neh. xi. 29, A. V. ZaREAh).
In the Ommadkan (2<v*a and " Soar* ") it is
meotioaed as lying some 10 miles north of Eleu-
therapolis on the road to Nicopolis. By the Jewish
traveller hap-Parohi (Zona's Benjamin of Tvd. ii.
441), it a specified as three hours S.E. of Lydd.
These notices agree. in direction — though in neither
is the distance nearly sufficient — with the modern
village of SAr'ah ( Ac »*j), which has been visited
by Dr. Robinson IB.B. iii. 153) and Tobler (3Me
Wand. 181-3). It lies just below the brow of a
sharp pointed conical hill, at the shoulder of the
ranpes which there meet and form the north side
of the Wady Ohurib, the northernmost of the
two branches which unite just below SSr'aA, and
form the great Wady Surar. Near it are to be
seen the remains of Zanoah, Bethshemesh, Timnnth,
and other places more or less frequently mentioned
with it in the narrative. Eshtaol, however, has not
yet been identified. The position of SSr'aA at the
entrance of the valley, which forms one of the inlets
from the great lowland, explains its fortification by
Kehoboam. The spring is a short distance below the
village, "a noble fountain" — this was at the end of
April—" walled up square with large hewn stones,
and gushing over with fine water. As we passed
on," continues Dr. Robinson, with a more poetical
tone than is his wont, " we overtook no less than
iwelre women toiling upwards to the village, each
with her jar of water on her head. The village,
the fountain, the fields, the mountain, the females
bearing water, all transported us back to ancient
times, when in all probability the mother of Samson
often in like manner visited the fountain and toiled
ho .ajward with her jar of water."
In the A. V. the name apiears also as Za-
reah and Zobeah. The first of these is perhaps
roost nearly accurate. The Hebrew is the same
in all. [G.]
ZO'BATHITES, THE ('njTWn : toS "Ap*
$tl ; Alex. r. 2ap>i0i : Sarathi), i. *. the people of
Zorah, are mentioned in 1 Chr. iv. 2 as descended
from Sbobal, one of the sons of Judah, who in
1 Chr. ii. 52, is stated to have founded Kirjath-
jestrim, from which again " the Zareathites and the
Eshtaulites " were colonized. [G.]
ZO REAH (itnV : "Via; Alex. Japan: Soma).
Another (and slightly more accurate) form of the
name usually given in the A. V. as Zorah, but
• A* If reading *pf (Tsiph ), which the original wvt
(reOiib) of 1 Chr. -1. M .till exhibits Tor Zurh (see
asugin of A. V.). lids la a totally distinct name torn
ZUPH, THE LAND OF 1861
ouce as Zakeah. The Hebrew is the same in all
cases. Zoreah occurs only iu Josh. xv. !3, among
the towns of Judah. The place appears, however
to have come later into the possession of Dan,
[Zorah.] [G.]
ZO'BITEB. THE (vjJTWj : 'nVapsf ; Alex.
Ho-apafi i Sarai), are named in the genealogies of
Judah (1 Chr, ii. 54), apparently (though the passage
is probably in great confusion) amongst the descend-
ants of Salma and near connexions of Joab. The
Tsrgum regards the word as being a contraction for
" the Zorathites ;" hut this does not seem likely,
since the Zareathites are mentioned in ver. 52 at
the same genealogy in another connection.
ZOBOB'ABEL. (Z«po8«W«A: OrdbabfT), 1
Bed. It. 13 ; v. 5-70 ; vi. 2-29 ; Ecolus. xlix. 1 1 }
Matt. i. 12, 13; Luke iii. 27. [Zebubbabel.]
ZU'AK pjm : S«7«V : Soar). Father of.
Nethaneel the chief of the tribe of Issachar at the
time of the Exodus (Num. i- 8, ii, 5, vii. 18, 23,
x. 15). •
ZUPH, THE LAND OF (e|tt r^tt: t.«
tV "JLtlQ ; Alex. «> yify 3«<f> s Syr. Peahito,
»0. , Tsur : Tulg. terra SijpA). A district at which
Saul and his servant arrived after passing through
those of Shalisha, of Shalim, and of the Benjamitet k
(1 Sam. ix. 5 only). It evidently contained the city
in which they encountered Samuel (ver. 6), and
that again, if the conditions of the narrative are to
be accepted, was certainly not far from the. " tomb
of Rachel," probably the spot to which that name
is still attached, a short distance north of Beth-
lehem. The name Zuph is connected in a singular
manner with Samuel. One of Vis ancestors was
named Zuph (1 Sam. i. 1 j 1 Chr. vi. 35) or
Zophai (ib. 27) ; and his native place was called
Rarnathaim-zophim (1 Sam. i. 1).
But it would be unsafe to conclude that the
" land of Zuph " had any connexion with either
of these. If Ramathaim-xophim was the present
Neby Samuni — and there is, to say the least, a
strong probability that it was — then it is difficult
to imagine that Ramathaim-sophim can have been
in the laud of Zuph, when the latter was near
Rachel's sepulchre, at least seven miles distant from
the former. Neby Samvil too, if anywhere, is in
the very heart of the territory of Benjamin, whereas
we have seen that the land of Zuph was outside
of it.
The name, too, in its various forms of Zophim
Mizpeh, Miipah, Zephathah, was too common in
the Holy Land, on both sides of the Jordan, tc
permit of much stress being laid on its occurrence
here.
The only possible trace of the name of Zuph is
modem Palestine, in any suitable locality, is to b*
found in Soba, a well-known place about seven miles
due west of Jerusalem, and five miles south-west of
Neby Samwii. This Dr. Robinson (S. S. ii. 8, 9)
once proposed as the representative of Ramu'haim
Zophim ; and although on topographical grounds hs
virtually renounces the idea (see the footnote to the
same pages), yet those grounds need not similarly
affect its identity with Zuph, provided other con*
Oph reft).
- Iflodeed the "land of Yenuol" lie the territory el
Benjamin.
1862
ZUFH
nictations do not interfere. If Shalim and Sheikha
ware to the N.E. of Jerusalem, near Tatyibeh, then
oVnl'a route to the land of Benjamin would be S. ot
S.W., and pursuing the eame direction be would
arrive at the neighbouraood of Soba. Bot this »
at the best no more than conjecture, and unless
the land of Zuph extended a good distance east of
Soba, the city in which the meeting with Samuel
took place could hardly be sufficiently near to
Rachel • sepulchre.
The signification of the name Zuph is quite
doubtful. Gesenitn explains it to mean " honey " ;
while Flint understands it as "abounding with
water." It will not be overlooked that when the
LXX. version was made, the name probably stood
in the Hebrew Bible as Ziph (Tsiph). Zophim is
usually considered to signify watchmen or lookers-
out; hence, prophets; in which sense the author
of the Targum has actually rendered 1 Sam. ix. 5 —
" they came into the land in which was a prophet
of Jehovah." [G.]
ZUPH (CpY: lot* in 1 Chr.: On*). A Ko-
hathite Levite, ancestor of Elkanah and Samuel
(1 Sam. i. 1 ; 1 Chr. vi. 35 [20]). In 1 Chr. vi.
36 he is called Zophai.
ZUB r-HY: *>»>: 3m-). 1. One of the five
princes of Midian who were slain by the Israelites
when Balaam fell (Mum. mi. 8). His daughter
Coxbi was killed by Phinehas, together with her
paramour Zimri the Simeonite chieftain (Num.
xxr. 15). He appears to have been in some way
subject to Sihon king of the Amorites (Josh,
xiii. 21).
3. Son of Jehiel the (bunder of Gifaeon by his
wife Haachah (1 Chr. viii. 30, ix. 36).
ZTTBIEL (!?Kn*V: SespctJA: Bmiel). Son
of Abihail, and chief of the Merarite Levites at the
time of the Exodus (Num. iii. 35).
ZUBISHADDAT (nPnW: Xovpureiat:
ctotsaaWrf). Father of She] nmiel, the chief of the
• " Sensum magfs quam verbnm ex verbo trausferente* *
(Jerome. $uocrt. ifcor. iu Gem.). Schumann (Oenesut,
X3T) suggests mat for D'JWn they read D^Hg. The
change In the initial letter is tbe same which" KwmM
■liposss to Idcntifjlng Ham (3km. xlv. a) with
i Onmputag tta Arable > j j « V
By adcpting this
ZUZIUS. THK
tribe of Simeon at the time of the Exoins (Kern I
6, ii. 12, vii. 36, 41, x. 19). It is remarkatk
that this and Ammishaddai, the only names ia the
Bible ot which Shaddai forms a part, should occur
in the same list. In Judith (viii. 1) ZurisasiUai
appears as Sana/msl.
ZUZXM&. THE (D^WH : 0r* Irrasi ■
both HSS.: Ztuat; but Jerome in QuaaL H«V.
gain fortay. The name of an ancient aeoast
who lying in the path of Cbedoriatuner and tea
allies were attacked and overthrown by them (Gen.
xiv. 5 only). Of the etymology or ssruirioatsm of
the name nothing is known. The LXX., Targum
of Onkdos, and Sam. Version (with an eye to mat
root not now ■recognizable), render it "strong
people." Tbe Arab. Version of Saadiah (in Walton's
Potyghtf) gives td-Dahakki, by which it is iniissp
tain whether a proper name or SB appellators a,
intended. Others understand by it "the wan-
derers" (Le Clere, from W\ or "dwarfs" (Mi-
chselis, Svppl. No. 606)> Hardly mora ascertainable
ia the situation which the Zuxim ocrupied. The
progress of the invaders was from north to sooth.
They first encountered the Rephaim in Ashteroth
Kamaim (near the Ltja in the north of the JJbanxaj;
next the Zuxim in Ham ; and next the Emhn ia
Shareh Kiriatharm. The last named place has not
been identified, but was probably not tar north of
the Anion. There is therefore some plausibility
in the suggestion of Ewald (OeseA. i. 308 note .
provided it is etymologically correct, that Una,
On, is 05, Am, i. e. Ammon ; and thus that the
Zuxim inhabited the country of the Ammonites,
and were identical with the Zamxummim, who are
known to have been exterminated and succeeded ia
their land by the Ammonites. This suggestion has
been already mentioned under ZaJtzraxn, but at
the best it can only be regarded as a conjecture, ia
respect to which the writer desires to say with,
Reland — and it would be difficult to find a titter
sentence with which to conclude a Dictionary of tbe
Bible — " conjecturae, quibus non dtsectamur." [G.]
(which however Gesenias, lass, uoa, resists), ■
tag tbe points of Dil3 to DH3,.. K Is pasta the LXX.
sad Vulg. read them, XkheeBa ta«enlooslT obtusa As
following rcli-g: ' They smote the giants m Au-rwmk
Kamshn, and the people of ssasflar (vs. cssssssiy)s
who were with these"
xWD OF THK THIRD VOL0HS.
uixik'X : ruisrau sr William run™ a»i> sots, limited, sTABroeo cesser
ANO CHAK1SO cacao.
linn
3 2044 024 169 443
THE BORROWER WILL BE CHARGED
AN OVERDUE FEE IF THIS BOOK IS
NOT RETURNED TO THE LIBRARY ON
OR BEFORE THE LAST DATE STAMPED
BELOW. NON-RECEIPT OF OVERDUE
NOTICES DOES NOT EXEMPT THE
BORROWER FROM OVERDUE FEES.
Harvard College Widener Library
Cambridge, MA02138 (617)495-2413
NOV 1 6 m
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11